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diff --git a/43002-8.txt b/43002-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 4b2123a..0000000 --- a/43002-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,8489 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Church of Grasmere, by Mary L. Armitt - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Church of Grasmere - A History - -Author: Mary L. Armitt - -Illustrator: Margaret L. Sumner - -Release Date: June 21, 2013 [EBook #43002] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CHURCH OF GRASMERE *** - - - - -Produced by sp1nd, Julia Neufeld and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - -[Illustration: THE LATE MARY L. ARMITT. - - _Frontispiece._] - - - - - THE - - CHURCH OF GRASMERE: - - A HISTORY - - BY M. L. ARMITT - - (Author of _Ambleside Town and Chapel_) - - WITH ILLUSTRATIONS BY MARGARET L. SUMNER - - _Frontispiece from a portrait by Fred Yates_ - - Kendal: - Titus Wilson, Publisher - Highgate - 1912 - - - - - TITUS WILSON, PRINTER, KENDAL - - - - - CONTENTS - - - PART I. - - PREFACE. - - INTRODUCTORY. - - THE DEDICATION OF THE CHURCH. - - THE SITE. - - - PART II. - - THE PARISH. - - BOUNDARIES. - - TOWNSHIPS. - - LEGAL ASPECTS OF THE CHURCH. - - THE EIGHTEEN. - - - PART III. - - RECORDS. - - PATRONS. - - MONASTIC CONTROL. - - THE CLERGY. - - THE CIVIL WARS. - - THE COMMONWEALTH. - - - PART IV. - - THE FABRIC. - - THE FURNITURE. - - THE UP-KEEP OF THE CHURCH. - - CLEANING AND REPAIRS. - - EXTRACTS FROM CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS. - - - PART V. - - LATER PARSONS OF GRASMERE. - - CHAPEL AND CURATES OF AMBLESIDE AND LANGDALE. - - SCHOOLS AND CLERKS. - - CHURCH RATES. - - NON-RATEPAYERS. - - REGISTERS. - - PRESENTMENTS, BRIEFS, AND CHARITIES. - - THE RUSH-BEARING. - - - - - LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - - Miss Armitt (_frontispiece_), from a portrait by Fred Yates. - - Exterior of St. Oswald's Church, Grasmere, from a photo, by - Green, by permission of G. P. Abraham, Keswick, to face - Part I. - - Inscription on the Alms-box, p. 3. - - Date on the Great Bell (Tenor), p. 20. - - Map of Grasmere Parish, to face Part II. - - From the Great Bell: Churchwardens' names (Hird), p. 23. - - From the Great Bell: Churchwardens' names (Wilson. Rigg), - p. 39. - - Structure of the Interior of St. Oswald's, Grasmere, p. 41. - - From the Great Bell: Churchwardens' names (Mackereth). p. 45. - - From the Great Bell: "Churchwardens," p. 93. - - Font (from Table Book of W. Hone), copied by Miss S. Armitt, p. 95. - - From the Great Bell: "Gloria in Altissimis Deo," p. 99. - - Ancient Window in the South Wall. Outside View, p. 101. - - Profile of Stone Head, p. 104. - - Carved Stone Head, p. 105. - - Date on Old Bench End, p. 108. - - Old Bench End, p. 109. - - Old Pitch Pipe, p. 119. - - Old Altar, now used as a Credence Table, p. 127. - - The le Fleming Arms on the Great and Middle Bells, p. 140. - - Great Bell and Hammer, p. 142. - - Iron Work on the Inner Door of the Porch, p. 146. - - Hinges of the Outer Door of the Porch, p. 147. - - Door Handle within the Porch, p. 147. - - Old Collecting-plate with Handle, p. 150. - - Plan of Grasmere Church, drawn by W. Buckton, to face Part V. - - From the Great Bell: "Deo," p. 161. - - Founder's Mark from the Middle Bell: "E. Seller, Ebor," p. 180. - - From the Middle Bell: "Soli Deo Gloria," p. 188. - - The Treble, or Little Bell, p. 203. - - Recess in the Porch for Holy Water Stoup, p. 209. - - - - - EDITOR'S PREFACE - - - The History of Grasmere contained in this little volume was - nearly ready for the press when the author, who was working - on it to the very last, was taken away. For several years she - had been collecting material, leaving no stone unturned to get - at facts and records from the earliest times, and at last she - was arranging for its publication. Her modest estimate of the - value of her work made her often anxious, but her keen love of - investigating the antiquities of her neighbourhood and country - kept her always eager. To a kindred spirit nothing could be more - interesting than to visit with her some old hall or farm or - even a site which her historic knowledge could furnish with its - original buildings, and people with its old-world inhabitants. - What she most desired was to see for herself what she wished to - write about, or, if that were impossible, something similar which - still existed, and she had a genius for reconstructing, which - made her deductions and suggestions singularly valuable. - - She was at no time strong, and for this reason her work was - perpetually liable to interruption, still her indomitable courage - and her endless patience enabled her to do wonders, and, though - never able to work for long together, bit by bit she got through - a great deal. How hard she worked and how carefully, no one - who reads her book, and sees the number of facts she has got - together, and notes the numerous references to books which she - had examined, can fail to perceive. Over and over again she - had to give in for a time, but her bright intelligence quickly - reasserted itself, and she was ready on most days to discuss the - subjects which for the time absorbed her. And this she did with - a delighted eagerness, and always with that humour which is the - salt of all conversation and companionship. On birds and their - habits she spoke with authority, and could always contribute much - valuable information obtained by personal observation. Generally - the first to hear and see the newly arrived summer migrants, and - able to distinguish the note of each, she thought no trouble too - great if it led to the chance of seeing some rare kind nesting in - the neighbourhood. Equally keenly would she follow up the threads - of some local history, for she had the true scientific spirit - and a genuine passion for archæology, so that by constant study - she had accumulated a surprising mass of information relating to - old historic Westmorland, and to Ambleside, Rydal and Grasmere - in particular. Of Ambleside she has already published a little - pamphlet, called _Ambleside Town and Chapel_. The present volume - is her completed work on Grasmere; and the History of Rydal, and - more especially of Rydal Hall, a more considerable work on which - she had been engaged for many years, has advanced so far that we - hope soon to see it published. Indeed some chapters of it have - already appeared in the columns of the _Westmorland Gazette_. - - We had long ago arranged that I should help in seeing her work - through the press; and with her usual thoroughness and care, she - had got the present volume so far ready that my task has been but - a superficial one, accompanied throughout by the "one pure image - of regret" that she did not live to see, herself, the fruits of - her long labour. - - W. F. RAWNSLEY. - - - - - THE CHURCH OF GRASMERE. - - - ERRATA. - - Page 6, _for_ Galway _read_ Galloway. - - " 19, _note_ 25 this pavement is not really old. - - " 130, _for_ Lough _read_ Luff. - - " 141, _Copia Pax Sapientia_. No Latin words are on this bell. - - " 182, _note_ 182 _for_ Fox _read_ Cox. - - " 191, _for_ Tremenhere _read_ Tremenheere, _and for_ Philipps _read_ - Phillipps. - - " 199, _for_ Swathmoor _read_ Swarthmoor. - - " 208, _for_ customery _read_ customary, _and in note_, _for_ Brown - _read_ Browne. - -[Illustration: ST. OSWALD'S CHURCH, GRASMERE. - -_Photo. by Green, by permission of G. P. Abraham, Keswick._ -TO FACE PART I.] - - - - - PART I - - - PREFACE - - INTRODUCTORY - - THE DEDICATION OF THE CHURCH - - THE SITE - -[Illustration: Inscription on the Alms Box] - - - - -PREFACE - - -Grasmere draws many pilgrims in these latter days. It has become -the Shrine of Nature and Poetry, for within its graveyard lies -buried nature's austerest and most sincere interpreter. The -natural beauty of the spot, combined with its associations, -has given rise to a copious literature; and its praises have -been rehearsed in poetry and prose of a high order. But by the -historian Grasmere has been neglected. Its geographical position -has tended to its eclipse. In ancient times locked up from the -world in the farthest chamber of the mountains, and still the -remotest parish of Westmorland (itself a neglected county), -it has missed the attention of the careful chronicler, and no -serious attempt has been made to penetrate its past. James Torre -(1649-1699) indeed in his MS. collections for a history of the -Archdeaconry of Richmondshire, compiled a list of five rectors -who had served the parish of Grasmere before the Reformation; but -no searcher has followed up his efforts. Nor has the excellent, -though necessarily limited, information given in the pages of -Nicolson and Burn (1770) been since filled up or supplemented. - -The following historical sketch makes no pretensions to -completeness, which would be beyond both the writer's powers and -opportunities. It began as a small thing, a chapter merely in the -yet unfinished "Chronicles of Rydal." But there seemed a need for -the publication of such facts as had been gathered together; and -in response to an expressed desire, the sketch that had been laid -by was overhauled, expanded and prepared for press. It contains -(there is little doubt) some unsuspected errors and oversights, -for which the reader's leniency is asked. - -The information has been collected from many sources, public, -private, and traditional. The earliest comes from the Record -Office, where there are treasures still to be explored. For -the seventeenth century--and particularly the period of the -Civil Wars--the MSS. at Rydal Hall have yielded facts of great -interest, especially those culled from the account-sheets of -Mr. Richard Harrison, who was agent and executor of Squire John -Fleming. - -From all sources, however, the information obtained is -fragmentary, and facts are disappointingly isolated. Always there -is something beyond, that we want to know and cannot find out; -and so the story of the great Restoration Tithe Dispute has no -ending. The Presentments have been only available for a limited -number of years. The church registers are defective. Even the -church-wardens' accounts, which begin at the Restoration, are not -complete. It is fortunate, however, that the second volume of -these accounts, long missing, and strangely recovered from papers -found at the house of descendants of a former parish clerk, was -copied before it was again lost. There is a gap of seven years -between the third volume and this copy, owing no doubt to the -last leaves of the second volume having been torn off.[1] - - [1] Vol. I. ends in 1735. Vol. II. overlaps four years and begins - in 1732, but the pages from 1734 to 1739 and from 1743 to 1750 - are missing, and no entries are made for 1778 and 1779. The vol. - ends in 1883.--ED. - -The writer has received more help and kindness than can well be -acknowledged. Thanks are specially due to Mr. Stanley le Fleming and -Sir Gerald Strickland for granting ready access to their muniments; -to Dr. Magrath, author of _The Flemings in Oxford_; to the Revs. W. -Jennings, J. H. Heywood, and M. F. Peterson for permitting the church -documents to be consulted; to Messrs. W. Farrer, J. A. Martindale, -and George Browne for their kind contributions of antiquarian -knowledge; to Mr. W. Buckton I am indebted for the plan of the -church. - - - - -INTRODUCTORY - -HOW THE CHURCH WAS FOUNDED IN NORTHUMBRIA - - -All history begins with geography. Grasmere was from early times -the centre of a parish that embraced the twin valleys of Rothay -and Brathay, whose waters drain into the lake of Windermere, while -the lake empties itself into the great bay of Morecambe. Therefore -Grasmere has always belonged politically to the fertile region -round about the bay, and the history of that region--from the time -when the Celt enjoyed it, onward through its conquest by the Angle, -its aggregation with the province of Deira and the kingdom of -Northumbria, still onward through its conversion to Christianity and -its connection with the central church government at York as part -of the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire--is the history of Grasmere -herself: and to understand the origin of her church, it is necessary -to briefly indicate the main events in the kingdom of Northumbria and -the Church of York. - -The actual rise of Christianity within the valleys can only be -conjectured. The Celts who dwelt here through the rule of the Roman -may not have embraced the faith, but some whisper of Saint Ninian's -mission must surely have come to them, if not his direct teaching, -as he passed on his way from Rome through Cumberland, to found at -Whithorn in Galway a new religious community, like the one his great -teacher Saint Martin had founded at Tours. The mission of Saint -Patrick too, who in the fifth century returned to finish the work -of conversion and church establishment in Ireland, must have been -noised abroad, for his name is imprinted on many a spot hereabouts; -Patterdale or Patricdale,[2] with its well named after him, being -distant barely ten miles from Grasmere. - - [2] Inquisition post mortem of William de Lancaster, 1246. - -The holy Kentigern is known to have made missionary excursions from -Carlisle into the mountains, before 573; and Crosthwaite, where he -planted a cross, is but 13 miles from Grasmere, along the line of -the Roman road from Kendal to Old Carlisle. With this artery of -communication open, it is impossible that tidings of the new faith -should not have reached our valley before the close of the sixth -century. - -Soon these tidings were to come from the east as well as the west, -borne by the triumphant arms of the invading Angles. Truly Ethelfrith -who, in winning the battle of Chester, first laid our mountain -fastnesses open to his kingdom of Northumbria, was a heathen; but his -successor Edwin embraced Christianity and brought Paulinus, a member -of Saint Augustine's mission, to preach the gospel (627). At York, -the capital of the kingdom, a Christian church was built, a second -one even being started in stone to replace the wooden structure; and -the new bishop moved about with the king and his court, preaching and -baptizing. The valleys of Northumberland and Yorkshire, which were -the scenes of his labours, are named by Bede, who knew them well; but -it is not known that he crossed into Westmorland. - -Edwin's overthrow gave Northumbria to the pagan king of Mercia, but -it was soon regained by Oswald, who identified himself completely -with the new faith. He brought Aidan, who had been educated in the -Celtic Church (now firmly settled in Scotland) to fill the place of -the departed Paulinus. But instead of taking up the bishop's seat -at York, Aidan with the strong predilection shown by his church -for island-sanctuaries, chose Lindisfarne to be the centre of his -missionary efforts in Northumbria. Here Finan succeeded him in 651, -and rebuilt the first rude edifice, constructing it of hewn oak -thatched with reeds. - -King Oswald (slain at Maserfeld, 642) was shortly after succeeded -by Oswy, an ardent disciple of the new faith, as was Alchfrith his -son. Alchfrith acted as sub-king in Northumbria under his father.[3] -He endowed a monastery at Ripon, which was presumably within his -dominion, and placed there Eata, abbot of Melrose, with a little -band of Scotic monks. At this time there was a young priest named -Wilfrith, lately returned from a journey to Rome (658), with whom -Alchfrith made fast friends. Convinced by Wilfrith that the practices -of the Anglo-Scotic church, where they differed from those of -Western Europe, were mistaken, he turned out the monks of Ripon, -when they refused to alter their customs, and gave the establishment -over to Wilfrith, to rule as abbot. The kings attempted to settle -the differences of practice between the churches at the synod of -Whitby (664), where the counsels of the Roman party under Wilfrith -prevailed; and this caused the retirement of Colman, bishop of -Northumbria, who refused to conform. It was now necessary to supply -his place, and the kings, father and son, seem without disagreement -to have selected each his own man, presumably for his own province; -thus making two bishops instead of one.[4] While Alchfrith chose -Wilfrith for his bishop, and sent him to Gaul for consecration, Oswy -chose Chad, sending him to Kent to be consecrated as Bishop of York -"for him and his" by the Archbishop. But by the time that Wilfrith -had returned from his foreign journey, things were changed at the -court. Alchfrith was dead, possibly slain in rebellion against his -father; and Wilfrith, deprived of his patron, settled down quietly at -Ripon as abbot, while Chad ruled the whole church of Northumbria from -York. - - [3] Bishop Browne in _Theodore and Wilfrith_, pp. 20 and 36, - inclines to the opinion that this sub-kingdom embraced the - western rather than the southern portion of Northumbria, as - generally supposed, in which case it would include those portions - of Lancashire and the western coasts northwards, laid open by - Ethelfrith's conquest at Chester. - - [4] See _Theodore and Wilfrith_. The same. - -But when Oswy died (670 or 671) and his son Ecgfrith succeeded, Chad -retired, and Wilfrith was made sole Bishop. Now began a very active -and happy period of his life. Enjoying undivided power, a position -which suited his nature, he moved about his huge diocese, everywhere -creating new foundations and building fresh churches. With skilled -workmen under him, he was the great architect and builder of his -time. First he turned his attention to the head church in York, which -had become, since Oswald's days, ruinous. After building there an -edifice unique in its time, he took his masons to Ripon, and there -he built a basilica of dressed stone with pillars and arches and -porches. He also enriched its altar with vases, and a vestment of -purple and gold, and laid upon it a book of the Gospels, marvellously -illumined, and enclosed in a gold and jewelled case. Wilfrith made -the dedication of this church, which was attended by King Ecgfrith, -and by tributary kings, reeves and abbots, an occasion of great -splendour. Standing before the altar, with his face towards the -concourse of people, he recited the names of the lands with which -Ripon was endowed, as also of certain sanctuaries of the Britons -which were taken over by it. - -Now this enumeration of lands, said to be given by princes with the -consent of the bishops, is of great interest.[5] Were these lands -within Alchfrith's former sub-kingdom--the nucleus being his monastic -endowment?--and was it intended to create a bishopric there at Ripon, -separate from the one at York? Certainly the great tracts of country -mentioned were to be ecclesiastically ruled from Ripon, whether by -abbot or bishop. - - [5] For the meaning and scope of these early gifts to the church, - which not only embraced whole villages, but even hundreds and - provinces, see Maitland's _Doomsday Book and Beyond_, p. 498. - -Moreover, in the confused and certainly corrupt list of names that -has come down to us of Wilfrith's remarkable recitation, several have -been localized within that last conquered portion of Northumbria -lying to the west, which may have been called by the Celts who lost -it, Teyrnllwg.[6] - - [6] See Rhys' _Celtic Britain_ for a suggestion that Edwin's - conquest and Teyrnllwg may represent a considerable portion of - our district, also "Rydal" in _Westmorland Gazette_, May 2nd, - 1903. Mr. Farrer, while noticing this point in _Victorian History - of Lancashire_, vol. ii., considers that better authority could - be desired. For the list of names of gifts to Ripon that have - come down to us, see Canon Raine's _Historians of the Church of - York_. Amounderness, between the Ribble and the Cocker, is one. - Cartmel is probably another. The region "dunutinga" may possibly - be referred to the Duddon and beyond, where still are manor and - fells called Dunnerdale, and the hamlet of Old Dunning Well and - Dumerholme. Donya is the name of some explored earthworks at - the junction of Bannisdale beck with the Mint, north of Kendal. - "Goedyne" suggests "Gadeni" or "Cadeni," a name applied to the - people of the Borders. See Prof. Veitch's _History and Poetry - of Scottish Borders_. The lands of William de Dunnington are - mentioned in the _Furness Abbey Coucher Book_, ccviii. - -Whatever had been Alchfrith's intentions about Ripon, Wilfrith's -were clear in thus making it the church centre for a district as -wide as a diocese. In effect, it was a diocese; though only for a -short time was there a recognized Bishop of Ripon. And this was after -Ecgfrith and Wilfrith had unhappily quarrelled, and Wilfrith had -been expelled from Northumbria, when Theodore, the new archbishop, -who had been called north to re-organize the huge diocese, made -finally five bishoprics out of it; and Eadhed (after temporarily -ruling a see at Lindsey) became, according to Bede, the Bishop of -Ripon. But upon the reconciliation of Wilfrith with King Aldfrith, -who succeeded Ecgfrith, Eadhed retired from Ripon, and Wilfrith again -took possession of it, and ruled it--though only as abbot--until his -death. - -Wilfrith's inauguration of Ripon, which took place in the period -of his sole prelacy of Northumbria (671 to 678) was then an event -of great importance for the district round the great Bay, and for -Grasmere; indeed it is hardly too much to say that its results lasted -over a thousand years. For in spite of the bishop's loss of power, -his scheme ultimately held good. When the long dark days of Danish -anarchy were passed, the western district which he gathered in to -the fold of Ripon emerged as an ecclesiastical entity, and it kept -its bounds through the administrative changes of the Norman kings, -which carved out of it the barony of Kendal, and made of it parts of -Westmorland, Cumberland, Yorkshire and Lancashire. The archdeaconry -of Richmondshire, which was formally constituted a section of the -diocese of York in 1090, is in fact almost identical with Wilfrid's -province of Ripon. It is true that Ripon ceased to be its centre, -that establishment sinking again into a monastery, which lay indeed -a few miles beyond the boundary of Richmondshire; while a new -centre was created at Richmond, a little town without significance -standing in another Yorkshire vale.[7] This great church province -was ruled over by an archdeacon, who possessed almost the powers of -a bishop,[8] until it was transferred by Henry the Eighth in 1541 -from the diocese of York to that of Chester; and it remained intact -until 1847, when it was broken up among what are now the dioceses of -Carlisle, Manchester, and Ripon.[9] Our own part of it became the -archdeaconry of Westmorland, under Carlisle. - - [7] In 1140 Alan, earl of Richmond is stated to have oppressed - Ripon; and in 1143 he assaulted Archbishop William by the shrine - of St. Wilfrith within the church. _Mem. of Ripon._ Surtees - Society. - - [8] Wills and inventories of the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire. - - [9] This did not take effect, however, until after the death of - Bishop Percy in 1856. _Victoria History of Cumberland._ - -After Wilfrith had lost favour at the Northumbrian court, and carried -his grievances to Rome, King Ecgfrith secured the co-operation of -Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury (669) in the organization of -the Northern Church. As has been said, there are indications that -church work went on busily in the district of the great Bay. St. -Cuthbert, who had served his apprenticeship as a monk at Ripon, was -made bishop in 685 and administered his great See from Lindisfarne. -Into his charge Ecgfrith expressly gave Cartmel with its Britons, and -the newly-conquered district round Carlisle. Carlisle became indeed -a thriving church centre, with royal nunnery and monastery, and -with missions spreading round it. Bede has drawn a striking picture -of the bishop's visit to the ruined Roman city, when a vision of -the king's overthrow came upon him; as well as of his last meeting -with St. Herebert, the hermit of Derwentwater, who was wont every -year to seek his counsel. The district of Cartmel he placed in the -charge of the "good Abbot Cineferth," as if it were too distant from -Lindisfarne for his immediate care. But, while his own easiest route -to Carlisle would be by the straight road along the Roman Wall, he -would not be ignorant of that other road striking northwards through -the mountains from the great Bay. He may, indeed, have travelled -this road himself on his missionary journeys, and even have halted -to preach in the vale of Grasmere. It is certain at least that some -of the holy men working for the Anglo-Scottish Church at this period -must have done so. With the defeat and death of Ecgfrith the glory -of the Northumbrian kingdom came to an end indeed; but the church -continued to prosper; and in the two hundred years between that event -and the final relinquishment of Lindisfarne as a See, on through the -ravages of the Danes, it wrought a mighty work, not only in the old -kingdoms of Bernicia and Deira, but in the region westward. Many -of our existing foundations may well date back from that time; and -it is probable that the ruined or entirely vanished chapels of our -district were built in that age of piety.[10] We know from Bede -that there was a monastery at Dacre in Cumberland, which existed at -least until 926.[11] It has been suggested that a certain monastery, -founded by a Northumbrian nobleman in the reign of Osred (slain in -717) was situated at Heversham in Westmorland.[12] Certainly at -Heversham may be seen the fragments of a cross wrought in patterns -such as experts ascribe to the Anglian school of workmanship -introduced by Wilfrith.[13] - - [10] See "Lost Churches in the Carlisle Diocese." _Transactions_ - Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vol. xv. - - [11] See _Victorian History of Cumberland_. - - [12] See Bates's _History of Northumberland_. - - [13] See _Sculptured Crosses of the Diocese of Carlisle_. - Calverley & Collingwood. - -Then too a thrilling event in hagiological history touched our parts -nearly. When the monks of Lindisfarne fled before the ravaging Danes -with St. Cuthbert's body, they went westward for safety, and their -wanderings brought them into Cumberland and Westmorland.[14] A gap -in their travels which the antiquary has yet failed to trace may -possibly have been filled by a route through Craven--that perpetual -haunt of refugees--and about Morecambe Bay. - - [14] See "Translation of St. Cuthbert." _Transactions_ Cumberland - and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, part 1, vol. ii. - -Certainly a well-used road must have passed not far from our district -in the days of Northumbrian anarchy, when Danish kings and allies -reigned alike at York and at Dublin. Windermere indeed is associated -with the murder (741) of two young princes of the royal house.[15] - - [15] See D. F. Hodgkin's _History of Northumberland_. - - - - -THE DEDICATION - - -To the question so often asked, When was the church of Grasmere -founded? no more than a conjectural answer can be given. The district -formed part--though a remote one--of Northumbria, and doubtless -shared in the conversion of that kingdom. Even before that time it -may have been touched by those successive missionary efforts, which -have been happily classed as the Romano-British of Ninian at the end -of the fourth century, the Irish of Patrick in the fifth century, -and the Kymric of Kentigern in the sixth; and these efforts were -followed up by the steady work of the Anglo-Scottish monks, and the -establishment under the Anglian kings of an organized church.[16] - - [16] See "Lost Churches in Carlisle Diocese," _Transactions_ - Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vol. XV. - -The dedication of the Grasmere church favours the supposition that -its foundation was early. Its name-saint is King Oswald, who planted -a cross as a standard in the battle by which he gained Northumbria, -and who was killed at Maserfeld by the heathen Penda in 642. He -became the idol of the Northumbrian christians, and his relics were -cherished in many a shrine. When danger threatened Lindisfarne, his -head was placed for safety in the coffin of St. Cuthbert;[17] and -with this sacred burden the monks, as stated above, fled westward, -wandering for years in parts adjacent to Westmorland, if they did not -actually cross its borders. - - [17] Where it is still, with the mark of a cut from sword or - battle-axe plain to see.--ED. - -A well in the Grasmere valley shared the dedication with the church, -and indeed may have been antecedent to it, as a place of resort. -It is at the foot of Kelbarrow (formerly Kelbergh,[18] the hill -of the spring); and the Celts were wont to decorate their _kels_ -or springs with votive offerings of a heathen kind. The church, -however, always took care to possess herself of such wells, absorbing -any sanctification that was ascribed to them; and the water of St. -Oswald's well continued to be carried to the church for baptisms -until quite recent times.[19] - - [18] Monkbergh by Windermere has become Mountbarrow. - - [19] The spot was pointed out to Mrs. Simpson by the Rev. Edward - Jefferies, who from 1840 was curate in charge. - -Church and well are not, however, close together. The well springs in -the flat meadow between the path to the Wray and Wray Beck, but it -is now covered in. The adjacent bay of the lake is called Well-foot, -and the bridge over the beck has the same name; and when the Wray -property was "boundered" in 1683, the "welfoot bridge" was spoken of. - -It is suggestive that the farmstead close by owns the name of -Pavement End, being formerly known as Padmire. Could it be proved -that the name is an ancient one, the idea that the spot was much -resorted to of old would be confirmed, since the causeway went so far -and no farther.[20] - - [20] I find, however, in deeds of the early seventeenth century, - only _Padman_ hereabouts. Or is this a mistake for Padmar? Padman - appears in the register. - - - - -THE SITE - - -The present site of the church may not have been the original one. It -is hardly a likely halting-place for a travelling preacher. The Roman -road which traversed the valley could neither have been the present -one, that leads to church and village, nor the straight cut from Town -End that passes the Swan Inn. Both of these cross the flat bottom; -and the Romans from the summit of White Moss (by which they certainly -entered the vale) would never have dropped into the marsh below (even -now water-logged in places), only to climb out again, to that gap -of the Raise that plainly beckoned them to their goal northward. -Instead, they would maintain their level as far as might be, and -keep along the firm slope of the fells at a height of some 300 to -400 feet; then, with only two rapid becks to ford, they would come -easily and gradually to the ascent of the pass. It is interesting to -find that along this presumed route there exists a line of scattered -homesteads; while the modern road below was--until the recent spurt -in building, vacant but for a cottage and the Swan Inn; and this last -stands in reality on an ancient cross "loaning" between the higher -road suggested, and the village. Many of these homesteads have been -turned into houses for the wealthy, and great alterations have taken -place; but a track the whole way may still be made out, though hidden -in places by private drives and occupation roads. From White Moss it -dropped but little at first, passing behind the highest of the modern -houses, according to the belief of old people, who say that this -section of it, though remembered, was stopped up before their time. -It touched How Head, a farmhold now deserted; then the Hollins, -Forest Side, Ben Place and Beck Houses. It crossed Greenhead Gill and -passed behind Knott Houses, Winterseeds and Gillside, continuing by -the present ford over Tongue Gill, whence the pass is soon gained. - -Now of these names many represented of old not one house, but a -couple or even a group. Doubtless most of them were planted by the -Norse settlers either upon or below the Roman road, on some spot -conveniently above their meadows and common field; and devious lanes -would in time become trodden between one and another, to the final -discarding of the old straight track. Still this can be traced in -places; and a bit to be seen above Winterseeds is probably the actual -Roman road. A stone celt was recently found in the beck close below -it. A quern was also found not far off.[21] The fact that a smithy -existed until recently at Winterseeds--which is only reached now by -climbing the steep brow from the main road--is strong presumptive -evidence of an old line of traffic passing by it. There the last -of the smiths, John Watson, made the ironwork of the present outer -church-door. When he became old, a smithy was set up on the lower -road, at Tongue Gill. - - [21] See _Transactions_ Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian - Society, N.S. 3, p. 419. - -Now it is a singular fact that a field lying a little below this -road, near the gateway of Forrest Side, bears the name of Kirk How. -And there is a tradition attached to the spot. It is said that the -church of the valley was to have been built here, and that the -materials were even gathered together ready for the start; when lo! -they vanished in the night-time, only to be found upon the present -site, and that a second attempt only produced a like result, the -inference being conveyed, by sly looks and chuckles on the part of -the narrator, that the task had been wrought by some supernatural -Being, not to be lightly mentioned. Whether this was the Hob, or -Hobthrush who played so large a part in the stories of the past, -cannot be said, but the legend, in its humorous fearlessness, and -love of a practical joke, is characteristic of the dalesman,[22] -and coupled with the name of the field it is suggestive. It seems -possible that here, at a spot where a traveller upon the road might -so conveniently halt and set up his cross and portable altar, an -early rude (perhaps timbered) structure may actually have once stood. -A well, too, for baptism was not far off. There is one in the grounds -of the Hollins whose water has remained in repute, and which was -examined by an expert at the time (1843) when an effort was made to -establish a hydropathic cure in Grasmere.[23] The water was then -pronounced finer than that of St. Oswald's Well; but as the owner of -the land would not sell, the establishment was placed at the Wray, -close to St. Oswald's. The enterprise, started by Mr. Phillips, -and conducted by a resident doctor and a German bathman, was not -successful, and was given up in five or six years. If the well at the -Hollins ever had a name, it is now unknown. - - [22] The same legend is attached to three Lancashire churches, - the foundations of which date back to Saxon times. One is St. - Oswald's, Winwick, where the saint's well was once a place of - resort. Tradition has preserved, in the case of St. Chad's, - Rochdale, some particulars of the elfish rabble who wrought the - change. See _Memorials of Old Lancashire_, vol. --, p. 91-92. - - [23] From Edward Wilson, parish verger till November, 1906. - His father, a joiner like himself, did the woodwork for the - hydropathic establishment. - -It is hard not to let conjecture play round this tradition of a -change of site. Might it not actually have been made? Could it be -connected with the turning of Grasmere into a manor, and with the -parcelling out of a demesne in the valley? The barons of Kendal, -of whom Ivo de Talbois was the first, possessed all these parts, -from the time of Henry I. He and his successors governed by feudal -methods, through agents. There was here no intermediary lord between -baron and vassal; and the baron's officers--his bailiffs and his -foresters--would be placed in secure houses or fenced lodges, whence -they would control and govern. A demesne of Grasmere is mentioned on -the death of William de Lindesay, 1233, and a manor and park in a -charter of 1297.[24] The woods sold by Henry the Eighth in 1544 were -the residue of the lord's forest; he being the inheritor of the Fee. - - [24] Inquisition post mortem. _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 25 Edward - I. - -Now we may reasonably suppose this demesne to have been planted in -Kirktown, as the present village came to be called, where the meadows -were rich and the soil deep for ploughing, but distant from, and -below the ancient line of road with its scattered homesteads. The -demesne made a village nucleus; for all the accessories of a manor -house would spring up about it. We know the lord's brewery was not -far off, at Kelbergh, where springs--beside the holy one--are still -abundant.[25] In a rental, dated 1375[26] that concerned the part of -Grasmere then held by the Hotham and Pedwardyn families, it is stated -that "Richard Smyth holds the forge and should render 12d and 1d," -with the addition that he pays 2s 0d per annum for "Kelebergh." From -another document we learn that certain tenants of Grasmere pay an -unspecified sum for the brewery of Keldbergh. - - [25] The modern house built upon the knoll had a well within - it, and behind the house--where a hidden runner gushes out by a - rock--there are traces of old pavement. - - [26] Levens Hall MSS. - -This manorial centre was united to the high line of road on the other -side of the valley by several ways. One, a footpath, still passes -hard by Kirk How, a now disused smithy being upon it. Two others -approach and meet to cross Raise Beck together by White Bridge, the -name indicative of a stone fabric at a time when timber was commoner. -Here the village pinfold still stands. - -What more natural than that the church should be added to this -central group, and at a time perhaps when enlarged space and entire -rebuilding of an existing edifice required to be done? The site by -the river would afford deep soil for burial. To such a change of site -(supposing it were made) there would naturally be opposition from -some quarter; whence the tradition. - -This, however, is but conjecture. The fabric of the present church -shows no feature that is of a certainty older than the introduction -of manorial rule into Grasmere; while it may be as late as the -fourteenth century. But before considering the question of its age, -it will be well to point out other evidences of the existence of a -church in the valley before record began, and then pass on to such -scant records as time has left to us. - -[Illustration: Date] - -[Illustration: The PARISH of GRASMERE its Townships and Churches] - - - - -PART II - -THE PARISH - -BOUNDARIES - -THE TOWNSHIPS - -LEGAL ASPECTS OF THE CHURCH - -THE EIGHTEEN - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -THE PARISH - - -The church of Grasmere is found when record begins, serving as the -centre of a large and regularly constituted parish. The date of -the creation of this parish is not known; but from the fact that -its southern boundary runs by the Stock Beck--thus cutting the now -thriving town of Ambleside into two parts, one of which belonged to -Grasmere and the other to Windermere--there seems a probability of it -having been delineated at an early period, when the _sæter_ of some -Norse settler was but an insignificant clearing in the forest. - -Every parish is but a unit in a complex Church organization, which -passes upwards by rural deanery, archdeaconry, to diocese. In -historical evolution, there is a descent from the greater to the -less; while each successive ecclesiastical demarcation followed as -a rule some political line of kingdom or state. The diocese for -instance was conterminous with the Anglo-Saxon kingdom; the parish -represented the township, or the manor. - -But in the vast kingdom of Northumbria the superposition of church -boundaries upon state boundaries was not so simple a matter, and -the subdivisions that took place are not easy to trace. Archbishop -Theodore, when called in by King Egfrith (678) to portion his kingdom -for purposes of church rule, made at least three bishoprics out of -the one whose centre--after a removal to Lindisfarne--was fixed at -York.[27] - - [27] Bright's _Early Church History_, p. 291. Bishop Browne's - _Theodore and Wilfrith_, pp. 132 and 690. - -Next, the archdeaconries were marked out under Thomas, Archbishop -of York, some time between 1070 and 1100. The archdeaconry of -Richmondshire, lying in the mountainous region west of the old -Anglian kingdom, was a great and peculiar province, and the -archdeacon ruled over it with almost the powers of a bishop.[28] - - [28] It may possibly represent an old sub-kingdom of Northumbria, - and is suggestive of Edwin's conquest of a district to the - north-west called by the Britons Teyrnllwg. See Rhys's _Celtic - Britain_ (quoted in "Rydal," _Westmorland Gazette_, May 2nd, - 1903). It contained large portions at least of that great church - province which Wilfrid made over to Ripon Minster, which was for - a short time the seat of a bishop. The creation of Richmond as a - centre was a late Norman measure. - -The archdeaconry was divided again into rural deaneries, of which -Kendal was one. This deanery embraced ten parishes, Grasmere being -the westermost of them. It appears singular that this group of ten -parishes lay in three different counties,--Yorkshire, Lancashire, and -Westmorland; and from this circumstance it has been argued that here -(as in our own parish) the ecclesiastical division was made prior to -the political one of counties. This probably was so; and it is clear -that the deanery represents in reality another political area, viz.: -that of the barony of Kendal created by William Rufus.[29] - - [29] Whitaker's _History of Richmondshire_. Dr. Wilson - (_Victorian History of Cumberland_) gives 1120 to 1130 as dates - between which Henry I. marked out the county divisions as fiscal - areas. In the latter year the new county of Westmarieland was - placed under the jurisdiction of a separate sheriff. - -Kirkby Kendale, the _caput_ of the barony, became from this period -the official church centre. There the Synods and Archidiaconal Courts -were held, and all dues were paid which the higher church authorities -exacted from the parishes--Grasmere among them.[30] Thither the -rector or his substitute, along with the churchwardens, annually -repaired. - - [30] For the connection between mother churches and chapelries - or vicarages under them, see _History of English Church_, edited - by Dean Stephens, vol. ii., p. 295. ["Walter Gray, Archbishop - of York in 1233 consolidated 10 chapelries in the two parishes - of Pocklington and Pickering into five vicarages, two and two. - Each vicar had two chapels, and was endowed with a sum to support - chaplains at both, while he also paid a small sum annually to the - mother church in token of subjection."] From the rural deanery of - Kendal there were paid the following dues, according to an old - voucher, c. 1320: at Easter 12s. 0d. for Synodalia; at Michaelmas - £4 16s 8d for Procurationes; besides £3 for Presumptiones, and £3 - 9s 6d in Peter's pence--a goodly tribute this for the Pope from - our mountains lands! Whitaker's _History of Richmondshire_. - -The exact relationship between the central church at Kirkby and the -churches of Grasmere and Windermere in early days is hard to make -out. They were considered in some sort as dependencies, and were -called chapels after they had become parish churches. This uncertain -position recalls the constitution of the early British church. And -it must be remembered that Theodore's _parochia_ was not a parish -but a diocese. Again, the laws of Edgar (959-975) place churches in -three classes: first, the ancient church or monastery of a district; -second, the church with a corpse-ground; and third, the church -without a corpse-ground.[31] Tithes moreover were enjoined to be paid -to the ancient or central church. - - [31] Selden's _History of Tithes_. Easterby's _Law of Tithes_, - pp. 4, 8, and 13. - -Now Grasmere may at first have ranked in the third order, as a -mission church (_capella_). It would in that case pay its tithes, -or a large proportion of them, to Kirkby Kendal, and bury its -christian dead within the consecrated soil of that church. It may not -have acquired the right of burial until the lord created a demesne -there.[32] This view is strengthened by the fact that the church of -Kendale claimed certain dues from Grasmere and Windermere down to -a late date. One was a pension of 13s. 4d. (one mark) paid to the -vicar out of the tithes of the parish. The other was a mortuary fee, -exacted by him as late as the seventeenth century.