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diff --git a/42997-8.txt b/42997-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index ff0b34f..0000000 --- a/42997-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,13682 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Castes and Tribes of Southern India, by -Edgar Thurston and K. Rangachari - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: Castes and Tribes of Southern India - Vol. 7 of 7 - -Author: Edgar Thurston - K. Rangachari - -Release Date: June 21, 2013 [EBook #42997] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA *** - - - - -Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project -Gutenberg. - - - - - - - - - CASTES AND TRIBES - OF - SOUTHERN INDIA - - By - - EDGAR THURSTON, C.I.E., - - Superintendent, Madras Government Museum; Correspondant Étranger, - Société d'Anthropologie de Paris; Socio Corrispondante, Societa, - Romana di Anthropologia. - - Assisted by - - K. Rangachari, M.A., - of the Madras Government Museum. - - - - Volume VII--T to Z - - Government Press, Madras - - 1909. - - - - - - - - - - - CASTES AND TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA. - - VOLUME VII. - - -T - - -Tabelu (tortoise).--A sept of Aiyarakulu, and section of Gazula Kapu -and Koppala Velama. - -Taccha Kurup.--Barbers who shave Malabar Kammalans. - -Tacchan.--The name of the carpenter sub-division of Kammalans, and -further returned, at the census, 1891, as an occupational sub-division -by some Paraiyans. Taccha Karaiyan has been recorded as a name for some -members of the Karaiyan fishing caste. The Tacchasastram, or science -of carpentry, prescribes in minute details the rules of construction. - -Tacchanadan Muppan.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Reports, 1891 and -1901, as a sub-division of Kuricchans, and of Kurumbas of the Nilgiris. - -Tadan.--See Dasari. - -Tagara.--A section of Poroja. - -Takru.--A class of Muhammadan pilots and sailors in the Laccadive -islands. (See Mappilla.) - -Talaivan (a chief).--A title of the Maravans. Jadi or Jati Talaivan -is the name of the hereditary chief of the Paravas of Tinnevelly, who, -at times of pearl fisheries, receives a fixed share of the 'oysters.' - -Talamala.--A sub-division of Kanikar. - -Talayari.--The Talayari (talai, head) or chief watchman, or Uddari -(saviour of the village), is a kind of undepartmental village -policeman, who is generally known as the Talari. Among other duties, -he has to follow on the track of stolen cattle, to act as a guard -over persons confined in the village choultry (lock-up), to attend -upon the head of the village during the trial of petty cases, to -serve processes, and distrain goods. In big villages there are two or -three Talayaris, in which case one is a Paraiyan, who officiates in -the Paraiya quarter. In parts of the Telugu country, the Mutrachas, -who are the village watchmen, are known as Talarivallu, or watchman -people, and, in like manner, the Bedars are called Talarivandlu in -the Kurnool and Bellary districts. - -It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Tanjore district (1906), that -"from the earliest years of the British occupation of the country, -fees were paid to the talaiyari or village watchman. He was probably -survival of a state of society in which kavalgars did not exist, and -his duties were, it seems, to look after the villagers' fields and -threshing floors. At any rate, he continued in existence even after -the abolition of the kaval system (see Maravan), and was declared by -the early Police Regulation (XI of 1816) to be part of the regular -police establishment. Practically he did little real police duty, -and in 1860, when the mufassal police was reorganised, all claims -to the services of the talaiyari as a servant of the State were -formally abandoned, the Inspector-General of Police having reported -that any attempt to utilise the talaiyari body would be fruitless -and unpopular. Talaiyaris still continue to be employed and paid by -the ryots (cultivators) as the private guardians of their crops and -harvested grain. Recently, however, the district was brought into -line with the rest of the Presidency by the creation of a new force -of talaiyaris, who now perform the police duties assigned to such -persons elsewhere. They are provided with lathis (sticks) and badges, -and are a useful auxiliary to the police." - -Tali.