[33] - - [32] The early practice of burial in distant churches is - inexplicable to this age. But it should be remembered that in - early days man was a peripatetic animal, to whom the distance - between Grasmere and Kendal, or Hawkshead and Dalton, would be - slight; and that a corpse wrapped in a winding-sheet would be - much lighter than one coffined. - - [33] Of the first, still paid, there is plenty of evidence. It - was even allowed during the Commonwealth. In 1645 the Rydal - Hall account-sheets show that arrears were paid to the Kendal - parson out of the tithes "upon order for 5 yeares stypd out of - Gresmire," amounting to £3 6s 8d or five marks. Next year is - entered "Rent due to mr. M. out of Gresmire tithes" 13s 6d. The - order came from the Puritan Committee at Kendal. - - A mortuary, or corpse present, was distinct from a burial fee, - and was supposed to cover any obligation forgotten by the dead - man to church or priest. The claim anciently was upon his second - best animal, the best going to his feudal lord; but it came to be - paid in coin; while a law was passed (21 Henry VIII.) limiting - the sum to 10s., and that only when the deceased owned goods to - the value of £40. Dr. Cox, _Parish Registers of England_. The - following receipt is in existence for a fee paid to Kendal on the - death of Edward Walker of Rydal, who was buried in his parish - church of Grasmere:-- - - "Jan; the 2nd Anno Domj 1652. - - Rec. p. fr ye Executors of Edward Walker ye Sume of ffive - shillings in full satisfaction of a Mortuary due to ye Vicar - of Kendall by me Tho: Willain I say received the day and yeare - abouesd by me Tho: Willain ye aforesd sume of 5s 0d." - - - - -BOUNDARIES - - -The boundary of the parish of Grasmere followed geographical lines. -Starting from the point where the Rothay and the Brathay unite for -their entrance into Windermere, it ascended the first river for a -short distance until it reached the tributary, Stock beck. This it -ascended until, near the source, it struck upwards to the line of -the watershed. It then followed a devious course along the mountain -tops, as "heven watter deales" (divides), according to the quaint -old boundary phrase. Always clinging to the sky line between waters -flowing north and south, it dropped to Dunmail Raise, to rise to -the tops again. From these lonely heights it made another short -artificial course to reach Little Langdale beck near the source, and -with these waters--named Brathay after emerging from Elterwater--it -continued to the uniting place of the two rivers at Bird-house Mouth. -Thus, with the exception of the right bank of the Brathay, the parish -embraced the whole area of the two valleys of the Rothay and Brathay -and their confluents. Its boundary marched with that of parishes -in Westmorland, Cumberland and Lancashire. Its northern line was -for centuries the boundary between the Anglian rule, and the Celtic -kingdom of Cumbria. Its circuit counted some thirty-five miles by -flat measurement; but much of it lay on summits that reach to a great -height. - - - - -THE TOWNSHIPS - - -This parish--a wild tract of fells, becks, and tarns, was divided -into three component parts. - -It has been pointed out[34] that the ancient church of Northumbria -left certain marks upon the districts she administered which -may yet be distinguished. One peculiarity was the great extent -of the parishes, some of which embraced several--occasionally -many--townships. Another was, that each parish was governed secularly -by a body of men known as the Twenty-four. Now Grasmere conformed -nearly, though not exactly, with these rules; for the controlling -body consisted of Eighteen, not Twenty-four, being in this respect -like the Cumbrian parish of Crosthwaite to the north. But other -parishes of the district had their Twenty-four--as Cartmel and Dalton -in Furness.[35] In the next parish of Windermere, the Twenty-four are -still an active body, and collect at the church every Easter Tuesday, -eight coming from each of the three townships, Under-Milbeck, -Applethwaite and Troutbeck. - - [34] Creighton's _Historical Essays_. - - [35] At Cartmel in 1642 measures were taken "for the makinge - upp of the twentie-fourte ... that there may be four in everye - churchwardens division as hath formerlie been used." Stockdale's - _Annales Caermoelensis_. - -The parish of Grasmere also embraced three townships. One was -Grasmere proper, situated in the basin-shaped vale that catches -the sources of the Rothay, Langdale; the sister valley formed -the second township, which extended to Elterwater; the third was -Rydal-and-Loughrigg (often called Loughrigg and Beneath-Moss) which -included all the rocky mass between the converging rivers, the -compact village of Rydal with part of Ambleside. - -From three sides of the parish then, by mountain path and -"horse-trod," the folk wended their way for worship to Grasmere -Church. Those of the vale of Grasmere proper would gather in units or -little groups from all the scattered farmsteads, from Far Easdale and -Blindtarn Gill, from Town Head, Gill Side, and all the houses that -lay "Aboon Beck" as far as How Head and Town End, till they met at -their lych-gate on the north side of the church. - -From Loughrigg and Beneath-Moss they would collect by many a devious -track, starting as far back as Clappersgate and Ambleside. From -Ambleside ancient "trods" passed Nook End, and rose from Scandale -Bridge by easy grade to Nab Lane (where Rydal folk would join them) -and White Moss, and thence descending to cross the church bridge to -enter the garth by the present gate, which was specially their own. - -The third stream of worshippers flowed from the farthest sources -west, from the recesses of Little Langdale, from Blea Tarn, and -Fell Foot, from Forge and Hackett and Colwith they came, on through -Elterwater, and across Walthwaite Bottom. Mounting the brow, they -would meet a tributary stream of fellow-townsfolk, that gathered -right from Steel End and Wall End, increasing as it flowed down -Mickle Langdale, till it crossed the ridge of Hunting Stile. Dropping -steeply into the vale, they would at Nichols (where stood an inn) -meet a third contingent (from Loughrigg) which, starting at Skelwith, -mounted by Foul Step to Little Loughrigg, passed by the Fold, the -Oaks and Scroggs, to descend by Red Bank to the level of Grasmere -Lake.[36] From Nichols onward the united groups would travel by the -lake, and past the Holy Well, to enter the church garth by a gate -at the north-west angle, now gone, called the Langdale gate.[37] -Here, at Church Stile, stood an important inn, long owned by the -Harrison family. Shelter and a fire must indeed have been often -needed (as well as something for the inner man) after the long -travel--especially at funeral gatherings, when the corpse had to be -borne through ford and flood, or through the storms and deep snows -of winter time. The Ambleside folk, when in 1674 they petitioned -their bishop for the right of burial in their chapel, stated that -"by reason of the heat in summer and the great snowes and sudden -inundations of water in winter it is very difficult and dangerous to -carry their dead thither [to Grasmere] for burial";[38] yet their -distance from the church was nothing like that of the Langdale -folk. There were not infrequent burials from the right bank of Little -Langdale beck, in the parish of Hawkshead or of "Ulverston." - - [36] There is a tradition that a route from Skelwith Bridge - dropped sharply from the top of Red Bank to the old ford of the - Rothay known as Bathwath (Rydal Hall MSS.), and that it had even - been used for funerals. This seems unlikely, unless the use were - a repetition of a custom that had prevailed before the present - Red Bank road was made; and of superstitious adherence to old - corpse-roads the Rev. J. C. Atkinson (_Forty Years in a Moorland - Parish_) gives instances. There may indeed have been once a - well-trodden path there. In former times a fulling-mill stood on - the left bank of the Rothay, near to the ford, and within the - freehold property of Bainrigg. The mill was owned by the Benson - family in the fifteenth century, but Bainrigg had belonged before - that time to a family of de Bainbrigg, who had at least one - capital dwelling or mansion-house standing upon it. Now a road to - this house or houses there must have been. The woodman recently - found a track leading up from the site of the mill to the rocky - height, which emerged upon the present Wishing-Gate road. On the - line of this (which was engineered as a turnpike road only about - 1770-80) the older way doubtless continued towards Grasmere, - past How Top and through Town End. A huge stone standing on this - line was known as the How Stone. Levi Hodgson who lived at How - Top, and who described the route to Mr. W. H. Hills, remembered - fragments of a cottage in the wood. If the Skelwith Bridge folk - ever used it as a church path, they would meet their townsmen - (who had come over White Moss) at How Top. Close by there is - still a flat-topped boulder used for resting burdens upon. - - [37] This gate is shown in a map of 1846, as well as the stile - which gave its name to the house then still standing, that was - immediately opposite. Both disappeared at the widening of the - lane from Stock Bridge to the church. - - [38] Ambleside Town and Chapel. - -Once within the churchyard, the different streams of the townships -mingled as fellow parishioners. The sexes however, divided, the women -seeking entrance (presumably) by the great south porch, and the men -(after business done) herding in by the west door, known as theirs. -Yet once inside, they again fell rigorously into ranks of townships, -as we shall see. - -The gathering of the dalesfolk for worship must have been a striking -sight, especially on the great feast days when--four times in the -year--the sacraments were administered. Certainly attendance at -church was obligatory upon every Sabbath Day, and fines were levied -for default. But from the early seventeenth century, if not before, -the dependent chapels in Langdale (at Chapel Stile) and Ambleside -would absorb many of the more distant worshippers. For the four -great celebrations, however, the whole of the adult population of -the valleys, except the sick and infirm, would attend the parish -church.[39] It is of course impossible to compute the number of the -people, especially in early times; but if we accept the statement -made in the Presentment of 1712, that there were then about 200 -families in the parish, it may be reckoned that at that time and -for at least a century previously, no fewer than from 500 to 700 -communicants would gather for the rite. Besides the master and -mistress of the homestead, there were grown-up sons and daughters, -with farm servants.[40] The garth would be crowded with the concourse -of folk; and when they trooped into the fane, each township to its -own quarter of the building, where men and women again divided to -take their accustomed places upon their separate forms, and the dogs -sneaked in, hoping to escape the dogwhipper's eye as they settled -under their masters' legs, the whole space must have been packed. - - [39] It is not easy to discover what was the early practice of - the church concerning the administration of the sacrament, or the - number of times it was received yearly by the laity. As early - as 750, laymen who failed to communicate at Christmas, Easter, - and Pentecost, were not esteemed christians; they were expected - to make offerings four times a year. A later rule, which was - stringent, seems to have been once a year, though a more frequent - attendance--specially at Easter and Christmas, was urged. See - Abbot Gasquet's _Parish Life in Medieval England_, Wall's _Old - English Parishes_, p. 90, and Wordsworth's _Medieval Services - in England_. The sacrament was called _housel_, and the bread - _houselling-bread_. Henry VII's queen, Elizabeth of York, appears - to have communicated three times a year, at the festivals of - Easter, All Saints, and Christmas (Canon Simmon's _Notes to the - Lay Folks' Mass Book_, p. 239). Queen Victoria no doubt clung to - an old custom when she communicated no oftener than three or four - times a year. (See _Life_.) - - [40] The population must have been greater when the Kendal trade - in cloth was at its height. There were 1300 "houseling people" - reported for the parish of Windermere in 1549 (Commission quoted - in Mr. Brydson's _Sidelights on Mediæval Windermere_, p. 95), - and there is no reason to suppose that Grasmere was far behind. - At the same time the numbers to collect at one celebration would - be considerably lessened if the Easter communion were spread - over several occasions, as was the case in the late seventeenth - century at Clayworth, Notts, where celebrations were held on Palm - Sunday, Good Friday, as well as Easter Day. All parishioners--to - judge from the rector's careful record--must at this season have - communicated; but at the celebrations of Whitweek and Christmas - (for there was none at Michaelmas) the numbers were much lower. - (_Rector's Book of Clayworth_). - -The old, narrow close-set forms seated far more people than the -modern benches, but even they could not have accommodated the crowds -that attended certain funerals. (See Charities.) At Mrs. Fleming's -funeral, for instance, few short of 2000 persons must have been -present, including dole-getters, neighbours and relatives. - - - - -SOME LEGAL ASPECTS OF THE CHURCH - - -Thus for worship did the folk gather in the church. They came thither -also to bury their dead within consecrated soil--for baptism of their -"barnes" by the priest, and the binding of man and woman in holy -matrimony. But the edifice and the enclosed space about it served in -early times not only for purposes of religion, but of the law. Like -the Roman Forum, it was used for the transaction of public business -and the administration of justice. Bargains were ratified, covenants -were witnessed, and protestations made solemn by an oath taken -upon the Holy Gospel where it lay upon the altar--once a wonderful -script illuminated and jewelled, that is now represented by the -dirty little Testament of the Law Courts. Manor Courts and legal -enquiries or inquests were frequently held within it. Public notices -that concerned the townships--private ones even of auctions and the -like--were proclaimed before the assembled people in the garth or the -porch, if not in the building itself. Punishments for moral offences -were carried out in face of the congregation.[41] - - [41] We have no evidence of this to show for Grasmere Church. But - in 1622 "Sir" Richard Pearson, curate of Troutbeck, was empowered - by the rector of Windermere to publicly revoke the sentence of - excommunication under which one Adam Birkhead lay. An edict was - issued from the registry of the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire - as late as 1715, citing a form of penance to be gone through by - George Birkett, who before the congregation of Troutbeck, and in - "penitential habit," was to confess his grievous sin of incest - with his deceased wife's sister. An additional note, however, - empowered Mr. Barton, rector of Windermere, and Mr. Grisedale, - curate, to use their discretion as to the manner of confession, - and to allow the sinner, if properly penitent, to make it "in his - Ordinary apparell" (Browne MSS.). It may have been the dislike - of public penance, with its peculiar habit, that caused the - churchwardens of Grasmere so often, and so incorrectly, to return - a clean bill of morality in their Presentments. - -The priests and the clergy acted as legal agents for the unlettered -folk till comparatively recent times. They were versed in the -intricacies of law, as well as ritual, and skilled in penmanship and -the Latin tongue. The higher of them are found acting as agents and -accountants for the holders of the fees into which the barony became -split, as documents which concern our parish show. - -Frequently the chaplain or the village priest drew up indentures, -petitions, and secular agreements for the living, as well as the -testaments of the dying. Wills were proved at the church registry -of the diocese, and were stored there. The wills of the parish -of Grasmere went to the town of Richmond, the centre of the -archdeaconry; and not until 1719 were they proved at the secular -courts of Kendal and Lancaster.[42] - - [42] _Wills and Inventories of the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire_ - (Rev. J. Raine). The privilege of probate was withdrawn finally - from ecclesiastical courts by Act of 1857 (Dr. Cox's _History of - Parish Registers_). - -Instances of the use of the church fabric for secular purposes in -the neighbourhood may be quoted. A Court Roll of 1443 is headed -"Court of Wynandremere held at the church of Wynandremere 9 July 21 -Henry VI."[43] An award concerning a private dispute in 1534 between -George Browne of Troutbeck and Myles Dickson of Applethwaite decrees -that the former pay to the latter "upon the secunde sonday in lente -next comynge O-XLs of able ynglyshe money upon or. layde Alter in -Wyndandermer church betwixe VIII of the clock and XII of the said -sonday."[44] Again, an indenture made 1571 between Mr. John Benson -and his Baisbrowne tenants stipulates that the payment of certain -moneys should be made "in langdaill chappell betweene thoures of -eyght of the clock at aftr. noine" on the 1st of August in the two -ensuing years.[45] In 1601, when Widow Agnes Fleming of Rydal Hall -with her sons sued a Penrith man for debt, the commissioners sat and -examined witnesses in Ambleside Chapel.[46] And within this building -were probably taken down depositions in several other cases. - - [43] Public Record Office Court Roll 207/122. - - [44] Browne MSS. - - [45] Rydal Hall MSS. - - [46] Rydal Hall MSS. - -As regards Grasmere itself record is scant. The manorial courts were -occasionally held in the Moot Hall of Kirkby Kendal, as in 1603,[47] -but in early times it would be impossible to summon the holders from -so far; and it is stated in 1436 that two courts were yearly held in -Grasmere.[48] No other building than the church could have contained -this official gathering. The judgment on the 1583 tithe dispute -enjoined that the parishioners were to pay their tithe of lambs in -money every Easter "in the parish church of Gresmier." The church or -chapel was as a rule the schoolroom where the priest taught. - - [47] Public Record Office Court Roll 207/111. - - [48] Church inquisition post mortem, Henry VI., No. 36. - -The churchyard, even more than the church itself, had its secular -and popular uses, which came down from ancient time. The fairs, the -markets, the sports and the wrestlings[49] which took place within -its enclosing walls, and of which we obtain faint intimations, were -but the survival of the festivals sanctioned by the early church, -when the wake, or fair of the patron saint was kept. This again, -with its bull-baiting, its rude sports and its temporary stalls, -may be linked on to the earlier rites of heathen times, when beasts -were brought to the Temple for sacrifice, and when the people built -booths about it, in which to hold a three days' feast. The annual -or biennial fair, and even the Sunday market, were quite usual in -the churchyard, before the boroughs obtained a special privilege for -them. And though an express statute in 1285 forbade the practice, -neither this nor the later injunction of the Church were heeded. In -1300 the town of Cockermouth complained that its market was spoilt by -the bartering carried on at Crosthwaite Church, where not only flesh -and fish were sold at festivals (and this distinctly smacks of an -ancient sacrificial practice); but that corn, linen, cloth and other -commodities were conveyed thither every Sunday for barter. In 1380 -the town of Appleby was suffering from a like cause. Merchants were -carrying their goods to sell in the churchyards of the surrounding -district on Sundays, to the detriment of the accredited market.[50] -If this was done in other places of the district, it was certainly -done at Grasmere, for the market town of Kendal was sixteen miles -distant on a road often impassable.[51] - - [49] See Coulton's _Chaucer and his England_, where miracle-plays - and dances are added to the list. - - [50] Calendar Patent Rolls, 4 Richard II., p. 1. - - [51] Browne MSS. - -It was not until the seventeenth century that markets were -established in the neighbouring towns of Hawkshead and Ambleside, -after Grasmere had in vain attempted to secure the privilege.[52] - - [52] Rydal Hall MSS. - -A good deal of informal business besides was conducted in the -churchyard, such as sales proposed or private bargains struck. Of -proclamations and sale notices made within the church or garth we -have abundant evidence; and for these the clerk received generally a -fee of 2d. No doubt the "citation" we hear of for tithe wool due to -Squire John Fleming (1631) was made at the church. The prohibition -against cutting wood in Bainrigg (1768) which the Rev. J. Wilson -suggested should "be given at our church of sunday" and which was to -deprive the holder of his winter fuel, has been preserved.[53] In -recent times, according to Edward Wilson, the notices were given out -by the clerk in the yard, outside the so-called men's or western door. - - [53] Rydal Hall MSS. - -The officers of the townships transacted business at church; and the -notices still hung in church porches are a survival of the custom. -The overseers of the poor worked in fact in close connection with the -wardens; and the latter were responsible for some county rates which -are found entered in their accounts, such as (1708) "To the Jaylor -at Appleby" and "Prisoner Money." The Overseers' books for Rydal and -Loughrigg show that when they failed to board a pauper within their -township, they paid to the clerk 2d. "for advertising her to let." - -The constable (and there was one for each township) had a far older -connection with the parish church. He caused meetings for his -division to be proclaimed at the church. Among the miscellaneous -duties which he still performed in late times was payment for the -slaughter of harmful beasts and birds. The heads of these were hung, -we are told, on the church gates as visible proof; and Stockdale, -writing in 1872,[54] says that he has seen them so exposed both -at Cartmel and Hawkshead. The same practice no doubt prevailed at -Grasmere. The constable's books for Rydal and Loughrigg record 4d. as -the price usually given for a raven's head, and 3s. 4d. for that of a -fox. In 1786, 5s. 0d. was paid "for one old Fox and two young ones." -Ravens were frequently entered, and as the payments went to William -Parke, we must suppose them to have been taken on the precipice of -Nab Scar. Five were paid for in 1787, and twelve in 1790. These would -decorate the Rydal and Loughrigg gate. Two foxes were paid for in -1793. - - [54] _Annales Caermoelensis._ - - - - -THE EIGHTEEN - - -Not Twenty-four, but Eighteen represented the interests of the -townships in the parish church. This was the case also at Crosthwaite -in Cumberland, where this ancient body of "sworn" men were swept away -by the Charity Commissioners at the time that they took over the -schools. Of the Eighteen in Grasmere six represented--along with two -wardens--each township. While the wardens, who were all landholders, -took office for one year only, and in rotation, like all other -officials of the village communities, such as constable, overseer, -surveyor of roads, and frithman, the Eighteen appear to have been -freely elected, and they kept office for an indefinite period. - -The names of those who served the office at the Restoration are given -in the important document concerning the fabric of the church printed -later, and these names were but slowly altered. In the churchwardens' -books of 1723 is written "Then chosen Edward Brockbank to be an -Eighteen man for Little Langdale in the place of John Brockbank his -father, deceased." Again in 1824 comes "Sides-Man Chosen by the -Minister Churchwardens and Sides-men," followed by their names. A -list of these was but infrequently written out, only an erasure -marking a change, as when in 1708 John Green, serving for Grasmere -"being Very Old and infirm, desired to be excused," and Thomas Green -took his place. - -The choice of a new member of the body lay apparently with the -Eighteen themselves, the wardens, and the parson. This is still the -case in Windermere, where (I am told) the choice of a new member of -the Twenty-four is discussed in full vestry, the clergyman, however, -finally nominating.[55] Yet the Eighteen were acting representatives -in church affairs of the folk of the townships. All contracts for the -improvement and alteration of the church were made by them. They were -responsible for the share of their township in its upkeep, and laid -a rate on the landholders to cover the yearly expenses. It is almost -certain that the appointment of a clerk and schoolmaster lay with -them and the wardens, though the parson no doubt sat at the conclave. -We have no means of knowing whether their powers extended further.[56] - - [55] From Mr. George Browne, one of the Twenty-four. - - [56] At Holme Cultram, Cumberland, a like body--chosen, however, - by the people themselves--were responsible for the care of - the bridges and common wood, besides providing for the upkeep - of the sea-dyke. See "The Sixteen Men of Holme Cultram," - _Transactions_, Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, - N.S., 3. The Eighteen of Aston, Oxfordshire, were found in 1583 - to have control over the common field and meadow, with the - yearly allotments made within them. See "Survival of Archaic - Communities," Prof. F. W. Maitland (_Law Quarterly Review_, vol. - 9). Prof. Maitland regards the existence of this body as an - exceptional case, and thinks it dangerous to assume it to have - been a survival of ancient times. Mr. G. G. Coulton in _Chaucer - and his England_ considers that the Black Death of 1348-9 and the - consequent diminution of the clergy may have thrown the people - on their own resources, and caused the lay control over parish - finances which appears to have dated (he says) from the fifteenth - century. - -It should be noted that the old name for them was simply "The -Eighteen." They are called Questmen in a contract of 1687, but this -appears to have been drawn up by a stranger. The term Sidesmen occurs -late, and so does "The Twenty-four" which reckons the six wardens, -two for each township, in the number. Strictly, the wardens (of whom -there were eight in Cartmel) should not be included. - -[Illustration: Decorative] - -[Illustration: Structure of the Interior of S^t Oswald's - Grasmere.] - - - - -PART III - -RECORDS - -PATRONS - -MONASTIC CONTROL - -THE CLERGY - -THE CIVIL WARS - -THE COMMONWEALTH - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -RECORDS - - -The church constitution of Grasmere was therefore from early times -that of a parish controlled and administered by a body of men -representing the people, who were responsible for the funds that -maintained the building and its services, while the clergy who -officiated were supported by the ancient system of the payment of -tithes. - -The offering of pious folk of the tenth of their yearly yield was at -first intended to cover all expenses, but it soon became diverted -into purely ecclesiastical channels. The tithe-paying parish indeed -early excited the cupidity of the least scrupulous members of Church -and State. Already in 1254 a rector of Grasmere is found to be -drawing the revenues of the parish without troubling to serve it -except by deputy; for the Pope in that year granted a dispensation to -Henry de Galdington, rector of "Grossemer" in the diocese of York, to -hold an additional benefice with cure of souls.[57] This is the first -record of the church discovered so far. - - [57] _Calendar of Papal Registers_, vol. ii., p. 294. - -The value of the rectory is stated in the dispensation to be ten -marks (£6 13s. 4d.). Estimates, however, varied widely. About 1291 a -taxation was made out for all ecclesiastical benefices in England, -the cause being Pope Nicholas I.'s promise of the tenths which he -claimed from them, to Edward I. for a term of six years, towards the -expenses of a crusade. This great valuation remained the standard -of taxation until the time of Henry VIII. It is said to have been -completed for the Province of York in 1292; and it sets down the -"church of Gressemere" in the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire as being -worth £16, and that of Wynandermere as £10.[58] - - [58] _Tax. Eccle. P. Nicholai_, iv. - -But the high valuation of 1292 did not hold good. Complaints from the -northern clergy that through impoverishment by various causes, but -chiefly the invasions of the Scots, they were by no means able to pay -so high a tax, produced some amelioration. A correction was made in -1318, when Windermere was written down at £2 13s. 4d., and Grasmere -at £3 6s. 8d., or five marks. And at this figure it remained. - -It stood indeed at five marks in 1283, when the first mention of the -church occurs in connection with the secular lordship. - - -EDITOR'S NOTE. - - The writing down of the value of the tithes of Grasmere was the - subject of correspondence between the author and myself, and - she writes: "The so called taxation of Pope Nicholas IV. was - acknowledged to be too high for the Northern Counties; but the - reduction of Grasmere, when the alteration was made in 1318, - from £16 to five marks (£3 6s. 8d.) is unaccountable to me." It - had stood at this figure previously but had been raised to £16, - and, as will be seen in the text, as early as 1301 in the reign - of Edward I., when the abbot of St. Mary's, York, was allowed - to appropriate "the chapels of Gresmer and Wynandermere," - Gresmer is described as being worth £20. In 1344, at the - Archbishop's Visitation, it is described as worth 5 marks; only - to be again raised in 1435. In that year upon the death of - John, duke of Bedford and earl of Kendal, to whom they had been - granted by his father, Henry IV., we find among the items of his - property "the advowsons of Wynandermere and Gressemere each of - which is worth £20 yearly." After this the tithes again reverted - to 5 marks and in the reign of Henry VIII. the "pension" paid to - the abbey is put down as only half of that sum, viz. £1 13s. 4d. - at which it still remains. - - The terms "pension" and "advowson" may not always mean the same - thing, thus advowson seems to be used sometimes as synonymous - with tithe. Hence Miss Armitt writes "The parish churches, such - as Kendal, Grasmere, etc., were "taxed" from the twelfth century - onward at a certain figure--ten marks (£6 13s. 4d.) £16 or - £30. What did this taxation represent? The absolute sum to be - paid by the rector from the tithes to king, pope, archdeacon, - court, or feudal lord? or was it a valuation only of the tithes, - from which was calculated the amounts of the various 'scots' - or annual payments to ecclesiastical or temporal authorities?" - It seems not unlikely that the rise from £3 6s. 8d. to £20 in - the reign of Edward I. may be accounted for by the fact that - the "Old Valor" which was granted by authority of Innocent the - fourth to Henry III. in 1253 was superseded in 1291 by the "New - Valor" granted to Edward I. by Nicholas IV., so that when Henry - IV. granted the chapels of Grasmere and Windermere to his son - John they were valued in 1435 at £20 each. They were only being - put back to the sum named in the "New Valor" of 1291 which had - been allowed in 1344 to drop to the 5 marks at which they had - stood in the "Old Valor." The tithe taxation as established by - the "New Valor" remained in force until Henry VIII. But a "Nova - Taxatio" which only affected part of the province of York was - commanded in 11 Edward II. (1317) on account of the invasion of - the Scots and other troubles. These various taxings will account - for the variation in payments which were collected for the - benefit of the king. - - W.F.R. - - - - -THE PATRONS - - -William Rufus, upon his conquest of Carlisle, gave over to Ivo de -Tailbois all these parts as a fief. After Ivo a confusion of tenure -and administration prevails, into which it is useless to enter. The -line of patrons of Grasmere may perhaps be begun safely with Gilbert -fitz Reinfred, who married Helwise, daughter and heiress of William -de Lancaster II., because it was he who first held the Barony of -Kendal in chief from Richard I., by charter dated 1190.[59] - - [59] _Lancashire Pipe Rolls_, Mr. W. Farrer. - -His son William, called de Lancaster III., died in 1246 without a -direct heir; and the children of his sisters, Helwise and Alice, -shared the fief between them. It is Alice's line that we have to -follow. She married William de Lindesey, and her son Walter took that -portion of the barony which was later known as the Richmond Fee, and -which included the advowson of our church. - -Sir William de Lindesey, his son, was the next inheritor. After his -death, in 1283, a jury of true and tried men declared that he had -died possessed of "A certain chapel there (Gresmer) taxed yearly -at 66s 8d."[60] The chapel of Windermere, set down at a like sum, -belonged to the same lordship. - - [60] _Lancashire Inquests_, _etc._, ed. by Mr. Farrer. - -Christiana, William's heiress, was then only 16. She was married to -a Frenchman, Ingelram de Gynes, lord of Coucy. There is evidence -that they spent a considerable part of their time in these parts, -their seat being at Mourholm, near Carnforth. Ingelram indeed -fought in the Scottish wars, as did his son William. Christiana -survived her husband some ten years. They had at least four sons, -William, Ingelram, Baldwin, and Robert. It was William who inherited -the chief part of Christiana's property in the barony of Kendal, -which was declared (1334) to include the manor of Wynandermere, -and the advowsons of the chapels of Wynandermere, Marieholm, and -Gressemere.[61] - - [61] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 8 Edw. III. and 14 Edw. III., pt. - 3, mem. 11. - -The new tenant at once incurred King Edward III.'s displeasure. His -interests lay apparently in France, where he resided, being styled -lord of Coucy[62]; and without waiting to do homage for his mother's -English lands and receiving them formally from the king's hands (as -was the feudal custom), he passed them over to his young son William. -The king pardoned the offence, and ratified the grant,[63] but he -kept the youth, still a minor in 1339, about his person,[64] and -William's short life seems to have been spent in service under the -English banner.[65] - - [62] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 8 Edw. III. There was a question of - a marriage between his daughter Mary and the king's brother. - - [63] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 8 Edw. III. - - [64] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 13 Edw. III. - - [65] _Calendar Patent Rolls._ - -The family of de Gynes had a difficult part to play during the wars -that followed upon Edward's claim to the throne of France. Their -hereditary instincts carried them naturally into the opposite camp, -and they lost their English possessions in consequence. On William's -death in 1343 the king--while he seems to have acknowledged the claim -of his brother Ingelram as his heir,[66] kept the heritage in his own -hands. Moreover, he declared such lands as were held by Robert de -Gynes, a son of Christiana, who was a cleric and Dean of Glasgow, to -be forfeited, because of Robert's adherence to his enemy,[67] and for -the same reason lands at Thornton in Lonsdale held by Ingelram, son -of Ingelram and grandson of Christiana, were likewise forfeited.[68] - - [66] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 17 Edw. III. - - [67] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 17 Edw. III. - - [68] _Calendar of Close Rolls._ - -The king presently used the escheated heritage to reward a knight -who had served him well in the Scottish wars. John de Coupland had -had the courage and address to secure Robert Bruce as prisoner at -the battle of Durham; and Edward in 1347 granted to him and his wife -for their joint lives the Lindesey Fee which was the inheritance of -Ingelram. He excepted, however, from the grant (along with the park -and woodlands about Windermere) the knight's fees and advowsons of -churches belonging to the same.[69] - - [69] _Calendar Patent Rolls_ and _Close Rolls_, 22 Edw. III. - -The fortunes of war brought Ingelram, lord of Coucy, and son of -Ingelram, William's brother, as hostage for John, king of France, -to the court of Edward. There he gained by his handsome person and -knightly grace the favour of the king, who granted him the lands of -Westmorland which had belonged to his great-grandmother Christiana, -created him Earl of Bedford, and gave him in 1365 his daughter -Isabella in marriage. Ingelram for some time satisfied his martial -instincts by fighting in the wars of Italy and Alsace; but on the -renewal of the struggle between England and France, followed by the -death of his father-in-law in 1377, his scruples were at an end. He -renounced his allegiance to England, haughtily returned the badge of -the Order of the Garter, and joined the side of Charles II.[70] - - [70] Rymer's _Foedera_, _Dic. of Nat. Biography_. "Proof that - Ingelram Earl of Bedford was son of Ingelram brother of William, - who was son of William de Coucy, Christiana's son, is contained - in _Inq. p.m._, 50 Edw. III. (1) No. 18." Mr. W. Farrer. - -The Lindesey Fee was once more forfeited to the Crown. Richard II. -granted it, however, to Phillipa, daughter of Ingelram and Isabella, -and to her husband Robert de Vere, earl of Oxford (1382); and when -the latter was outlawed by Parliament in 1388 it was confirmed to -her.[71] After her death (1411) she was declared to have been seised -of the advowson of the chapel of Grismere, taxed at £10, and that of -Wynandermere, taxed at 100s.[72] - - [71] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 5 Rich. II., 9 Rich. II., and 2 - Hen. IV., part iv. - - [72] _Inq. p.m._ MS. Rawl., B 438, f. 71. - -Phillipa had no children. Henry IV. now granted the Fee to his -son, John, created duke of Bedford and earl of Kendal. He died in -1435. His property in the barony of Kendal included the "advowsons -of Wynandermere and of Gressemere, each of which is worth 20 li -yearly."[73] - - [73] _Inq. p.m._, 14 Hen. VI., No. 36. - -The Duke of Bedford's widow, Jaquetta of Luxemburg, received the -third part of the Fee as her dower, with the advowson "of the church -in Gresmere." She married Richard Woodville, created earl Rivers. -After her death she is said (1473) to have possessed "the advowson or -nomination of the church or chapel of Gressemere," though in 1439 she -had allowed her privilege to lapse.[74] - - [74] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 1 Edw. IV., pt. 7, mem. 8; and - _Inq. p.m._, 12 Edw. IV., No. 47. - -The Fee was next granted by Henry VI. (who inherited it as heir to -his uncle John) to John Beaufort, duke of Somerset.[75] The duke's -daughter Margaret--afterwards countess of Richmond--came into -possession of it at his death.[76] After a lapse, when Yorkists sat -on the throne, and Sir William Parr of Kendal held it, the Fee (now -including the advowson of Grasmere) returned to Margaret and passed -to her grandson Henry VIII. He sold the advowson and patronage of -Grasmere. Its subsequent history will be given later. - - [75] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 22 Hen. VI. - - [76] _Inq. p.m._, 22 Hen. VI., No. 19. - -Such was the illustrious line of our church's early patrons--some -of them the most striking figures in a chivalrous age. But it is -not to be supposed that they knew much of the little parish hidden -amongst the mountains. When the rectorate fell vacant, they would -grant the post to some suppliant clerk or priest, who would carry -their nomination to the higher ecclesiastical authorities. The right -to nominate often fell into the king's hands, through minority of the -heir, confiscation, or inheritance. For instance, the king appointed -to the rectory of Windermere in 1282, in 1377 and in 1388. Edward -III. nominated Edmund de Ursewyk to "Gressemer" in 1349; and Henry -IV. did the same for Walter Hoton in 1401. - - - - -MONASTIC CONTROL - - -Our church of Grasmere was not left to the control of parson and -manorial lord like other tithe-yielding parishes, it was snapped up -by a big monastery. The abbeys that had sprung up all over England -in post-Norman times were of a very different order from the simple -religious communities of Anglo-Saxon times; and before long it became -a question as to how they were to be maintained on the splendid lines -of their foundation. By the reign of Henry I. they had begun to -appropriate rectories, and in 1212 the parish church of Crosthwaite -was given over to the control of Fountains Abbey in Yorkshire, which -carried off all the profits of the tithes, merely restoring £5 a -year to the rector, who was elected by its chapter.[77] St. Mary's -Abbey had been founded in York city in 1088, and its chapter found -it necessary by the end of the thirteenth century to look round -the great church province of Richmondshire to see if there were no -revenues which might by royal favour be appropriated. - - [77] _Victorian History of Cumberland._ - -In December, 1301, Edward I. despatched a writ to the sheriff of -Westmorland, bidding him inquire of true and lawful men whether it -would be to the damage of the Crown or others if the abbey of St. -Mary of York were allowed to appropriate the church of Kirkeby in -Kendale with its chapels and appurtenances. - -The inquisition was held, be it noted, not at Kendal but at Appleby, -where a sworn jury declared the appropriation would damage no one. -An explicit statement was added which concerns us. "The chapels of -the said church, to wit the chapels of Gresmer and Winandermere are -in the patronage of Lord Ingram de Gynes and Christian his wife, by -reason of the inheritance of the said Christian, and they hold of -the king in chief.... And the chapel of Gresmer is worth yearly 20 -li."[78] - - [78] _Inq. ad quod damnum_, 38/6. - -Accordingly a license was granted by Edward I., under date February -23rd, 1302, for the Abbot and Convent of St. Mary's, York, "towards -the relief of their impoverished condition," to appropriate the -"church of Kirkeby in Kendale, which is of their own patronage, in -the diocese of York, and consists of two portions, on condition that -they appropriate none of its chapels, if there are any."[79] - - [79] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 30 Edw. I. - -The appropriation took effect; and moreover the Abbey succeeded in -gaining jurisdiction over the "chapels" of Windermere and Grasmere. -The nomination of the rector indeed remained in the hands of the -lord of the Fee, but it was passed on to the chapter of the Abbey -for confirmation, before being finally ratified by the Archdeacon -of Richmondshire. Thus three august authorities had to bestir -themselves, when a fresh parson was needed for our parish; and in -1349 King Edward III., the Abbot of St. Mary and Archdeacon Henry de -Walton were all concerned in the business.[80] No doubt the monks -seized the right to nominate whenever they could, and in 1439 George -Plompton was named by them before his admission by the archdeacon.[81] - - [80] _Calendar Patent Rolls._ - - [81] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 17 Hen. VI., p. 1. - -This change was not put into effect, however, without fierce -opposition in the district. In 1309 an appeal went up to the king -from the Abbot of St. Mary, who styled himself "parson of the church -of Kirkeby in Kendale," wherein he stated that when his servants had -gone to carry in the tithe corn and hay, they had been assaulted by -Walter de Strykeland and others; and moreover that Roger, the vicar -and the other chaplains and clerks appointed to celebrate divine -service in that church, hindered them in the discharge of the same, -trampled down and consumed his corn and hay, and took away the horses -from his waggons and impounded them. Whereupon three justices were -appointed to adjudicate upon the case.[82] - - [82] _Calendar Patent Rolls._ - -From this it would be seen that the local clergy were as bitterly -opposed to the monastic rule as the gentry and the people. Sir -Walter de Strickland with armed servants at his command headed -the opposition. His lands at Sizergh lay to the south of the town -of Kendal and he refused to the men of the monastery right of way -across them for the collection of the tithes of corn, which was -always made while the stooks stood upright in the field. After much -wrangling, for no abbot was ever known to withdraw a claim, articles -of agreement were made out between them, which reiterated the -statement that the church of Kirkby Kendal was "canonically possessed -in proper use" by the monastery.[83] However, the convent found it -easier to let the tithes to the opponent, rather than to wrestle with -an obstructionist policy; and in 1334 Sir Walter is found agreeing -to furnish to the monastic granary now established at Kirkby Kendal -three good measures of oatmeal for the tithe of the sheaves of -Sigredhergh, sold to him by the abbot and convent.[84] - - [83] Sizergh Castle MSS. - - [84] MS. Dodsworth 28, fol. 78. - -But the people were not appeased, and when in 1344 the archbishop -made a visitation, opportunity was taken to lay before him, in the -name of "the common right," complaints against the monopoly of funds -by the convent, as the following document shows:-- - - Release of the Abbot and Convent of the Monastery of St. Mary, - York, concerning their churches, pensions, and portions. - - In the name of God, Amen, Since we, William, by divine - permission Archbishop of York, ... in our progress of visitation - which we have lately performed in and of our diocese ... have - found that the religious men the Abbot and Convent of the - monastery of St. Mary, against the common right detain the - parish churches and chapels, portions, pensions, and parochial - tithes underwritten, namely, ... the annual pensions in the - parts of Richmond: of the church of Richmond 100s. and 20 - lbs of wax, ... of the vicarage of Kirkby Kendall £4, of the - churches of Gresmere and Winandermers 5 marks.... We have - commanded the said abbot and convent ... to show their rights - and titles before us and have caused them to be called, ... and - we ... having considered the rights and good faith of the said - religious men ... release the said abbot and convent ... as - canonical possessors of the said churches, chapels, portions, - pensions (&c).... Dated at Cawood, on the 20th day of the month - of August in the year of our Lord MCCCXLIIIJ, and in the third - year of our pontificate.[85] - -The appeal had been made in vain. Yet opposition could not have -ceased, as the case was finally carried to Rome. In 1396 a -confirmation of the abbey's possessions (including the chapels of -Gresmere and Wynandremere, worth 5 marks each) was made by the Pope, -on petition by the abbey, according to letters patent of Thomas -Arundel, late archbishop of York, dated November, 1392.[85] - - [85] _Calendar of Papal Registers_, vol. v., p. 1-4. - - - - -THE CLERGY - - -Though not successful, Sir Walter de Strickland's opposition had done -some good, but for exactly 200 years longer did the monastery by the -walls of the city of York hold sway over the church of Grasmere. In -what degree its influence was felt in the mountain parish cannot be -told, or what it gave in return for the pension it abstracted. It -may have assisted in the rebuilding of the edifice, lending aid by -monastic skill in architecture. Probably it supervised the worship -in the church, and improved the ritual, passing on to the village -priest the tradition of its own richly furnished sanctuary. Signs -were not wanting at the Reformation that the district had been -ecclesiastically well served. - -It has been seen that the parson of the parish was a pluralist -and a non-resident as early as 1254; and so were those of his -successors of whom we have evidence. The glimpses obtained through -scant record disclose the tithe-taking rector of the valley as a -figure distinguished by education, if not by family, and known to -the lofty in station. He is termed "Master," and bears the suffix -"clerk"; while "Sir" is reserved for the curate, his deputy, who -has not graduated at either university.[86] He was skilled in law -more than in theology. He may have served an apprenticeship in the -great office of the Chancery; sometimes men of his position are -termed "king's clerk."[87] He was not an idle man, and was often -employed in secular business by the lord of the Fee. It may have -been in the collection of the lady's dues--for the heiress Christiana -de Lindesay, had married Ingelram de Gynes, of Coucy in France, in -1283--that the parson of Grasmere suffered an assault (1290) at -Leghton Gynes (later Leighton Conyers). It is certain that when -Robert de Gynes, one of the sons of Christiana, and possessed of some -of her lands about Casterton and Levens, went "beyond the seas" in -1334, he empowered Oliver de Welle, parson of Grasmere, to act with -Thomas de Bethum as his attorney. Oliver de Welle had a footing in -our valleys besides his parsonage, for he is stated to have held, -under the lord William de Coucy, deceased, "a certain place called -Little Langedon in Stirkland Ketle," which was then (1352) in the -custody of the executor of his will, John de Crofte.[88] - - [86] Dr. Cox, _Parish Registers of England_, p. 251. - - [87] In 1383 Richard de Clifford, "king's clerk" was presented to - the church of Warton in Kendale, _Calendar Patent Rolls_. - - [88] MS. Rawlinson, B. 438, f. 2. - -Edmund de Ursewyk, "king's clerk," whom the king nominated -to Grasmere in 1349--the young lord William de Coucy being -dead--doubtless came of a Furness family, and may have been related -to Adam de Ursewyk who held land for his life in the barony, by grant -of the elder William,[89] as well as the office of chief forester of -the park at Troutbeck.[90] - - [89] _Calendar Patent Roll_, 20 Edw. III. - - [90] _Calendar Patent Roll_, 20 Edw. III. - -"Magister George Plompton" was another learned cleric of good -family, being the son of Sir William Plumpton of Plumpton, knight. -He was a bachelor-at-law, and was ordained sub-deacon in 1417. It -was in 1438-9 that he was nominated to the rectory of Grasmere, by -the Chapter of St. Mary's, and some years after he acquired that of -Bingham in Nottinghamshire. This he resigned (and doubtless Grasmere -also) in two or three years' time, owing to age and infirmities. -He retired to Bolton Abbey, and in 1459 obtained leave from the -Archbishop of York to have service celebrated for himself and his -servants within the walls of the monastery--a permit which gives a -picture of affluent peace and piety in a few words.[91] - - [91] Canon Raine's Notes to _Testamenta Eboracensia_, Sur. So., - vol. 30, p. 68. - -Master Hugh Ashton, parson, acted as Receiver-general for the lands -of the Countess of Richmond (the Lindesay Fee) in 1505-6.[92] On his -resignation in 1511, Henry VIII. exercised his right as inheritor -of the Fee, and nominated John Frost to the rectory; the abbot and -convent presenting in due form. This happened again in 1525, when -William Holgill was appointed.[93] - - [92] Min. Acc., Hen. VII., 877. - - [93] "List of Rydall-Writings." D.F. - -Of other rectors of the post-Reformation period we know little or -nothing. Richard, "clericus," was taxed in 1332 on goods worth £4, -a sum higher by £1 than any land-holding parishioner in the three -townships.[94] - - [94] _Lay Subsidy Roll_, West, 195/1A, 6 Edw. III. - - -LIST OF RECTORS AND CURATES - - 1254 Henry de Galdington. _Calendar of Papal Registers_, vol. - 2, p. 294. - - 1290-91 William de Kendale. _De Banco Rolls_, Rev. 86 in 79d. - Adam de Ottelay, "capellanus." Levens Rental of Ed. - 2 or early Ed. 3. - - 1332 Richard "clericus." _Lay Subsidy Roll_. West., 195/1A. - - 1334 - June 24 Oliver de Welle. _Close Rolls and Patent Rolls._ 8 Ed. 3. - - 1349 Edmund de Ursewyk. _Patent Rolls._ - - 1362 Hugo de Middleton. Torre's _Archdeaconry of Richmondshire_. - Dec. 3 - - 1401 - Jan. 13 Walter Hoton "parson." _Patent Rolls_, Henry IV. - - ---- Reginald Pulham. Torre; no date given. - - 1443 - May 24 Peter Yrford. Torre. - - 1459 - Feb. 10 George Plompton. Torre. _Calendar Patent Rolls._ - - 1486 James Chamer "capellano." - - 1505-6 Hugh Ashton, "clerk," Min. Acc., Henry VII., 877. - Resigns Grasmere Rectory in 1512. Rydal Hall - MSS. - - 1511 John Frost, on resignation of Hugh Ashton. Rydal - Oct. 18 Hall MSS. - - 1525 William Holgill or Hawgill. Rydal Hall MSS. Chester - Mar. 14 Diocesan Registry. - - 1548 Gabriel Croft, instituted on death of Holgill. Chester - Jan. 11 Registry. Called Rector at Visitation of Bishop of - Chester, 1554, when the following names accompany - his. - - Dns William Jackson. His will was proved Jan. 21, - 1569, which calls him "late curat of Gresmer." - - Dns John Hunter. - - Dns Hugo Walton. Hugh Watson "preist" bur. March - 8, 1577. Grasmere Church Register. - - 1563 "Sirre Thomas Benson, curate" witnesses will of John - Benson Esq. of Baisbrowne. - - 1569 ? Master John Benson, rector. - - ? Lancelot Levens. Chester Diocesan Registry. - - 1575[95] John Wilson, instituted on death of Lan. Levens. - July 18 Chester Diocesan Registry. Bur. May, 13, 1627. - Grasmere Church Register. - - [95] 1575--March 20. James Dugdall, "Clericus" witnesses Indenture - between Wil. Fleming of Rydal and his miller. - - 1627 Robertus Hogge. Removed following year. Rydal Hall - July 16 MSS. - - 1628 Henry Wilson, B.A., instituted, according to Chester - May 24 Diocesan Registry, on death of John Wilson, by - presentation of Agneta Fleming. Ejected 1644. - Died 1647. - - -CLERGY DOING DUTY DURING THE COMMONWEALTH - - 1645. "Mr. Benson." - - 1646. "Sir Christopher Rawling." Probably had served as - Curate for some time previously. The Register - gives the baptism of his child in 1641 when he is - called "Clericus." He likewise joined Parson Wilson - in a bill in 1642. - - 1653. John Wallas. Independent. Ejected 1655. - - 1655 John Tompson. Probably Presbyterian. - - -RECTORS AFTER RESTORATION - - 1660. John Ambrose. Probably nominated on death of Henry - Wilson, but not allowed to serve. - - 1684 Henry Fleming, B.A. on death of J. Ambrose. - - 1728 William Kilner on death of H. Fleming. - - 1728 George Fleming, LL.D. (Dean of Carlisle) on session of - W. Kilner. - - 1733 William Fleming, M.A. on resignation of Geo. Fleming. - - 1743 John Craik, B.A. on death of W. Fleming. - - 1806 Thomas Jackson on death of J. Craik. - - 1822 Sir Richard Fleming, Bart., on death of T. Jackson. - - -CURATES - -The curates who officiated under the rectors were a different class -of men. Constantly resident, and seemingly holding the post for -life, they belonged as a rule to the district--even it might be, -to the township--as did William Jackson, who died 1569. A sharp -boy, son of a statesman, might attract the notice of the parson, -or of the visiting brother from St. Mary's Abbey. After serving an -apprenticeship, as attendant or acolyte within the church, he might -be passed on from the curate's tuition--for the latter almost always -taught school--to Kendal or even to the abbey at York. On being -admitted into the order of priesthood, he would return to his native -place (should the post be vacant) and minister week by week to the -spiritual needs of his fellows and his kinsfolk. Sometimes he even -took up land to farm. Adam de Ottelay, "chaplain," is set down in an -undated rental of the early fourteenth century, as joining in tenure -with John "del bancke."[96] - - [96] Levens Hall MS. - -The "chaplain" James Chamer, who witnessed a Grasmere deed in 1486, -was probably the curate there.[97] It must be remembered, however, -that the three townships appear to have been, from an early (but -unknown) date, furnished with resident curates, acting under rector -and abbot. Little Langdale too, if tradition be correct, had its -religious needs supplied by a chapel. It is possible, indeed, -that this may have been served through the priory of Conishead in -Furness, to which William de Lancaster III.--the last baron to rule -Kendal as a whole, who died 1246--granted a settlement or grange -at Baisbrowne and Elterwater, which was later called a manor. This -grange lay within Grasmere parish, as does the field below Bield, -where tradition asserts the chapel to have stood. The first express -mention of a chapel at Ambleside (within the township of Rydal and -Loughrigg) is found in a document of Mr. G. Browne, dated 1584. But -in the rental of 1505-6, William Wall, "chaplain," is entered as -holding in Ambleside one third of the "pasture of Brigges." There -is little doubt, therefore, that he was resident in the town, and -uniting husbandry with his clerical office. Of a chapel in Great or -Mickle Langdale the first evidence that occurs (after the strong -presumptive evidence of the four priests serving the parish to be -given immediately) is the indenture of 1571, which expressly mentions -it. - - [97] Rydal Hall MS. - - -THE START OF THE REFORMATION - -The revolution which Henry VIII. brought about in the ecclesiastical -world of England shook our parish, as the rest of England. -Not content with the suppression and spoliation of the lesser -monasteries, he turned to the greater ones, whose riches in gold and -jewels, in land and revenue, excited his cupidity. Remote Grasmere -even, by diversion of the pension she had dutifully paid her church -superior, might supply something to the royal pocket! So the new -supreme Head of the Church is found in 1543, bartering what he could -to two of those job-brokers of ecclesiastical property, who were so -evil a feature of the Reformation. The parchment at Rydal Hall runs -thus:-- - - A Breuiate of the Kings Grant of Gersmire Advowson to Bell & - Broksbye in 35^{to} Hen. 8 - -Be it remembered that in the charter of our most illustrious lord -Henry the Eight, by the grace of God king of England, France, and -Ireland, defender of the faith, and on earth supreme head of the -English and Irish church, made to John Bell and Robert Brokelsby -within named, among other things it is thus contained:-- - - The king to all to whom, &c. greeting. We do also give, for - the consideration aforesaid, and of our certain knowledge and - mere motion for us, our heirs and successors, do grant to - the aforesaid John Bell and Robert Brokelsbye, the advowson, - donation, denomination, presentation, free disposition, and - right of patronage of the Rectory of Gresmere in our county of - Westmorland, which, as parcel of the possessions and revenues - of the late Monastery of St. Mary near the wall of the City - of York, or otherwise or in any other manner or by any reason - whatsoever, has or have fallen, or may fall, into our hands. - Witness the king at Walden the twenty-first day of October in - the thirty-fifth year of our reign. - -This is clearly a copy of but a part of the original charter, and the -"consideration" which Henry received does not transpire; but in the -following month the two speculators procured a licence to sell again, -and they passed over their purchase of the Grasmere advowson, and of -all woods upon the premises--meaning no doubt the old demesne of the -Lindesay Fee--to Alan Bellingham, gent., for £30 11s. 5-1/2d.[98] -Bellingham in the same year purchased direct from the Crown that -portion of Grasmere known as the Lumley Fee--thus gaining the -lordship of some part of the valley. - - [98] "List of Rydall-Writings," by D.F., in which he writes the - names as Bellowe and Brokylsbee. - -Henry's sale of the advowson did not touch the tithes, which were -left in the hands of the rector; but he reserved for himself the -"pension" of 2-1/2 marks which had been regularly paid out of them to -the abbey. It passed down with other Crown property to Charles II., -and in his reign was sold, according to an Act of Parliament which -was passed permitting the sale of such royal proceeds. Since that -time it has been in private hands, and bought and sold in the money -market like stocks. It may perhaps be traced by sundry entries in -account books, as paid by the tithe-holder: in 1645, "for a pension -for Gresmire due at Mich: last" £1 13s. 4d. It was paid in 1729 by -Dr. Fleming as "Fee-farm Rent" to the Marquis of Caermarthen; and -later by Mr. Craike to the Duke of Leeds; while Sir William Fleming, -as owner of the tithes of Windermere, paid the same from them.[99] -It is still paid through a London agent, being officially set down -as "Net Rent for Grasmere, £1. 6s. 8d.: Land tax, 6s. 8d." This sum -represents--not five marks--but five nobles, or half-marks. Thus it -may be said that the dead hand of Henry VIII. still controls the -tithes of Grasmere. - - [99] Rydal Hall MSS. and Tax Eccles. P. Nicholai. - -This tyrant wrought other changes for Grasmere. When creating the new -diocese of Chester, he swept our parts of Westmorland within it. The -archdeaconry of Richmondshire remained, but the archdeacon was shorn -of power. He no longer instituted our parson, as in the days prior to -the rule of St. Mary's Abbey, and this empty form fell to the Bishop -of Chester; who, on the death of parson Holgill in 1548, appointed to -the office one Gabriel Croft, upon nomination by the patron.[100] - - [100] Chester Diocesan Register. - -Now Croft was seemingly a man of unscrupulous temper. The boy Edward -was by this time upon the throne, and spoliation of church revenues -was, under his advisers and in the name of Protestantism, the order -of the day. The parson of Grasmere was one of those who seized the -opportunity offered by the general misrule; and he committed an act -for which there could be no legal pretext. Previous rectors had -drawn the tithes of the parish, and pocketed the large margin that -remained, after the stipends of the worthy curates who did their work -had been paid. But Croft went beyond this. In 1549 he sold the tithes -on a lease, and not for the period of his life (which he might have -claimed as his right) but for ninety-seven years. The purchaser was -his patron, Dame Marion Bellingham of Helsington, widow; and she paid -him a lump sum of £58 11s. 5-1/2d., upon the agreement that she and -her heirs would furnish from the tithes a stipend for the rector of -£18 11s. 7d.[101] - - [101] List of Rydall Writings. D.F. - -The bargain, ratified by John, Bishop of Chester, was excellent for -both parties; but it was disastrous for the parish. So far, the -tithes, however mismanaged, had lain in the hands of the church -and the clergy, for whose support they were rendered. The Abbey -of St. Mary, while exacting a pension from them, exercised in -return a supervision that was doubtless of benefit; for under it, -the rector--though he took the bulk of them himself--could hardly -escape providing the three priests resident within the parish with -sufficient stipends. Moreover, as he was an absentee, it is probable -that he made a stable arrangement for their ingetting, that would -be convenient to himself and comfortable for the parishioners (such -as obtained later), and that he even farmed them to the dalesmen -themselves. This method saved him the risks of an annual tithing -carried out by a paid agent, and it insured him a regular (if more -moderate) income, in easily transported silver money. The evidence -of the lawsuits shows that the system of paying a certain fixed -sum instead of the tenth in kind was actually in force for some -commodities, while in some cases this composition or prescription -extended to the whole of a landed estate. - -The change was sharp, from church control to control by a lay -improprietor, whose simple business it was to squeeze as large an -income as he could out of his investment. He was not likely to leave -the tithing on the old easy footing, nor was the parishioner inclined -to increase his offering without resistance. Squire William Fleming -was a big enough man to front on his own account the common foe. -Averring that, in satisfaction of all tithes the customary annual sum -of 20s. had been paid for "the demeanes of Rydall," he refused Alan -Bellingham's demand for a tenth of hay, wool and lambs taken from the -yearly yield. Alan, who denied the custom, sued him in the Consistory -Court at York, including in his claim the proceeds of the years 1569 -to 1572, for which payment had been made. The spiritual court judged -in his favour; whereupon Fleming carried the case to the civil court -of King's Bench. Here, after several adjournments, and a trial before -justices connected with the county, the final verdict was given in -his favour (1575).[102] - - [102] _Coram Rege Roll_, N.T., 17 Eliz., ro. 218. - -Before the case was settled, the contenders struck a bargain, and the -ownership of the advowson of Grasmere passed from Alan Bellingham -of Fawcet Forrest, executor of Marion Bellingham, to the Rydal -squire for the sum of £100, and that of the remainder of the lease -of the rectory and tithes for £500.[103] The tenfold increase of -the purchase money in twenty-four years time shows the enormous -increase in tithe value when in the grasp of lay hands; for a rise -of agricultural prosperity would not account for it. Squire William -now became in his turn the oppressor; but the tale of the powerful -opposition he roused in the parish must be left to another chapter. -The advowson remains yet in his family. - - [103] Dated Nov. 3, 1573. "List of Rydall Writings." - -To return to the parsons. Croft, with an annuity assured to him, -and a small capital in gold, no doubt troubled himself little about -his parish. He had defrauded it and crippled its funds for the -next hundred years. The curates we suppose stuck to their posts, -though where their stipends came from is a problem. Little change -in ritual could have been made, before Edward's death and Mary's -accession brought a reinstitution of the old form of faith, as well -as a hopeless attempt to restore stolen church property. In 1554 the -Bishop of Chester held a visitation at Kendal for these parts, and -the officials of the parish are set down in the following list:--[104] - - Gresmer. Mr. Gabriel Croft, Rector ibm. pt. - Dns Willmus Jackson, pt. xh. - Dns Joh^{es} Hunter pt. - Dns Hugo Walton pt. - - pt. Joh^{es} Benson } - pt. Georgius Mylforth } Guardiani - pt. Edwardus Benson } - - pt. Rogerus Gregg } - pt. Nicolaus Dicson } Inquisitores - Tho^{as} Gregg } - pt. Hugo Gregg} - - [104] Chester Diocesan Registry. - -It is clear from this that three curates then served the -parish--"Dominus" being the latinized "sir" of the customary title. -Of the third in the list evidence is found in the parish register, -where the burial is recorded on March 8th, 1577, of "Hugh Watson -preist," this no doubt being the correct form of his name. It seems -likely that he officiated in Ambleside, which by this time was a -thriving little town. Of John Hunter nothing further is known: he may -have served the chapel in Langdale. - -Record of William Jackson is found in his will:--[105] - - Sir William Jackson _late curet at Gresmer_. - - Jan. 21, 1569. I William Jackson clarke and curat of Grysmer--to - be buriede within ye parishe church of Grysmer, near where my - IJ brothers was buried--To my parishe church VIs. VIIId. And yt - to be payd.... Kendaill for a booke at I bought of (erased) to - the betering of the.... To the poor folkes XXXs. to be divided - at the sytct of my supervisores. Item I give to every on of my - god children, VId.--To every sarvent in my maister's house XIId. - Item I geve to Sir Thomas Benson a sernet typet. To my Mr. John - Benson a new velvet cap--By me Sir William Jaikson at Grysmer. - - Inventory, 21 Jan. 1569.--Rament unbequested to be sold be my - executores and supervisores. A worsate jaccate, a brod cloth - jacate, a brod clothe side goune, a mellay side goune, a shorte - goune, a preiste bonate, a velvate cape, a sylke hate, II. pare - of hosse, a mellay casseck, a worsat typat, a matras, a great - chiste, a ledder dublat. Summa, III li. XIIs.... In wax and - sergges, books and parchment, with other small thyngs to be sold - within my chamber. I owe to Christofor Wolker's wyff Under Helme - XIIs. of newe money to be payed to hyr, whych she dyd bowrere - for me in my tyme of nede. - - [105] Wills and Inventories of the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire. - Surtees Society. - -The following extract from the Kendal Corporation MSS. may not be -inappropriate here:-- - - MSS. of the Corporation of Kendal. - This MS. commences 10th Report. - - Sept. 26, 1653. Prov. at election of a Mayor. Order that every - Alderman shall provide _a gowne_ for the following Sunday, or - be fined 40s. _Gowns_ according to an ancient order, to be all - of one form "of blacke stuffe, to be faced with black plush or - velvet, _and Mr. Maior himselfe to have one readie_ against - Sunday next or else forfeit 40s." - - (A 13). "Abstract of fines of Leete Courte," Oct. 20, 1612. - Various penalties for misdemeanours. - - "Abstracte of Fines for the Bilawes Courte," Dec. 14, 1612. - Various injunctions and fines. - - "_Offerings and bridehowes_ allowed by Mr. Alderman" (then - head of Corporation) and 4 Burgesses and the Vicar then being. - Bidden dinners or "nutcastes, or _merie nightes_" for money not - to exceed 12 persons. Same for "_churching dinner_" for monie - taking, only 12 wives allowed. - -From this will something may be gathered of the life of the village -priest who belongs to the vale, and whose simple wish is to be buried -by his two brothers within the church. He has his appointed chamber -in his master's house--doubtless the rectory. His possessions are -few. There are some books, also parchment and wax, for the making of -wills and indentures; there is the mattress on which he slept, and -a great "chiste," in which no doubt papers and clothes were stored -together. Of clothes he had a goodly stock, in jackets, gowns, -tippets, caps, and the stout leather doublet which no doubt he donned -for his long tramps through storm and rain and snow to the dying. The -sale of all these was to furnish money for his legacies--for coin he -had none. His benefactions are characteristic: loyally to his parish -church a noble, or half a mark; to every servant of his master 12d.; -to each of his godchildren 6d.; and he desires besides that an old -debt, incurred in his "tyme of nede," should be paid in new money. -Some crisis is suggested here, when the good wife of Under Helm -collected money for him. - -But other facts may be gathered from this will. Our good curate -bequeaths to "Sir Thomas Benson" his sarsnet tippet, clearly from its -superior stuff, the best that he had. This, the usual outer dress -of the priest, was a long garment made with sleeves, reaching to -the ankles, and was tied with a girdle.[106] Now a Thomas Benson, -"curate," witnessed the will of John Benson of Baisbrowne in 1563; he -must then have served the chapel of Langdale for a series of years. -Also it seems probable that the curate's master, John Benson, was the -rector, succeeding Croft or another. - - [106] Wall's _Old English Parish_. - -A spirit of peace and goodwill breathes through this document, and -one too that suggests continuity in the order of the church. Yet it -must be remembered that it was written in the reign of Elizabeth, -when the Protestant religion had been firmly established by law, and -written moreover by a man who had undoubtedly followed the Catholic -ritual fifteen years before. His fellow curate too of that date, -"preist" Watson, was still alive, surviving him by eight years. There -is a Protestant odour about the cassock, and Jackson possessed one; -but his wardrobe is distinctly of the old-world, priestly type. It -is probable indeed that there was little change made for some time -even in the services of the church. The people of the north-western -mountains were conservative, and it was they who most stoutly -resisted the suppression of the monasteries. There is evidence to -show that the new tenets were but slowly adopted in these parts. -The church at Crosthwaite was found as late as 1571 to be still in -possession of the furniture and pictures that had lent a touch of -splendour to the former ritual; and they were then most stringently -ordered to be destroyed.[107] - - [107] Victorian _History of Cumberland_. - -The people were not likely to welcome changes that brought in their -train not only impoverishment of service, but reduction in the number -of the clergy; for with the diversion of the tithes, there ceased to -be any provision for the salaries of curates. - -Langdale did without a curate, and not until over 200 years was -the township once more blessed with a resident minister, though the -chapel was used for services. Ambleside was in different case. Now a -thriving little town, equally distant from the two parish churches -that claimed it, with fulling mills bringing in wealth, it was able -to maintain a curate independently, and did so. - -James Dugdale the cleric, who witnessed a Rydal deed in 1575, might -have been supposed to serve at Ambleside, only that Priest Watson was -then alive. Certain it is that in 1584 the townsfolk placed their -support of chapel and curate on a solid basis, pledging each man his -portion of land thereto. This was immediately before the appointment -of John Bell as curate. The pledge was repeated in a deed of the year -1597. - -The rector of the parish, with no more than £18 odd as stipend, -had now to perform the entire duty of the wide parish. Nothing is -known of Croft's later dealings with the rectorate, nor of Lancelot -Levens, who followed him. But on the latter's death in 1575, John -Wilson was instituted, and for fifty-two years he served as rector. -From his handwriting, seen in the market-deed, and from the register -(most negligently kept during his time of office) an unfavourable -impression is created. When he died in 1627, there followed--after -a few months interlude, when Robert Hogge served--the Rev. Henry -Wilson, B.A., who was to become notorious as a Royalist and -High-Churchman. He was nominated by Dame Agnes Fleming, the clever -widow of Squire William, who at this time ruled at Rydal Hall for her -son John. - -The expenses of the tithe gathering were not great. An item of -2s. 0d. is paid to David Harrison, the Rydal inn-keeper, against -"tythinge," and "for gathering tith Eggs" 1s. 0d. These last -offerings were paid in kind, and we know from subsequent accounts -that this persuasive office was somtimes filled by women, "two -wiues," being paid in 1643 "for goeing 3 dayes gathering Eggs at -Easter." - -The later account-sheets kept by Richard Harrison show less -completely than Tyson's the income derived from the tithes. - - li s d - - Rec. in pt. of Lambe booke of gresmire at seaverall - tymes due before this 23 June 1643 due at Easter - last 11 6 0 - - Rec. more in pt. of lambe booke, for gresmire that - was begun at Easter last. Rec. this 10 Aug. 3 1 10 - -The tithes on lambs amounted therefore in 1643 to £14. 7s. 10d. Next -year:-- - - li s d - - Rec. more at before this 16 Julie 1644 in pt. of Easter - Reckinings of Gresmire due at Easter last 7 1 9 - - Rec. more in pt. of Lambe booke then due 11 12 6 - - Rec. for Easter Reckininges Lambe silvr and some - arreares due before this 26 Julie 1645 for gresmire 35 12 0 - - Rec. of Easter booke & Lambe booke due at Easter - 1646 for gresmire before this 4 Ap. 1646 30 2 6 - -We have no entries discriminating between tithe and demesne wool, -which was now selling at a high price; nor do we hear of the tithe -corn, except that in 1643 the sum of 10s. 0d. was paid for the hire -of a barn for it. In Tyson's accounts the even money received for -it--as well as other entries which connect its payment with the -holder of Padmire in Grasmere--give an appearance of it having been -then farmed, as it was at a later time. - - - - -THE CIVIL WARS - - -It is clear that the tithes were dropping in value; and this is -little to be wondered at when the condition of the country is -considered. - -War was rife, and the "troubles" that affected every household--high -and low, either in actual fighting or in tax-paying--were felt with -peculiar poignancy at Rydal Hall. Squire John Fleming, as a rich -man, had not stooped to conceal his religion, and had cheerfully -paid his fine of £50 a year as a Catholic of the old faith. He died -on February 27, 1643, at an unfortunate time for his young children, -when warfare was just beginning in the north-west. He was buried -the same evening, like many another recusant, in Grasmere Church; -and though Parson Henry Wilson was paid a fee for "ouersight of his -buriall" it is possible that mass was first said over the body in -the "Chapel" chamber at Rydal; for one Salomon Benson, a mysterious -member of the group of papists gathered about the Squire, in receipt -of a pension of five marks a year, was probably a priest. - -The orphaned children--two girls growing to womanhood and a younger -boy--were now left with all the wealth that would be eventually -theirs, in charge of executors. Chief among these was Richard -Harrison, a nephew of the Squire, and a Roman Catholic. He appears -to have lived with his wife and son at Rydal Hall, and to have had -entire management of the household in the years that followed. - -The position was a difficult one, and naturally grew more so as -time went on, and success began to attend the Parliamentary party. -The money-coffers of Squire John were freely dipped into for loans -to support the Royal cause, which the young heir joined in person; -and the house was the resort of Royalist soldiers and gentlemen of -the neighbourhood. As a consequence, it was peculiarly obnoxious -to the supporters of the Parliament, and was likewise detested by -the Puritans as a hotbed of Papists. Therefore, when the houses -of Royalists were sacked up and down the county, there was little -probability that it would escape. - -A tradition has always existed that Rydal Hall was entered and -plundered by the soldiers of the Commonwealth; but it is in the -account-sheets of Richard Harrison that explicit evidence of the fact -has now, and for the first time, been found. The catastrophe would -belong wholly to Rydal history, but for a clause in the accounts -which concerns Grasmere church. - -Dates are difficult to follow in the sheets, but it is clear that -the year 1644 marked the turning-point of the war. The hopes of the -Royalists had been high when Prince Rupert marched through Lancashire -to meet the enemy; but they were crushed by the terrible defeat of -Marston Moor on July 1st. The king's forces in these parts were -completely scattered, and there was a tremendous exodus of loyalists, -who left to join the king's army in the south. The band was led by -Sir Francis Howard, and it included the young heir of Rydal. The -exodus is marked in the account-sheets by the numerous sums borrowed -from the Rydal chests by various people, beginning with the chief -himself. Even the loyal parsons borrowed, and small sums were lent -about this time to two of the Cumberland curates, who possibly went -off on king's business too. Henry Wilson, the rector of Grasmere, was -a noted Royalist, and apparently acted as an emissary in the cause. -The following entry records one of the many loans to him, at a time -when he too was leaving the country:-- - - li s d -Lent parson wilson upon his note by & with the consent of Mr. - Phillipson & Mr. Willm. wch. makes that he hath lately lent - 8 li wch. he will either repay or els giue satisfaction that - it may allow when he comes & serues the cure at Gressmire - Church lent him this the 13 July 5 10 0 - -It is clear that in this year, 1644, the hall and its inmates shared -in the general sufferings. Friendly messengers rode by night to give -warning when another hall was sacked. Hostile soldiers were quartered -on the premises, and some pillaging of horses and other things was -done, for which Harrison tried to obtain restitution. He also sought -protection--if it might be granted by wire-pulling and bribery--from -Colonels Bellingham and Briggs, who commanded the Scots troops in -Westmorland. It is possible that the new glass required both for the -hall and for the choir of Grasmere church, "which was broken," may -have been the result of some hostile demonstration. - -But the actual raid upon the hall was made at Eastertide, 1645. The -soldiers of "Captaine Orfer & Collonell Lawson" entered it, searched -for money and took all they could find (which was little) and carried -off Richard Harrison to prison, where he remained till Pentecost. - -Further mischief is recorded in another paragraph of the sheets, when -the sum of £2 4s. 8d. is set down at Easter, 1645, as "pd. for bread -and wine twice at Gresmire Church in regard it was once plundered by -Lawson's souldiers." - -Now this provision for the Easter communion, which the tithe-holder -was bound to make, was a special provision, always accounted for -separately, and probably delivered direct to the church from the wine -merchant, whose name is occasionally mentioned. So in this case, the -church itself was presumably entered with violence, and by the same -troop that visited Rydal Hall. - -It was a Cumberland troop that did the mischief, as is evident from -the names of the officers. Colonel Wilfred Lawson of the Isell -family was an ardent fighter for the Parliament. Captain Orfeur was -doubtless a member of the stock of Plumbland Hall.[108] - - [108] He may have been one of the brothers of William, head of - the family, who died in 1660. See "The Orfeurs of High Close," - _Transactions_ Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, - vol. iii. - -The troop may have marched from the siege of Carlisle Castle, which -had been held for the king through the winter; and nothing is more -likely than that, on their march over the Raise, they would halt at -Grasmere, and do what despite they could to a sacred building held -by an episcopalian parson and a recusant patron, who were of course -odious for their so-called "delinquency." The event, however, is -inferred rather than actually stated in Harrison's account.[109] - - [109] It is necessary to be explicit on this point, for, on the - authority of the writer's MS., a statement that the church of - Grasmere was broken into by the Parliamentary forces appeared - twice in print in 1910, without any reference being given to the - actual source of information, or its ambiguity. - -At Whitsuntide, on his release from prison, Richard Harrison -returned to his post at Rydal Hall as factotum and financier. The -position became steadily worse. Young William Fleming had returned -from Bristol, after reverses in the south, only to be captured and -imprisoned in Kendal; and his freedom had to be procured by a heavy -ransom. In restless mood he declared his intention of going overseas, -and considerable sums were paid for his fitting out; but he never -got beyond London, where he died shortly after of smallpox. The -Parliamentary Committee, then sitting at Kendal, exacted heavy fines -from the estate for delinquency. Oppressive taxes too were repeatedly -levied for the support of the Parliamentary forces and the Scotch -army. This extraordinary outflow of money, as well as the loans made -to friends, must have materially reduced the wealth of Squire John, -and have left less for the suitors who presently appeared to claim -the hands of the heiresses. - -Not the Rydal estate alone, but the whole country-side groaned under -the burden of taxation. It is therefore not surprising that from the -hardness of the times, as well as from possible illwill, the tithes -began to yield an uncertain return; and that to come by them at all -it was sometimes necessary to engage a strong man or a stout party -for the business. An item in the account-sheets for 1645 runs:-- - - li s d - - spent in 3 dayes when we went to gather the tith woole - being ten in company 1 4 0 - - Spent more when Mr. Mason & I went to gather the - Easter dues at severall tymes 15 0 - - Oct. Adam Fisher & young Jarrat for Inning the tith - corne at Gresmere this yeare 1645 1 0 0 - -Adam Fisher was the Rydal blacksmith, and doubtless a strong man. -Clearly no farmer could be found to take up a contract for the tithes -of corn; and as we have seen, a barn had been hired for its housing. - -In 1648 Harrison went into Cumberland, and spent a week getting the -"tith-rents" due on St. Mark's Day; and he enters:-- - - li s d - geaven my cosen Lamplougs man for his paynes in - comeinge to meete me there with directions from - [parliamentary] comittee to pay there rents unto - me, otherwise I had gotten none payd 0 5 0 - -Harrison was subjected to another imprisonment, and squeezed by -the hostile government of many further sums. His account-sheets -close in 1648-9, when the hall--soon to lie under the ban of -sequestration--was itself closed. - - - - -THE COMMONWEALTH - - -The year 1645 marked the beginning of a great change in the church -government of Grasmere. Already the new system devised by the -Presbyterian party (which was now in the ascendant after the success -of the Scotch at Newcastle) was being put into force as a substitute -for episcopal rule. The division of the country into sections, each -called a _classis_--to be administered by a committee of laymen -empowered to nominate for each parish a minister and four elders--was -very rapidly carried out. The following answer was sent to the -Parliament's demand, by letter from the Speaker, that _classes_ for -South Westmorland should be formed:--[110] - - [110] Shaw, in his _Church under the Commonwealth_, says that the - scheme was already working in Northumberland and Durham at the - close of 1645, and that it seems to have been put in force in - Westmorland early in 1646. This letter explains the delay. - - Honourable Sir - - We received your Honours letter (dated the 22nd September last) - the 3d of February last Wherein is required of us with advise - of Godly Ministers, to returne to your Honour such Ministers - and Elders as are thought fitt for the Presbiteriall way of - Government (which wee much desire to be established) and the - several classes. After wee received your Honours letter to that - purpose (though long after the date) wee speedily had a meeting; - and upon due consideration nominated the Ministers and Elders - which wee thought fitted (as your Honour may conceive by this - enclosed) for the Presbiteriall imployment as is desired and - have divided the County of Westmerland into two Classes. Since - the expediting of this your Honours direction: Wee have heard - of an Ordinance of Parliament directing to the election of such - persons: But as yet neither Order or Ordinance hath come unto - us; Only your Honours letter, is our Warrant and Instruction; - And accordingly we make bould to send (here inclosed) the names - both of Ministers and Elders. And if we faile in the Parliaments - method in this particuler, Wee shall willingly (upon your - Honours next direction) rectify any mistake for the present, - and shalbe willing to submitt to your Honours and Parliamentary - directions; Which wee shall duly expect, that in wharsoever - wee haved missed, wee may amend it. Thus with our Service - recommended Wee remaine - - Yours Honours Servants - - Ric Prissoe, Maior Edmond Grey - Thomas Gleddall Rich Branthwait - Ger Benson Allan Gilpin - Rowland Dawson Thom Sandes - John Archer - - Kendall 10 Martii, 1645 - - (Endorsement) 10 Martii, 1645 (1645/46). From the Maior and - Committee at Kendal with their Classes. - - For the Honourable William Lenthall, Esq., Speaker of the - Commons House of Parliament. These--[111] - - [111] MSS. Tanner, 60, fol. 527, Bodleian Library, Oxford. - -In the list of the parishes with their church officials which -accompany this servile epistle, ours appears thus: - - Grasmere - - Mr. Henry Wilson, minister of Gressmer a notorious malignant and - articled against at Parliament. - - Elders. - - Mr. Thomas Brathwait Edward Knotts and - Michaell Benson Francis Benson - -The newly-elected elders were men of good position and character. -Mr. Brathwaite, son of Gawen, and grandson of James, was soon to -become the head of the Ambleside Hall family. The Bensons were the -descendants of the rich clothiers of Elizabeth's days. Francis, -living at his freehold of the Fold, Loughrigg, was later to display -his indomitable will as a disciple of George Fox. Edward Knott was -one of a race of Grasmere statesmen whose course was a forward one -for some hundreds of years, and whose later history belongs to Rydal -and Coniston. - -But before these men were chosen, or this letter written, the -"Committee" in Kendal had already interfered in church matters in -Grasmere, and had suspended the parson. The Rev. Henry Wilson had -served the king's cause in other ways than by preaching; and it is -probable that the sums of money he began to borrow from 1643 from the -Rydal Hall estate (whose coffers all the needy Royalists had recourse -to) were used upon journeys to and fro as an emissary, or were -expended in some other way for the cause.[112] - - [112] The secret messengers who passed with despatches between - the king and his army endured great perils and sometimes lost - their lives. - - li s d - - Lent to P'son wilson upon his bill & Sr. Chr: Rawlings - 13th of August for 6 weekes or els to Allow in his - wages at Martinmas 1 0 0 - - * * * * * - - Lent to Mr. Wilson P'son of Gresmire the 16 July - upon his bill to be allowed in his sty. pd. at martinmas - next 1644 3 0 0 - -By September he had borrowed £4 more, and on December 30th, £2 10s. -But the Parliamentary party had by this time determined to put a curb -on the Royalist parson's excursions. There exists among the MSS. -of the Corporation of Kendal, a bond, dated November 16th, 1644, -entered into by him to Colonel James Bellingham, "that the said Henry -Wilson shall appear and render his body into the hands of the Provost -Marshall of Kendall, at the end of twenty dayes next after the date -hereof, and in the mean tyme shall not travell forth of the County of -Westmorland nor hold any intelligence nor send any message by word or -writeing to any of that party now in armes against the parliament, -but in all things demeane himselfe well, and not indeavour in any -wise to seduce or withdrawe the affections of any of his parishioners -or others from the service of King & Parliament." - -Attested by James Bellingham, Thomas Brathwaite, and Thomas -Kelver.[113] - - [113] Communicated by Mr. J. A. Martindale. - -Under the pressure of military force he was constrained to appear -before the Parliamentary tribune at Kendal; and he must have been -then formally inhibited from duty; for the Rydal account-book shows:-- - - li s d - - pd to Mr. Benson who serues at Gresmire put in by - the Committee & ordered to pay the stypend to - him that was due to Mr. Wilson for Halfe A - yeare ended at penticost last 1645 9 5 9-1/2 - - pd to mr. benson by an order from the Committee for - Halfe A yeares wage for serving the Cure at Gresmire - ended at Martinmas last 1645 9 5 9-1/2 - -It is singular that in the Committee's report of its action to the -Parliament, in the letter already given, it makes no mention of -Mr. Benson's supersession of the rector. It was not destined to -stand however; and possibly there was opposition in the parish. For -Harrison enters, under February, 1646:-- - - li s d - - pd. to Sr. Chr: Rawling in pt. of his wages for seruing - the Cure of Gresmire for Halfe A yeare to end at - penticost next & either to pay it again or els to - stand in paymt. 5 0 0 - -The remaining £4 was paid on May 22nd, "by order of the Comittee." -It would be interesting to know who this server of the cure was. He -had been resident since at least 1641, when a child of his "Christe: -Rawlinge, cler," had been baptized. He had likewise joined Parson -Wilson in his bill three years earlier. His prefix "Sir," betokened -him to be of the lower order of clergy, who had not graduated at -either University. - -Meanwhile Wilson, without stipend, was sinking under a weight of -debt. A year after the death of his first wife, he had married (in -1639) Mrs. Dorothy Forrest, and he had (besides a former family) -young children born in 1642 and 1643. Harrison thought it necessary -now, in 1645, to obtain the consent of the young heir of Rydal, and -of another executor, before lending him further sums of money:-- - - li s d - - Lent parson wilson upon his note by & with the consent - of Mr. Phillipson & Mr. Willm. wch. makes - that he hath lately lent 8 li wch. he will either - repay or els giue satisfaction that it may allow - when he comes & serues the cure at Gressmire - Church lent him this the 13 July 5 10 0 - -Possibly he left Grasmere for a time, yet it is clear that he had -hopes of recovering his position there. It is noteworthy that the -curates of St. John's and St. Bride's, Cumberland, borrowed money -about the same time, and probably for the king's business likewise. - -Parson Wilson--for so he was still called--borrowed £2 more in April, -1646, making in all £10, and £5 more in May. This was done by consent -of the executors of the late Squire John Fleming, and he gave them a -bill which terminated on September 29th. He was quite incapable of -meeting such a bill, and it became necessary to devise a plan for -securing repayment. - -Now steps upon the scene a figure destined to play for long a -prominent part in Grasmere church affairs. "My Cozen Ambrose" is -mentioned in Harrison's account-book as ordering an additional 15s. -to be paid to parson and clerk on death of Squire John "for oversight -of his buriall" and now he took more pronounced action. He was nephew -of Squire John, whose sister Dorothy--his mother--had married the -lord of Lowick. He had been educated for the church, and in 1629 was -elected Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge.[114] From the first -he was doubtless intended to fill the post of rector of Grasmere, -as the patronage belonged to the family. Truly, the living for the -moment was worth no more than £18 11s. 7d., the stipend paid by the -tithe-holder; but Gabriel Croft's lease of the tithes was to lapse in -1647, when they would again belong to the rector. So when Wilson was -found to be in the last straits for money, John Ambrose came forward -(with the lease in view) to adjust matters. Under date January, 1647, -Harrison entered in his book:-- - - pd. to Mr. Wilson P'son of gresmire accordinge to articles - made betwixt Mr. Wm. and him by doctor Ambrose order for - delapidations for gresmire Rectorie and for confirmeinge all - the tythes of Rydall at 20s P' annm. duringe his life upon his - agrement 24 mch 1646, and a bill 15 li lent money deliuered him - in, and pd. him this daie more to make up the Some to 22 li 10s, - set down by doctor Ambrose 7 li 10s 0d. - - [114] Dr. Magrath's _Flemings in Oxford_. - -Thus the broken-down parson was mercifully left in his dilapidated -house with his debt cleared, a few pounds in hand, and the prospect -of £1 yearly in lieu of the Rydal demesne tithe, which was the -ancient prescription. - -Little as it was, it was better than nothing, and the incoming of -other tithes to the parson was problematic, even if he were again -allowed to serve the cure. But this doubtful future he had not long -to face. The church register of that year records on June 26th -"buryall Henry Willson Clerk of Gresmyre." - -There is scarcely a doubt that the Rev. John Ambrose was at once -nominated to the post by the Fleming family. In evidence given for -the Restoration lawsuit over the tithes, it is stated that he had -been inducted "about 15 years since," and had kept the office and -officiated, till ejected by "the late usurpers." The position with -tithes restored to it, was worth a struggle to keep, and the parish -elders and the Presbyterian party at large would seem to have offered -no real opposition to this powerful nominee. - -That party indeed was losing ground all over England, where a -personal examination before administration of the sacrament--rigidly -enforced under the Scotch system of eldership--was much disliked; -and by 1649 its control over church affairs was practically at an -end.[115] - - [115] Shaw's _Church under the Commonwealth_. - -The successes of the Parliamentary army had besides, after the -victory of Naseby (1645), brought the Independents into power. -Without passing a law to annul the Presbyterian scheme, they brought -forward in Parliament various fresh ones of their own; and in 1650 -a bill was framed for "the better propagating of the Gospel" in -Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmorland and Durham, these counties -having petitioned that the vexed question of "settling ministers" -might be finally resolved. The Act was to hold good for three years; -and after a slight extension it was abandoned, as the Commissioners -appointed to carry it out had not given satisfaction. It was while -the Commissioners under the Act were in office, and no doubt by -them, that Ambrose, an episcopalian and a Royalist, and nominated -moreover by a family of recusants, was ejected. In the depositions -taken at Ambleside, October, 1663, for the tithe lawsuit, John Newton -of Ambleside declared that the ejection took place about Martinmas, -1653; and "John Wallace of Kendall clerk," aged 32, gave evidence -"that the complainant Ambrosse, by some of the late usurped powers -was sequestered out of the parish church of Grasmere, sitting at -Newcastle on Tyne before 1653, after which this deponent officiated -in the said cure 1653, 4 and 5; and after he left one John Tompson, -clerk, officiated till complainant was restored. During deponent's -officiating most of the parishioners paid their tithes to him, -and owned him as patron; and he believes they did the like to -Thomson."[116] - - [116] Ex. Deps., 15 Chas. II., Mich. 33, Westmorland. - -Wallas was clearly placed in the Rev. John Ambrose's post by the -Independents, who now--with John Archer at their head--ruled the -municipal and religious affairs of Kendal, for the Parliament, by -a strong-handed committee; and that it was an ill-judged choice -as well as an ill-favoured one (at least by one section of the -community) is certain. By no religious party should John Wallas have -been considered a suitable pastor for the wide and conservative -parish, since he was either a man of low, disorderly life, or -unfortunate in making enemies who could successfully libel him. In -1655 he was summoned before the justices at the Quarter Sessions -upon two charges. One was the attempted ravishment of Clara Barwis -of Loughrigg, "a virgin" twenty-two years old, and of this offence -he was declared not guilty; while the unhappy girl--likewise charged -with "ye detestable sinne of fornication with John Wallass Clke"--was -by an irrational and shameful verdict sentenced to three months -imprisonment for the joint offence. The other charge against him was -an assault upon one John Hird; but as he brought a counter charge -against Hird, this disturbance of "ye publique peace" must have -assumed the aspect of a free fight.[117] - - [117] Book of Quarter Sessions Indictments, Kendal Corporation. - -Wallas was not long to enjoy unchallenged his position at Grasmere. -The situation was being watched by one who only awaited opportunity -for action. It was a time of unrest and seething thought; and in 1651 -George Fox, after beholding his vision of blood--when he ran through -the streets of Lichfield crying "Woe, woe"--had begun his wandering -life as a preacher. The country was swayed to and fro by contending -religious factions. The more sober and rational-minded among these, -shocked by the confusion that prevailed, formed themselves into -"Voluntary Associations," under which the acting church authorities -of each district--whether Independent or Presbyterian--united for the -purpose of settling (if this were possible) the vexed questions of -the administration of the sacrament and the ordination of ministers. -At once an Association was formed for Cumberland and Westmorland, -where the success that attended George Fox's first missionary journey -through the distracted counties in 1652-3, had brought consternation -to all sections of the Puritan party, and under the leadership of -Mr. Richard Gilpin it proceeded to action.[118] Meetings for the -settlement of church affairs were held every month at Carlisle, -Penrith and Cockermouth, and in 1656 the counties put forth a joint -manifesto, called "Articles of Association." - - [118] Fox's _Journals_. He says that he had "large meetings" in - Westmorland. - -It was the existence of this body with its moderate and conciliatory -policy, that doubtless enabled the new squire of Rydal to take the -step he had for some time been preparing. Barely of age in 1654, and -not yet in possession of the family estates, he nevertheless--while -studying law in London--kept his eye on the condition of affairs in -Grasmere and sought how he might--if not restore his kinsman Ambrose -to the rectory--at least oust the intruder. An entry in his accounts -of 1s. paid on May 24th "for ye Parrishioners of Gresmire their -Caveat" shows that he had secured the support of part of the parish -at least. Again on June 27th he paid 1s. 6d. "for a cop. of the -Refferees names concerning Wallas." Without doubt he was preparing, -even to the co-operation of Mr. Brathwaite of Ambleside Hall, for -the swift stroke of ejection which was carried through on the eve of -his own entrance to Rydal by his faithful servant John Banks. John -communicated the result in the following letter:--[119] - - [119] Rydal Hall MSS. - - Hounoured Sir, - - I praise God I got saffe to Rydale wth the oxen on Saturday at - night where I was fforced to staye all night it was so late I - acquainted the P'ishors that you had sent them word to get a - minister every Lord's daye till such tyme as you presented one, - and that the might paye them out off the tythes, but none would - meddle unless I would goe to the Church and appear wth them soe - I was fforced either to neglect it or send to Mr. Turner off - Amblesyd to procure him to goe to preach wch I did And he went - to your Cousin Bratwhait to aske his advice and leave that he - might goe, soe he came to Rydale and I went along wth him But - Wallas seeing us cum almost at the Church went quite away to - Langdale Chapple whether he intended to goe beffore or noe I - knowe not But he lefft the Clarke to oppose us who would not - suffer Mr. Turner to read in the usuall place soe I wished Mr. - Turner to goe into the pulpit and officiate But the Clark begun - to read a Chapter and I bid him giue over but he would not soe I - shutt the booke soe Mr. Turner read a Chappter and sung a psalme - and begune to preach and when the sermon was done I spoke to - some of the P'ishoners to procure every Lords daye a minister & - pay them off theire tithes. - - Conyston this 11 Feb. 1655. - - Your obedient servant - - John Bankes. - -Good John, with the squire's authority at his back and the -co-operation of the Ambleside curate (a Presbyterian no doubt), had -successfully carried the situation through for that day, but his -spirit quailed before it, as did that of the people. Under date -February 18th he again wrote to his absent master:-- - - I should be glad to hear ffrom you iff you have heard anything - ffrom Oxford or London concerninge the P'sonage of Grasmire, - ffor wallas keepes the place still and saith he will doe it and - that he is instructed by Mr. Archer to keepe it til such tyme as - he present another, And he saith that he will cause Mr Turner - to be put off his place ffor goeing that one daye to officiate - there, Sir I desire that you will be pleased iff you heare - anythinge to lett me knowe that I may encourage the P'ishoners - ffor the are nowe more dismayed then the were beffore. - -In a postscript he reverts to the subject:-- - - Sir it will not be amisse to remynd them aboue (probably meaning - any grandee with whom young Daniel might come into contact - during his honeymoon visits) concerning Grasmire ffor it is the - Generall oppinion off all heare that Mr. Archer will doe you a - preiudice in it iff he can. - -Mr. Archer was of course disputing the right of the Rydal squire -to nominate. But he and the Independents were yet to learn the -indomitable nature of the will that now opposed theirs. The young -squire, too wise to attempt the reinstating of his kinsman, and -assuming the right to nominate, appointed one John Thompson to the -rectory: and he won his way in spite of obstacles placed in it. - - li s d - 10 ber 4, 56. Spent at Penrith when Mr. Thompson - appeared there to showe unto ye Coms. by wt. - title hee officied att Gresmer 00 01 06 - -John Banks, then doing business in London, wrote in perplexity -on October 23rd, saying that counsel's opinion was talked of in -connection with the matter. Thompson, however, kept his post. He may -have acted in tune with the Presbyterians for the time being, but at -the Restoration he returned at once to the uses of the re-established -Church of England. At the Quarter Sessions held at Kendal, September, -1660, William Willson of Langdale was charged with "disquietinge, -abuseinge, & disturbinge John Tompson Clerk vicar of Gressmire in -readinge ye booke of comon prayer or service of ye Church & in his -collaton or preachinge at Langdale Chappell" on the 26th, "beinge ye -lord's day" and the said Willson, refusing to submit or to swear the -oath of allegiance, was committed to gaol, with the option of a fine -of 100 marks.[120] Willson indeed was a Quaker or Friend, who abjured -all oaths--a fact at first misunderstood, and which so frequently -caused their committal on political grounds. He was one of George -Fox's most fiery adherents, and a speaker among the little band that -had sprung up in the parish during the anarchy; and in denouncing the -clergy on their own ground (the "steeple-house") he did but imitate -his master. - - [120] Book of Indictments, Kendal Corporation. - -On the other hand John Wallas--who had apparently been appointed by -his friends to another church--was charged before the Justices with -not reading the Book of Common Prayer, as ordained by law. His next -appearance at court, in 1663, was in connection with the plot against -the king and government, lately discovered. He was suspected of being -mixed up in it, and was committed to Appleby gaol for three months. - -The young squire of Rydal, Daniel Fleming, had now a free hand in the -congenial task of setting the church of Grasmere on the old footing. -There was some delay or uncertainty, however, in the return of his -cousin Ambrose to the rectory. The church register contains a note -of money collected, August 25th, 1661, and this is signed by John -Brathwaite, "Rector of Grasmere," by John Browk, "curate," and the -churchwardens; and John Browk's signature as curate occurs again -August 7th, 1663. But it is certain that Parson Ambrose soon made -good his claim to the position of rector, and that John Brathwaite -remained as his principal curate in charge. He was a man who had -seemingly no mind for strife or commotion. He showed supineness in -allowing the squire to conduct the dispute about the tithes which now -arose; as well as later to oppose the scheme of the Ambleside folk to -secure the privileges of baptism and burial for their chapel. On this -occasion the excuse was made of his being then (1674) in residence as -Fellow of St. John's, Cambridge.[121] Perhaps he loved too well the -cloistered ease of the University. He never attempted to reside at -the rectory, and would seem to have arranged for bachelor quarters -to be fitted up at the hall, where he might spend such time as he -thought it necessary to devote to the parish. These entries occur in -the great account book:-- - - [121] See Cumberland and Westmorland Society's _Transactions_, - vol. vi., N.S. - - li s d - Aug. 11. 59. Payed unto Grigg for 3 dayes paveing - & guttering of ye Roome under Mr. Ambrose's - Chamber 00 01 00 - - Jan. 26. 59. Lost at Tables unto Parson Ambrose 00 01 00 - -Such peaceful hours of card-playing--restricted to the festival time -of Christmas--were occasionally varied by polemical events; if so, we -may interpret the scene at the Loughrigg inn:-- - - li s d - June 23, 1669. Spent at Braythey Bridge end in ye - contest betwixt Jos. Penny & my Cosin Ambrose 00 00 06 - -For the recovery of the tithes, the rector relied entirely on the -legal knowledge and acute judgment of his relative; and the draft -of the Bill presented in the Court of Exchequer, and now lying at -Rydal Hall, is in the latter's handwriting. From this we learn that -certain parishioners refused to pay tithes to the newly-instituted -rector, and that their refusal was moreover of some years standing, -as neither Wallas nor Thompson had been in a position to compel -payment from the refractory. There are twenty-one names cited in the -bill. Many of these were no doubt conscientious objectors, though -some would be of that ever-present class, who seize any excuse for -shirking an obligation. From the wording of the petition, that the -objectors "pretended" John Ambrose never was parson of Grasmere, -nor had been lawfully restored, it looks as if there had been some -opposition to the squire's change of minister at the Restoration. -Mr. Thomas Brathwaite had assisted him as we have seen in the -removal of the Independent, but now the expulsion of the (probable) -Presbyterian minister in favour of the Episcopalian roused the ire -no doubt of the Presbyterian party, headed by the Ambleside Hall -family. Robert Brathwaite, gentleman, was younger brother of Thomas, -and had inherited from his father Gawen not only the property of -High House, Hugill (where he generally resided) but the small -"manor" of Baisbrowne in Langdale. It was on this estate that tithes -were claimed from its owner, who heads the list of recalcitrant -parishioners. Another prominent statesman among them was Christopher -Nicholson, of Padmire, Grasmere, of whose religious persuasion we -know nothing. A third was Francis Benson, freeholder; he, along with -Mr. Brathwaite and Michael Benson, had served as an elder on the -Presbyterian _Classis_, and had now become an ardent Quaker. These, -with the rest, had--so the petition declared--combined to resist -payment, and had persuaded others to do the like. Their position was -certainly weakened by the fact that they had failed to pay these -customary dues for its support, while they were satisfied with the -ministry; yet the demand now made for fourteen years' arrears, may -well have irritated them. The claim upon Mr. Robert Brathwaite's -estate stands thus, when placed in the form of a table:-- - - £ s. d. - Meadows, of which the "tythe-hay" is worth yearly 0 0 10 - Ten cow's milk each yearly 2d. 0 1 8 - One tithe-calf 0 1 8 - Two foals, each 2d. 0 0 4 - Three hundred sheep, of which, the tythe wool is worth yearly 2 0 0 - One hundred lambs paying a customary sum each year of 1s. 2d. 11 8 - Three sows, the tithe pigs being yearly 10 - Ten geese, ten hens, and ten ducks, tithe yearly 5 0 - two swarms of bees, customary payment 2d. each 4 - Five bushels of plums, with other fruit, tithe worth 3 0 - Twenty acres, pastured with barren cattle 5 0 - Hemp grown, tithe worth yearly 2 0 - Oblaytions 2 6 - -The demand made upon each of the foremost defendants in the lawsuit -was exactly the same, showing that the estimate of the tithes was -a purely conventional one. It amounted then for each prosperous -statesman to £3 14s. 10d.--a large sum compared with the commutation -of the Rydal Hall tithe; and when this figure is multiplied by -fourteen for arrears, a total of £52 7s. 8d. is reached, which was -likely enough to arouse dismay and opposition. The case dragged -on; and on October 20th, 1663, a commission sat at Ambleside, when -witnesses were called on both sides. The smaller statesmen were no -longer cited, while Robert Brathwaite, Christopher Nicholson, Francis -Benson, and John Benson stood as the defendants.[122] The verdict -is not known; but payment of tithes once more became customary. -The refusal of the Quakers to pay the church rate will be noticed -hereafter. - - [122] Ex. Deps., 15 Chas. II., Mich. 33, Westmorland. - -The tithes seem often to have been let on lease, which saved the -rector the trouble and annoyance of collection. Edward Benson of -Loughrigg declared, in 1663, before the commission, that he and -Miles Mackereth and John Brathwaite held a lease of them from Parson -Ambrose for three years, which ended April 15th, 1665. About the year -1726 they were apparently farmed by the statesmen jointly. A paper -exists[123] entitled "Grasmere Tyth Corn lett to the Inhabitants Anno -1726. Some wanting." It contains the names of 55 landholders, with -the amount--varying from 1s. to 18s.--paid by each as an equivalent -for the tithe of corn. The total is £18 6s. - - [123] Rydal Hall MSS. - -This agrees with the statement of Miss Craik, who in 1752 was -corresponding with Sir William Fleming on behalf of her incapable -brother, the rector. While expressing her surprise that he should -think of renting the tithes of corn, she tells him that Mr. Craik's -collector had been persuaded to grant a three years' lease at £14 -10s., which was too little. The salary of the collector, she adds, -had been in a former year £5. - -The growth of corn increased seemingly in this district as the -eighteenth century went by, owing no doubt to its heightened price -throughout the kingdom. The tithe of it accordingly went up in value, -while wool, from the decay of the cloth trade, went down. - -[Illustration: CHURCH WARDENS] - -[Illustration: FONT IN GRASMERE CHURCH. - -(FROM TABLE BOOK BY WM. HONE, 1827.)] - - - - -PART IV - -THE FABRIC - -THE FURNITURE - -THE UPKEEP OF THE CHURCH - -CLEANING AND REPAIRS - -EXTRACTS FROM CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS - -[Illustration: Decorative] - - - - -THE FABRIC - - -Grasmere Church, as it stands at present, is itself the sole guide we -have to its age and the method of its building. No document exists, -prior to the Restoration, that concerns the fabric. It was then -apparently the same as it is now. As one steps within the portal, -and sees through the gloom its strange double nave, the rude spaces -broken through the thick intersecting wall, and the massive, split, -misshapen timbers that support its roof, one wonders who were its -planners and builders. Here surely in this strange and original -structure we see a work conceived and carried out by the very men who -worshipped within it. Sturdy, strong, and self-dependent, they would -seem to have asked little or no aid either in money or skill, for the -rearing and decoration of their church. Yet its builders, when they -came to remodel, if not to rebuild their ancient place of worship, -must have known edifices of statelier plan. There was Kendal, their -great centre, with a church that must always have kept abreast of the -time in architectural beauty, and which--from the earliest fifteenth -century at least, showed the dressed columns of stone, the soaring -arches, and chantried aisles which yet remain. St. Martin's of -Windermere, too, in the next parish, possessed a duly proportioned -nave, chancel, and aisle; and the columns--built though they were of -undressed stone--rose to support a clerestory and the evenly-timbered -roof. Hawkshead again (whither the dalesmen often repaired to market -or fair) owned a church that was ruder than the others, indeed--since -its huge cylindrical piers support circular arches, and the timber of -its roof is rough-hewn--but had a well-proportioned plan for nave and -aisles. - -[Illustration: Old Window in the South Wall. - -Outside View] - -These places, it is true, had advantages over Grasmere. Kendal was -in contact with the great world and with the heads of the church, -who visited it regularly. It had, besides, access to freestone. -Windermere, like Hawkshead, had to let the intractable slate of -the neighbouring mountains suffice for the main structure: hence -the great piers without capitals and the plaster finish of their -interiors. But Windermere had an advantage in its nearness to Kendal; -and Hawkshead in its association with the abbey of Furness, which -was easily accessible from there. Grasmere, on the other hand, was -probably ignorant of the beauties of the Abbey Church of St. Mary's -at York, to which it was attached. The church was practically shut -up within the remotest chamber of the mountains, and could only be -reached by 17 miles of bad road from Kendal, over which no wheels -could travel. But with no freestone near, with only the hard mountain -slate to rive, or the boulders of the beck to gather; without -traditional skill and with very little hard cash, our builders of -Grasmere proceeded--when need came--to alter and enlarge their -House of God by such simple methods as house and barn "raising" had -made familiar to them. Thus we read the story of the structure as -it stands at present, and see that the builders had clearly little -help from the outer world. We see, too, that this structure was an -alteration of an earlier one; which was not itself the first, for -the first stone fane probably replaced a wooden one, either here -or on Kirk How. It was doubtless of that simple oblong form, without -chancel or tower, which was technically known as a chapel,[124] and -of which specimens have remained among the mountains to this day. But -an _ecclesia parochia_, possessed of daughter chapels, could not be -permitted by the higher powers--whether of church or manor--to retain -so lowly a form. The manorial lords may have interested themselves -in its reconstruction, though there is no evidence of the fact. In -any case, it is likely that the Abbey of St. Mary would take the -necessary steps to bring it up to the requirements of its position, -and of the worship to be conducted within its walls. The visiting -brother would carry accounts of the remote little church to York; and -a monk skilled in architecture could be brought over to plan a new -building, and to direct its construction. The customary model for -a small parochial church would be adopted, which allowed a chancel -for priests officiating at the mass; then a nave without aisles -for the worshippers, lighted by narrow windows--for before glazing -was possible the opening had to be guarded from weather by wooden -shutters--and to the west a tower, in which to hang the bells that -should call the parishioners from far. - - [124] _Gothic Architecture in England_, Francis Bond, p. 191. - -Such doubtless was the existing church in its first state, and of -it there may remain the tower, the porch, the south wall, and one -window. There are indications that before its enlargement it was more -ornate then now. Freestone was used, though sparingly, to emphasize -the chief architectural points. The opening into the tower, piercing -four feet of solid wall, has a moulding of freestone (now battered -away) to mark the spring of its slightly-pointed arch; while a -string-moulding is discernible in the north wall of the nave, which -may once have accentuated the window heads. The windows--if we may -suppose the one left between porch and tower to be a relic of the -original set[125]--were simple openings finished by an "ogee" arch. -The font may be as old as the window, if not older. Its mouldings, -which originally followed the rim and divided the bowl into a -hexagon, are almost obliterated; and though no doubt it suffered -during the Commonwealth, when it was degraded from its sacred use, -the damage may not be wholly due to that cause. The freestone used -in the building was unfortunately friable, and must have suffered at -every alteration--such as the piercing of the north wall by arches, -and the building up of the tower-arch for a vestry. It could not be -replaced by the remodellers; and they seem to have intentionally -chipped and levelled it, and then freely whitewashed it over, with a -general view to tidiness. They even went beyond this; for when the -east wall was reconstructed in 1851, a stone carved with the likeness -of a face was found built into it. This is now in the Kendal Museum. -The piscina, too, now refixed (and, unfortunately, redressed), was -found, covered with plaster, lower down in the same wall. - - [125] This is almost a certainty. A drawing made by a friend of - Mrs. Fletcher, of Lancrigg, showed two like windows on the south - side; but it is unfortunately lost. - -[Illustration: Profile of Stone Head] - -The worn, maltreated freestone might, if we knew its origin, tell -something of the tale of the building. A well-squared yellow block, -recently laid bare in the porch, is certainly not the red sandstone -of Furness. - -[Illustration: SCULPTURED STONE FOUND IN TAKING DOWN THE EAST -WALL OF GRASMERE CHURCH] - -Now should the age of the fabric, decorated thus simply though -judiciously, be questioned, it must be owned that there is nothing -to indicate its being older than the fourteenth century. It is true -that a western tower with no entrance from outside was a feature -of many Saxon churches, but such towers continued to be built for -parish churches until a late date. The rough masonry of the Grasmere -tower is due to the material; and the massive boulders used in the -foundation were no doubt gathered from the beck, whose proximity must -have been highly convenient for builders who were poorly equipped -for the quarrying of their slate rock. The "ogee" or trefoiled arch -was a development of the Decorated style of architecture, which -evolved the form from the elaborate traceries of its windows.[126] -The Decorated style is roughly computated as lasting from the open -to the close of the fourteenth century, and the period of its use -coincides fairly with the time when our church fell under the -influence of the monastery. - - [126] S. Holborne: _Architecture of European Religions_. - -A church of primitive size would be sufficient for the folk of the -three townships, while they lived in scattered homesteads and were -all bent upon husbandry, with short intervals of warfare with the -Scots. But it would become too small for a growing population that -throve in times of peace upon the wool trade.[127] With walk-mills in -the valleys, and families growing rich as clothiers, some extension -of the church would be necessary; and this extension seems to have -been started in a fashion strangely simple. Leaving the walls of the -edifice intact with its roof, a space almost equal--for it is but one -yard narrower--was marked off on the northern side, enclosed by walls -and roofed over. The intervening wall could not be removed, because -the builders were incapable of spanning the double space by a single -roof. It was therefore left to sustain the timbers of the two roofs, -and through its thickness (over three feet) spaces were broken in the -form of simple arches. Thus--though one is called an aisle--two naves -were practically formed, separated by the pierced wall. The date -of this enlargement is uncertain. If we place it in the era of the -prosperity of the townships from the cloth trade, it could have been -done no earlier than the reign of Henry the Seventh, and no later -than the early days of Elizabeth; while a supposition that it was not -taken in hand until the dissolution of the monastery had thrown the -men of the three townships on their resources is strengthened by the -character of the work. - - [127] See Fullers and Freeholders: _Trans. of Cumberland and - Westmorland Ant. So._, N.S. - -How long the enlarged church remained under a double roof cannot be -said. Trouble would be sure to come from the long, deep valley, where -snow would lodge and drip slowly inside. Clearly there was urgent -need for action and radical alteration when the powerful Mr. John -Benson, of Baisbrowne, made his will in 1562. A clause of this runs: -"Also I giue and bequeath towardes the Reparacions of the church of -gresmyre XXs so that the Roofe be taken down and maide oop againe." - -But how to construct a single roof over the double space? This -insoluble problem (to them) was met by the village genius in a -singular manner. The arched midwall was not abolished. It was -carried higher by means of a second tier of arches whose columns -rest strangely on the crowns of the lower. These upper openings -permit the principal timbers to rest in their old position, while -the higher timbers are supported by the abruptly ending wall. Thus -a single pitched roof outside is attained, sustained by a double -framework within. The result is unique, and remains as a monument of -the courage, resource, and devotion to their church of our mountain -dalesmen. - - * * * * * - -[Since this chapter was written the stone face--p. 104--has been -returned by Kendal to Grasmere.--ED.] - - - - -THE FURNITURE - - -Of early furniture there is, of course, no trace within the -church. All the accessories of the ritual of the mass, whether in -metal, wood, or textile, as well as such as would be required for -processions on Rogation Days, were swept away at the Reformation. A -reminder of these processions may perhaps be found in the field at -the meeting of the roads near the present cemetery, which goes by -the name of Great Cross, for here, doubtless, a Station of the Cross -stood where the priest and the moving throng would halt and turn. -Another field is named Little Cross. - -[Illustration: Date on Bench End] - -One upright piece of oak, roughly cut with the date 1635, remains -to show us the style of the old benches--or forms as they were -called--which filled the space above the earthen floor. The bench -itself, to judge by the aperture left in this end-piece, would appear -to have been no more than six inches wide, and almost as thick; the -bench-end, which was further steadied by a slighter bar below, was -sunk into the ground. - -[Illustration: BENCH END.] - -These benches could not have been fixed with any permanence, for the -earthen floor was often broken up for the burial of parishioners. -The custom of burial inside the church was a favourite one, and -was continued down to the nineteenth century. While the choir was -reserved for the knight or gentleman (and of the former there were -none within the parish) and for the priest, the statesman was buried -in the nave or aisle; and only - -the landless man or cottar would be laid in the garth outside. -Frequently in wills the testator expressed his wish to be buried -as near as possible to a deceased relative, or the place where he -had worshipped. He was in any case buried within the limits of his -township's division in the church. In 1563 Mr. John Benson, of -Baisbrowne, who was a freeholder and probably a cloth merchant, -desired to be buried "in the queare in the parish church of -gresmire as neare where my wife lyethe as convenientlye may be." -After the Fleming family of Rydal and Coniston became possessed of -the advowson, they were many of them--beginning with William the -purchaser in 1600--buried within the choir; though no monument or -tablet exists prior to the one commemorating Sir Daniel's father, -1653. The tithe-paper shows the rate of payment for interment in the -higher or lower choir. Besides fees paid to the officials of the -church, the townships, through their individual wardens, took payment -for all "ground broken," as the phrase went, within their division, -and the receipts from this source appear regularly in their accounts. -The usual fee for an adult was 3s. 4d. (a quarter mark), and out of -this 2d. had to be paid by the wardens for laying the flag. Less was -charged for children, while women who died in childbirth were buried -for nothing but the actual cost of the flag-laying. Under the year -1693, when seven parishioners were laid within the church soil, we -read "& more for the burying of two Women yt. dyed in Childbed in -the Church00li 00s 04d." There were seven burials in 1723, five in -1732, five in 1766, and four in 1773. As late as 1821 Rydal and -Loughrigg buried one inhabitant in the church, and Langdale three. It -is singular that the Grasmere township discontinued the custom before -the two others, for no interment took place in her division after -1797. - -The following extracts from the wardens' accounts show how frequently -the floor of the church was disturbed and levelled:-- - - £ s. d. - - 1674 It. for lying Flags of 2 graves in our third 00 00 04 - - 1689 For lying the Grave Flags and mending - Forms 00 00 06 - - 1690 All three townships pay for "lying Flags - and mending Fourmes." - - 1713 For Lying ye Flaggs upon Several Graves - wh. had fallen in 00 01 00 - - 1728 For mending the Flaggs and Fourms 00 02 02 - - 1729 For flagging and Leavelling ye Church - floor 00 00 10 - - 1763 Grasmere mende forms and levell flags, 1s. 6d.; Loughrigg - and beneath Moss the same, 1s. 8d. - - 1772 New flags bought, and extensive work done upon the - floor, at a total cost of £9 8s. 1-3/4d.: the flagging of the - "low end" not being completed till next year. - - 1774 For "mending Furmes in Church & a Soal-tree" 12s. 4d. - is paid. - - 1782 Grasmere purchases an oak tree for seats in her third, - 13s. 4d., carpenter 13s. 4d.; with a final 11s. 6d. next - year for repair of the old ones. - - 1783 Loughrigg and beneath Moss proceeds to the same; and - two new "Sole-trees" [foot-rail] with the railing and - repairing of four forms cost £1 9s. 0d., besides 1s. 8d. - spent in ale at the public auction of the contract, and 2d. - for advertisement of same. - s d - - 1811 For Levelling Church & mending Windows 1 6 - - 1819 To clearing Church of Stones and Rubbish 1 6 - - 1828 Outlay unusual. Grasmere shows "To Flags & Flagging - in the Church" 19s. 4d. "To repairing seates" 2s. 0d. - Loughrigg and beneath Moss "To Ambleside Church-warden - paid for New Seats" £2 1s. 6d. Langdale "To - Repairing Flags in Church" £1 6s. 6d.; Seats and Wood - 19s. 9d. - - 1833 Grasmere repairs "fermes" in Church, 6d. - -The soil beneath the church is thus literally sown with bones, and -the wonder is that room could be found for so many. But in this -connection it must be remembered that the practice of burying without -coffins was the usual one until a comparatively recent period. - -No wonder that plague broke out again and again, that the fragrant -rush was needed for other purpose than warmth, and that fires within -the church could not have been tolerated. - -The custom concerning these forms or _ferms_, as locally pronounced, -was rigid. Every man had a right, as townsman or member of a _vill_, -to a recognized seat within the church, which was obtained through -the officials of his township. This seat was, of course, within the -division of his township. The women sat apart from the men, and even -the maids from the old wives. So tenaciously was the hereditary seat -clung to, that reference to it may occasionally be met with in a -will.[128] - - [128] Edward Forrest, of Ambleside, when providing, in 1637, - for his younger son (then under age) as a landholder, adds "and - it is my mind and will that my said son Richard shall sitt next - his elder brother Edward in the same forme, and likewise to haue - another seate for a woman in the other forme, or seate accustomed - for women." This was in Ambleside Chapel, but the custom was - general. - - Mr. George Browne possesses a copy of a document drawn up in - 1629, after there had been contention, which gives the order of - seating in Troutbeck Chapel. As this has not been printed, it may - be briefly summarized here. A plan accompanies the paper. The - general order was, for the men to be seated round the chancel, - and upon a certain number of the front benches on the north side, - which was free. The women were behind the men, five being placed - on each form. They paid for their seats, at a diminishing rate - from the front, the price starting at 20d.--one-eighth of a mark. - The plan gives the place of every townswoman, and it is expressly - stated that if there be a young wife in the family as well as an - old one, she is to take her place on another form. - -Some serious alteration in the allotment of seats was probably made -in 1676, judging from these entries in the wardens' accounts. - - li s d - - Ittem for Laughrig third for lifting seatts upon - Church & when ther names was sent in writting 00 2 00 - - Itt. for grasmyre third for ye like 00 2 00 - -The Squire of Rydal, as soon as the Restoration permitted it, set -to work to furnish that part of the church in which he worshipped -suitably to the honour and dignity of his family. The family seats -had before his time long stood vacant, even if they had been ever -regularly used. His predecessor, John, as an avowed Roman Catholic, -had preferred to pay heavy fines rather than obey the law in the -matter of attendance at the Communion of the parish church; and there -is little doubt that the mass was celebrated in private for him at -Rydal Hall. John's mother, Dame Agnes, may have attended during her -widowhood; but her husband William, the purchaser of the tithes and -patronage, must--always supposing him to be a good Protestant--have -attended more frequently at Coniston. - -But Squire Daniel was a pillar of the church as well as of the State -in his neighbourhood, and his accommodation within the building was -framed in view of the fact. The following entry occurs in his account -book, under July 13th, 1663. The monument referred to is doubtless -the brass tablet we now see in the chancel, and it appears to have -waited for its fixing for ten years after its purchase in London:-- - - li s d - - Spent at Gresmer, when ye wainscott seat, & my - father's monum.t were set up 00 00 06 - - -And two days later the bill for the seat was paid. It is not very -intelligible, but reads thus:-- - - Paid unto Christ. Robinson of Kendall (Joyner) li s d - for 10 yards and foot 2/1 of double wainscott at - 4s P' yard, and yards 4 foot 2/1 of single wainscott - at 3s P' yard, for a Board, Ledging & knobs in - all (being for ye seats at Gresmere) ye sum of 03 06 06 - -No doubt this is the fine old pew which still stands between the -pulpit and the priest's door of the chancel. In it, for nearly forty -years, the squire worshipped, with his growing family about him. The -regularity of his attendance is shown by his account book, where -every collection is entered; and in spite of his frequent ridings on -public and private business, he never but once (till the close of -the book in 1688) missed the four yearly communions in his parish -church. On that occasion, when Easter Day, 1682, was spent at Hutton, -he attended a service at Grasmere on the previous Good Friday (held -possibly by his order), at which his Easter offering was given. - - Given this day (being Good-Fryday) at ye Offertory in Gresmere - Church for myselfe 5s., for Will, Alice, Dan, Barbara & Mary 5s. - -The sums given were invariable: 5s. for himself, 2s. 6d. for his wife -(while she lived), and 1s. for each child.[129] - - [129] For the custom of Easter offerings, see Canon Simmons' - Notes to _The Lay Folks' Mass Book_, pp. 239-241. - -It was in 1675 that the sad necessity rose of putting up a monument -to his excellent wife. The brass was apparently cut in London, for he -sent to his Uncle Newman there:-- - - 3li 10s. 0d. towards ye paying for my late dear wifes Epitaphs - engraving in brass. - -Though 2s. 6d. more was paid afterwards. - - Unto Rich. Washington of Kendall for amending of my late Dear - Wifes Epitaph in brass. - -Washington, who was entered in 1642 among the "Armerers Fremen and -Hardwaremen" of Kendal, and was mayor of the city in 1685,[130] was -wholly entrusted with the next family brass; for we find that under -date February 10th, 1682, he was paid "for ye Brass & the cutting -of ye Epitaph for my Mother and Uncle Jo. Kirkby, £4 10s 0d which -my brothers Roger & William are to pay me again." But this was for -Coniston Church. - - [130] _Boke off Recorde of Kirkbie Kendal._ - -It was after the squire's second son, Henry, had become Rector of -Grasmere, and by his encouragement, that the church was freshly -beautified and "adorned." The entry of 1s. paid in 1662 to James -Harrison for "makeing ye sentences w'in ye church" shows that -something was at once attempted; for it was as imperative that a -church should be "sentenced" as that the Royal Arms should be put -up, or the Commandments or Lord's Prayer. All these were devices -(expressly enjoined by the sovereign) for covering up the nakedness -of the churches after they had been stripped by the Reformers of -all objects of beauty and reverence, in roods, images of saints, -tapestries, &c., &c.; for Elizabeth and many of her subjects had -been horrified at the effect of changes that appeared to rob the -churches of their sacred character.[131] Frescoes on plaster had, of -course, been used from early times as a means of teaching Holy Writ -and Legend to the unlettered folk, and fragments of such pictures -are still to be seen in Carlisle Cathedral. But at the Reformation, -when plaster and paint were again resorted to, only the written -word was permitted (with the exception of the Lion and Unicorn); -and the wall-spaces of the churches became covered with texts -and catechisms,[132] which were surrounded or finished by "decent -flourishes."[133] - - [131] _English Church Furniture_, Cox and Harvey. - - [132] An unusual catechism, printed in the Rev. E. J. Nurse's - _History_, may be seen in the parish church of Windermere. - - [133] So important was this scheme of decoration considered, that - in the reign of Charles II. the Archbishop of Canterbury gave - a commission to his "well-beloved in Christ," a craftsman who - belonged to the "Art and mysterie of Paynterstayners of London" - to carry it out in all those churches of his province where it - was found wanting.