--"The tali," Bishop Caldwell writes, [1] "is the Hindu sign of -marriage, answering to the ring of European christendom. I have known -a clergyman refuse to perform a marriage with a tali, and insist upon -a ring being used instead. A little consideration will show that the -scrupulous conscience can find no rest for itself even in the ring; -for, if the ring is more Christian than the tali, it is only because -its use among Christians is more ancient. Every one knows that the -ring has a Pagan origin, and that, for this reason, it is rejected by -Quakers." "The custom," Wagner informs us, [2] "of wearing the wedding -ring on the fourth finger of the left hand had unquestionably a Pagan -origin. Both the Greeks and the Romans called the fourth left-hand -finger the medicated finger, and used it to stir up mixtures and -potions, out of the belief that it contained a vein, which communicated -directly with the heart, and therefore nothing noxious could come in -contact with it, without giving instant warning to that vital organ." - -The marriage badge, as it occurs in Southern India, is, broadly -speaking, of two types. The one in use among the Tamil castes is oblong -in shape, with a single or double indentation at the base, and rounded -at the top. The corresponding bottu or sathamanam of the Telugu and -Canarese castes is a flat or cup-shaped disc. The tali in use among -various Malayalam castes at the tali-kettu ceremony is a long cylinder. - -Tali-kettu kalyanam (tali-tying marriage).--A ceremony gone through by -Nayar girls, and girls of some other Malayalam castes, in childhood. Of -those who gave evidence before the Malabar Marriage Commission, some -thought the tali-kettu was a marriage, some not. Others called it a -mock marriage, a formal marriage, a sham marriage, fictitious marriage, -a marriage sacrament, the preliminary part of marriage, a meaningless -ceremony, an empty form, a ridiculous farce, an incongruous custom, -a waste of money, and a device for becoming involved in debt. "While," -the Report states, "a small minority of strict conservatives still -maintain that the tali-kettu is a real marriage intended to confer on -the bridegroom a right to cohabit with the bride, an immense majority -describe it as a fictitious marriage, the origin of which they are at -a loss to explain. And another large section tender the explanation -accepted by our President (Sir T. Muttusami Aiyar), that in some -way or other it is an essential caste observance preliminary to the -formation of sexual relations." In summing up the evidence collected -by him, Mr. Lewis Moore states [3] that it seems to be proved beyond -all reasonable doubt that "from the sixteenth century at all events, -and up to the early portion of the nineteenth century, the relations -between the sexes in families governed by marumakkathayam (inheritance -in the female line) were of as loose a description as it is possible -to imagine. The tali-kettu kalyanam, brought about by the Brahmans, -brought about no improvement, and indeed, in all probability, made -matters much worse by giving a quasi-religious sanction to a fictitious -marriage, which bears an unpleasant resemblance to the sham marriage -ceremonies performed among certain inferior castes elsewhere as a -cloak for prostitution (see Deva-dasi). As years passed, some time -about the opening of the nineteenth century, the Kerala mahatmyam -and Keralolpathi were concocted, probably by Nambudris, and false -and pernicious doctrines as to the obligations laid on the Nayars by -divine law to administer to the lust of the Nambudris were disseminated -abroad. The better classes among the Nayars revolted against the -degrading system thus established, and a custom sprang up, especially -in North Malabar, of making sambandham a more or less formal contract, -approved and sanctioned by the Karnavan (senior male) of the tarwad -[4] to which the lady belonged, and celebrated with elaborate ceremony -under the pudamuri (female cloth cutting) form. That there was nothing -analogous to the pudamuri prevalent in Malabar from A.D. 1500 to 1800 -may, I think, be fairly presumed from the absence of all allusion -to it in the works of the various European writers." According to -Act IV, Madras, 1896, sambandham means an alliance between a man -and woman, by reason of which they, in accordance with the custom -of the community to which they belong, or either of them belongs, -cohabit or intend to cohabit as husband and wife. - -Tambala.--The Tambalas are summed up, in the Madras Census Report, -1901, as "Telugu-speaking temple priests. Their social position differs -in different localities. They are regarded as Brahmans in Godavari, -Kistna and Nellore, and as Sudras in the other Telugu districts." It -is noted, in the Census Report, that the Tambalas are described by -C. P. Brown as a class of beggars, who worship Siva, and who beat -drums; secular priests, etc. These men are generally Sudras, but -wear the sacred thread. "It is said that, during his peregrinations -in the north, Sankaracharya appointed Tamil Brahmans to perform -temple services in all the Saiva shrines. Hence the Telugu people, -in the midst of whom the Tamilians lived, called them the Tambalas -(Tamils). They are not now, however, regarded as Brahmans, whatever -their original position may have been. They will eat only with -Brahmans. Most of them are Saivites, and a few are Lingayats. The -Smarta Brahmans officiate as their priests at birth, marriage, -and death ceremonies. They do not eat animal food, and all their -religious rites are more or less like those of Brahmans. Their usual -titles are Aiya and Appa." - -Tamban.