--_English Church Furniture._ - -In its turn the reformed style has disappeared, even in churches -peculiarly suited to it, like those of the Lake District, where the -rough unworkable slate is bound to be covered by a coat of plaster. -During recent restorations, however, at both Windermere and Hawkshead -the sentences were found under coats of whitewash, and they were -in a truly conservative spirit painted in again. Grasmere, weary -of "mending" the sentences and whitening round them, finally wiped -them out in the last century, and substituted the ugly black boards -painted with texts, which still hang between the archways. Fragments -of the old sentences were descried when the walls were recently -scraped and coloured. - -It was in 1687 that a complete scheme of decoration was carried out -within the church, and one James Addison, a favourite decorator in -the district, was engaged for the purpose. The contract made with him -is preserved in the churchwardens' book:-- - - Mr. Adison is to playster what is needfull & whiten all the - Quire & Church except that within the insyde of the Arche of - the steeple to paint the 10 Coman's on the one syde of the - Quire window & the beliefe & Lordes prayer on the other with 8 - sentences & florishes in the Quire & 26 sentences in the Church - with decent Florishes & the Kinges Armes well drawn & adorned. - -Later on comes the copy of an agreement in later handwriting:-- - - March the 29th An'o Dom'i 1687. - - Mem'd. It was then agreed on by and between James Addison of - Hornby in the County of Lancaster Painter on the one part - and Mr. Henry Fleming of Grasmer the churchwardens and other - Parishioners of the Parish aforesaid: That the said James - Addison shall and will on this side the first day of August - next after the date hereof sufficiently plaster wash with - Lime and whiten all ye church of Grasmer aforesaid (except ye - inside of the steeple) and well and decently to paint ye Tenne - Commandm'ts, Lord's prayer and thirty Sentences at such places - as are already agreed on together with the Kings Arms in proper - colours and also to colour the pulpit a good green colour and - also to flourish the Pillars and over all the Arches and doors - well and sufficiently, the said Parson and Parishioners finding - lime and hair onely. In consideration whereof the sd. Parson and - Parishioners doe promise to pay him nine pounds Ten shillings - when or so soon as the work shall be done. - - And be it likewise remembered the s'd Parson and Parishioners - gave him 05s in earnest and that the Parson is to pay the fifth - part of the nine pounds Ten shillings, the parishioners being at - the whole charge of the lime and Hair. - - The names of the 18 Questmen - - For Grasmer For Langdale Rydal Ambleside and - Loughrigg. - - Reg. Thompson W. Satterthwaite Thomas Benson - John Hird Jno. Middlefell Jo. Banks - Jo. Hawkrigge Geo. Cowperthwaite Reg. Braithwaite - of townhead Chr. Dawson Jo. Newton - Jo. Hawkrigge Leo. Benson Jo. Braithwaite de[134] - of Howhead James Dixon Hawkshead - Hen. Hird Hen. Barrow - Eadwin Green - - [134] This is somewhat inexplicable unless the copyist, who has a - late hand, has mistaken Howhead (in Ambleside) for Hawkshead. And - the last figure in the account should be £1 18s. - - Church Wardens - - For Grasmer Eadwin Green - Rob't Hird - For Langdale Geo. Cowperthwaite - Leo. Benson - For Rydal Ambleside and - Loughrigg Ed. Benson de Highclose - Tho Newton de Ambleside - - Memorand. That to promote ye Painting of ye ch'h ye Parson did - offer to pay according to ye proportion ye Quire did bear to - ye whole ch'h to ye plastering washing w'h lime and painting - of ye ten Command'ts Creed L'ds prayer and 30 sentences, tho' - y'er had but been 4 or 5 Sentences in ye Quire before and now ye - ten Comma'd'ts and Creed were to be painted on each side of the - quire windows The Charge of all which was commuted at £8 0 0 and - ye K'gs Arms and ye painting of ye pulpit at ye remainder. So - that the quire appearing by measure to be a 5 part ye Parson was - to pay £1 12s. 0d. but to be quit of the trouble of providing - his proportion of lime and hair he did prefer to pay ye 5 part - of the whole £9 10s. 0d. ye parish finding all lime and hair - which was agreed to. Besides ye £9 10s. 0d. agreed to be paid - there was 5s. 0d. given to the painter in earnest to have the - work done well. - - £ s d - March 29. Paid for ye 5 part of the earnest money - given to the painter 00 01 0 - - June 21. Paid to Mr. James Addison for ye parsons - share of painting the Church being ye 5 part of - £9 10 0 00 18 0 - -The contract included the painting of the pulpit of a cheerful green, -as we read. It was a plain structure of wood, and the "Quission" -bought for it in 1661, as well as the cloth then procured for the -Communion Table, were doubtless worn out; for we learn from the -church-wardens' Presentment for 1707 that these and some other -points about the church had been found wanting by the higher church -authorities. The paper runs:-- - - The defects found in our church for and at ye late Visitation, - viz. The Floor of the Church-porch & Isles uneven Flagg'd; The - South wall of the Inside fro' ye Bellfry unto ye East, dirty; - A decent Reading-pew, Com'unio'-Table-cloth of Linen, & pulpet - Cushio' wanting; A Table of degrees wanting, & a crackt Bell. - - All these faults except two (viz. The Reading-pew & crackt Bell) - are amended. The porch & Isles even Flagg'd. The Wall made - white & clean, A decent Table-cloth, Pulpet-Cushion, & Table of - degrees, procured. - - A new Reading-pew is in making at present, & will shortly be - perfected. & as for the Bell it was referr'd to Dr. Fleming's - discerec'on to be amended & made tuneable; & he resolves in - convenient time to call together & consult w'th the chief of his - Parishion'rs to do it, & in w't time and manner, to the best - Advantage." - -Accordingly we find entries of the expense incurred by a few of these -requirements:-- - - li s d - 1706 For Cloth, Silk, Fring and Tassles for ye pulpitt - Cushion 01 02 05 - - For Flocks harden and making ye pulpitt - Cushion 00 03 01-1/2 - - For Cloth for ye Table Cloth and makeing 00 05 11 - - 1709 For mending the Stairs and laying ye Flaggs - in ye Clarks pew 00 10 00 - -Nothing is heard, however, of a new reading-pew, and in 1710 the old -one was mended at a cost of 1s. 8d. The bells, as we shall see, had -to wait. - -Not until a hundred years later was a vestry thought of. In 1810 -Thomas Ellis was paid 7s. for planning it, and George Dixon £12 2s. -1d. for its erection. It is said to have been made of wood, and -simply partitioned off the north-west angle of the church. It was -fitted with a "grate," that cost with carriage 19s.; and this being -set on the side nearest to the pews, diffused what must have been -but a gentle warmth through the edifice. It is the first heating -apparatus that we hear of, and the expenses for charcoal and wood, -with 3s. paid annually to the clerk for setting on the fire, were -small. Tradition says that while George Walker lighted the vestry -fire he rang the eight o'clock bell--a call to matins which had -survived the Reformation, and the service then abolished.[135] - - [135] _Mediæval Services in England._ Chr. Wordsworth. Tradition - from Edward Wilson. - -Time brought other improvements. The harmony of a church choir -entailed its special expenses. In 1812 the ladies of Rydal Hall, -widow and heiress of Sir Michael Fleming, provided "Psalmody" for -Grasmere church at a cost of £2 2s., and for Langdale at £1 1s. -Probably the price of this early tune-book was one guinea. A charge -of 7s. 6d. appears in 1829 for a new pitch-pipe. A "singing school" -was started, causing considerable expense in candles (12s. in 1844). -Edward Wilson fitted the "singing pews" with drawers in 1851. There -was apparently no instrumental music in the Grasmere choir, though -there may have been in Langdale chapel to judge from an item of -expense for violin strings. - -[Illustration: Old Pitch Pipe] - -Many odd expenses are noted in the accounts, as well as the -replenishing of worn books and garments. A large Common Prayer Book -cost in 1692 13s. 6d., and another in 1733 14s. Prayer Books began, -too, to be supplied in the body of the church; the townships buying a -few at a time, at a price varying from 6d. to 1s. In 1808 a new Bible -cost £2 2s., while the price of a large Prayer Book in 1823 was £2 -5s., and another in 1835 £1 12s. - -The "surp-cloth," "surpless," or "surplice" was renewed at various -prices. After the marvellously cheap one of 1661 (5s.; surely the -product of the valley, in flax-growing, spinning, and weaving), -others were got in 1697 for £1 12s., in 1730 for £1 11s. 4d., in 1734 -for £2 7s. In 1755 a new one is set down at the modest sum of 1s. -5-3/4d., which, if multiplied by three, is barely 4s. 6d.; and in -1775 one (or perhaps the same) was altered for 1s. An amusing item -appears in the receipt columns of the three townships in 1795, when -they sold the old surplice and divided the amount. "By 1/3 of the -Old Surplice 2s. 7-1/2d." - -"Communion Linnen" cost in 1823 14s. 6d. In 1820 a surplice cost £2 -18s. 4d., and in 1830 £1 17s. 9d. - - - - -THE UPKEEP OF THE CHURCH - - -The one document that exists concerning the fabric of the church and -of its upkeep was written as late as 1661, when the Episcopal Order -of church government was restored.[136] There is every probability, -however, that in substance it merely reinstitutes an old custom. The -document is printed here:-- - - [136] Rydal Hall MSS. - - A true Cattollogue made the twenty-first day of Apprill in - the 13th yeare of the Kings Ma'tyes reigne in the yeare of - our lord god 1661 by the eighteene men Appointed for the good - of the parish church of Gresmyre whos names are here under - written that is to say what particulars both of the church & - church-yard-wall; and what parte is divided to every Third and - what parte is not divided; what hereafter shall be expressed & - to whom they doe belong of right to be mayntayned & uphoulden. - Imprimus the chancell or quire ought to be maintained by the - parson or rector that is to say the roofe to the midle of the - rigging soe ffarr as the quire doth extend and the quire doore & - ffoure windowes within the Compass of quire: & the pues within - the quire and all the body of the church both roofe walles & - Timber doth belong to the whole parish equally amongst them that - is to say; Gresmyre third: Langdall Third & Loughrigg, Ridall - & Ambleside third; to be maintained & uphoulden every third - Alike; by even portions and likewise the roofe of the steple - & the belle wheeles, things or any nessary thing whatsoever. - Concerning the steple or within the steple all to be regarded & - done at generall charges of those three thirds Abovementioned - without any deniall; & the door both at the topp & below; & - the 4 windowes Above at the bells and the steple window below; - and the east window opposight to the higher pillors; & those - doth belong to all the said 3 thirds equally Amongst Them to - be mayntained & upholden; Now for the particulars within the - Church ffor every third, & how ffarr every third ought to brake - ground; as ffolloweth viz: Gresmyre Third, ffrom the quire - wae upon the South side of the Church and Their fformes to ye - steple doore; with the Cross alley coming in at the posterne - doore; and to the midle of the Alleys of the south side ffrom - the quire wale; to the midle of the steple, doth belong to - gresmyre third, & five formes next to Langdall quire wale; & to - the midle of the alley, & Two short fformes at north side of - the second piller & halfe of one fforme being between Loughrigg - quire and Ridell fformes with the fformes upon the weste Sid of - the Church next to the west doore; doth belong To gresmyre third - And all the remaindor of the fformes upon the north sid of the - Church to the midle of the north Alley doth belong to Langdall - Third; & the midle of the church to the midle of the north - Alley; & to the midle of the west alley; with the two crosse - alleyes viz, one at the ffont & the other belowe the quire - wale; doth belong to Loughrigg Ridall & Ambleside Third; And - for the windowes belonging to this Loughrigg third here named, - be in number Three being upon the south sid of the church; one - window at the backe of the portch; and two windowes betweene - the portch doore & the pulpitt; and the portch Doore, doth - belong to Loughrigg, Ridall & Ambleside third, to be up houlden, - mayntained & kept in repaire of their own proper Costs & charges - for ever; and likewise their parte of the Church yard Wale, - viz.: one yeat which doth extend ffrom the South nooke of the - steple & ffrom thence southward to the east nooke of Gresmyre - third; when it begines to be seated with in the church yard; of - their owne costs & charges Now windowes belonging to Langdall - Third be in number three; one window being in the east end of - the church oppossigt Againe the east end of the north Alley & - two windowes nexte Adjoyning to it upon the north side of the - Church; to be upholden & mayntained & kept in good repaire of - Langdall thirds owne proper costs charges and their parte of - the church yard, walle from the north nooke of Gresmyre third; - being seated within the church yard, to the south nooke of the - steple, & likewise one yeate with A feeld opposight Against - Robert Harrison Doore; to be keept in good repaire of their owne - proper charges & costs of Langdall third without any deniall - According to the true intent & meaning of these presents; - Gresmyre windowes be in noumber three; upon the north side of - the Church the lowest Towards the steple & the west doore doth - belong to Gresmyre third; & these to be mayntained & keept in - good repaire of gresmyre third own proper Costs & Charges And - the church-yard soe ffarr as it is seated within the church-yard - with A pair of yeates & the roofe over the said yeattes of their - owne proper costs & charges & note all repaireing the pulpitt - church chest or any Bookes that doth concerning the church in - any respects to be done At A generall Charge of the wholl parish - be equall portions without any deniall & likewise the haske & - joules at A general Charge of the parish and likewise A fonte - At A generall charge to be maintained In Testamony thereof we - the said eightenne have sette our honds the day & yeare ffirst - above-written. - - [The names of the Eighteen follow, under three headings of - Gresmyre, Loughrigg, and Langdall. They are often crossed through - and written again. On the other side of the MS. is given the - following list.] - -The names of the Eighteen of the parish of Grasmere as they now -stand, April the 24th, 1688. - - Grasmere Langdale Loughrigg and - beneath Moss - - Reignald Thompson George Cooperthwaite John Banks - John Haukrigg Christopher Dawson Reignald Brathwaite - John Hird James Dixon Hendry Barrow - John Haukrigg John Middlefell Thomas Benson - Robert Harrisin William Satterthwaite Thomas Newton - Edwin Green Leonard Benson Thomas Mackereth - -Something has already been said of the constitution of the parish, -and of the lay control which existed over its finances--the three -townships within the parish being represented by a body of eighteen -(six for each) as well as by two churchwardens; and this document, -while it strengthens the suggestion that the great addition to the -church had been carried out by the united parish, and at the expense -of the three townships--shows us exactly how each township arranged -to fulfil its obligation to maintain the building in proper repair. - -It was an intricate matter. Each township by a common agreement made -itself responsible for the maintenance of a particular portion of -the church, not only of the fittings, but of the walls and windows -of the fabric, as well as of the garth outside, with the garth wall -down to its own particular gate of entrance.[137] There were besides -general charges, along with the expenses of the Sunday worship, -in which all took an equal share. Such an undertaking--both joint -and individual--may seem to a merely modern mind a complicated -business, especially as the church consisted structurally of two -parts, which had to be divided for purposes of finance into three. -But such problems were as nothing to men whose farmholds belonged to -a township (indivisible in itself) that was broken up into several -lordships, and whose land--though permanent in quantity--was every -year freshly apportioned within the common fields of his _vill_. The -subsequent accounts of the churchwardens, of which a few have already -been given, prove that the obligations incurred by this document were -rigidly fulfilled. - - [137] The churchyard wall at Milburn, Westmorland, is still - divided for purposes of repair amongst certain inhabitants and - property-owners, who speak of their share as _dolts_ (Old Norse - _deild_, a share, from _deila_, to divide). _Transactions_, - Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vol. 9, p. 297. - -The division of the fabric amongst the townships was made on the -following lines. The care of the chancel, with its four windows and -door, fell, of course, to the recipient of the tithes--who at this -time was the rector. The township of Grasmere undertook to repair -the south wall of the church from the chancel door to the tower, and -half the aisle. The benches between this wall and aisle were all -apportioned to the folk of the township, as well as a few odd ones -in other parts of the church. The windows for which Grasmere was -responsible were not, as would naturally be supposed, those of the -south wall, but three in the north wall nearest to the east. - -Langdale's share was wholly on the north side. Between the north -wall, which it was bound to repair, and the aisle, stood the forms -on which the folk of that valley were seated. The windows specially -apportioned to its care were the one in the east wall of the -northern half of the church (whose precincts were called the Langdale -choir) with the two in the north wall next to it. - -Rydal and Loughrigg (in which township Ambleside above Stock was -joined for church matters) was responsible for the three windows in -Grasmere's south wall and for the porch. The forms for this portion -of the parish were apparently set in the middle of the church, on -either side the central arched wall. - -The churchyard wall also was divided among the townships: Grasmere -taking the north-eastern portion, with the lych gates; Langdale the -stretch onward to the tower, with its own gate (now closed), which -was opposite Church Stile, or Kirk Steel, then an inn; and Rydal and -Loughrigg the stretch beyond to the south, past the present gate, -which was reserved at that time for the folk of the township. - -Each township had clearly its own quarter of the churchyard as well -of the church, wherein to bury its dead. Within, the portions were -marked by the position of each township's seats, and without, by the -gates. The field apportioned to Langdale, by Harrison's inn, was no -doubt used for the tethering of horses from that distant valley. - -The three townships jointly attended to the upkeep of the tower, the -bells, the roof of the church, the pulpit, and church furniture. - -When the regulations for church repairs were thus solemnly written -out, there was urgent need for them. Neglect and ill-usage had -reduced the fabric to a forlorn state, and the accounts of the -wardens (who, however, went cautiously to work on renovation) show -what was immediately required for setting the place in decent order -and reinstituting the services and sacraments of the established -church. From the sum paid to the "glasser"--6s., for glazing only -Grasmere's share of the windows--it would seem that the winds of -heaven had blown freely through the building. The font, which was -always displaced by the Puritans, and often maltreated, required -mending in the stone part as well as the lead; and a new cover was -procured. A table-cloth--presumably of linen--was bought for 1s. -4d., a bottle (for the wine?) for 3s., a surplice for 1s. 8d., and a -pulpit cushion for 2s. 2d. - -The binding of the Bible next year cost 1s. It had undoubtedly had -hard wear during the diverse ministrations of the Interregnum. It may -have been the very book bandied about on that Sunday of 1655 when -John Banks and his attendant minister were defied by the clerk, and -John, upon that official's persistence in reading aloud a chapter -from its pages, forcibly closed it, and handed it to Mr. Turner. Also -a Book of Common Prayer was got for 1s. 6d., a sum so small as to -raise a doubt of its newness. The large sum of £1 1s. was expended -on "makeing up ye raills in ye quire," which shows that this guard -to the space about the communion table (often maliciously broken by -zealots) was in a bad state. The rails were entirely renewed, and a -fresh table made in 1755; and it is interesting to note that they -were constructed on the spot by joiners brought from a distance, -no doubt Kendal. The wood was procured in Rydal, at a cost of £4 -12s., with carriage 2s. 6d. Other expenses, in iron-work, turning -"bannisters," glue, &c., with the boarding of the men, came to £2 1s. -0-1/2d. No doubt the existing rails are those then made, with the -little table now used as a credence table. - -[Illustration: Old Altar now used as a Credence Table] - -An object within the chancel is older than these. It is a box -carved with the date 1648 and the words "S. Oswaldus Poor Box." It -is strange that this object should be acquired at a time when the -country was at strife and the church disestablished--unless, indeed, -it was the gift of a rich parishioner like Mr. Thomas Braithwaite -of Ambleside Hall, who was elder of the parish during the rule of the -Presbyterians.[138] - - [138] The family employed carvers about this time for their - houses and elaborate mantelpieces. - -The placing of the King's Arms within the church was obligatory.[139] -This was a costly business, for two men, who brought the painted -panel, had to be boarded in the village. Some of the money went, -however, in drink, and the occasion was evidently made an excuse for -village jollity. - - [139] This was removed from Baisbrowne, and is now at Water Park, - Coniston. - -Gradually other articles customary in a properly-appointed church -were acquired. A table-cloth--this time probably of cloth--was bought -in 1665 at a cost of 16s. 7d., and "A cloth to Cover ye Ellements" at -2s. followed in 1672. The Communion vessels in use up to this time -must have been of the rudest description, for those that replaced -them in 1670 were of simple pewter, except the "dubler"--doubtless a -plate for the collection of alms. - - li s d - - Itt for A pewder dubler & pewder cup & a london - plater 00 4 6 - - Itt. for a wood dubler 00 00 3 - -The accounts show no further expenditure on this score, except for -the repair of a "Flagon" (3d.) in 1708, and for "Sodering ye Tankers" -in 1726. The existing plate was supplied by private piety, as its -inscriptions tell. The two silver cups bear the date 1714, and they -are of the same pattern; but one carries the cross with sacred -monogram and the legend "The Parish Church Plate of Grasmere Renewed -Ao. Doi. 1714" (having been probably bought from the proceeds of -the sale of the older plate or by collected offerings), while the -other with a coat of arms inside its border, bears the inscription: -"The gift of Mrs. Dorothy Benson of Coat How to the Parish Church -of Grasmere Ao. Doi. 1714." This lady, wife of Thomas Benson, -freeholder, of the homestead by the Rothay, gave also a beautiful -old silver alms dish, said to be a piece of Dublin plate.[140] The -date on this is 1729. She gave a silver paten also, on which only the -maker's date (1731-2) is engraved. It is singular that each of the -three pieces displays a different coat-of-arms.[141] - - [140] Old church plate of the Diocese of Carlisle. - - [141] See Fullers and Freeholders. - -Mrs. Benson's munificence was clearly felt by the parish, for the -item in the accounts of 1729 "For Wine given as a Present to Mrs. -Benson," 8s., must have been intended as an acknowledgment. - -Another offering of plate was made much later (1852) by Mrs. Letitia -Lough, a friend of the Wordworths, who resided for some time at Fox -Ghyll, and later removed to Grasmere. - -In connection with the Communion vessels of the Restoration period, -it must be borne in mind that there was far less use for them then -than now. The sacrament was at that time administered only four times -in the year. This fact is not only shown by the accounts of the Rydal -Hall agent and of the churchwardens, but it is expressly declared by -one of the answers made by the wardens at the Presentment of 1723. -They add that they provide fine white bread and good wine for the -sacrament "att ye charges of ye Inhabitants"; and four years later -they append to this statement "Easter excepted, which is at the -Charge of the Parson." - -Thus on three occasions--Christmas, Whitsuntide, and Michaelmas--the -churchwardens and the Eighteen were bound to provide bread and -wine;[142] while the expenses of the Easter celebration were borne -by the rector, who received the Easter dues. When the tithes were -leased to laymen, this layman took over the charge. And as Squire -John Fleming held the tithes, items for this expenditure are found in -Tyson's and Harrison's account-books. - - [142] Is it possible that this custom may be referred to the - ancient one of the Anglo-Saxon race which thrice in the year - enforced the attendance of the markmen, unbidden, at a great - religious rite, for which the sacrifices were provided at the - cost of the whole district? See Kemble's _Saxons in England_. - -In 1632 6-1/2 gallons of wine were procured "against Easter" for -Grasmere church, at a cost of 13s.; and the Easter bread (fine -wheaten bread as has been said, much relished by people whose staple -food was oatmeal), with the charge for procuring it, amounted to 10d. -In 1643 8 gallons were got in for the same purpose, costing £1 1s. -8d.; and next year 9 gallons, at £1 4s.--that is to say, some 4-1/2 -dozen bottles of our present size were drunk on this occasion. The -wine cost 4d. to 5-1/2d. a bottle. - -The amount of wine drunk by the parishioners seems large, even -when we remember that the whole of the adult population in the -three townships were bound to attend, and did attend these solemn -functions. Of this there is proof, for every non-communicant was -taxed, as existing Subsidy Rolls show. It is probable that when -receiving the wine, the parishioner took a hearty drink from the cup, -and not a sip as at present.[143] - - [143] About 1634 George Methwen, curate of Bamburgh, was summoned - before the Court of High Commission for drunkenness and other - misdemeanors, in the evidence this appears: "At Easter gone - twelve monethes at Easter last, examinate (the witness) did - receive the Holie Communion, and Methwen, when he did distribute - the wine, did holde the same in his owne hand and would not - deliver it into examinate's handes for to drinke, as he thinketh - he ought to have done; for examinate in regard to his holdinge - on it in that manner, could scarcelie taste of the wine. Methwen - did serve some others at that time in the like manner, whoe tooke - offence thereat."--_History of Northumberland._ - - It is possible, of course, that not all the wine was drunk, - but passed to an official as a perquisite. See Cox's _Parish - Registers of England_, p. 227. - -The churchwardens' accounts for bread and wine at the three -communions are accurately recorded after the Restoration, as well as -their expenses for the journey required to procure them--the ride to -Kendal being charged as 8d., or if only to Ambleside 4d. Unluckily, -however, only the sum expended is given, and not the amount of wine. -In 1666 the three sacraments cost the parish 9s. 9d., 9s. 3d., and -9d. 3d. respectively; in 1668, 6s. 11d., 8s. 3d., and 8s. 3d.; in -1669, 10s. 3d., 10s. 3d., and 7s. 9d. From 1681 the accounts kept -separately for Grasmere and for Loughrigg with Rydal each show an -expenditure for bread and wine; but the Langdale division, which had -now acquired the privilege of a Communion in its own chapel once a -year, was apparently let off. The expenses for that year were set -down as £1 13s. 3d.; Grasmere paying £1 0s. 1d. and Loughrigg and -Rydal 13s. 2d.; the division being based probably upon the number -of communicants in each township. In 1691 the total expenditure -was £2 6s. 6d., and it remained at much this figure till 1729. The -charge from that time became a fixed one, Grasmere paying 7s. 2d., -6s. 6d., and 7s. 2d. for the Christmas, Whitsuntide, and Michaelmas -celebrations (which included two journeys); and Loughrigg and Rydal, -4s. 4d., 5s., and 4s. 4d. (one journey), and it remained at these -figures till 1821, when there was a change of rectors. From this -date the charge was exceedingly irregular, figuring occasionally as -high as £2 7s. 10d., while sometimes it does not appear at all, the -bread only being accounted for. Then it dropped greatly. From 1833 -Loughrigg and Rydal ceased to pay--in consideration, no doubt, of the -celebrations held in the new chapel in Rydal; and Grasmere figured at -a sum under £1, or not at all! By a new arrangement in 1842 Loughrigg -and Rydal recommenced its contribution, though on a new basis of -irregular payments; and this continued until the break-up of the old -order in 1857, when it joined for the last time at the sacramental -bread and wine provided at the old parish church, paying 4s. 9d., -while Grasmere paid 14s. 3d. - -It may be of interest to note that with the new order and the new -rector (who kept a book in which he entered particulars of the -communicants) the bread and wine for Grasmere alone cost £2 5s. 9d. -When, in 1860, it rose to £4 10s., the sum included 8s. paid by the -rector to the wardens in place of his Easter provision. This ancient -rectorial charge is mentioned for the last time in 1865. It was -probably coincident also with the appointment of the Rev. Fletcher -Fleming, that the old order of sacraments four times in the year was -changed to a monthly celebration. - -The following extracts from the accounts, besides others interspersed -in the text, show that the townships carried out their separate -obligations until the Vestry revolution of 1856-7, a period of almost -200 years. They apparently gave out their share of the work to their -own townsmen. John Birkett, who received 1s. for a "yeat stoop," in -1755, for the Loughrigg and Beneath Moss Gate, was a Rydal man. The -ale charged 1s. 8d. in the public auction, when that township let the -contract for the repair of its benches in 1783, was doubtless drunk -at the Fleming's Inn in Rydal, where such scenes were frequent. - - 1667 to John Hawkrigg for mending gresmyr-yeat 1s 4d - - 1668 for glassing one window for gresmyr 3s 6d - - 1669 It. to Milles Mackereth for a Gammer & Crake & loupp to - gresmyre Church yeats 1s 9d. - - 1670 for mending sliper of our Church yeats 1d - - 1678 For langdall yeat & laughrigg yeat for Irron-worke 6d; also - "for mending Churchyard wale for laughrigg third" 1s 6d. - - 1680 Loughrigg and beneath Moss repaire "our window" 1s 0d - - 1683 Grasmere repairs windows, 8d., "yeats" 1s. 0d., and Lou. & - b. M. the "Church wals" 10. - - 1730 Lou. and b. M. makes a new gate 16s 6d. - - 1751 Langdale makes a new gate 10s 7d - - 1755 Lou. and b. M. makes new gate 8s 0d. and mends wall 4s 4d - - 1759 Grasmere and Langdale repair their walls - - 1761 Grasmere mends gates 1s 10d.; while mending of the church - porch, 4s 6d is entered in general charges - - 1768 Grasmere "glasses" windows 9s 6d - - 1769 All three gates are repaired, and Grasmere mends her windows - - 1773 Loughrigg and beneath Moss makes new gates and stulps 11s - 11d, also repairs wall 10s 0d, Langdale does the latter 7s 6d - - 1775 Grasmere sells old gates for 4s 0d - - 1776 Lou. and b. M. works on wall £3 5s 0d - - 1777 Grasmere collects material for wall 19s 4d. Langdale makes - new gate 9s 0d - - 1780 Grasmere raises wall from the school-house to where it - meets "Rydal third" £1 17s 3d. All the townships repair their - windows - - 1782 Lou. and b. M. again repairs wall, evidently with - thoroughness, giving 1s 0d in ale to the men who work the - foundation in water (of the river). The leading of stones for 5 - days with 2 horses cost £1 0s 0d. Total £2 3s 6d - - 1790 Langdale pays "for new stoops for Langdale gate & hanging" - 4s 3d while all three townships mend windows--Grasmere for its - "third" 6s 10d, Langdale 10-1/2d, and Lou. and b. M. is 6-1/2d - - 1799 Lou. and b. M. pays "To mending Rydale Gates" 1s 0d - - 1806 Lou. and b. M. pays £1 5s 6d for a new gate, to Edward - Wilson of Grasmere - - 1811 Lou. and b. M. repairs "Church Garth Wall" £1 11s 9d; and - gate 2s 6d, to John Watson, smith, of Grasmere - - 1819 Lou. and b. M. repairs wall, 15s 0d; and windows 15s 3d - - 1822 Lou. and b. M. mends and paints church gates 6s 4d - - 1832 Lou. and b. M. glazes windows 1s 9d - - 1835 Lou. and b. M. pays for new gate £1 0s 0d - - 1840 Lou. and b. M. repairs windows 5s 1-1/2d - - 1842 Langdale pays 9s 0d to Edward Wilson for new gate - - 1852 Lou. and b. M. repairs wall 7s 10d; and mends and paints - gate 4s 3d - - 1856 The three townships repair separately for the last time: - Grasmere painting gate and windows at 7s 6d; "Rydall and - Loughrigg" (now styled) painting her gate at 2s 0d and Langdale - hers at 1s 6d - - * * * * * - -[The churchwardens' accounts are in 3 volumes: - - The 2nd volume of these is missing, but there is a copy. This - copy begins in 1732, overlapping by three years the first - volume, which ends in 1735; but the copy of the 2nd volume only - goes as far as 1782, and the 3rd volume begins in 1790, leaving - a gap of eight years.]--ED. - - - - -CLEANING AND REPAIRS - - -The townships joined at many general repairs, as well as at the -cleaning of the church, and the expenses of maintaining worship -within it. It is interesting to note how extremely small these -expenses were. The cleaning, or "dressing," as it was called, of the -church, the greasing of the bells, the washing of the linen, the -writing of the register, the whipping of dogs out of church, and the -"drawing" of the accounts, all appear to have been paid for at the -Restoration at the rate of 1s. each per annum. This moderate fee was -presently raised to 1s. 6d., 2s. 6d., 3s., or 3s. 6d., but never rose -higher for over a hundred years. The "surpcloth and table-cloth" were -washed twice in the year 1662 for 1s., but from 1664 onward three -times were allowed for 3s., and by 1702 the laundress had secured -an additional 6d. for mending. The cleaning of the windows "and -sentences" (which were presumably touched up with paint) became a -regular charge at 1s., and the burnishing of the church plate was 6d. - -But there were other expenses, belonging to the general charge, -which, being irregular but frequently recurrent, were troublesome to -the wardens and Eighteen, whose business it was to lay such a rate -annually on the inhabitants of the parish as should cover the outlay. -Such was the repair of the church roof, which was often needed; even -the moss (which it was the custom to stuff within the rigging to -arrest and absorb the wet which ran down from the ill-fitting slates) -required frequent replenishing. Accordingly, after sundry payments -made for "mossing church" or "mending slates," the Eighteen entered -into a contract, in 1686, with two Grasmere wallers for the upkeep -of the whole of the church roof, except the choir, for nine years, -for the sum of 7s. 6d. a year. In 1704 one William Grigg obtained -the contract for three years at the same rate, and undertook to keep -the roof in a sound state "as to Slatt and Moss (excepting upon -extraordinary Storms whereby the roof shall suffer much Damage which -shall be referred to the Eighteen the Easter following)." Grigg, -however, made no bad-weather demands, and it was only in 1714, a -year after the contract had been transferred to Edward Hird, that "a -violent storme" caused the spending of 18s. beyond the stipulated 7s. -6d. The parson and Eighteen then (1715) transferred the contract to -Stephen Haukrigge. The sum was perhaps too small, for in 1718 John -Warriner secured 8s. 6d. on the contract. "An extraordinary Storme" -in 1719 cost only an extra 3s. The contract, which afterwards rose -to 11s. 6d., had ceased by 1732, and odd sums for repair occur from -time to time, such as 13s. in 1733 and the same in 1734, with 3s. -3d. for slates and carriage. But little was apparently done, and by -1809 the roof seems to have been in a bad condition, for the ominous -item occurs "To cleaning Snow out of Church 2s. 0d." It was radically -repaired in 1814, when £37 1s. 11d. was spent on the slates, £11 on -timber, which was paid to Lady Fleming, the wood being doubtless -felled in Bainriggs, and the extraordinary sum of £1 13s. 6d. on ale -to the workmen and "letting" the contract. - - -THE BELLS. - -Grasmere's pleasant chime of three bells is undoubtedly an old one. -The metal of the existing bells that sends its resonance through -the vale may be that of the first bells, though robbed of antique -inscription or mark by recasting. It is quite possible that at the -Restoration there still hung in the tower the Pre-Reformation triad, -stamped with an invocation to some saint in Longobardic characters or -with a quaint inscription in Black Letter; for the Rev. H. Whitehead -discovered in Cumberland many an ancient bell that had escaped -confiscation and the melting-pot in the dark days of Henry VIII.'s -ruthless robberies and his successor's drastic commission.[144] - - [144] 7 Ed. VI., 1553. See _Transactions_, Cumberland and - Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vols. 6 and 14. - -They were then, however, in a bad state, and the churchwardens -immediately proceeded to have them set in order, as the accounts show. - -It is clear from the items that one of the wardens, Michael Knott, -rode to Cockermouth in search of a bell-founder, and that one was -procured whose name was John Langsha; also that he came over to -Grasmere and did the work there. - -Now Mr. Whitehead considered that there was no bell-foundry in -Cockermouth at this date. When its three bells were recast in -1673-4 the expenses of the bell-founders' journey were paid, and -they apparently dug a pit in the churchyard and cast the great bell -there.[145] Such a method was resorted to when the remoteness of the -church or the badness of the roads made the carriage of the bells a -difficulty.[146] - - [145] _Church Bells of Cockermouth. Translations_, vol. 14, p. - 295. - - [146] _Bells of England_, J. J. Raven, p. 190. - -Who, then, was John Langsha? Until more evidence is forthcoming we -must suppose him to have been an itinerant founder. He or the firm -he worked for may have had head-quarters in some town of Cumberland, -and travelled thence to wherever they were called. According to -Mr. Whitehead, there was a bell-foundry of some repute at Penrith -in the seventeenth century. The account books do not show how this -renovation of the Grasmere bells was paid for. The wardens paid -John his "earnest," and a small item that remained after he left; -otherwise the only sum of consequence that appears is 9s. for two new -bell-ropes. - -Only casual expenses in connection with the bells are given after -this for some time. For instance, in 1669 the item occurs, "in drinke -when we did turne midlmost bell," 2s. 6d. But the presentment of 1707 -certainly discloses the serious condition of one bell, which was -then cracked; and the reliance of the wardens on the "discretion" of -their rector was misplaced, as nothing was done. There would seem to -have been no good founder at this time in the adjacent counties; for -when the bells of Brigham were renewed in 1711, under the incumbency -of Roger Fleming (another son of Sir Daniel), a Gloucester firm of -founders was actually called to the rescue. The bells, however, went -no further than Kendal, where there was, adjacent to the church, -a bell-house which could be hired, and there the Gloucester man -superintended the casting of them.[147] - - [147] "Church Bells of Brigham," _Transactions_, Cumberland - and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vol. 14, p. 283. It seems - strange that there was no reliable bell-founder in Kendal, where, - in the seventeenth century, there was a goodly number of workers - in metal. (See _Boke off Recorde_.) Of these the Washingtons were - apparently the most accredited workmen. A Richard of the name - "besydes Kendal" at the Dissolution, bought the house of the - Friars in Penrith, with its bell. (_Transactions_, Cumberland and - Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vol. 6, p. 435.) The Richard - of the next century was busy with arms during the Civil Wars, - and worked for Rydal Hall. Mr. R. Godfrey ("Westmorland Bells," - _Transactions_, Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, - vol. 6, p. 84) considers that the Crosthwaite bell, dated 1695, - was cast by Christopher Hodson in Kendal. In the preceding - century one of this name (spelt Hodgson) appears among the - freemen of the city, while a John and a Robert stand in the later - list of freemen armourers and hardwaremen, though the mark for - "foreigner" stands after their names. - -At Grasmere, procrastination prevailed. The wardens, in 1723, -admitted "The Bells are not firme & in good order, but they are -agreed to make them good as soon as possible." In 1727 they again -admitted the bells to be out of order, but the ropes (it was -declared) were "good & firm." In 1729 the bells still waited to -be repaired "upon a convenient opportunity." In 1731 the great -plunge into expense was at last taken. "One of our bells is in -good order, The Other two are recasting at York & the ropes are -making, & everything hastning forwards to have them in good order." -Accordingly, the accounts for 1732 show the enormous outlay incurred -of £40 3s. 9-1/2d., and next year of £49 3s. "Towards Casting the -Bells and other Charges;" besides £3 14s. 5d. for "Charges for a -Ringing loft." - -It is of interest to note that the Grasmere folk, in their bell -troubles, returned to their old ecclesiastical centre at York, whence -their first bells would come, and where there were good founders. -The inscriptions on the two largest bells, in an ornamental border -running round the crown, are as follows:-- - - GLORIA IN ALTISSIMIS DEO 1731 - - ED HIRD JOH WILSON GEO - HE HIRD WIL RIGG MACKERETH - - CHURCH E Seller - WARDENS Ebor - - in. dia. - SOLI DEO GLORIA 1731 E Seller - Ebor - -Each bell carries besides on the waist below the founder's name, -the arms and crest of the Flemings of Rydal. Arms: _Gules, a fret, -argent_. Crest: _A serpent nowed, holding a garland of olives and -vines in his mouth, all proper_. Motto: PAX, COPIA, SAPIENTIA, on a -shield 5-1/4 by 3-3/4 inches. - -[Illustration: Arms of the Lo. Fleming Family on the Great & -Middle Bells.] - -Information about our bell-founder may be found in Mr. - -J. E. Poppleton's _Bells in the West Riding of Yorkshire_.[148] At -the Restoration, and for nearly a century afterwards, a firm of -Sellers worked at a foundry in Jubbergate, York. William, the first -known of the family, founded a bell which yet hangs in Eskdale -Church, Cumberland. Edward, who followed, died in 1724, and was -succeeded by his son, the founder of the Grasmere bells. The second -Edward used the same signatory mark as his father, and it was the -custom of both to give, after the Latin inscription--and provided -there was no donor--the names of the rector and churchwardens who -were in office at the time of the founding. The Fleming coat-of-arms -undoubtedly stands for Dr. George Fleming, then rector. - - [148] _Yorkshire Arch. Journal_, vols. 16, 17, and 18. - -A catastrophe is disclosed by the presentment of 1798, when the -"least bell" was "burst and unringable." It remained in this -condition for eleven years, when a private individual came to the -rescue. Its inscription runs:-- - - COPIA PAX SAPIENTIA Re-cast at the expence of Mrs. Dorothy Knott - 1809 T MEARS & Son of London - -Dorothy Knott was probably daughter of John Knott, of the Howe in -Applethwaite, born 1728, and of the family who removed from Grasmere -to Rydal.[149] From her benefaction to the school, we learn that -she lived in Ambleside, where spinster ladies of means were wont to -settle. - - [149] For the Knott family, see "A Westmorland Township," - _Westmorland Gazette_, May 7th, 1810. - -The firm of Mears, who cast the bell, worked at the noted old foundry -in Whitechapel.[150] If this bell went to London, its journey was -a long one. But the turnpike roads were now made, which must have -facilitated carriage, and the bell would arrive by what is now the -Wishing Gate road. An old man living in Grasmere in 1886 used to -tell of his grandmother, who remembered the church bells having been -brought by sledge over the top of White Moss, then the only road into -the valley.[151] These must have been Seller's bells, for it is just -possible for three generations to bridge the 155 years; and this -traditional touch helps us to realize the remoteness of the valley in -those days, which no wheeled traffic could reach. - - [150] Raven's _Bells of England_, pp. 212-16. - - [151] W. Wilson's "Former Social Life in Cumberland and - Westmorland," _Transactions_, Cumberland and Westmorland - Antiquarian Society, 1886. - -When odd work was done in the belfry in 1775, a letter from the -bell-founder cost 5d. for porterage. - -Casual repairs continued to be done in the place. - -John Watson, the smith of Winterseeds, tinkered the bells in 1807; -and three years after, when the little bell had arrived from London, -the two others were also down, for he was paid £3 14s. 8d. for -repairing them, and John Hartley received the considerable sum of -£11 14s. 6d. for hanging them. In 1764 bell-wheels and clappers were -repaired. The head-stocking of the great bell and two bell-clappers, -in 1767, cost £3 7s. 9d. Again, in 1773, 1774, and 1775, head-stocks, -clappers, and repairs to ringing-loft cost about £1. The ropes in -1769 cost 7s. 4-1/2d. - -[Illustration: Great Bell Hammer] - -It is clear that Sabbath bell-ringing was for long one of those -boon services which the Grasmere parishioner gave willingly to his -church. Ringing on Gunpowder Plot day, and some occasions of national -rejoicing and sorrow were paid for; but until 1692 nothing is put -down in the accounts for ringing, only a small item for grease -for the bells. In that year, however, the Eighteen entered into a -contract with the clerk, who was to procure men to ring on Sundays -and Holy Days, and to furnish the necessary grease, at the rate of -10s. a year. Next year, on its renewal with Thomas Knott, the sum -was dropped to 8s. 6d. "and what more as the Eighteen shall think -fit." However, the new clerk, Robert Harrison, in 1695 secured 10s., -and at this figure it remained for some fifty years. After a gap of -eight years in the accounts, the item reappears in 1751 at £1, and -from that time onwards it fluctuates between the sums of 10s., 13s. -4d., £1, even once in 1759 touching £1 10s., as the Eighteen were -parsimoniously or liberally inclined. Finally, after a halt at 15s., -it rose in 1794 to £1 1s., and from that slowly mounted until by 1814 -it had reached £2 15s. 6d., at which it remained for eleven years. -From 1826 it rose again, and between 1831 and 1858 it stood at £3 6s. -£1 was then added. - -The tower was an irregular source of expense, as the following items -show:-- - - 1665 the makeing of ye steple door 3s 6d - - 1694 For mending the Garret: Flags 6d - - 1697 Lime for church and steeple £1 17s 1d; this item includes - "charge for Bargaining." "For sand" 3s 0d. "For - Rough-Casting the steeple" £4 0s 0d - - 1717 For repairing the Steeple loft and two Doors - 02: 14: 00 - - 1718 Edwin Green, one of the Eighteen, is paid 4s 0d "for - attending when the steeple was repaired." - - 1734 For a lock to ye Steeple door 8d - -Work was done on the steeple and steeple window in 1757; and in 1767 -a load of "slape" cost 1s. and lime 2s. 6d. The work of white-washing -recurred frequently. Church and steeple were entirely rough-cast -in 1773, at the considerable cost of £13,[152] the east window -(presumably of the north aisle) being at the same time repaired. The -interior was done in 1780 for £1 5s. 6d., and the exterior both of -church and steeple in 1791--which with the pointing of the windows -came to £3 15s. The townships repaired their individual windows next -year, this being repeated more radically in 1801. - - [152] The tower and all the body of the church was rough-cast in - 1910 at a cost of £200 5s. 1d.--ED. - -The years 1803 and 1804 show that drastic work was done. One item -stands "To expenses of Letting white-washing the Church 8s. 0d."--a -sum spent mainly of course in copious draughts of ale. Another is -"To writing Contracts of Letting 1s. 6d." The amount actually paid -for "mending Roof of Church, and Whitewashing Church in and Out, and -Pinning up all Broken places in the Ruff Cast & Plaster," was £8 -12s.--certainly a modest one. Church and tower were whitewashed in -1815 for £5 18s., and Edward Wilson, carpenter, received 18s. for a -"Craddle to White Wash Steeple." The process was repeated in 1832 at -a cost of £2 17s. 7-1/2d., and again in 1842, when Levi Hodgson was -paid £4 15s. 9d. for the work. - -The scraping, smoothing, and daubing to which the church was -constantly subjected, may account for the mutilated state of such -bits of freestone (shallow mouldings, &c.) as are yet visible. In -what year Addison's decorations were effaced by a coat of whitewash -is not known. It is supposed that the black boards, painted with -texts, which yet hang in the church, replaced them, as being more -convenient for the whitewashers. If so, the once admired art of the -painter was allowed little more than fifty years in which to delight -and instruct the people; for one board gives, with the names of the -churchwardens, the date 1741. It is singular that in that year the -accounts show no unwonted expense. - -An item that occurred from time to time for "mending sentences" was -changed in 1763 to an annual charge of 1s. for "cleaning church -windows and sentences." - -Many little odd expenses there were: such as the "hack" or pick, -which, from its constant work on the graves, often wanted "laying," -or a new shaft, at 3d. A fresh one and a "Cald-rake" were bought in -1715 for 1s. 6d.; while in 1802 "laying Mattock" cost 1s. 9d., and -"New Coolrake" 1s. 6d. In 1824 a new spade cost 3s. 9d. Occasionally -the church chest wanted "gimmers" or hinges, or new locks, a pair of -which cost, in 1752, 1s. 4d. An "iron chest" was bought in 1816 for -£7 17s. 6d. The ladder was mended often, and a new one in 1734 cost -9s. The "Corps Cloth," procured before 1798, when it was mended at -4d., required "Dying and Pressing" in 1803 at 3s. 3d.; and it was -renewed in 1823 for £2 15s. A new bier cost, in 1812, 11s. 6d. In -1821 a small hearse was built by Edward Wilson, which could travel -on the improved, but still narrow roads of the parish. Its use was -paid for; but in some years it was not had out at all, so--as its -initial cost was £14 9s., and the clerk was paid presently 5s. a year -for attending it, and a "Hearse House" was soon found necessary (£11 -15s.)--it was not a paying affair. - -Edward repaired the "Corpes Stool" for 2s. in 1847. - -"A booke of Canons" was bought in 1665 at 3s. 3d.; a register book in -1685 at 11s., and again in 1784 at 8s.; a book of articles in 1691 at -1s.; and in 1692 "a Paper Booke for Registring ye poor" at 2s. 9d., -as well as an Act of Parliament "for Setling ye Poor" at 3d. - -But besides regular and casual expenses ever increasing, there were -special acquisitions too costly to be dealt with in the ordinary -yearly accounts. Such was the church plate, and the bells (as we have -seen), and, presumably, the clock, which at an unknown date replaced -the dial. The present clock was, according to the terrier, presented -in 1817, and was supplied by a Mr. Bellman, of Broughton-in-Furness. -The bill of 7s. 6d., paid to "Late Mr. Bellman for dressing church -clock," was not entered until 1820, though the previous year the -regular charge started "To John Watson for attending clock & keeping -water from it," which was £1 3s. 6d. for that year and afterwards 2s. -6d. less. The old clock existed till recently. - -[Illustration: _Work on Inner Door._] - -The church porch, like the tower, was repaired at the general charge. -This, in 1761, cost only 4s. 6d. The outer doors of the porch were -renewed in 1821. Edward Wilson contracted for the wood-work for £5, -while John Watson executed the iron-work for £3 5s. 8d. The priest's -door was renewed also, being doubtless paid for by the rector. These -doors remain, and the initials of the Winterseeds smith, which he -stamped upon his work, may be seen. - -[Illustration: _Hinges of the Outer Door of the Porch._] - -[Illustration: Door Handle in the Porch.] - -At the opening of the nineteenth century the condition of the church -floor and of the antique forms had become a matter for serious -consideration. Nothing effectual, however, could be done in the way -of levelling and paving until the custom of burying within the church -had ceased. Even then there was reluctance and difficulty, for the -soil was full of bones, and so close to the surface did these lie, -that, according to tradition, many were gathered and laid elsewhere, -when the alteration finally was made. This was radically -undertaken in 1840. The floor, which until then was below the level -of the ground outside, was filled in and paved. The old benches -were removed, and pews set up in their place. Foreign timber--deal -painted--was for the first time used instead of native oak, and the -wood-work was given to an Ambleside man. The cost of the renovation, -which included repairs to roof and renewal of windows, amounted to -£300, and this was raised by subscription--Queen Adelaide (who was -visiting the district) contributing £50. - -The abolition of the forms could not do other than tend to the -breaking up of old customs. The pews were no doubt apportioned to the -various households, in Grasmere township at least; while the question -of the rightful share possessed by the sister townships in this -altered accommodation was left open, as the events of 1856 show (see -Church Rates). With household pews, men and women sat together. The -western door, hitherto used by the men, and outside which (according -to tradition) all secular notices had been given out, was now made -up. £1 1s. had been paid, as late as 1816, "To John Watson for -Hanging of Men's Door." At the same time the tower-arch was walled -up, and the tower used for a vestry--the old wooden one being cleared -away. The font was brought into the church. The expenses of the old -vestry fire, which had risen to 5s., cease accordingly, and those of -lighting the "stove"--placed presumably in the church itself--begin -at 12s. a year. Comfort was now thought of. Straw matting had indeed -been procured for the communion rail in 1780 (3s. 1d.); it was bought -in 1844 for 11s. 4d. - -The era of subscriptions raised the rate of church expenses -enormously, as has been seen in the 1840 renovation. In 1876 the -rough-casting of the church outside was done by subscription, and -contracted for at £30; £70 13s. 0-1/2d. being altogether expended -upon that and new spouts and painting clock, a sum which should be -compared with the cost on previous occasions. - -The Rev. E. Jefferies, who was the first rector--certainly after -the days of Dr. Fleming--to take a zealous interest in the fabric, -reconstructed in 1841 the entire east wall at his own expense.[153] -He also presented the two carved chairs that stand within the -sanctuary. He made with his own hands a communion-table[154] and -foot-stools; the latter remain. - - [153] See Middleton's Guide. - - [154] This table is now in use at a Mission room in Ulverston - parish. - -Another great renovation was carried out in 1879-80 under Mr. -Fletcher. Like the last, its cost was defrayed by offerings (£660), -and much of the work done in 1840 was now undone. The deal pews were -cleared away and the existing oak benches substituted--Grasmere -workmen being employed. The tower arch was again opened out, and the -font replaced. A vestry was partitioned off the north-east angle -of the church, which was formerly known as the Langdale choir. New -pulpit, font-cover, communion-table, and Litany-desk were provided -in 1884, and five years later the lectern was given by Miss Agar, of -Silverhow, in memory of her aunt. The alms-dishes that hang on the -south wall were found a few years ago in the old tithe-barn, which -has been turned into a parish-room. - -[Illustration: Old Collecting Plate with Handle.] - - -THE CHURCHYARD. - -From the Restoration there is evidence that the garth outside the -church was cared for. It was surrounded, as we have seen, with stout -rough-cast walls, which were divided among the townships for upkeep. -The space within them was not strictly divided, yet the older graves -show that there was an inclination for each township to lay its dead -adjacent to its own gateway and stretch of wall. The keeping in order -of the grassy space, with its ever-increasing mounds, fell to the -general charge. An item stands in 1673, "For dresing weeds out of ye -Church yard," 1s. 6d.; and a charge becomes frequent for "repairing -church-yard walks, 4s. 6d.," or "cleaning church-yard," 2s. 6d. Three -days at this in 1631 cost 6s. 9d. - -Grasmere township paid in 1661 "For our P't of the Dyell" 1s. This -must have proved an unsatisfactory time-teller, as in 1683 4s. was -paid "For a diall & post." A post alone cost, in 1732, 1s. 9d., and -again in 1743 a new dial-post was fixed at 3s. 9d. - -Trees were planted from time to time. Young ashes were set in 1684 -at a cost of 1s. 6d. The yew tree, though no longer needed for the -bow, was still grown. A fresh one, planted in 1706, at a cost of -1s., perhaps took the place of the old one blown down in the gale of -December 18th, 1687.[155] This, too, which would now have numbered -over 200 years, appears to have gone. The existing trees were planted -in 1819 through the instrumentality of the poet Wordsworth (from a -sum supplied by his friend, Sir George Beaumont), and he continued to -care for them. - - [155] December 18th, 1687: "There hath been three very great - Windes lately viz. Nov. 10, 87. at night, Dec. 3, 87. at night, - and yester-night and all this day which was ye worst, & which - hath blowne down ye great Ewe-tree in Gresmere Church Yard, the - very tall Firr Tree at Ambleside, & many trees in Rydal Demesne, - etc. It was accompanied with much snow."--Sir D. F.'s Account - Book. - -The poet himself lies beneath their shade. Of the countless graves -that stud this ancient burying-place, it is his that draws the -pilgrims from afar; and the yard, encircled by its yews and the great -mountains, has perhaps inspired more and better poetry than any other -plot in England. Hartley Coleridge, Sir John Richardson, Green and -Hull the artists, are buried here, and their graves may be found by -referring to the short Guide issued by Mr. Peterson. - -Wordsworth's monument, a medallion by Woolner, is within the -church. The beautiful inscription is a translation of Keble's Latin -dedication of his Oxford Lectures on Poetry to Wordsworth. - - - - -EXTRACTS FROM CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS AND PRESENTMENTS - - -GRESMYRE. - - The First day of Apprill in the XIIIJth of the Kings Ma'tyes - Reigne A treue & A P'fect Acount of ye Disbursment of James - Benson & Robert Watson Church Wardens For the yeare last past. - - li s d - - Anno Domini 1661 as Followeth - - Imprimus for mending & mossing the Church 00 07 04 - Ittem for mending the Font stone 00 02 08 - Ittem for the Font Couer[156] 00 02 08 - Ittem soldering the lead in the Font stone 00 00 06 - Ittem For a Quission for the pulpitt 00 02 02 - Ittem For A table cloth 00 01 04 - Ittem For A Raill at the pullpit side 00 00 10 - Ittem For our p't of the Dyell 00 01 00 - Ittem For mending the great bell Leather 00 00 02 - Ittem For our p'te of A surp cloth we bought 00 01 08 - Ittem For Drissing the Church 00 00 04 - Ittem For greace to ye bells For our p'te 00 00 04 - Ittem For Lime for ye windowes & Fireing for - glasser 00 00 04 - Ittem payed to ye glasser for mending our p'te of - windowes 00 06 00 - Ittem For A new botle to the Church 00 03 00 - Ittem payed For bread and wine 00 08 04 - Ittem payed to John Jackson for lying 2 graues 00 00 04 - Ittem For writting this yeare 00 00 04 - Ittem for Two Journeyes to Ambleside 00 00 08 - -------- - li s d - - The sume totall 02 09 0 - - [156] The old font cover (see engraving) is lost. - -Two churchwardens sign by a mark at the bottom. This is clearly an -account for Grasmere township alone. - -GRESMYRE. - - A Booke For the whole p'rish Concerning the Church Affaires, For - the Churchwardens to writte their Accounts, euery yeare & to - subscribe their names to the same mad The 23th day of Apprill - 1662. - - Church wardens For this present year. - Gresmyre Michaell Knott Langdell James Harrison - Willm Watson John Harrison - - Laughrigg Ridell Amblesid' Thomas Partrigge - Thomas Braythwaitt - - li s d - - Imprimis for our Journey to Kendal to be sworne 00 06 00 - Ittem for paper 00 00 03 - Ittem for dresing of ye Church 00 01 00 - Ittem for binding ye Church bible 00 01 00 - Ittem for ye bell Founder John Langsha in earnest 00 05 00 - Ittem for Ringing up on Cronoc'on Day 00 01 06 - Ittem disbursed for ye Comon prayer book 00 10 06 - Ittem for mending ye midle bell Ropp 00 01 00 - Ittem to James Harrison for makeing ye sentences - w'in ye church 00 01 00 - Ittem to Michaell Knott for a Journey to cockermouth - for bell founder 00 02 00 - Ittem left behind unpayed when bell founder was - at grismyre 00 01 06 - Ittem for writting ye P'sentm't for ye whole p'rish 00 01 00 - Itt for writting ye P'sentm't into 3 P'ts 00 01 00 - Itt payed to ye Archbishopp men 01 09 06 - Itt for Ringing upon gunpowder treason day 00 01 00 - It for our Journey to ye lord Bishopp men 00 08 00 - Ittem for setting up ye Kings armes & Charges in - Drinke 00 16 06 - A slott to ye west doore of gresmyre owne Charges 00 01 09 - for bread & wine in owne Charges 00 09 08 - for grease to ye belles 00 01 0 - washing the surp cloth & table cloth twice in ye - yeare 00 01 0 - for makeing up ye raill in ye quire 01 01 0 - Ittem for Driueing wedges in ye Frame of ye bells 00 00 03 - Ittem for gammers for ye Raill doore 00 01 8 - Itt. for setting Church (wardens?) nome in ye - Church 00 00 06 - Itt for lyeing Flagges at Raill 00 00 03 - Ittem for two new bell-roppes 00 09 00 - Ittem for writting 00 01 0 - Ittem for mending ye midle bell Claper leather 00 0 06 - Itt to John Newton for quorter of 2 men y't com - to sett up ye Kings Armes in ye Church 00 02 0 - Finis ye 21th of Aprill 1663. - The sume tottall 06 16 04 - - Churchwardens' Accounts for 1790. - - Grasmere April the 6th being Easter Tuesday - Churchwardens chosen for the ensuing Year. - - For Grasmere James Fleming for Knott houses - John Allison for Thompson's Underhelme - For Langdales John Benson for Milnbeck - Edward Tysons for Fieldside - For Rydal & Loughrigg--Edward Park for late Edward Benson's - High Close - For Ambleside--Thomas Lycott. - - General Charge. £ s. d. - - To Ringing on Sundays & Holydays & to Grease & - greasing the Bells 13 4 - To dressing Church and Church Yard 2 6 - To cleaning Church Windows and Sentences 1 0 - To washing Church Linen 3s 6d, to cleaning Church - plate 6d 4 0 - To the Rushbearers 2s 6d, to drawing the accounts 3s 5 6 - To writing Marriage Register 1s, to drawing copy of - Register 2s 6d 3 6 - To Dogwhipper 3s to Steeple Window mending 3-1/2d - Repairing Choir Door 4 5-1/2 - To Bell ropes mending 1s, to 4 Bushels of Lime & - Carriage for Steeple Roof 7s 4d 8 4 - ---------- - £2 2 7-1/2 - ---------- - - For Grasmere in particular. £ s. d. - - Received by Assessments for Repairs of Church & - Schoolhouse 4 3 4 - Rec.d of the old Churchwardens 6 11-1/2 - ------------ - £4 10 3-1/2 - ------------ - - Disbursements. £ s. d. - - To the old Churchwardens going out of their office - & Journey 1 4 - To the new churchwardens entering on their office - & Journey 1 4 - Paid to the Commissary for their part of one Presentment - and Prayer Books 7 7-1/4 - To Bread & Wine & Carriage at Whitsuntide 7 2 - To Bread & Wine at Michaelmas 6 6 - To Bread & Wine & Carr: at Christmas 7 2 - To writing their part of one Presentment 1 0 - To Charges at laying Church Rate 1s, to repairing - school windows 1s 3d 2 3 - To repairing Church windows in Grasmere Third 6 10 - To Wine at Xtmas 1786 lost by Leakage of the Wood - bottle & unsettled before 6 10-3/4 - Their Third part of General Charge 14 2-1/2 - ----------- - £3 2 3-1/2 - ----------- - Remains 1 8 0 - - For Loughrigge & beneath Moss. £ s. d. - - Received by Assessment for Repairs of the Church 1 13 4-1/2 - Recd. of the old Churchwarden 1 13 4 - Recd. for one burial in the Church 3 4 - Recd. of Ambleside Churchwarden 5 0-1/4 - ------------ - £3 15 0-3/4 - - Disbursements. - - To the old Churchwarden going out of Office & Journey 8 - To the new Churchwarden entering on his Office & - Journey 8 - Paid to the Commissary for his part of one Presentment - & prayer Books 5 0-3/4 - To writing his part of one Presentment 6 - To Bread & Wine at Whitsuntide 4 4 - To Bread & Wine & Carriage at Michaelmas 5 0 - To Bread & Wine at Christmas 4 4 - To Charges at laying Church Fees 1s, to repairing - Church Windows 1s 6-1/2d 2 6-1/2 - To flagging a grave 2d To Wine lost by Leakage of - w'd bottle at Xmas 1786 4s 7-1/4d 4 9-1/4 - His Third part of General Charge 14 2-1/2 - --------------- - 2 2 1 - --------------- - Remains 1 12 11-3/4 - --------------- - - * * * * * - -The account for Langdale does not appear. - -[Illustration: PLAN OF GRASMERE CHURCH TO FACE PART V.] - - - - -PART V - - - LATER PARSONS OF GRASMERE - - AMBLESIDE CHAPEL - - AMBLESIDE CURATES - - LANGDALE CURATES - - SCHOOLS AND CLERKS - - CHURCH RATES - - NON-RATEPAYERS - - REGISTERS - - PRESENTMENTS, BRIEFS, AND CHARITIES - - THE RUSH-BEARING - -[Illustration: On the Great Bell, Gloria in Altissimis Deo] - - -LATER PARSONS OF GRASMERE - - -Grasmere settled down then, after the Restoration, to an absentee -rector, the Rev. John Ambrose; and under him was a curate-in-charge, -the Rev. John Brathwaite. One of his name, son of William, "pleb.," -matriculated from Queen's College, Oxford, in 1631, aged 18, whom Dr. -Magrath thinks may have been he.[157] Under Mr. Thomas Brathwaite's -will, 1674, "Mr. Brawthwaite minister of Grassemire" received a -legacy of 20s., which shows that he enjoyed the esteem of that -Puritanical gentleman. He often appears in the Account Book. For -churching the squire's wife he received regularly 5s.; until there -comes the melancholy item in 1675:-- - - [157] See "Flemings in Oxford." - - £ s. d. - - Apr. 17--Given to Mr. Jo. Brathwait for preaching - of my Dear Wifes Funerall Sermon (upon Prov. - 31, 29) and often visiting her dureing ye time - of her sickness and praying by her 02 00 00 - -Other items are more cheerful; for often the minister's little -daughter would carry offerings of fruit, cherries and wild -blackberries to the Hall, for which she would receive a _douceur_ in -return. Also, as boys apparently then caught woodcocks in springes, -as they did later (see Wordsworth's Prelude), the item occurs in -1782:-- - - £ s. d. - - Dec. 12--Given Parson Brathwait's Son who brought - some Wood-cockes 00 00 06 - -The daughter seemingly married in 1685, for the Squire's boys were -dispatched on May 24th, with money to give at her offering--a -collection made at the wedding for the benefit of the couple; Will -giving 5s. and Dan 2s. 6d. - -It was in 1684 that Parson Ambrose, who for some forty years had -been connected with the rectory of Grasmere, passed to his long -rest. By surviving five brothers--several of whom were bachelors -like himself--he succeeded to the family estate; and the old Furness -homestead had been added to his other residences.[158] The Rydal -squire notes in that Account Book--which became practically a diary:-- - - [158] West's _Antiquities of Furness_. - - £ s. d. - - Aug. 20--My Cosin Ambrose, Lord of Lowick and - Parson of Gresmere, dying Aug. 16. 84 was - this day buried, and I attended his Corps from - Lowick-hall unto Ulverston-Church, where he - lyes interred, being ye last male of his family - in ye North 00 00 00 - -Little as Grasmere had known him, the old man remembered the place -in his will, and bequeathed £50 for the school, under trust to the -"minister and such persons as shall be of the four and twenty of the -parish of Grasmere." - -The death of Ambrose left the post vacant for Henry Fleming, the -squire's second son, who had been bred up to the church, doubtless in -readiness for it. He had taken his B.A. degree in 1682, from Queen's -College, Oxford, and there he was still residing, in preparation -for his M.A. degree, to be taken next year. Presented now by his -father to Grasmere, he proceeded on November 22nd to Carlisle for -his ordination, and next month rode to Chester to complete the -business of his appointment. On January 7th he was formally inducted -to the ancient fabric, over which he was now--a young man of 25--to -rule; and his father on this occasion opened heart and purse to his -neighbours at the Church-Stile Inn in an unwonted manner. - - " ... and spent Jan. 7 at Robert Harrisons in Gresmere when he - was Inducted by Mr. Jo. Brathwait 3s. 6d." - -The new rector then returned to Oxford, where he remained until the -end of 1687. Clearly he was in no haste to settle down in Grasmere, -at any rate before his income was free from burden[159] and until -something was done to the rectory, which wanted effectual repair. His -eldest brother assisted him in plans; and he wrote to his father on -March 14th, 1687, "I have received a letter from my Brother William -concerning Grasmere church and Parsonage House, with a model of the -house he designes to build, which I like very well, if the money -will finish it, and adorn the church. But I am affraid that it will -fall short unless you be pleased to be assisting in wood." - - [159] The outlay connected with Henry's appointment was - considerable. His expenses in Carlisle with his brother Daniel - amounted to £2. 7s. 6d.; also after ordination "For ye Bread and - Wine at ye Communion in Carlile-Cathedral" 2s. 6d., and 1s. given - at the offertory. At Chester, besides expenses and fees, he paid - the Bishop of Chester's secretary £5. 5s. Next, on February 13th, - comes the item "Delivered my Son Henry to pay tomorrow at Kendal - for his Tenths for Gresmer due at Xtmas last, ye sum of" £2. 17s. - 0-1/2d. Again on May 30th, "Paid at London unto Mr. James Bird - for ye first payment of my Son Henry Fleming's First-Fruites for - ye Parsonage of Gresmere, ye Sum of" £6. 8s. 7d. On November - 18th, the same amount was paid as second instalment; the third - on October 9th, 1687, £6. 11s. 1d.; and a final of £7. 1s. on - July 31st, 1688. The total, £26. 19s. 3d., is a little over the - amount paid by the Rector of Clayworth as first-fruits in 1672. - Money was, however, now coming in, and Parson Brathwaite would - seem to have furnished the new rector with a round sum of £20 at - intervals, beginning in May, 1685; two such being paid in 1687. - What the arrangement was in regard to the curate's stipend is not - clear. - -Probably the squire did assist; and it may be a stout oak from -Bainriggs that bears still the incised legend "This House was built -1687 Henry Fleming Par"; which implies that the house was entirely -remodelled.[160] The work went briskly forward, and on June 22nd the -squire noted:-- - - [160] The beam was dislodged when the new rectory was built in - 1895, but upon the furnishing of the old tithe barn as a parish - room in 1905, it was appropriately set up there. - - £ s. d. - - "Spent yesterday at Gresmere when I viewed ye - Painting in ye Church, and ye Parsonage new - House 00 05 00 - -which meant tips and treats at the alehouse, and a great commotion. - -Harry was still in Oxford in October, but early in December he was -down, and preached to his people. - - Dec. 11--This day my Son Henry Fleming preached his first - sermon--upon Romans xiii in Gresmere church, where I would have - been, had I had notice of his preaching. - -This statement shows Harry's nervousness in face of his clever -father. It may have been with reluctance that he left the University -where for nine and a half years he had lived a student's life; but -that his departure was intended to be final is clear, from the fact -that his box followed him, the cost of its carriage being 11s.--44 -lb. at 3d. per lb. - -Harry would seem to have been a quiet, unostentatious man. His tutor, -the Rev. Thomas Dixon, wrote of him to his father on his first -arrival from the country, "Yo^r Son is both frugall and studious, and -all that I find amiss in him is that he wants courage and heart, I -do all I can to animate and encourage him and to put some more spirit -into him. I hope disputeing in ye Hall will put some briskness and -metall into him, and teach him to wrangle: He is one of three that -yo^r nephew Fletcher calls his Juniors in ye Hall, So that they -must endeavour to bafle him and then heel cease to stand upon his -Seniority or att least to triumph in it. He deserves also all the -encouragem^t, that may be, because he is willing to do anything and -frequents Prayers and Disputacons as much as any one, though of much -less Quality and honour than himselfe. He has another fellow-Pupill -of ye same order that keepes pace with him, and they have combin'd to -sett patterns to all ye rest of their Table: I hope theyl continue -this their emulacon, and that yo^r Son will also excite others of his -degree to ye same excellency and p'fection."[161] - - [161] Ry. Hall MSS., His. MS. Com. 2084. - -It is probable that Harry was never taught to "wrangle"; and though -his abilities were excellent, he rose to no high office in the -Church, like his brother George. He had a true interest in his -parish, as we must suppose, from the encouragement he gave to the -people over the embellishment of the church; and the accounts show -that "ye Dr." went over into Langdale at least once (in 1696) to -preach and administer the sacraments. He neglected the bells, as -has been seen, and possibly the wardens had a difficulty in getting -hold of him; for from 1694, when he acquired the living of Asby, -Cumberland, he resided there. He married, in 1700, Mary, daughter of -John Fletcher, of Hunslet, and on his death, in 1728, left a daughter -only. - -With Dr. Henry Fleming was associated, as curate, the Rev. Thomas -Knott. This worthy man was doubtless of the Grasmere stock that for -so many generations had supplied able and prominent members to the -village community.[162] He entered his name in the Grasmere register -as curate and schoolmaster in 1687. In 1694 he was promoted to the -more independent (and doubtless better paid) curacy of Ambleside. The -letter he wrote to his rector on the occasion of the Kelsick bequest, -which does credit to them both, has already appeared in print.[163] -The Rev. Thomas continued to officiate in Ambleside until his death -in 1744. - - [162] See _A Westmorland Township, Westmorland Gazette_, May 7th, - 1910. He was not, however, as there stated, the son of Michael. - - [163] See _Ambleside Town and Chapel_, p. 53. - -The Squire of Rydal (who had been knighted in 1681) died in 1701, and -it was the curate-in-charge, Dudley Walker, who preached his funeral -sermon and received the honorarium of £1 1s. 6d. - -The removal of this strong spirit must have made a difference in the -parish. His heir, William, who purchased a baronetcy, was a man of -feebler type, whose influence would be little felt in the parish. -He ceased, apparently, to worship at the old church, for in 1728 he -bought the two front pews in Ambleside Chapel, which had belonged -to the Braithwaites. On the death of his brother Henry, he appears -to have nominated for the rectory of Grasmere one William Kilner, -who immediately retired in favour of another son of Sir Daniel, -George, born 1667. He was totally unlike his brother Henry in -temperament. Handsome in person, of good abilities, assured spirit -and pleasant manners, his path in life proved an easy one. As a boy, -he, of all the brothers, had found it possible to ask his father -for money, whether to bet upon his cock at the Shrove-tide fight, -or to enter his college library, or even to engage in a trading -venture.[164] Once within the church, he advanced rapidly, for his -father's old friend, Dr. Smith, Bishop of Carlisle, gave him the -living of Aspatria in 1695, and four years later made the young man -his domestic chaplain. From that time he accumulated benefices and -honours. Made Archdeacon of Carlisle in 1705, he became Dean in -1727, shortly before his brother's death gave him the opportunity -of absorbing Grasmere. The wardens' presentment of 1729 states "Our -expected Rector is not yet Instituted and Inducted, the Cure is duly -Supplyed by a Curate; we know not what Salary is allowed him." The -church for the moment would seem to be poorly manned, for it adds "We -have no Parish Clark or Sexton at present." - - [164] See _Ambleside Town and Chapel_. More particulars of the - education of George Fleming will be found in the forthcoming - Chronicles of Rydal. - -The august rector, who had other benefices, was probably little seen -in his native parish; and in 1733 he resigned it in favour of his -only son, William, who also became Archdeacon after him. Next year -George stepped up to the post of Bishop of Carlisle; and in 1736, on -his brother William's death, he succeeded to the Rydal estates and -the baronetcy. His only misfortune was the death of his son in 1743. -He himself died in 1747, and a nephew became possessed of Rydal Hall -and of the patronage of the church.[165] - - [165] See _Dictionary of National Biography_. The fact of his - having acquired the rectorate of Grasmere seems, however, not to - have been known to his biographers; but the Registry of Chester - shows it. - -It is risky to judge from negative evidence: but there is nothing to -show that George Fleming, bishop and baronet, did anything either as -rector or patron to benefit the church where he had worshipped as a -child, or the parish whence he and his son drew an income for fifteen -years; the sole mention of him in the church books being a statement -that he held a confirmation there in place of the Bishop of Chester. -The wardens and the Eighteen, with the curate, kept parochial matters -going; and the former, wearied no doubt of waiting for help from the -rector, tackled the great bell outlay in 1730-2, as has been seen. - -After he had become bishop, George Fleming erected in the choir the -marble monument that commemorates (in grandiose Latin) his father and -himself. - -The Rev. George Briggs acted as curate-in-charge from 1722. Though -he may not have enjoyed a university training, the facts of his life -that have been found suggest that his ministrations were beneficial -to the folk. Like the first "capellanus," of whom there is record, -Adam de Ottelay, and many another simple curate, he had footing in -the community as statesman, holding house and land. In 1725 he first -appears as "Mr. Briggs" in the Rydal rental, paying a lord's rent of -8s. 4d. for Padmar, or Padmire (Pavement End), which had belonged to -the Rydal manor apparently since the days of Squire John. In that -year also the minister, described as "clerk," married Miss Jane -Knott, of Rydal, daughter probably of Edward and sister of Michael, -who, for so long, acted as influential agents to the Rydal lord. - -Mrs. Jane Briggs remained long as widow in possession of the Padmire -estate; and the name of the Rev. George Briggs--doubtless her -son--appears as holder, after a gap, in 1806; in 1819 that of the -Rev. William Pearson has taken its place.[166] - - [166] One would willingly connect this Grasmere land-holder - with the astronomer of the same name who enjoys a place in the - _National Dictionary of Biography_. This remarkable man was born - of statesmen parents as near as Whitbeck, under Black Combe, - in 1767, and was educated at the Hawkshead Grammar School. His - biographer, Dr. Lonsdale, in the _Worthies of Cumberland_, says, - "Between his leaving Hawkshead and his becoming a clergyman of - the Church of England I have no facts to guide me: but it may be - inferred that he went to Cambridge." - -Meanwhile, the death of the Archdeacon had left the rectorate vacant, -and an unfortunate nomination was made by the patron-bishop. The Rev. -John Craik, B.A., was probably never resident--a fact quite usual: -but to this was presently added the more painful one that he became -incapable of managing his affairs, and his sister had to act for him. -Only five years after his appointment, Sir William Fleming writes of -the complaints of the parishioners, who with a church sadly in need -of repair can do nothing, since the rector will not come over to see -to it. Matters presently became so acute that a petition was framed, -begging the Bishop of Chester to intervene, as Mr. Craik was out of -his mind, and had not been near the church for three years.[167] -Yet it was not till the man's death, in 1806, that this miserable -situation came to an end. - - [167] Rydal Hall MSS. - -The Rev. Gawen Mackereth was curate under Mr. Craik. To judge by his -name, he was a native of the vales, and he apparently entered the -church--like many more in this period--by the door of the village -school-house. He wrote his name in the register on October 23rd, -1735, as "Ludimagister et Clericus Grasmereiensis," copying the -inscription of Thomas Knott, though with a fault in the spelling. -Twenty years later he preached for the last time his two yearly -sermons in Langdale. Sir William Fleming chose the next curate -himself; and he may have intended the Rev. John Wilson to occupy -the post of rector, should this fall vacant. But that day was far -distant, and Wilson--who seems from his action with regard to the -owner of Bainrigg to have been a man of strong temper--lived but a -short time after his appointment.[168] - - [168] _Rydal Chronicles._ - -He was followed by Edward Rowlandson, of whom scarcely anything is -known; but who--according to the register that records his burial in -1811--served the parish for fifty years. He could not have taught the -school, as the burial of Thomas Davis, schoolmaster, is recorded in -1801. - -Under him and Craik Grasmere must, indeed, have slumbered -spiritually. How could it be otherwise? But by this time Craik was -dead, after being rector for sixty-three years--surely a record term -for a lunatic! In the same year, 1806, Sir Michael le Fleming, the -patron who had never exercised his rights, died likewise. His widow, -Lady Diana, nominated as rector the Rev. Thomas Jackson. With him the -long record of absentee rectors was broken. He is said to have sprung -from a family of dalesfolk. He united, like some early predecessors, -his spiritual office with a temporal one, and acted as "clerk" or -agent to his patron. With his assistance, the heiress and Lady of -Rydal Hall freed her estate from debt, bought the ruinous homesteads -of the village, and replaced them by pretty cottages. Jackson was -successful also with his own affairs, and left a good deal of -property at his death, including Harry Place in Langdale, Tail End -in Grasmere, Brow Head in Loughrigg, and Waterhead on Windermere. He -lived, it is said, at Harry Place, and on most days rode his pony -(according to the report of old Langdale folk) over the fell to -Grasmere or Rydal Hall. - -It is well known that the rectory was let to the poet Wordsworth. -The premises had been sadly neglected, the wardens having, in 1798, -"presented" the "Rectory-House, Barn, and out-Houses" as being in "a -ruinous state," but the new rector was too good a business man to -leave them in that condition. Dorothy Wordsworth writes (May 11th, -1810) that Mr. Jackson is willing to make the Parsonage comfortable, -and will contrive a good library out of part of the barn. Later -(June, 1811), she says, "There is an oblong 4-cornered court before -the door, surrounded by ugly white walls."[169] - - [169] _Letters of the Wordsworth Family._ - -This graphic touch is interesting and suggestive. The place had -apparently an ancient character, with a strongly walled fore-court, -capable of being closed and defended. Such a plan--which was always -that of a manor-house--might be necessary of old for rectories, -where the tithe-barn, often stored with grain and hay, stood -temptingly, and occasionally was the subject of dispute.[170] Now -it is just possible that the rectory may occupy the site of the -former offices of the demesne. No manorial lord was ever resident -in this remote vale, as far as we know; but a resident bailiff and -a forester there must at least have been, with a few underlings. -These officers would be placed in a lodge, stoutly barricaded with -wooden palisades--later converted into walls. To this nucleus would -be added, besides byres and barns and smithy, a "knight's chamber," -for the accommodation of the lord, if he visited the spot, or pushed -so far in the chase; and nothing is more likely than that a priest's -chamber or house (along with the tithe-barn) would find a place -within this safe enclosure. In such a case, the decay and final -abolition of the demesne would leave the rectory in sole occupation -of the ground. Wordsworth gave up his tenancy, after the death of two -children, in the belief that the spot was unhealthy. It must have -been still more so in ancient times, while the marsh that almost -surrounds it was still undrained. - - [170] In the mediæval story of Reynard the Fox, the Priest's barn - is well walled about. See Francis Bond's _Misericords_, p. 73. - -On the re-construction of the rectory in 1895 the old elevation was -preserved as much as possible, but the level of the ground floor was -raised five feet. - -Tradition also states that the Rev. Thomas Jackson served personally -the chapel of Langdale, and certainly--if he lived in that -valley--this would be more convenient for him than the parish church. -The curates under him appear to have been men of ability and worth. -William Johnson indeed secured a fame as educationalist that is -recorded in the _National Dictionary_. A Cumberland man, born in -1784, he appears to have come to Grasmere as schoolmaster before the -death of the old curate Rowlandson. He began to officiate in 1810, -shortly after he had entered St. John's College, Cambridge. His stay -in Grasmere was short, for Dr. Andrew Bell, when visiting Wordsworth -in 1811, was so struck by his management of the village school, that -he offered him the post of Master of the school then being built by -the National Society in London; and thither he repaired next year. -He became organizer to the Society and school inspector and rector -of a London church. After his retirement from more active work, he -returned (about 1848) to Grasmere, where he bought a piece of land -and built the house, since enlarged, called Huntingstile. He was a -friend of Edward Quillinan, Wordsworth's son-in-law, and in 1853 -edited his poems with a memoir. He lived till 1864. - -Johnson's name occurs in the letters of the De Quincey family. The -future Opium-eater had just settled at Dove Cottage, where he was -visited by his mother and sisters. The elder lady was a friend of -Mrs. Hannah More, and it is a little amusing to find that the aid of -that prophetess of the Evangelical Revival was invoked for Grasmere, -which was evidently considered, by the strangers who began to invade -the district, to be in a benighted state. At one particular evening -reception at Barley Wood, Mrs. More's home, an effort was made to -engage her interest in what were called "the Christian politicks" of -Grasmere; but little was gained beyond a vague promise of Tracts, -until the opportune arrival of Mr. Venn from Clapham, who gave hopes -of help (for a time at least) from the Sunday School Society in money -and books. Mrs. De Quincey, in reporting the matter to her son, looks -forward to the time when "experience recommends the Institution -to more effectual patronage at home, where at present it is an -experiment, and viewed with indifference, if not with suspicion, -by people who must very feebly comprehend the value of religious -instruction."[171] The "good Pastor" was to be cheered, meanwhile, -"under his difficult labour" by the magic of Mrs. More's name, and -the promise of more substantial aid when the De Quincey ladies should -arrive. - - [171] _De Quincey Memorials_, vol. ii., 90-91. - -But aid was to be found at hand, which probably did not excite -suspicion. To Lady Fleming religion became increasingly dear after -home troubles left her a lonely woman. Her accounts show that in 1817 -14s. 8d. was paid to "Mr. Noble Wilson, Schoolmaster"--possibly for -books: and in 1821 a fee of ten guineas was paid him "for Teaching -Sunday School." Mr. Wilson, who followed Robert Powley (inscribed as -curate in 1814), must have been a favourite. He came over from his -cure at Witherslack in 1831 to bury Mr. Samuel Barber, who had made -"Gell's Cottage" (now Silverhow) his home. - -Evil days had fallen once more on the Grasmere rectorate. The Rev. -Thomas Jackson died in 1822. He left two sons, one of whom, educated -for the law, succeeded him as agent at Rydal Hall. The other, -William, was bred up to the church, and no doubt his father had hopes -that he would succeed him as rector.[172] But the right of nomination -had, unfortunately, passed into the hands of Sir Daniel Fleming. No -protest to the bishop, as regards his choice, was of avail, and the -nominee, Sir Richard le Fleming, took office. - - [172] The Ven. William Jackson, D.D., was born in 1792, and - preferred to the benefices of Whitehaven, Penrith, Cliburn and - Lowther (Rector 1828-1878) by the Earl of Lonsdale, who gave him - Askham Hall to serve as the Rectory of Lowther. Bishop Percy - appointed him Canon and Chancellor of Carlisle, and gave him an - Archdeaconry, which he resigned on becoming Provost of Queen's - College, Oxford (1862-1878). He married the daughter of Mr. Crump - who built Allan Bank, and had four daughters; two died young, one - married a Mr. John H. Crump, the other the present Provost of - Queen's College, Oxford, the Rev. J. R. Magrath, D.D.--ED. - -The rector remained at the rectory after his inhibition in 1834, and -curates, named Kingsley, Magrath, and Harris did duty successively -for two years each. Then, in 1840, came the Rev. Edward Jefferies, -who for so long ministered to the parish as curate and rector. He -remained as curate when, in 1857, the opportunity came for Lady -Fleming to appoint her distant kinsman, the Rev. Fletcher Fleming, -of Rayrigg (already serving the chapel of Rydal), to the rectorate, -but when he retired, in 1863, the Rev. Edward was fully installed in -his office. Mr. Jefferies died in 1893.[173] The men who followed him -are still (1912) living; the Revs. H. M. Fletcher, W. Jennings, J. H. -Heywood, and M. F. Peterson. - - [173] He had resigned the living in 1878. - - -THE CHAPELS. - -Brief mention of the later history of the chapelries under Grasmere -may be made here. - -Ambleside, when the crisis of the Reformation came, took matters -strenuously in hand, as we have seen. The townsmen provided a regular -stipend for a curate who could teach Latin and Greek to their sons, -and also kept up the fabric of the chapel, in complete independence -of the mother church. Moreover the right of burial and baptism at -the chapel was secured in 1676, after some opposition from the -patron.[174] Nothing, perhaps, was definitely fixed with regard -to the nomination of the schoolmaster-curate, when the townsfolk -undertook to furnish his salary in 1584. They may have hoped that it -would be left to themselves; and certainly they, with Mr. Braithwaite -at their head, appointed during the Commonwealth. But the strong -Squire of Rydal soon made it plain, that as patron of the mother -church, he meant to establish his claim to the patronage of the -daughter chapel, which stood on the Grasmere side of Stock Beck.[175] -It has remained in his family ever since. - - [174] See _Ambleside Town and Chapel_, p. 42. - - [175] See _Ambleside Town and Chapel_, p. 46. - - - - -AMBLESIDE CHAPEL. - - -It may be well to give a list of the Post-Reformation parsons of -Ambleside (rectified according to present knowledge), as well as -the evidence of a provision made for them in 1584. This evidence -was found amongst Mr. George Browne's MSS. too late for insertion -in _Ambleside Town and Chapel_, where the deed of 1597 is given in -full. It is an extract from a contemporaneous document, written out -in a memorandum book of Christopher Birkett, who owned part of the -lands of the Forrest family in Ambleside; and it records the fixed -contributions of that family to the endowment. - - "Forth of the Schedule conteining the sums of money granted by - ye Ten^{ts} and Inhabitants of Amble' for the repaires of the - Chapel and payeing the Ministers Stipend according to an Award - whereto the schedule is Annexed. Dated 16th Octobr in the 26th - yeare of Queen Elizibeth. - - John Forrest xijd. - Wife of Rich: Forrest viijd. - Antony Forrest iiijd. - Edw: Forrest 4d. - Thomas Forrest 3s. 4d. - - A Schedule of all the P'cels of ground named and set downe to - be Occupyed by ye Rulers of Ambleside to the use and intents - conteined in the Award annexed. - - One P'cell of ground conteining one Rood lyeing at the height of - Seethwait in the possession of John Forrest. - - One P'cell lyeing at Kilnhow, one Rood in the pos'ion of the - wife of Richard Forrest. - - One close above the Grove in possession of Edward Forrest. - - One close called Grove close in possession of Thom: Forrest." - - - - -AMBLESIDE CURATES - - -The names of two or three priests who may have served Ambleside -before the Reformation have already been given. A new era was marked -by the endowment of 1584, and the appointment of an excellent and -learned man followed. - - 1585--JOHN BELL. He was the first curate to inscribe his name in - the Bible belonging to the chapel, which, after long alienation, - has been restored to the church.[176] Bell's latest inscription - tells that he had then served (in 1629) for 44 years. He was - buried in Grasmere, December 23rd, 1634. His fine action in - constructing with his scholars a causeway across the miry bottom - between Ambleside and Rydal was long held in remembrance. In his - latter days he must have had an assistant under him, for the - burial of Leonard Wilson, "Scolmaister at Amblesyd," is entered - for February 12th, 1621. - - [176] _Ambleside "Curates" Bible, Transactions_, C. and W. An. - S., n.s. vol vii. - -1635--THOMAS MASON (spelt also Mayson and Masonn). It was he, -doubtless, who witnessed (and wrote out) many Ambleside deeds, though -not till 1840 does the word "clerk" follow. - -1647--HENRY TURNER, undoubtedly a Presbyterian. - -1669--JOHN PEARSON. This nominee of the Rydal squire met with some -opposition in the town, headed by Mr. Braithwaite "upon a private -Pique"--so the patron reported to the bishop. He was, however, -ordained and inducted; though the subsequent refusal of some of the -townsmen to pay their pledged contribution to the salary of the -curate was no doubt due to discontent.[177] - - [177] _Ambleside Town and Chapel, Transactions_, C. and W. An. - S., n.s. vol. vi., p. 47, where particulars of some of the - following curates and their assistants are given. - -1681 ---- THWAITES. The Christian name of this pedagogue has not been -recovered. The diocesan registry does not give him; but his name -is entered in the Curates' Bible, and moreover four of the Rydal -squire's sons were placed under his tuition in January, 1681. His -stay was short, and a collection was made for him in the chapel on -October 20th, 1685, to which the squire contributed 5s. - -1682--RICHARD WRIGHT was instituted curate before Mr. Thwaites' -departure. - -1688--ROGER FLEMING. His name suggests his being a native. He united -husbandry with his other occupations. His burial is entered on -September 2nd, 1694, and on the 11th, his successor, who had served -Grasmere, was licensed. - -1694--THOMAS KNOTT. He wrote out John Kelsick's will, by which -Ambleside has so largely benefited. As his name is the last in the -Curates' Bible, we must suppose that he caused a new one to be bought. - -1744--JONATHAN MYLES. - -1753--ISAAC KNIPE. - -1786--JOHN WILSON. - -1791--JOHN KNIPE. - -1798 ---- CRAKELT. - -1811--JOHN DAWES. - THOMAS TROUGHTON. - SAMUEL IRTON FELL. - -An extraordinary entry appears in the Grasmere register for February -15th, 1674, "ye buriall of John Osgood of Amblesid surverer[178] for -ye duty of Christ borne at Ridin in barkeshire." - - [178] May mean _server_ or _sufferer_. But whether we are to take - it that John Osgood served as a clergyman or suffered as a Quaker - is not easy to decide.--ED. - - - - -LANGDALE CURATES - - -Langdale was, at the Reformation, in worse case than Ambleside, where -the townsfolk were rich enough to put both chapel and school on a -sound financial basis. The Little Langdale chapel ceased to be. The -one in Great Langdale, bereft of its particular ministering priest, -was threatened with a like fate. Probably it was never closed, -however. An intelligent native would be found to act as clerk for -a nominal wage, and occasionally the rector would visit it, and -would administer the Easter communion to those who were too old or -ill to cross the fell. Two clerks appear in the register before -the Commonwealth, who may have acted as lay readers. During the -Commonwealth the chapel would be wholly in the hands of the sect that -happened to be dominant for the moment; and the fact that its pulpit -was open to any religious speaker undoubtedly caused the followers of -George Fox to be more numerous in Langdale than in any other quarter -of the parish. It was a Quaker who resisted the Episcopal church -service, when it was revived. (See p. 88.) - -But order was again established at the Restoration. Weekly services -were apparently conducted by a lay clerk, and the Grasmere curate in -charge came over once a year to administer sacrament (at a charge of -2s. 6d. to the township), and twice or thrice to preach (1s.). From -1680, when Langdale secured the privilege of a separate communion, -she ceased to contribute to the bread and wine consumed at the parish -church celebrations. - -The ritual of the chapel is disclosed in a Presentment of its wardens -for 1732, preserved among the general accounts. - -They have (they say) the Commandments set up within the chapel; -a Communion table; linen cloth; patten; flagon and Chalice; -Reading-desk and pulpit; a Surplice; books, etc.; with bell and -bell-rope. "Our minister resides with us; he is not in Holy Orders: -he reads Prayers and Homilies." He is allowed "the usual salary." -Sacrament is administered every Easter. Baptisms and marriages are -solemnized by the curate of Grasmere. No alms are received from the -Communicants; and they have no alms-box. - -The separate parochial accounts kept for Langdale continually give -items for repair and upkeep of the fabric and its adjuncts. One of -these was a "common stable," doubtless used for the accommodation of -those who rode to worship. After consultations, the re-building of -the chapel and school was decided on in 1751, and the work was slowly -proceeded with, at the expense of the township, through the next -three years. There may have been always a priest's lodging in the -valley. In 1762 the "Parson's House" was repaired for 13s. 3-1/2d. - -The following is a list--incomplete in its earlier part--of clerks, -readers, and curates who served the chapel after the Reformation:-- - - William Gollinge "of The Thrange in Langden, clerk" had a son - baptized 1590. - Charles Middlefell "clerke of Landale" died 1643. - Richard Harrison, clerk; died 1670. Daniel Green, d. 1829. - Richard Steele, d. 1780. Owen Lloyd, d. 1841. - Thomas Jackson, d. 1821. Stephen Birkett, d. 1860. - William Jackson, 1821.[179] James Coward, vicar; 1885. - Thomas Sewell, 1822. R. S. Hulbert, ret. 1900. - - [179] See page 173, note. - -Owen Lloyd was the son of Charles Lloyd, who was the friend of -Charles Lamb and for some time had resided at old Brathay. He -inherited considerable poetic gifts, and composed the Rushbearing -Hymn always sung at the Ambleside Festival. He lived for a while with -his friend, Mrs. Luff, at Fox Ghyll, Loughrigg. - -RYDAL.--The chapel of St. Mary, Rydal, was built by Lady Fleming in -1824 and consecrated by the Bishop of Chester on August 27th, 1825. -This new foundation took a large slice out of the old parish, though -customary dues and tithes continued for some time to be paid to the -rector. (See later.) - -BRATHAY.--The church, which was built here in 1836 by Mr. Giles -Redmayne, stands on the Lancashire side of the river, but its -parochial boundary took another slice off the old parish, which was -now wholly robbed of the township of Rydal and Loughrigg. - -So the old mother church, robbed of her daughter chapels and the -folk she so long fostered, rules to-day only the little valley of -Grasmere. - -[Illustration: Decorative] - - - - -SCHOOL AND CLERKS - - -Latter-day clerks and schoolmasters present a tangled subject, -difficult to unravel. Sometimes the clerk taught school. More often -there was a separate schoolmaster who served as curate, entering -holy orders for the purpose; for by this economy of labour two -meagre stipends were put together, and the rector might even effect -an economy on the one.[180] Sometimes each of the three offices was -served by its own functionary; and yet again it seems likely that -they were occasionally all filled by one man--in which case a deputy -was hired for the menial work. - - [180] There were sad doings among the Pluralists and absentee - parsons of the eighteenth century; and the unpaid curates were - often addicted to drink. See _Ambleside Town and Chapel_, pp. - 56-7 and onward. - -The school of Grasmere was doubtless an ancient institution, taught -in days before the Reformation by the resident priest. It is not -unlikely that it would be supervised by the visiting monk from York, -for monasteries were then the centres of learning. It would, of -course, be held within the church, or the porch, according to the -season, as was the custom. After the Reformation, and during John -Wilson's fifty-two years' term as rector, followed by that of the -erratic Royalist, Henry Wilson, tuition must have been a good deal -neglected, or left to the clerk. One Michael Hird was serving as -clerk in 1613, and a Robert of the name in 1638, who may have been a -son, since the office was kept in a family whenever possible. Robert -Hird, "clarke," was buried in 1680, which looks like ejection by the -Presbyterians, and subsequent restoration. - -For we are left in no doubt as to the appointments made by the new -religious authorities. George Bennison, proud, no doubt, of his -office and of his smattering of Latin, wrote in the register, "I -began to teache Schoole att Grassmire the 3 day of May 1641 being et -Ludimagister et AEdituus."[181] - - [181] From a recent work, _Educational Charters and Documents_, - by H. F. Leach, we learn that the clergy taught both themselves - and others from the earliest times; for instance, in the seventh - century, Aldhelm, writing to the Bishop about his studies, tells - him how after long struggles he grasped at last, in a moment, by - God's grace, "the most difficult of all things, what they call - fractions." In the tenth century a canon of King Edgar enjoins - that "every priest in addition to lore to diligently learn a - handicraft," and later in the same century the Council enacted - that "priests shall keep schools in the villages and teach small - boys without charge," and also that they ought always to have - schools for teachers, "Ludi magistrorum scholas" in their houses, - thus they would prepare others to take up the work professionally - which they were doing for nothing. Five hundred years later we - find it ordered at Bridgenorth, in 1503, that "no priste keep no - scole, after that a scole mastur comyth to town, but that every - child to resorte to the comyn scole." But the plague broke out - and swept away "scole masturs" and pupils alike, and in 1529 the - Convocation of Canterbury once more bade all rectors, vicars, and - charity priests to employ some part of their time in teaching - boys the alphabet, reading, singing, or grammar; and appointed a - Revision Committee of one archbishop, four bishops, four abbots, - and four archdeacons to bring out a uniform Latin grammar for - all schools. That grammar was taught in Latin in the tenth and - eleventh centuries we know from the Colloquy of OElfric, 1005, - and from his preface to the first English-Latin grammar, in which - teachers were told that "It is better to invoke God the Father - giving him honour by lengthening the syllable (P[=a]ter) rather - than cutting it short (P[)a]ter); no, comparing pronunciation as - is the Britons' way, for God ought not to be subject to the rules - of grammar." - - ED. - - - From his spelling of the place-name--which never had been - anything but _Gresmer_--we suspect him to have been a stranger; - and it would probably be difficult to fill posts on the spot that - had been summarily made void. Next comes "Thomas Wilson clarke at - Gresmere in 1655." He it must have been who fought the battle of - ritual with John Banks, bailiff, before a trembling congregation, - after the minister Wallas had decamped. (See p. 87.) He, in turn, - must have lost the post at the Restoration. - - The Parliament passed a law in 1653 obliging every parish to - supply a layman for the care of the registers, who was oddly - called a "parish-register."[182] Accordingly this was done, and - certified by the non-conformist magnate of Ambleside Hall. "Bee - it remembered that John Benson of Gresmere being elected and - chosen Parish Register of Gresmere by the inhabitants ther was - approved of and sworne before me the 9th of Aprill 1656. - - [182] Dr. Fox's _Parish Registers of England_. - -Tho: Brathwaite." - -John kept the office, as an entry in the accounts shows, at least -twenty years. - -Rector Ambrose, when he left £50 to the parson and "twenty-four" -of the parish, in trust for the school, gave an impetus to -education in the place. The sum--or part of it--may have been used -for the erection of a school-house. At all events, the quaint -little house still standing by the lych-gates was already there -when Anthony Dawson, statesman--incited perhaps by the parson's -example--bequeathed, in 1635, the sum of £7 to a "School Stock in -Grasmeer."[183] He expressly entrusted it to the patron, rector, -and incumbent, "towards the maintenance of a Schoolmaster teaching -Scholars at the School-House built at the Church Yard Yeates in -Gresmere."[184] - - [183] The dates of these legacies are incorrectly given on the - list within the church. - - [184] Rydal Hall MSS., Grasmere, was by no means behind the times - in education. There was no parish school at Clayworth, Notts., - in 1676, when an independent master was encouraged by permission - to teach within the church; and an effort made to raise a school - "stock" or endowment failed five years later. See _Rectors' Book - of Clayworth_. - -These legacies gave importance to the office of schoolmaster. The -choice lay then, as now, with the rector and the lay representatives -of the parish, at that time the Eighteen, now only six. The -appointment of young Thomas Knott as schoolmaster, shortly after this -accession of funds, was an excellent one. Curate as well, there is -a question as to whether he did not occupy also the post of clerk. -He was termed clerk in the wardens' accounts, when in 1694 he was -paid 2s. for attending the Visitation and Correction Court. But a -man who could appear at so dignified a function could hardly have -swept out the church, or dug the graves--and these, according to -the Declaration of the Wardens "We have no sexton belonging to our -Church"--were among the clerk's duties. He may have paid a deputy to -do these things, since there were perquisites belonging to the post -worth gathering in. - -INCOME OF THE CLERK.--The parish clerk was, in his way, as important -a functionary as the parson. Like the rector, he had no fixed salary, -but took from early times the offerings of the folk, which became -fixed and proportionate, like the tithes. From every "smoke" or -household fire, he had one penny a year. For church ceremonials, when -he acted as Master of the Ceremonies, he received a fixed fee, 2d. -for a wedding and 4d. for a funeral. He was the accredited news-agent -or advertizer. For instance, when the Rydal and Loughrigg Overseers -wished to put a pauper out to board, in 1796, they gave him 2d. "for -advertising her to let." (See Tithes.) He was paid 2d. for every -proclamation in church or yard. - -These ancient fixed fees lessened in value through the centuries, -as did the tithes. Various small emoluments however became attached -to the post as time went on. If the clerk was a good penman--as he -was certain to be when acting as pedagogue--he might be employed on -the church writings. Besides the joint Presentments, charged at 2s. -6d. (of which Grasmere and Langdale paid 1s. each and Rydal with -Loughrigg 6d.), there were the wardens' accounts to be drawn up, at a -fee rising by degrees from 3s. to 5s.; as well as a fair copy to be -made into the large register-book from the parson's pocket-register. -This last duty--oft, alas! negligently performed--was long rewarded -by 1s. annual payment, which afterwards rose to 3s. 6d. These items -occur in the accounts:-- - - £ s. d. - 1672--"For writting ye burialls Christenings and - Mariages out ye Register Bookes 2 times" 00 2 00 - - 1675--"Itt. for writting a coppy out of ye Regester - Book etc £00 2 00" - - 1790--"To writing Marriage Register 1s. 0d. to - drawing Copy of Register 2s. 6d." - -The contract for bell-ringing was given to the clerk, and doubtless -he secured a profit upon it. He had an annual payment for lighting -the vestry fire; another (5s.) for "attending" the hearse. In 1822 -the accounts give--after an item for "cleaning" the church-yard and -windows:-- - - "To Ditto Sentences and Window and Church throughout self and - Boy" 7s. 6d. - -This was clearly not a school-master clerk, who enjoyed--instead -of receipts from menial labour--the scholars' pence and the small -stipend. If we turn back to enumerate the men who served the office, -we find Robert Harrison (1695 to 1713) followed by Anthony Harrison. - -There was no clerk in 1729, according to the presentment. Gawen -Mackereth (1736 to 1756) is entered as "clarke and schoolmaster," -though he certainly entered holy orders; so he may possibly, with a -deputy, have combined the three offices. John Cautley was clerk in -1756. - -After this came three generations of Mackereths: George of Knott -Houses; the second George, who filled the office from 1785 to his -death, at 81, in 1832; and David, his son. These men were clerks, -pure and simple.[185] David pursued the calling of a gardener, -working for Mr. Greenwood at the Wyke. In his time it was decided to -give the clerk a salary. It began in 1845 at £4, and was advanced in -1854 to £5, with the stipulation, however, that one J. Airey should -receive 13s. 6d. of it. But David did not prosper, and he emigrated -to Australia in 1856. He is remembered by Miss Greenwood as a tall, -fine man, like his successor; he used, after giving out the psalm to -the congregation at the desk, to march into the singing-pew (which -stood where the organ is) and there lead the voices. Indeed, the -parish clerk of old, besides a tuneful voice, was generally endowed -with a fine presence. The family is spoken of in an old newspaper -of nearly a year ago. Grasmere, December 31st, 1909: "Death of a -noted Guide.--Last week there died at Grasmere one of the best known -guides in the district, and one of the best known characters in -his day--John Mackereth. He was descended from a very old family -of Grasmere statesmen, intimately connected with Grasmere Church -in three generations of parish clerks, and earlier still as 'Ludi -magister et clericus.' The Rev. Gawin Mackereth held these offices -from 1736 to 1756. George Mackereth, of Knott Houses, parish clerk, -was buried July 23rd, 1785. His son George became parish clerk, and -was buried 22nd October, 1832, aged 81 years. He was succeeded by his -son, David Mackereth, who held the office up to the fifties. David's -son, George, was much disappointed that he was not chosen clerk after -his father's time. He was a tailor, and also a noted guide. He died -in 1881, and Johnny as he was always called took his place as guide. -He was also boatman in Mr. Brown's days at the Prince of Wales Hotel. -In these capacities he was known to hundreds of visitors, who never -came to Grasmere without looking him up. Of late years he worked on -the roads for the council. He was great on wrestling, and for many -years collected money for prizes at the rush-bearing. He had no -children, but four brothers and three sisters, all of whom have left -Grasmere, survive him." One Brian Mackereth was, in 1677, ranked -among the Freeman Tanners of the City of Kendal. (_Boke of Recorde_.) -In the same year Squire Daniel gave 5s. "at ye Collection of Brian -Mackereth's Houseburning." James Airey, the next clerk (1856 to -1862), must have been a clever, ingenious man, for he kept the clock -in order from 1831. He was also appointed schoolmaster--an office -that had often changed hands, and been united with the curacy--and -Edward Wilson was taught by him (along with the younger De Quincey -children) until he went with his brother to the Ambleside school. - - [185] The Mackereths made no pretention to learning, and Robert - Pooley or Powley acted as school-master after the Revd. Noble - Wilson in Sir Richard Fleming's time, and he was keeping the - registers in 1814. - -The school, meanwhile, had received other benefactions. The church -list records £80 given by William Waters, of Thorneyhow, in 1796, -towards the master's salary; and good Mrs. Dorothy Knott followed -this, in 1812, by £100, the interest of which was to be spent on the -education of five Grasmere children, born of poor and industrious -parents. John Watson, yeoman and smith, made a similar bequest in -1852, stipulating that the recipients should be chosen annually by -the trustees of the school. In 1847 Mr. Vincent G. Dowley gave £10. - -While the salary of the master was paid out of the school "stock" -or endowment, the township took upon itself the maintenance of the -school-house; and the expenses were duly entered in the accounts -of the Grasmere "Third." The waller of those days was differently -remunerated from the workman of these. For instance, the large -statement of 1729 "For mending the School-house" is followed by the -small sum of 14s. 6d. Naturally the windows wanted "glassing" from -time to time. Occasionally new forms were procured--four in 1781 cost -5s. 4d.; or a new table, in 1805. - -A loft or upper floor was constructed in the small house in 1782, the -opportunity apparently being taken when the Grasmere township had -bought an oak-tree for the renewal of their decayed benches in the -church, and while workmen were on the spot. The expences stand as -follows:-- - - s. d. - 24 ft. of oak boards for school-loft at 3d. per ft. 6 0 - - 8-1/2 days carpenter laying school loft 14 0 - - 1000 nails for the same 4 6 - - 2 Jammers for door and some hair 1 0 - -The little house, so stoutly built and prudently kept up, remains -the same, only that partitions have been erected for rooms, and the -entrance has been changed from the church-yard to the outer side. The -cupboard where the boys kept their books, the pump where they washed -their hands, may still be seen. School was held within its walls till -1855, when the present schools were built. - -With James Airey, who acted as both, the record of former -schoolmasters and clerks may be closed. But one who, appointed in -1879, served the office of verger (substituted for clerk) up to 1906, -must be mentioned. Edward Wilson was son of the carpenter of the same -name, and he pursued the craft himself. No custodian of old could -have filled the office with greater reverence or dignity, nor graced -it by a finer presence. Intelligent, calm, quietly humourous, he was -also gifted with an accurate memory of the events of his youth; and -his death, in 1910, at the age of 88 seems truly to have shut to -finally the door of Grasmere's past. - -[Illstration: Decoration] - - - - -THE CHURCH RATES - - -The church rate, levied by the wardens and the Eighteen on the -parishioners for the up-keep of the church, must for long have -stood at a low figure. In Squire Daniel's Account-book for February -16-62/63 the item appears "Paid ye other day an Assess to ye church -for my little tenem^t in Gressmer 00 00 02." - -This was a small farm-hold at the Wray, which he had inherited from -his uncle. And forty years later, when the year's expenditure was -high, the freeholder, Francis Benson of the Fold, was rated no higher -than 5s. 9d. for all his lands. The general charges after 1662, when -the equipment for the episcopal services was complete, up to 1810, -averaged in those years when there was no extraordinary outlay, -barely more than £2, to which, of course, were added those incurred -by each township individually. In 1733, when the bells caused a great -outlay, it is possible that money was borrowed, for an item stands -"For interest to Jane Benson 5s. 0d." Rydal and Loughrigg furnished, -in 1661, the sum of £2. 9s. as its share in the maintenance of the -church; and in 1682, £1. 5s. 6d.; while in 1733 it mounted to £13. -3s. 7d., of which the special Ambleside churchwarden produced, on -behalf of his district, 19s. 1d. - -When the churchwardens' books re-open in 1790, the general charges -stand at £2. 2s. 7-1/2d., and those of the three townships united -at £7. 13s. 2-1/2d.; our township paying of this £2. 2s. 1d. The -following table shows the progress of expense:-- - - Complete Charges Share paid by - of Three Loughrigg and - Townships. beneath Moss. Ambleside. - - £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. - - 1790 7 13 2-1/2 2 2 1 -- - 1800 5 4 11-1/2 1 15 6-1/4 -- - 1810 50 1 4-1/2 16 1 11-1/2 5 18 0-1/2 - 1820 21 5 5-1/2 7 1 0-1/2 2 2 7-1/2 - 1830 18 7 5 4 11 5-1/2 1 8 4-1/2 - 1840 13 17 8 4 6 11-1/2 1 14 0 - 1850 20 16 9-1/2 6 6 2-1/2 2 4 9-1/2 - 1857 34 15 8-1/2 11 17 11-1/2[186]4 2 11-1/2 - - [186] Of such charges as were shared by all, two-fifths of - one-third was Ambleside's share. - -The extraordinary expense of 1810 was caused by the building of the -vestry and hanging of the bells. In the year of the great outlay -upon the roof (1814), when Rydal produced £35. 19s. 11d. and £14. -7s. 4d. from Ambleside, the wardens laid for the last time but one, -the old church rate or "sess." Henceforth, the Overseers of the Poor -took it over, and so long as it lasted paid it out of the Poor Rate. -This seems to have been a period of laxity, when the old spirit of -responsibility and watchful care in the custodians of the building, -as representatives of their townships, became weakened. It was now, -in 1816, when the wardens and Eighteen would seem to have less to do, -that an annual dinner was instituted for them and the "minister." -This cost 2s. a head; and though at the Easter Meeting of 1849 "it -was resolved that in future the Landlord at the Red Lion Inn shall -provide dinners for the 24 at the Rate of 1s. 6d. p^r Head, Ale also -to be Included in the said Sum," the sum paid remained £2. - -A fee of 1s. 4d. paid to the churchwardens on entry or exit from -office (which covered his journey to Kendal) had long been customary. -Besides this fee, his expenses began in 1826 to be paid separately at -the rate of 3s. - -But the old order, long decrepit, was soon to be wiped out. Strangers -were pressing into the remote valley, which Gray had found in -1769 without one single gentleman's residence. Not only poets and -literary men began to settle in it, but rich men from cities, who -bought up the old holdings of statesmen and built "mansions" upon -them. These men demanded accommodation in the old parish church of -a kind befitting their notions of dignity. Opposition seems to have -been made to their demands. It is not quite easy to discover, from -the account given in the churchwardens' book of the meetings held -about the matter in 1856 and 1857, where the difficulty lay. We may -surmise, however, that while the seats in the Grasmere division of -the church were full to overflowing, those belonging to the other -townships would be often vacant, since not only the old Chapels of -Ambleside and Langdale were in use for regular worship and communion, -but new ones were built for Rydal and Brathay. It is possible that -an attempt to sweep away the traditional divisions and put Grasmere -folk in Langdale or Loughrigg seats produced the dead-lock we read -of. At all events, a vestry meeting was held on July 24th, 1856, with -the Rev. Sir Richard Fleming in the chair, "to consider the propriety -of making such an arrangement with respect to the free and open -sittings in the church as may conduce to the general convenience of -the inhabitants; and preparatory to an allotment by the churchwardens -of such free and open Sittings among the parishioners in proportion -to their several requirements, due regard being had to all customary -Sittings and to the rights of persons, having property in pews." -This proposal was made by Mr. Tremenhere and seconded by Captain -Philipps, both new-comers, though the latter (who had opened the -Hydropathic Establishment at the Wray) seems to have been chosen as -one of the Eighteen; and it was promptly negatived by a majority of -nineteen to four. Mr. Thomas H. Marshall, another new resident, at -whose instigation the matter had been begun, persisted in it however; -and the two wardens for Grasmere agreed to take lawyer's counsel -as to their action in carrying out a Faculty already procured, and -for which they paid Dr. Twiss £3. 6s. This counsel is not very -clear, but paragraph ii. of its text is of interest: "I think that -the appropriation of any number of pews in a Mass to the separate -townships, so as to exclude permanently the Inhabitants of the -parish in general from the use of them, would be a proceeding in -contradiction to the express provisions of the Faculty. The Faculty -must be taken to have superseded any antecedent custom under which -pews in a mass were appropriated to separate townships. I think it -is the duty of the Churchwardens to assign to such parishioners -as shall apply from time to time, indiscriminately as regards the -townships, pews or seats, as the case may be, among the free and open -sittings." Again, after expressing his opinion that the burden of -the church rate should fall on the inhabitants in general, he speaks -of "the custom for the townships to repair their own portions of the -Church applied to the Church in the state in which it was, and under -the exceptional arrangements of the Sittings which existed prior to -the issuing of the Faculty.... The manner of collecting the rate by -the officers of the townships may still hold good, but the rule of -assessment must, I think, be derived from the general law." - -The Archdeacon was likewise applied to by Mr. Marshall and Mr. -Stephen Heelis, a lawyer from Manchester, who had bought a holding -at Above Beck, and had built himself a house there. He was an able -man, and at once took a prominent part in the proceedings. He was -made churchwarden for Grasmere, and with his colleague, William -Wilson, set to work in 1857 upon the unrestricted allotment of seats -countenanced by the authorities. This was the end of the individual -shares held by the townships in the fabric of the old mother church; -it was the end of the Eighteen who had represented the township; it -was an end, likewise, of the general church rate for which those -Eighteen stood responsible; since it was manifestly unfair to tax -those whose rights had been taken away. Langdale fell away, and the -Brathay part of Loughrigg, and Ambleside-above-Stock. The rate of -1-1/2d. in the £ on property, which the wardens proceeded to levy on -the whole of the parishioners, was responded to for the last time -in 1858, when Ambleside paid £7, Rydal and Loughrigg £10 17s. 10d., -and Langdale £8 6s. 3d., to Grasmere's £13 14s. 11-3/4d. The little -division of Rydal with part of Loughrigg was indeed, by dint of its -being dubbed a chapelry, held yet a little longer in the grasp of -the old church; four statesmen and one warden were allowed her in -return for the rate she continued to pay. This she seems at first -to have paid equally with Grasmere, and in 1859 she contributed -the high figure of £15 0s. 10-1/2d. towards the expenses of the -church. In 1861 she paid £13 5s. 1-1/2d. By 1866, however, the rate -to supply the immensely increased expenses of worship had become a -burden, even to Grasmere folk. A voluntary rate took its place, and -Rydal contributed its unspecified portion to this for the last time -in 1870. The offertory that then superseded all rates, paid only by -worshippers, was an immediate success. - -In 1879, when the volume of accounts closes, the year's expenditure -stands at £155 14s. 1d. - - - - -NON-RATEPAYERS - - -The religious factions--whether Baptist, Anabaptist, Independent -or Presbyterian--that had sprung up during the Commonwealth left -behind them no vital seeds of dissent in the wide parish of Grasmere, -although the two last had in turn held the rectorate and the pulpit. -As soon, indeed, as the Episcopal Church was restored, along with the -Monarchy, the people returned with apparently a willing mind, and -almost unanimously, to the old order of worship. - -There was an exception, however, to be found in the Quakers, who were -firm in refusing to re-enter the Church. George Fox, wandering on -foot like an old Celtic missionary, had made his appearance in these -parts in 1653, and at once his preaching (which mirrored his mystic -and simple mind), united with a magnetic personality, had secured -him a following. His teaching discountenanced all creeds, forms, and -ritual. His meetings were, therefore, held in private houses; and -so much abhorred by his followers was the "steeple-house" with its -consecrated ground, as well as any fixed form of service (even the -Office for the Burial of the Dead), that they often laid their dead -in silence in their own garden-ground, rather than carry them to the -church. - -As the little band grew larger, a plot of ground was, however, -secured as early as 1658 at Colthouse, near Hawkshead, in Lancashire, -as a graveyard[187]; and in that neighbourhood, where they built a -meeting-house in 1688,[188] they became numerous and active; and on -the Westmorland side of the Brathay--in Langdale and in Loughrigg -more especially--George Fox also found adherents. In particular, -Francis Benson, freeholder of the Fold, of a wealthy family of -clothiers, and an influential man who served as Presbyterian elder in -1646, became his follower; and remained so through the persecutions. -He received Fox into his house, even when the preacher had become a -marked man. Fox's _Journal_, after recording his Keswick preachings -in 1663, runs on:-- - - [187] Hawkshead Parish Register. - - [188] From Mr. William Satterthwaite, of Colthouse, a member of - the Society of Friends. - - We went that night to one Francis Benson's in Westmorland; near - Justice Fleming's House. This Justice Fleming was at that time - in a great Rage against Friends, and me in particular; insomuch - that in the open Sessions at Kendal just before, he had bid Five - Pounds to any Man, that should take me; that Francis Benson told - me. And it seems as I went to this Friend's House, I met one Man - coming from the Sessions, that had this Five Pounds offered him - to take me, and he knew me; for as I passed by him, he said to - his Companion, That is George Fox: Yet he had not power to touch - me: for the Lord's power preserved me over all. - -The fanatical spirit of Fox is shown perhaps in this passage, where -he ascribes the inaction of these two parishioners of Grasmere, not -to a generous tolerance of mind (certainly God-given), but to a -direct interposition of Providence in his own favour. He likewise -attributes the death of the Squire's good and gentle wife later on to -God's wrath and judgment upon the husband for his persecution of the -Friends. - -In truth, Squire Daniel was not the man to view leniently the -opposition offered by the new sect to the restoration of the old form -of worship. It must be allowed that the method of their preachers -was not only irritating but provocative; for it was their wont, -when the congregation was assembled in the "steeple-house" to rise -and denounce both worship and officiating clergy as instruments of -Belial; with an occasional result of rough handling and ejection by -the people. We have seen that William Wilson, a Langdale man and one -of their speakers, resorted to this method of interruption when the -Church of England service was restored in the chapel. The parson of -Windermere later on wrote to Squire Daniel begging his magisterial -help, as a woman was in the habit of rising during worship and -denouncing him. Wilson's misdemeanour was immediately dealt with at -the Quarter Sessions, and on his refusing to swear the oath--a matter -of principle with the Quakers, which was not rightly understood, -and which made their offence a political one--was thrown into gaol, -where, if his fine of a hundred marks was not paid in six weeks, he -was to remain for six months, and to be brought again before the -magistrates.[189] - - [189] Indictment Book, Kendal Quarter Sessions. - -This was certainly a severe judgment. How the case ended is not -apparent, nor how long Wilson remained in prison. A letter exists -at Rydal Hall, addressed to "Justice fleeming" and signed L.M., -reproaching him for his treatment of the Quakers, especially of -the four now in prison. One of these is "Wm. Willson, thy poore -neighbour," of whose wife and children the Squire is admonished to -have a care, since the prisoner had little but what he got by his -hands--a statement which implies that Wilson was a craftsman. - -The Rydal Squire had at first believed that he could force the -Friends back to the common worship in the old parish church by means -of fines, for he had the frugal man's belief that the pocket can -be made to act upon the conscience. With the passing of the Act of -Uniformity (1662) and the later Conventicle and Five Mile Acts, -however, he and his fellow magistrates had a powerful legal hold over -them. It is clear that he caused the known Quakers of the parish -to be watched. One, James Russell, brought him word that there had -been a meeting on November 1st, 1663, at the house of John Benson, -of Stang End. This was on the Lancashire side of Little Langdale -beck, but the Westmorland folk who attended were Francis Benson, his -son Bernard, "Regnhold" Holme, Michael Wilson, and Barbara Benson. -Of Lancashire folk there were only Giles Walker, wright, who had -walked from Hawkshead, and William Wilson and his wife. Wilson was -the speaker, so his imprisonment had not damped his ardour. Again, -next year, the constable of Grasmere, Thomas Braithwaite, and a -churchwarden, Robert Grigge, gave evidence that certain Quakers had -been seen returning from Giles Walker's house near Hawkshead; and -among them were William Harrison, of Langdale, and Edward Hird, of -Grasmere. - -These doings were not passed over by the Squire. He even tried -conclusions with the most powerful of the sect, Francis Benson, of -the Fold, and accordingly the latter was summoned, in 1663, along -with his wife Dorothy, to appear at the Quarter Sessions to answer -the charge of having been present at a meeting. The penalty of -non-appearance was a fine of thirty shillings, while the fines of -John Dixon and William Harrison, both of Langdale, charged with the -same offence, were respectively twenty shillings and ten shillings. -Francis Benson probably cleared his legal mis-demeanours by money -payments, for no evidence has been found of his imprisonment. He -and his family, however, remained staunch Friends. The place of his -sepulchre is not known, though his death is recorded for February, -1673, of "Fould in Loughrig," in the Quaker Registers. There is a -tradition of a burying-ground at the Fold, somewhere about his now -vanished homestead, and it is quite possible that some members of the -family might be buried there, as the early Friends not infrequently -made a grave-plot on their own ground. The Fold was so much a -centre of the sect that a marriage took place there between William -Satterthwaite, of Colthouse, and the daughter of Giles Walker, of -Walker Ground, Hawkshead, on December 11th, 1661.[190] According to -another tradition, a Baptist Meeting-house stood at the Fold, and -an old man, named Atkinson, whose forbears had owned the adjacent -farmhold of the Crag--where he was then living--pointed out the exact -spot on a little triangle by the road where the building had stood, -and the "Dipping" took place. But this story is against all record, -for we can trace the Bensons' adherence to the Friends to a late -period. - - [190] Papers of the Satterthwaite family. - -A large number of Quakers travelled to Rydal in 1681 to make their -Test or Declaration before Squire Daniel and his son, but the only -folk of the parish among them were Bernard Benson, of Loughrigg, and -Jane his wife, and "Regnald" Holme, of Clappersgate, and his wife -Jane. - -In 1684 a Rydal man "presented" before the justices quite a concourse -of people who had been present at a "Conventicle" in Langdale. Some -seventeen Loughrigg and Langdale names were cited: Edward Benson of -High Close (his only appearance as a Dissenter), John Dixon of Rosset -in Langdale, William and James Harryson of Harry Place, "Regnald" and -Jane Holme of Loughrigg, James Holme, the Willsons of Langdale, etc. - -Reginald Holme's name frequently appears in the Indictment Book -of the Quarter Sessions, and generally in connection with secular -disputes. He was, in fact, a turbulent character, little fitted to -belong to the peace-loving sect, which he joined possibly from sheer -love of dissent. Some items of his history have been given elsewhere. -He owned the mill at Skelwith Bridge--probably then, as later, a -corn-mill, though it is extremely likely that a walk-mill would be -set up additionally on this fine flow of water. About this water -and other matters he was in constant dispute with his neighbours. -One altercation, with a certain Thomas Rawlingson, the Friends -tried to settle for him but as he refused to accept their verdict, -a resolution was passed at a Monthly Meeting, held at Swathmoor -(1676), that the law might now take its course. On another occasion -Reginald was brought up before the Magistrates for assault; but the -recurring bone of contention was a dam or weir which he had built -across the river for the good of his mill--and to the damage, it -was declared, of the pathway above, and of his neighbours' grounds. -The Rydal Squire twice headed a party for the forcible destruction -of this dam, as has been told[191]; but long afterwards Holme was -in fierce conflict with Michael Satterthwaite, of Langdale, yeoman, -about this or another dam.[192] Finally, in 1684, a crisis occurred, -and Reginald's goods were seized by the strong arm of the law--a most -unwonted proceeding; on which occasion his sons and his daughter fell -upon the unfortunate officers, and beat them and put them forth with -violence--which made another indictable offence. - - [191] _Transactions_, Cumb. and West. Ant. So., vol. 6, N.S. - - [192] Indictment Book. - -After the law-suit concerning the tithes, which followed upon -the Restoration (see ante), in which law-suit Francis Benson was -concerned, and possibly other Quakers, we have no evidence as to -whether the sect continued to oppose the payment of church scot. -But there is abundant evidence to show that they were resolute in -non-attendance at church, and in refusal to pay the church rate or -"sess" levied on the townships for the upkeep of the fabric and its -walls by the representative men of the parish. The Subsidy Rolls -of 1675 show that Francis Benson paid for himself and his wife -Dorothy the tax of 1s. 4d., which the Government demanded from all -non-communicants, as did "Reynald" Holme for self and wife, and John -Benson of Langdale. - -From wardens' accounts and presentments we gain many particulars of -the dissenters of the parish, who appear to diminish in number as -time goes on. It had become necessary by 1694 to account, in the -books, for the deficit caused by the Friends' non-payment; and though -in the following year two of them yielded, Bernard Benson paying up -the large arrears of 15s. 11d. for "Church: Sess," and Jacob Holme -7s. 6d., the "Allowance for Dissenters" appears each year on the -debit side. - -Presentments are only available from 1702. The following extracts -give the names of the non-payers of the two townships. Those of -Langdale would appear in their separate presentment:-- - - Loughrigg. £ s. d. - - 1705--Francis Benson of the Fold 0 1 8 - The same for property in Grasmere 0 0 10 - Jacob Holm of Tarn Foot 0 1 1 - The same for property in Grasmere 0 0 2 - Jane Holm of Skelwith Bridge 0 0 4-1/2 - John Shacklock of the How 0 1 4 - - Grasmere. - - Francis Benson of Grasmere, Underhow 0 0 2 - Jane Benson, widow 0 0 3 - Miles Elleray of Clappersgate 0 0 2 - Arthur Benson 0 0 2 - - Loughrigg. - - 1706--Francis Benson of the Fold 0 1 1 - For Grasmere 0 0 10 - Jacob Holm 0 1 4 - For Grasmere 0 0 2 - Jane Holm 0 0 8 - For Mill Brow 0 0 4 - Miles Elleray 0 0 1 - - Grasmere. - - Jane Benson 0 0 3 - Francis Benson, Underhow 0 0 2 - - Loughrigg. - - 1707--Francis Benson of the Fold £0 2 9 - For Grasmere 0 1 2 - Jacob Holm 0 1 10 - For Grasmere 0 0 1 - Henry Dover 0 0 11 - John Rigg 0 0 10-1/2 - - Grasmere. - - Jane Benson, widow 0 0 4 - Francis Benson, Underhow 0 0 2 - The wardens add "Likewise we present two - churchmen [name crossed out] and George - Mackereth of Clappersgate 0 0 9 - - 1712--Presented "for denying to pay their church-sess":-- - - Jane Benson of Nichols in Grasmere 0 0 5 - Francis Benson of ye Fold in Loughrigg 0 0 3 - The same for Loughrigge and Rydal 0 1 8 - Henry Dover for Loughrigg 0 1 2 - "We present Wm. Ulock Church sess" 0 0 4 - "We have in o^r. parish about two hundred - Familys in all. No papists. No protestant - Dissenters, Except 6 or 7 families of - Quakers." - 1717--Only Francis Benson of the Fold is presented - for refusing to contribute to the Rates 0 1 8 - And for his Estate in Grasmere 0 1 4 - 1723--The wardens declare that none refuse to pay - the parson's dues, or clerk's fees, or church-rates, - but the Quakers. "We do not know - that they have qualified themselves according - to ye act of Toleration. We do not - know that the place of their meeting has - been duly certified. We do not know that - their preacher, or teacher, hath qualified - himself by taking the oaths etc., as the Law - requires." - 1727--"None refuse to pay Church rate, but Francis - Benson a Quaker for not paying his Church - sess, viz. 00 01 03" - 1729--Francis Benson is again presented for refusing - to pay his Church sess £0 1 5 - 1732--His unpaid share is set down at 0 5 9 - And Bernard Benson's 0 3 0 - -This Francis Benson, the third Friend of his name at the Fold, is -the last we know of. As the old families died out or dispersed, no -new adherents of the sect appear to have arisen in the parish, and -dissent ceased. - -The only comment on non-conformity found in the registers occurs in -the second volume (1687-1713). It runs:-- - - A perticular Register of some pretended Marryages of the people - called Quakers within the parish of Grasmere As followeth-- - -But only two weddings from Great Langdale are set down. Also is -entered:-- - - Jane daughter of John Grigge of Stile End in Great Langdale was - baptized by A prebyterian minister the tenth day of Aprill Ano - Dom 1710. - -The "minister" so clearly obnoxious to the registrar may have been a -visitor to the valley. - -When a stranger entered the church in 1827 and asked the clerk if -there were any Dissenters in the neighbourhood, he was told that -there were none nearer than Keswick, where were some who called -themselves Presbyterians; and of these the clerk professed so little -knowledge that he hazarded the suggestion that they were a kind -of "papishes." The clerk aforesaid was old George Mackereth,[193] -forgetful alike of the Colthouse Meeting-House and the small Baptist -Chapel at Hawkshead Hill, built in 1678? For about the first -clustered a few families who clung to the faith of their fathers; -though the latter (of which little seems to be known) may have -dropped out of use. - - [193] Hone's _Table Book_. - -Dissent had never existed in Ambleside. The men of that town, who -managed the affairs of their chapel, had no real leanings towards -it, and the Restoration found them all churchmen again. The only man -of the town-division who could be taxed as a non-communicant in 1675 -was Roger Borwick, and he was a disreputable inn-keeper at Miller -Bridge, a Roman Catholic who had once been a personal servant of the -ill-fated heir of Squire John Fleming. - -[Illustration: The Little Bell - -RECAST AT THE EXPENCE OF MRS DOROTHY KNOTT, 1809 T. MEARS & SON -OF LONDON FECIT] - - - - -THE REGISTERS - - -The early registers are contained in three parchment books. The -first measures 15 inches by 7, and has a thickness of 1 inch. It was -re-bound recently in white vellum, and an expert has endeavoured -to restore the almost vanished characters of the first page. The -earliest legible entries are for January 1570-71. The sheets may have -once got loose and some lost, for there is a complete gap between -the years 1591-98, and another between 1604-11. There are minor gaps -besides, which, perhaps, may be explained by the system of register -keeping that obtained in these parts. A smaller book for entries was -kept, called a pocket-register, in which the minister (or the clerk) -noted down the ceremonies as they occurred; and these were copied -from time to time into the larger book. It was a system that, in the -hands of careless officials, produced nothing short of disaster, as -far as parochial history is considered. The re-entry, long over-due, -had often not been made, before the pocket-register was mis-placed -or lost. In times of stress, like those of the plague-years, the -church officials seem to have become paralized, and ceased to cope -for months at a time with the registration of the dead. For instance, -in the deadly year 1577, February, April, May and July are blank; -eight burials are then entered for August, and none for the rest of -the year. Again, next year, eight deaths are recorded for July, nine -for September, and twelve for November, while the intervening and -succeeding months are blank. This state of things continues through -the years of oft-returning plague that followed, and through the -long rectorate of John Wilson, diversified by the occasional loss -of a page or a mysterious skip, _e.g._, in marriages there is a gap -between the years 1583-4 and 1611--more than 27 years.[194] - - [194] The following list of omissions in the earliest Grasmere - Church Register, 1570-1687, has been kindly supplied by Miss H. - J. H. Sumner.--ED. "No Marriages between ffeb. 1583-4 and June - 1611; no Burials between July 1588 and May 1598; no Christenings - between Dec. 1591 and ffeb. 1600-1; no Burials between May 1604 - and Apr. 1611; no Christenings between March 1603-4 and Apr. - 1611; no Christenings between ffeb. 1625-8 and June 1627; no - Marriages between July 1625 and May 1627; no Burials between - ffeb. 1625-6 and May 1627." - -The first register-book is, therefore, a disappointing document, from -which no satisfactory conclusions as to population or death-rate -can be drawn, nor adequate information concerning families or -individuals. The Hawkshead register-book is a complete contrast to -this one, in neatness and fulness; and the scribe has marked with -a cross all deaths from plague. Maybe the grammar-school there, -with its master, affected favourably the records of the parish. In -Grasmere the school was, after the Reformation, left in general to -the parish clerk. This first book shows signs, like the Curate's -Bible of Ambleside, of having been accessible to the scholars--no -doubt while these were yet taught in the church; for experiments in -penmanship and signatures occur on blank spaces, which were seized -upon with avidity by the learner--parchment and paper being hard to -come by. - -The condition of the third register-book is wholly satisfactory. It -is in its original binding, but the clasps have gone. It measures -16-1/2 inches by 7, with a thickness of 3 inches. Its title runs, -"Grasmere's Register Book, from May the 7th, A.D., 1713. Henry -Fleming, D.D., Rector; Mr. Dudley Walker, Curate; Anthony Harrison, -Parish Clerk." The book closes in December, 1812. As in the earlier -volumes, the baptisms and marriages are written on the left page, and -burials on the right. The first entry is a receipt from the man who -furnished the book:-- - - June ye 21, 1713. lb. s. d. - - Recd. of ye Reverend Dr. Fleming one Pound and - Eleven Shillings for ye Parchmt. wherwth. this - Book is made for ye clasps eightpence and for ye - Binding Six Shillings. I say Recd. by me Bry: - Mackreth 1 17 8 - -Some entries of confirmations were made in this volume. The first -has caused considerable surprise, and it is of interest on three -scores. It shows that the solemnization of the rite had been long -neglected--the Bishop of Chester no doubt finding this remote parish -of his diocese very inconvenient to reach, and relegating it on this -occasion to his brother of Carlisle, who but recently was its rector. -It likewise proves that the population was larger then than in the -next century, and that the estimate of the number of communicants -given on a preceding page was under, rather than over, stated. It -illustrates the fact, besides, that the old forms would accommodate -at least twice the number of the present benches. - - October the 23, 1737. - - A Confirmation was then holden at this Church by the Right - Reverend Father in God Sr. George Fleming Baronet Lord Bishop - of Carlisle at the instance of the Lord Bishop of Chester at - which time and place About five Hundred Persons were Confirmed. - [The next confirmation recorded is in 1862.] - -An entry on the first page, in fine hand-writing, is likewise of -interest, as showing that long after the Reformation, and even after -the Prayer Book revision of 1662, the prohibition of the old Sarum -Manual against marriages taking place during the three great feasts -of Christmas, Easter and Penticost still had weight, though it could -not be enforced, and that the rector--a stout churchman--desired its -observance. - - Marriages Prohibited from Advent Sunday till a Week after the - Epiphany, from Septuagesima Sunday till a Week after Easter, - from Ascension day till trinity Sunday; Secundum Dr. Comber.[195] - - [195] The reference is to the Dean of Durham's _Companion to the - Temple_, the standard work of the period on the Prayer-Book; but - the passage goes no further than to say that "some among us" - still observe the "former" prohibition. - -Curious entries, or any bearing upon local history, such as are -frequent in some registers, are scarce in the Grasmere books. The law -that commanded the use of woollen for shrouds, by way of propping up -a declining industry, caused the usual amount of trouble here in the -way of affidavits and entries. - -Another enactment, that all sickly persons who presented themselves -for cure by the Royal touch--a remedy much resorted to under the -Stuarts--were to come armed with a parochial certificate,[196] has -left its trace here. - - [196] Dr. Cox's Parish Registers. - - Wee the Rector and Churchwardens of the Parish of Grasmere in - the County of Westmorland do hereby certify that David Harrison - of the said Parish aged about fourteen years is afflicted as wee - are credibly informed with the disease comonly called the Kings - Evill; and (to the best of o^r knowledge) hath not hereto fore - been touched by His Majesty for ye s^d. In testimony whereof wee - have here unto set o^r hands and seals the Fourth day of Feb: - Ano Dom 1684. - - HENRY FLEMING Rector. - JOHN BENSON - JOHN MALLISON Churchwardens. - Registered by JOHN BRATHWAITE Curate. - -This poor youth was probably of the Rydal stock of Harrisons, where -several generations of Davids had flourished as statesmen, carriers -and inn-keepers.[197] The journey to London would be little to them. - - [197] See "A Westmoreland Township" in the _Westmorland Gazette_. - -The introduction of gunpowder into the slate quarries could not have -long pre-dated the following entry:-- - -"Thomas Harrison of Weshdale [Wastdale?], wounded with the splinters -of stone and wood the 29th of August last by the force of gunpowder -was buryed September the 2nd. Ano Dom 1681." - -An instance of longevity is given in 1674, when widow Elizabeth -Walker, of Underhelme, "dyed at ye age of 107 years old." - -But the entry that has caused the most comment is one that -commemorates a boating disaster on Windermere Lake. Forty-seven -persons were drowned, with some seven horses: "in one boate comeinge -over from Hawkshead" on October 20th, 1635. Singularly enough, this -is the only known record of an event with which tradition and later -story has been busy. These affirm that the boat-load consisted -of a wedding-party; also that the corpses were buried under a -yew-tree in Windermere church-yard. If the catastrophe happened to -the customery ferry, known as Great Boat, plying between Hawkshead -Road and Ferry Nab, the interment would naturally be made at that -church, though an unfortunate gap in the registers for the period -prevents certainty on the point. But why was the event written down -at Grasmere? It appears to have been inscribed by George Bennison, -clerk and schoolmaster, who did not enter office till 1641. Had he -the intention (unfortunately unfulfilled) of recording local history -in the register-book? Could we suppose the Ambleside Fair for October -20th--an occasion of great resort only a few decades later--to have -been in vogue before its charter was gained, the conjecture that the -drowned folk had been attending the fair might be entertained.[198] -There were other passage-boats on the lake besides the Great one. -In connection with the number drowned, it may be mentioned that -ferry-boats were formerly of great size. Miss Celia Fiennes, who, -about the year 1697, had occasion on her journey to cross the Mersey -with her horses from Cheshire to Liverpool--a passage which occupied -1-1/2 hours--did it in a boat which, she says, would have held 100 -people.[199] - - [198] Mr. G. Brown has been helpful in this matter, which is - very fully discussed in Mr. H. S. Cowper's _Hawkshead_. See also - _Ambleside Town and Chapel_. - - [199] _Memorials of Old Lancashire_, vol. i., p. 60. - -Miss Helen Sumner has been, since 1906, engaged in a transcript of -the first register-book. It is now complete, and it will be put into -use instead of the old illegible volume, of which it is an absolutely -accurate copy, done in fine modern script. - - * * * * * - - Miss Armitt was under the impression when writing of the - Registers that the Second Register was missing, so consequently - made no extracts from it.--ED. - -[Illustration: Recess in the Porch for Holy Water Stoup.] - - - - -PRESENTMENTS, BRIEFS, AND CHARITIES - - -The Presentment for 1702 may be given fully as a specimen of the -document which the wardens were bound to furnish at the Visitation -of the Bishop or his emissary. A few extracts may be added, for -the simplicity and shrewdness of some of the answers make them -entertaining, as in the entire repudiation of an apparitor and his -dues. - -During Dr. Fleming's rectorate, a difference arose between the -officials who controlled the finance department of the Visitation -and the vestries of the parishes of Windermere and Grasmere.[200] -It was proposed by the latter to make one Presentment serve for the -whole parish, mother-church and chapels together; and the rector -of Grasmere stated that it was only through a mis-conception that -separate Presentments had been made. This was a sound, economical -plan for the parish, but it was firmly opposed (as was natural) by -the higher officials, who affirmed that separate Presentments were -the rule. The table of "ancient and justifiable fees" was given as -follows:-- - - [200] Browne MSS. - - £ s. d. - For appearance and presentment of every warden, four - old and four new 0 8 0 - Book of Articles 0 1 0 - Examination Fee and registration of every presentment 0 0 8 - Citation Fees and exhibiting the transcript 0 1 0 - Due to the King for Citation 0 0 6 - Apparitor's Fee 0 0 8 - - Also apparitors received at the Visitation a fee for carrying - out books sent by the King and Council--as Thanksgiving Books, - etc.; and for each of these he might claim a fee of 1s., which - raised the sum total to be paid at a Visitation occasionally to - 14s. or 15s. No wonder our wardens disclaimed all knowledge of - the apparitor! For their consolation they were reminded that in - other Jurisdictions the wardens were called to Visitations twice - a year, which doubled the fees and expenses. - - In 1691 the parish paid "To the Chancellor at the Bishop's - Visitation for a Presentment" 5s. 10d. The writing of it cost - 4s. 2d. A Book of Articles was bought also. Five years later a - Presentment for the whole parish cost 13s. 2d. - - (Presentment for 1702.) - - The presentment of John Mackereth, George Benson and Edward - Tyson, Churchwardens, for the Church of Grasmere, within the - Arch-Deaconry of Richmond in the Diocese of Chester, at the - Ordinary Visition of John Cartwright, D.D., Commissary and - Official, of the said Arch-Deaconry on Friday the fifteenth day - of May Ano Dom 1702, in the parish church of Kirby Kendall, as - followeth:-- - - Articles Tit. I. - 1, Our Church is in good repair, and no part of it - 2,3,4, demolishd, nor anything belonging to it Imbezzled or sold. - 5, We have a Font with a Cover, a decent Communion Table, - wth one decent Covering and another of Linnen, with a - 6,7, Chalice and a cover, and two flagons for the Communio, - &c., wth all the other things the Articles of this title - 8, 9, inquire of, and they are ordered and used as they ought - to be, according to our Judgmts, so yt we have nothing - 10. to present in answr to the Articles of this first Title. - - Articles Tit. II. - 1, 2, 3, Our minister, the Revrend Dr. Henry Fleming, is - qualified accordg to Law, Legally Inducted, hath read - 4, the 39 Articles wthin the time Appointed by law, and - declared his Assent thereto, we believe and know nothing - 5, 6, 7, to the contrary. He has another Ecclesiasticall Benefice. - He preaches, we believe, every Lords Day, unless sickness - 8, or reasonable absence hinder him. Mr. Dudley - Walker his Curate supplys the cure in his Absence. - 9, Both our Parson and his Curate do all things inquired - of by the Articles of this Title, and are not guilty of - 10. any of the faults therein mentioned, as we are perswaided. - So we have not any thing to present in Answer to the - Articles of this Title. - - Articles Tit. III. - 1, 2, We know not of any Adulteries, Fornicators or Incestuous, - Com'on Drunkards or Swearers, or other - 3, Sinn'rs and Transgressors inquired of in the Articles of - 4, 5, this Title, wthin our Parish. We believe each person - 6, behaves himself as he ought, during the time of Divine - 7, 8, Service, nor have we observed anything to the contrary. - 9, Onely in Answer the (_sic_) 4th Article of this Title - 10. we present the persons whose names follow for refuseing - to pay their duty for Easter Offerings, and for refuseing - to contribute to the Rates for Repairing of our Church, - and things thereto belonging, viz., _Francis Benson_ of - the Fold, and _Dorothee_ his wife, _Jacob Holm_ and _Sarah_ - his wife of Tarnfoot, _John Holm_ and _Jane Holm_ his - mother of Skelwath Bridge-End. All Quakers and - come not to Church or Chapell to divine service. _Francis - Benson_, of Under How, and _Jane Benson_, widow in Grasmere, - Quakers, and come not to church to divine service. - - Articles Tit. IIII. - 1. We have a Parish Clark belonging to our Church aged - 21 years at least, of honest life, able to perform his duty, - 2. chosen by our Parson, and dos his duty diligently in his - office of Parish Clark, as we are perswaided. - - Articles. Tit. V. - 1, We have no hospitall, alms-houses, nor freschool. - But we have a School and a Schoolmaster, licons'd by - the Ordinary, who teaches his schollers in the Church - Catechism, and doth ye other things inquired of in the - 2, Articles of this Title, as in duty he ought. The Revenue - of the School is Ordered as the Founder appointed, and - as ye Laws of ye Land allow, to the best of our knowledges. - 3. We have none that practiseth physick, Chyrurjery, - or midwifery in our parish w'thout License from the - Ordinary, that we are privy to, or know of. - - Articles Tit. 6. - 1, Our church-wardens are chosen duly, and have done - 2, 3. their duty, as we think they ought to have done, in all - things here Inquired of. - - Articles Tit. VIII. (_sic_). - - 1, We do not know wt faults the Officers of our Ecclesisticall - Courts are guilty of, and wh are Inquired of by - these Articles of this Title. We have heard that they - take greater fees then of Right they ought to do, and - 2, if they do so, we wish they may reform such Injuryous - 3, practices: But because we are privy to no thing of - this kind done by any Ecclesticall Officer, we dar not - 4, upon Oath present it, and here ends our Presentmt. - - GEORGE BENSON } - JOHN MACKERETH } Churchwardens. - EDWARD TYSON } - - The later presentments, up to 1732, are--except where quoted - from elsewhere--largely repetitions of this. One or two answers - to queries, however, are naive. In 1712 "we have no physitia's, - nor Sargions in or parish." - - Concerning officers of Ecclesistiall Courts, we know not their - Officers; nor wh their Officers are; nor now they perform them, - well, or ill; nor wh their just Fees are, and can therefore give - no account of ym. - - In 1717 "Concerning Apparitors. We know not how Apparitors do - their office, nor can we present them, or any of tm, for any - undue Fees exacted by them, and we think we ought not to pr'sent - any man for faults wch we know not by him." - - Between 1702 and 1732 only one woman is "presented" for - "fornication"; and only occasionally, in a later set of - Presentments, between 1768 and 1796 is the fault--which the - registers show to have been not infrequent--mentioned. - - -BRIEFS. - -Printed briefs, that called upon the churches to succour the -unfortunate by offerings in money, reached Grasmere, remote as it -was. Such of these sheets, as were found to be sufficiently intact, -were quite recently gathered together and bound as a volume. Within -the register-book the amount realised by some of these collections -is set down. At Christmas, 1668, the offering made for the poor of -London after the fire, reached the high figure of £17 6s. 3d., which -shows how that great calamity affected the popular mind. Among other -recipients of the parochial bounty are found: "Captives at allgeeres" -(Algiers), 3s. 1d., also "A breife beyond ye seaes and for ye suply -of printing The bible for one John de Krins..y," 7s. 3d. Very -frequently individuals or towns that had suffered loss from fire or -other causes were relieved. Perhaps there was grumbling then, as now, -at the many collections, and 8d. only was realised for the relief of -Hartlepool. The Squire, who generally gave one shilling for a brief, -was doubtless absent that day. - - -CHARITIES. - -The care of the poor was of old a parochial matter. The regular -supply of money for this purpose came from the offertories at the -great feasts of the church, and was distributed (at least after the -Reformation, if not before) by the wardens. There were other and -casual sources, such as the doles given at the funeral of a person of -gentle birth. The scale of the dole differed according to the rank -of the individual. In the seventeenth century four pence (the old -silver penny) was the usual sum, though at the funeral of William -Fleming, of Coniston (claimant to Rydal Manor), only 2d. was given. -Squire John Fleming was buried quietly, on the evening of his death, -like many another recusant. There was no time, therefore, for that -extraordinary and seemingly magnetic gathering of the poor, that -sometimes occurred, even on a day's notice--for such news sped like a -telegraphic message. - -But some indigent folk collected next morning, when £1 10s. was -distributed. This, at 4d. a piece, would represent 90 persons. The -concourse was far greater when Squire Daniel's wife was interred, -when it numbered over 1,800 persons; the amount given reaching -£30 10s. 4d., while the dole-givers spent at the inn 3s. 6d. The -gathering at his little son's funeral, two years later (1677), was -naturally smaller. The entry in the account-book is as follows:-- - - June 1--Given to ye Poor (at 2d. apeice) at ye - Funerall (this day) of my son Tho. Fleming at - Gresmere-church (where he was buried near - unto my Fathers Grave on ye north side thereof - close to ye wall, and who dyed yesterday, being - Thursday, about 8 of ye clock in ye morning - at Rydal Hall) ye sum of 04 03 08 - - It[em] paid to ye Minster for attending ye Corps all - ye way 5s., to ye Clark for ye same, and - makeing of ye Grave 2s., to ye Ringers 2s. 4d., - in all 00 09 04 - -The first bequest on record to the poor of Grasmere is that of -old Mrs. Agnes Fleming, the shrewd mistress of Rydal Hall. Her -will, dated 1630, directs that threescore and ten pounds shall be -devoted to the poor of Staveley and "Gressmire," the interest to be -distributed every Good Friday. In this distribution George Dawson -"beinge blinde" was to receive during his life-time a noble, which -was 6s. 8d. or half a mark. Accordingly, after her death, the bailiff -entered in his accounts £1 13s. as "paid the poor folke at Easter -1632 for my old mis"; the blind lad's noble was also set down. This -charity seems, however, to have been lost during the "Troubles" that -presently overtook family and country. An effort to re-institute the -one at Staveley at least was made by Squire Daniel. - - March 25, 1659--Spent with my Cosen Philipson at - Staveley when I went to Mr. Feilde to looke - yt ye Poor of Staveley bee not wronged in ye - distribution of ye £40 interest, left ym by - my great Grandmother Mrs. Agnes Fleming 00 00 06 - -Mention of an extraordinary gift appears in the same account-book. -The young Earl of Thanet had lately, as Lord Lieutenant of -Westmorland, entered the county in great state, and with a lavish -expenditure of money. His generosity (which may have had a political -bias) extended even to this remote quarter of the Barony. In those -days £10 was a large sum; and the coin (as a precise entry under -February, 1685, informs us) was conveyed to Kendal by a servant, -delivered to the mayor, who passed it on to the Rydal Squire. One -half was for Windermere, the other for Grasmere; and one wonders how -large was the gathering at the church for the dole. - - Mar. 1, 8-4/5--Distributed this day at ye Parish - Church in Gresmere to ye Poor Householders - yt go to Church in ye said Parish; being ye - gift of Tho. Earl of Thanet, ye sum of 05 00 00 - -Other charitable gifts to the poor are written on boards hanging in -the church, viz.:-- - -Edward Partridge and others of Grasmere £50, the interest to be -distributed on St. Thomas's Day to such poor as do not receive -parochial relief. (Undated.) - -William and Eleanor Waters, in 1807, £200, the interest to be -distributed under the like restrictions on Lady Day. - - - - -THE RUSHBEARING - - -It is impossible, in an account of Grasmere, to pass over the -Rushbearing, a Church Festival that has come down from ancient times, -and which, after a period of languishment, has revived once more into -a popular pageant. - -It may be the remnant of some fair or wake held on St. Oswald's Eve -and Day, and organized by the early church to supersede some Pagan -Feast of the late summer. The close of July, or the early part of -August, was a good time for merry-making in these parts; for then -the husbandman's chief harvests were gathered in--the wool from the -sheep, and the hay from the meadows; while the little patches of oats -were hardly ready for the sickle. We hear of a great pageant and play -devised by Thomas Hoggart[201] being performed in the open air at -Troutbeck village (1693) on "St. James his Day," which was the 25th -of July, equal to the 5th of August, new style. - - [201] _Remnants of Rhyme_, by Thomas Hoggart, Kendal, 1853. - -The Rushbearing at Grasmere was held in recent times on the Saturday -nearest to July 20th; and a stranger, T. Q. M., found a celebration -taking place in 1827 on July 21st.[202] In fact, the Day of the -church's dedicatory Saint, August 5th (which is equal to August 16th, -new style) seems not to have been associated recently in the minds of -the people with the Festival; though it was associated at St. Oswald, -Warton, where the ceremony survived till the close of the eighteenth -century. It is possible that the shift from old to new style, in -1752, weakened the connection between Saint's Day and Festival in -the minds of the folk, leaving them content to await the summons of -the clerk, who reminded them, it is said, when it was time to cut the -rushes. The old chapels of the parish likewise had their Rushbearing. -That of Langdale appears in the wardens' accounts for that township, -where 2s. 6d. was generally put down for expenses attending it. -The item disappears, however, after 1752, for then the chapel was -rebuilt, and was no doubt paved throughout with the fine slate of -the valley: the need for rushes there being over, more than 80 years -earlier than was the case with the mother church. The Ambleside -Festival has continued to the present day (though with a lapse of a -few years, according to Grasmere folk), and is regularly held near -the day of her Saint (Anne), July 26th, the hymn used being the same -as at Grasmere. - - [202] Hone's _Table Book_. - -As a matter of fact, the Rushbearing had of old a real meaning, -for the sweet rushes were strewn over the floors of churches and -halls alike, both for warmth and cleanliness.[203] The covering -was particularly necessary in churches where the soil beneath the -worshippers' feet was full of corpses. The great annual strewing -(though we would fain believe that it was done oftener than once a -year) was naturally performed when rushes were full grown. It was -a boon service given to the church by the folk during a spell of -leisure. Such service they were well accustomed to. The statesman not -only by custom immemorial, gave to his lord a day's labour at harvest -time, but he and his wife cheerfully turned into their neighbour's -field for the like. Sheep-clipping has survived as a boon service; -and what a man in old days gave to his fellow, he did not grudge to -his church. - - [203] Queen Elizabeth's Palace at Greenwich had its Presence - Chamber, in 1598, "richly hung with tapestry and strewn with - rushes." - -Food and drink alone were the boon-workers' meed of old; and the -first entry that concerns the Rushbearing in the wardens' accounts -shows that the drink at least was looked for. - - 1680--"For Ale bestowed on those who brought - Rushes and repaired the Church 00 01 00" - -It appears from this entry that the boon service was not limited -to rush-bearing in old times; but that general repair was done by -willing craftsmen. The item for ale continues "on Rush-bearers and -others"; in 1684 it rises to 2s., and to 5s. 6d. next year. The -amount was perhaps considered excessive by the more temperate of -the parishioners--a runlet could be had for 3s.--and from 1690 the -charge "To Rushbearers" became a fixed one of 2s. 6d. At this figure -it stood for 150 years, though from 1774 the township of Grasmere -added on its own account a further 1s. for "Getting of rushes for the -church." - -The parochial charge "To Rushes for Church," 2s. 6d. appears for the -last time in 1841. With the paving of the floor, which took place in -1840, the need for the fragrant covering was over, and matting was -laid down--probably only in the aisles--in 1844, at an expense of -11s. 4d. - -Up to then rush-strewing had been necessary. Burials in the earthen -floor had continued up to 1823; and the forms, from the gradual -sinking of the ground, had to be constantly lifted and re-set. Only -in 1828 the townships had gone to considerable expense in re-seating -and re-flagging their portions of the interior, and in the same year -a stray visitor to Grasmere expressed himself as shocked at the -primitive condition of the church. "I found the very seat floors -all unpaved, unboarded, and the bare ground only strewed with -rushes."[204] In the previous year T. Q. M. had found the villagers -seriously working at their annual task of strewing. It seems to have -been done informally, under the superintendence of the clerk; and -later in the day--nine o'clock it is said--came the spectacle and the -merry-making. A procession was formed, when the wild flowers--which -the children had been busily engaged during the day in gathering and -weaving into garlands--were carried to the church and laid there. An -adjournment was then made to a hay-loft, where dancing was kept up -till midnight, and where no doubt more than the parochial ale was -drunk. Old James Dawson, the fiddler, boasted to the stranger that he -had for forty-six years performed on the occasion. He complained of -the outlandish tunes introduced by the "Union Band chaps," who had -apparently superceded him in the honour of leading the procession. -But James may be said to lead the music in spirit yet, for a certain -march, used for an unknown period and handed down by his son Jimmy -(who succeeded him as village fiddler), is still played. - - [204] Morrison Scatcherd, quoted in the Rushbearing pamphlet - compiled by Miss E. Grace Fletcher. - -Clarke was present at the Festival at an earlier date,[205] and he -gives a rather different account of it. His description, however, is -of something he had seen in the past; and one is inclined to doubt -that the Rushbearing was ever held at the end of September. According -to him, the rushes were actually borne in the procession, which was -headed by girls carrying nosegays, the chief of whom (called the -Queen) had a large garland. When the work of strewing was done, and -the flowers laid in the church, the concourse was met at the church -door by the fiddler, who played them to the ale-house, there to spend -an evening of jollity. - - [205] _Survey of the Lakes_, 1789. - -An account of the ceremony at Warton, earlier still,[206] gives an -interesting variation of custom. Here the floral decorations were -not separate from the rushes, but covered the bundles as crowns. The -smartest of them, trimmed with fine ribbon and flowers, were carried -in front by girls. The crowns were detached in the church, and -after the strewing of the rushes were left as ornaments. Artificial -trimmings were in use in Grasmere in 1828, for the stranger's eye -had been "particularly attracted by the paper garlands which I found -deposited in the vestry; they were curiously and tastefully cut, and -I was almost tempted to buy one of them." The sketch by Allom of -the Ambleside Festival in 1833 shows how elaborate and artificial -the bearings had become.[207] But taste and meaning could not have -been altogether banished for certain sacred emblems and devices -were cherished; and Moses in the Bulrushes, and the Serpent in the -Wilderness--the latter wholly composed of rushes--which are still -carried as "bearings" at Grasmere, are said to have been handed down -from a forgotten past. The same is claimed for the Ambleside Harp, -the strings of which are contrived from the pith of the rush--the -"sieve" of the olden days of rush-lights. - - [206] MS. account, given in Whitaker's _Richmondshire._ - - [207] _Westmorland and Cumberland, etc., Illustrated_, 1833. - -It has been seen that the joint payment by the townships for the boon -service ceased when the actual rush-strewing ceased. But the Festival -continued, though it was clearly changing its character and becoming -the children's Feast of Flowers. This is shown by Grasmere's special -contribution to the occasion. The annual gift, after rising a little, -is entered in 1819 as 3s. 9d., "To Rushbearers' Gingerbread paid -Geo: Walker." From that time Grasmere's expenditure for "Rushbearers -bread" is a constant though varying item. In 1839 it dropped as low -as 1s. 6d., which, supposing two-pennyworth to be the amount given to -each child, would represent but nine bearers. From this low figure -however it rose; and the languishing Festival was revived, if not -saved, by the munificence of Mr. Thomas Dawson, of Allan Bank, who -began about this time to present each bearer with 6d.[208] The -gingerbread item was often 6s.; in 1847 it was 9s. 10d.; in 1851 -it is set down as "To Rushbearers 62," 10s. 4d. In 1856 13s. 6d. -was paid to A. Walker for "Rushbearers Cake," and in the next two -years the climax was reached by the sums £1. 1s. 5d. and £1. 1s. -The long-continued item then abruptly ceases--seventeen years after -the provision made for ale by the whole parish ceased--swept away -no doubt by the revolution in church-management and church-rates, -and for thirteen years there is a gap. When, however, the ancient -but now resisted church-rate was dropped in 1871, and all expenses -were defrayed from the large and gladly-paid offertory, the church -again provided for the Festival. The expenses were now put down under -"Rushbearing," as Bells 6s., Wilson 8s., Cakes 19s.; amounting to £1 -13s., towards which the collection at the church service (for the -first time established) furnished 16s. 8d. Next year there was a -marked increase: Band £2, Joiners 8s., Ringers 6s., Gingerbread £1. -5s. 10d., and Baldry 4s. 1d.; total £4. 3s. 11d.; collection, £2. -18s. 1d. The payment to joiners must have been for making the frames -of the bearings, which have assumed many varied forms. - - [208] The wardens' accounts, given below, practically agree with - the story as told in the _Rushbearing_ pamphlet, p. 24, where - the Festival of 1885 is described, but apparently the date 1834 - should be 1839. "Before leaving the church-yard, the children, - to the number of about 115, were each given a sixpenny piece, in - accordance with the custom that has prevailed for over the last - fifty years. The origin of this gift of sixpence will perhaps be - of interest to many. In 1834 there were only seven rushbearers, - and it seemed that this revered custom was on the decline. Mr. - Dawson, of London, and owner of Allan Bank, was present, and - he gave each of the rushbearers sixpence, which gift he has - continued yearly ever since. The next year the numbers of bearers - was increased to fifty, and year by year this figure has been - added to. It is said that Mr. Dawson does not intend to continue - his gift any longer, so that it appears the year 1885 will be - the last one in which the children will receive their brand new - sixpence, unless someone takes the matter in hand, or Mr. Dawson - reconsiders his decision." - -The Festival has, since 1885, taken place on the Saturday next to -St. Oswald's Day. The procession, from which everything gaudy and -irreverent has been eliminated, now makes a beautiful spectacle. -Children of all ages take part in it, even tiny toddlers, supported -by parent or grandmother. The floral burdens are deposited in the -church and the service held, when all disperse; and on the next -Monday the children have their feast with games and prizes, paid for -by the united contribution of the parishioners. - -The Walker family, who for so long provided the gingerbread, are -remembered to have had a little shop--the only one in the place--and -it stood near the present one of Messrs. Gibson.[209] Presumably, -Dinah, the wife, baked the cake; and George, in the manner of the -time, pursued the additional trade of tailor. Mrs. Mary Dixon, of -Town End, was the gingerbread maker for many years, but has recently -given it up. - - [209] A supply of Kendal wigs (a special cake still made in - Hawkshead) came to the shop once a week, as Miss Greenwood - remembers. - - * * * * * - - "Grasmere Churchwardens' Account General Charge, 1834: to - Rushes, 2/6. Grasmere in Part: to Gingerbread for Rushbearers, - 5/-. General Charge, 1835: to Rushes, 2/6. Grasmere in Part: - to Gingerbread for Rushbearers, 4/6. 1836, General Charge: to - Rushes, 2/6. Grasmere in Part: to Gingerbread for Rushbearers, - 3/6. 1837, General Charge, Grasmere in Part: to Gingerbread for - Rushbearers, 3/-. 1838, General Charge, Grasmere in Part: to - Ginger Bread for Rushbearers, 3/9. 1839, General Charge: to Two - Years getting Rushes at 2/6, 5/-. Grasmere in Part: to Ginger - Bread for Rushbearers, 1/6." - - - - -APPENDIX - - -The continuity of village life is illustrated by the following list -of house names in Grasmere existing in the sixteenth and seventeenth -centuries; all with asterisks are still there.--ED. - -LIST OF NAMES OF HOUSES IN GRASMERE MENTIONED IN EARLIEST CHURCH -REGISTER. - - 1571 * The Wray. - 1574 * Brimahead. - 1576 The beck. - " * Underhelm. - " Bankhousehow. - 1577 * Turnhow. - 1579 Beckhousehow. - " * Blintarngill. - 1586 * Sick syd--(Syke side). - 1600 Beckhouses. - 1601 * Scorcrag. - 1604 The heirig. - 1611 * fforrest syd. - 1612 * Howhead--(How top). - 1613 * banriges--(Bainrigg). - 1614 * The wick, (or) wike--(Wyke). - " Wallend. - 1619 * Grenhead. - 1629 * Winterseeds. - 1630 * The mosse. - 1630 * Broadraine. - 1638 * Church Steele--(stile). - 1638 Knott place. - 1640 * Gilfoote. - 1642 * Gillside. - 1644 * Hollings. - " * Pademan--(Pavement End). - 1646 below sike. - 1651 beneath sike. - 1655 * Underhow. - " * Knothouses. - 1656 * Thornehowe. - 1669 * Tailend--(Dale end). - 1672 * Mosse side. - 1682 Mitchel place. - " Nicols. - " * Benplace. - 1683 * Underhowcragge. - 1684 Underlangcragge. - -DISTRICTS MENTIONED. - - 1604 Townhead. - 1611 Townend. - 1640 Eiesdall. - - - - -INDEX. - - Above Beck, 192. - - Addison, James, 115. - - Adelaide, Queen, 149. - - Advowson, sale of, 63, 66. - - Agar, the Misses, 150. - - Airey, James, 185, 187, 188. - - Algiers, captives at, 214. - - Ambleside Chapel, 71, 89, 166, 174, 191. - - Ambleside Curates, 176, 177. - - Ambleside Hall, 183. - - _Ambleside Town and Chapel_, 181, _note_. - - Ambrose, Rev. John, 82-85, 90, 183. - - Appleby, 36, 53. - - Aston, Oxon, 39, _note_. - - - Baisbrown, 62, 91. - - Banks, John, 86, 87, 126, 182. - - Baptists, 198, 202. - - Barber, Mr. Samuel, 173. - - Beaumont, Sir George, 151. - - Bell, Dr. Andrew, 172. - - Bellman, Mr., 146. - - Benson, Mrs. Dorothy, of Coat How, 130. - - ---- Edward, 92. - - ---- Francis, of Loughrigg Fold, 92, 195, 197. - - ---- John, 92, 183, 197. - - ---- Michael, 91. - - ---- Salomon, 73. - - Birkett, Christopher, 175. - - Braithwaite, the family of, 90, 91, 183. - - Brathay, 180, 191. - - Briefs, Church, 213, 214. - - Browne, Mr. George, 39, _note_. - - ---- MSS. of, 62, 175. - - Burials, 109, 110. - - ---- in woollen, 207. - - - Cartmel, 12, 28 _note_, 37. - - Catalogue of 1661, 121. - - Charities, 214-216. - - Chester, Bishop of, 64, 65. - - ---- Dr. G. H. Law, Bishop of, 173. - - Church Stile, 30, 125, 163. - - Civil Wars, the, 73-77. - - Clayworth, 183, _note_. - - Close Rolls, Calendar of, 50. - - Colthouse, 194. - - Confession, Public, 33, _note_. - - Confirmations, 206. - - Coniston Church, 114. - - Coucy, Lords of, 48-50. - - Cox, Dr. J. C., _Parish Registers of England_, 57, 182, 207. - - Craik, Rev. John, 168, 169. - - Croft, Rev. Gabriel, 64-67. - - Cross, Great and Little, 108. - - Crosthwaite, 7, 36, 38, 70. - - - Dale End, 170. - - Davis, Thomas, 169. - - Dawson, Anthony, 183. - - ---- James, 220. - - ---- Mr. Thomas, 222. - - De Quincey, Thomas, 172. - - Dixon, Mrs. Mary, 223. - - ---- Rev. Thomas, 164. - - Dove Cottage, 172. - - - _Educational Charities_, 182, _note_. - - Elterwater, 62. - - - Fire of London, the Great, 214. - - Firstfruits, 163, _note_. - - Fisher, Adam, 77. - - Fleming, arms of the family, 140. - - ---- Dame Agnes, 71, 215. - - ---- Sir Daniel, 86, 88, 89, 109, 112, 166, 195-197. - - ---- ---- account book of, 161, 164, 189. - - ---- Sir Daniel le, Bt., 173. - - ---- the Lady Diana le, 170. - - ---- Dorothy, 82. - - ---- Rev. Fletcher, 133, 174. - - ---- Rev. Sir George, Bt., 166-168, 206. - - ---- Rev. Henry, D.D., 163, 164. - - ---- Squire John, 36, 73, 214. - - ---- Lady le, 118, 173, 180. - - ---- Rev. Richard le, 173. - - ---- Sir Michael le, Bt., 170. - - ---- Rev. William, 167. - - ---- Sir William, Bt., 92, 163, 166, 169. - - ---- Squire William, 66, 67, 76, 109. - - Fletcher, Rev. H. M., 150, 174. - - ---- Miss E. Grace, 219. - - Forrest, the family of, 175. - - Fox, George, 85, 86, 194, 195. - - Friends, Society of, 85, 86, 92, 178, 194, 198. - - - Galdington, Henry de, Rector of "Grossemer," 45. - - GRASMERE (Grassmire, Gresmer, Gresmire, Grossemer), 3, 19, 45. - - ---- Church, 33, 99-107. - Altar, altar rails, 126. - bells, 137-143. - bench end, 108. - books for, 126. - Bread and Wine for, 75, 130-133. - carved stone face, 104, 105. - chest, 145. - choir, 118, 119. - church rate, 189-193. - clock, 145, 146. - corps cloth, corps stool, 143. - decoration of, 115-118. - dedication of, 14, 15. - doors, 146, 147. - earliest record of, 45. - Font, 126, 150. - furniture, 108, 120. - implements, 145. - pitchpipe, 119. - plate, 129, 130. - poor box, 126. - presentments, 200-202, 210-216. - registers, 204-209. - renovation of, in 1841, 149. - in 1879, 150. - repairs to, 136, 137. - roof, 106, 107, 136, 137. - rough-casting of, 144, 149. - Royal Arms, 129. - Rydal Hall pew, 113. - seats and seatings, 111, 112, 191, 192. - secular use of, 33, 34, 37. - sentences in, 114-116, 144. - steeple (tower), 143. - tithes, 45-47, 65, 66, 77, 90-93. - tithe barn, 150. - white-washing of, 143, 144. - windows, 124-126, 145, 200. - - ---- Churchwardens, 38. - accounts, 4, 133-135, 153-157, 190, 193. - - ---- Churchyard, 35, 151. - graves in, 152. - Langdale gate, 30. - sundial in, 151. - yewtrees, 151. - secular use of, 35. - - ---- Curates of, 61, 62, 168-174. - - ---- "Eighteen," the, _see_ Sidesmen. - - ---- House names in, 224. - - ---- Overseers of, 37, 184. - - ---- Parish boundaries, 27. - - ---- Parish clerks, 184, 185. - - ---- Patrons of the living, 48-52. - - ---- Rectors of, 57-61, 161-174. - - ---- Rectory, 162, 164, 170, 171. - - ---- School, 181, 205. - - ---- Schoolhouse, 183, 187, 188. - - ---- Sidesmen, 28, 38, 39, 123, 183, 193 - - ---- Townships, 24, 28-32, 123-125. - - ---- "Twenty-four," the, _see_ Sidesmen. - - Gell's Cottage, 173. - - Gilpin, Richard, 86. - - Gray, Thomas, 191. - - Greenwood, Mr., 185. - - ---- Miss, 186. - - - Harrison, David, 71. - - Harrison, Richard, 72-77, 81-83. - - Harrison, Robert, 143. - - Hawkshead, 37, 100, 115, 116. - - Hearse, the, 145. - - Heywood, the Rev. J. H., 174. - - Hird, Rev. Michael, 181. - - ---- Rev. Robert, 181. - - Hodgson, Levi, 30 _note_, 144. - - Hoggart, Thomas, 217. - - Hollins, the, 18. - - Holme, Reginald, 197, 198. - - Huntingstile, 172. - - - Independents, 84, 85. - - - Jackson, Rev. Thomas, 170. - - ---- Rev. William, 68. - - Jefferies, Rev. Edward, 150, 174. - - Jennings, Rev. William, 174. - - Johnson, Rev. William, 171, 172. - - - Kelbarrow, 15, 19. - - Kendal, Barony of, 24, 48, 49, 62. - - ---- Corporation MSS., 68. - - ---- Kirkby, 24, 25, 35, 53, 56, 99, 100. - - King's Evil, the, 207. - - Kirk How, 17, 19, 103. - - ---- Steel, _see Church Stile_. - - Kirktown, 19. - - Knott, Mrs. Dorothy, 141, 187. - - ---- Jane, 168. - - ---- Michael, 138. - - ---- Rev. Thomas, 165, 183. - - - Langdale, Great or Mickle, 62, 178. - - ---- Chapel, 62, 70, 71, 88, 119, 171, 178, 179, 191. - - ---- Churchwardens' Accounts, 179. - - ---- Curates, 179. - - ---- Parson's House, 179. - - ---- Presentment, 179. - - ---- Rushbearing, 218. - - ---- School, 179. - - ---- Little, 58. - - ---- ---- Chapel, 62, 178. - - Langsha, John, 138. - - Lawson, Colonel Wilfrid, 73, 76. - - Lindesay, William de, 19. - - Lindesay Fee, 50, 51, 63. - - Lloyd, Rev. Owen, 179, 180. - - Loughrigg Fold, 197. - - Luff, Mrs., of Fox Ghyll, 130, 180. - - Lumley Fee, 64. - - - Mackereth, the family of, 185, 186. - - ---- Rev. Gawen, 169. - - ---- George, 202. - - Maitland, Professor H. W., 39, _note_. - - Markets, 36. - - Marriages, Prohibition of, 206. - - Marshall, Mr. T. H., 192. - - Mears & Son, the Whitechapel Bellfounders, 141. - - Miller Bridge, 203. - - Monuments, 112, 113. - - More, Mrs. Hannah, 172. - - Mortuary fee, 26. - - - Non-ratepayers, 194. - - Northumbria, Church and Kingdom of, 6-13, 23. - - - Orfeur, Colonel, 75, 76. - - Osgood, John, 177. - - Oxford, Queen's College, 163. - - ---- ---- Provosts of, 173, _note_. - - - Padmire End, _see_ Pavement End. - - Papal Registers, Calendar of, 45, 56. - - Parish-Register, 182. - - Patent Rolls, Calendar of, 49-51, 54-59. - - Patterdale, 7. - - Paupers, 184. - - Pavement End, 15, 72, 168. - - Pension Paid to St. Mary's Abbey, 47, 64. - - Peterson, Rev. M. F., 152, 174. - - Phillipps, Captain, 18, 191. - - Plague years, 204. - - Pope Nicholas I., 46. - - Presentments, 184, 200-202. - - Prisoner money, 37. - - - Quakers, _see_ Friends. - - Quillinan, Mr. Edward, 172. - - - Ravens, 37. - - Reading, 177. - - Record Office, the, 4. - - Redmayne, Mr. Giles, 180. - - Reformation, the, 62-72. - - Registers, the Grasmere Church, 182, 184, 204-209. - - Restoration, the (1660), 88, 178. - - Richmondshire, Archdeaconry of, 24, 46, 64. - - Richmond Fee, 48. - - Ripon, 9, 12. - - Roman Road, 16. - - Rushbearing, the Grasmere, 217-223. - - ---- Hymn, 180, 218. - - Rydal Chapel, 180, 191. - - ---- Hall, 73-77, 170. - - ---- Hall accounts, 72, 77, 90, 173. - - ---- Hall MSS., 4, 183. - - ---- and Loughrigg, 125, 189, 193. - - - Saint Oswald, 7, 8, 14, 217. - - ---- ---- Well of, 14. - - ---- Wilfrith, 8. - - Scatcherd, Morrison, 219, _note_. - - Sess, 199. - - Slate quarries, 207. - - Smithy, 17. - - Steeple house, 89, 195. - - Strickland, Walter de, 55. - - Sumner, Miss Helen J. H., 205, 209. - - - Tailbois, Ivo de, 18, 48. - - Tail End, _see_ Dale End. - - Thanet, Earl of, 216. - - Tremenheere, Mr., 191. - - - Venn, Mr., 172. - - Visitation, 211. - - - Walker family, the, 223. - - Wallas, Rev. John, 84, 90, 182. - - Watson, John, 17, 187, 142, 146, 147. - - White Bridge, 19. - - ---- Moss, 16. - - Whithorn in Galloway, 6. - - Wilson, Edward, senior, 119, 144, 145, 146. - - ---- ---- junior, 18, 36, 118 _note_, 188. - - ---- Rev. Henry, 71-73, 79-83, 181. - - ---- Rev. John, 71, 181, 205. - - ---- Rev. Thomas, 182. - - Windermere, 23, 28, 34, 46, 100, 210. - - ---- Ferry-boat accident, 208. - - Winterseeds, 17, 142. - - Wool trade, the, 93, 106. - - Wordsworth, Dorothy, 170. - - ---- William, 170, 172. - - ---- ---- monument to, 152. - - Wray, the, 15, 18, 189. - - - York, 6, 9, 140, 181. - - ---- Archbishops of, 24, 56. - - ---- Bellfoundry at, 141. - - ---- Saint Mary's Abbey, 46, 47, 53, 54, 64, 65. - - * * * * * - -Transcriber's note: - -Variations in spelling, punctuation and hyphenation have been -retained except in obvious cases of typographical error. - -Missing page numbers are page numbers that were not shown in the -original text. - -Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - -Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals. - -The carat character (^) indicates that the following letter -is superscripted (example: S^t). If two or more letters are -superscripted they are enclosed in curly brackets (example: 35^{to}). - -Footnote 181: [=a] indicates macron over "a". Example: (P[=a]ter) - -Page 175: The closing ) was missing in the following and has been -added by the transcriber: "It may be well to give a list of the -Post-Reformation parsons of Ambleside (rectified according to present -knowledge), as well as the evidence of a provision made for them in -1584." - -The transcriber has moved the "V" section of the index into -alphabetical order. - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's The Church of Grasmere, by Mary L. 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