--One of the divisions of Kshatriyas in Travancore. (See -Tirumalpad.) - -Tambi (younger brother).--A term of affection in the Tamil country, -used especially when a younger person is being addressed. It is also -recorded as an honorific title of Nayars in Travancore, and a suffix -to the names of Nayar sons of Travancore sovereigns. - -Tambiran.--The name for Pandaram managers of temples, e.g., at -Tiruvadudurai in Tanjore and Mailam in South Arcot. - -Tamburan.--For the following note on the Rajahs or Tamburans, I -am indebted to the Travancore Census Report, 1901. "They form an -endogamous community of Kshatriyas, and live as seven families in -Travancore. They are distinguished by the localities in which they -reside, viz., Mavelikkara, Ennaikkat, Kartikapalli, Mariappalli, -Tiruvalla, Praikkara, and Aranmula. They are all related by blood, -the connection between some of them being very close. Like the -Koiltampurans, all the members of their community observe birth -and death pollution with reference to each other. Their original -home is Kolattunat in North Malabar, and their immigration into -Travancore, where the reigning family is of the Kolattunat stock, was -contemporaneous, in the main, with the invasion of Malabar by Tippu -Sultan. The first family that came into the country from Kolattunat was -the Putuppalli Kovilakam in the 5th century M.E. (Malabar era). The -Travancore royal family then stood in need of adoption. The then -Rajah arranged through a Koiltampuran of Tattarikkovilakam to bring -from Kolattunat two princesses for adoption, as his negotiations -with the then Kolattiri were fruitless. The Puttuppali Kovilakam -members thus settled themselves at Kartikapalli, the last of whom -died in 1030 M.E. The next family that migrated was Cheriyakovilakam, -between 920 and 930 M.E. They also came for adoption. But their right -was disputed by another house, Pallikkovilakam. They then settled -themselves at Aranmula. The third series of migrations were during -the invasion of Malabar by Tippu in 964 M.E. All the Rajahs living -there at the time came over to Travancore, of whom, however, many -returned home after a time. - -The Rajahs, like the Koiltampurans, belong to the Yajurveda section of -Dvijas, but follow the sutra laid down by Baudhayana. Their gotra is -that of Bhargava, i.e., Parasurama, indicating in a manner that these -are Kshatriyas who were accepted by Parasurama, the uncompromising -Brahmin of the Hindu Puranas. They have all the Brahminical Samskaras, -only the Brahmin priest does most of them on their behalf. Chaulam, or -tuft ceremony, is performed along with Upanayanam. The Samavartanam, -or termination of the pupil stage, is celebrated on the fourth day -of the thread investiture. Instruction in arms is then given to the -Kshatriya boy, and is supposed to be kept up until the requisite skill -has been obtained. The tali-tying (mangalya dharanam or pallikkettu of -a Raja lady) is done by a Koiltampuran, who thereafter lives with her -as her married husband. The Kanyakadanam, or giving away of the bride, -is performed by the priest who attends also to the other Sastraic -rites. The males take Sudra consorts. If the first husband leaves -by death or otherwise, another Koiltampuran may be accepted. This is -not called marriage, but kuttirikkuka (living together). - -At Sradhas (memorial services), the Karta, or performer of the -ceremony, throws a flower as a mark of spiritual homage at the feet -of the Brahmins who are invited to represent the manes, and greets -them in the conventional form (namaskara). The priest does the other -ceremonies. After the invited Brahmins have been duly entertained, -oblations of cooked rice are offered to the ancestors by the Karta -himself. - -They are to repeat the Gayatri ten times at each Sandhya prayer, -together with the Panchakshara and the Ashtakshara mantras. - -Their caste government is in the hands of the Nambutiri Vaidikas. Their -family priests belong to the class of Malayala Pottis, known as -Tiruveli Pottis. - -Besides the ordinary names prevalent among Koiltampurans, names such as -Martanda Varma, Aditya Varma, and Udaya Varma are also met with. Pet -names, such as Kungaru, Kungappan, Kungoman, Kungunni, Unni and Ampu -are common. In the Travancore Royal House, the first female member -always takes the name of Lakshmi and the second that of Parvati. - -Tamoli.--A few members of this North India caste of betel-leaf sellers -have been returned at times of census. I am unable to discover in -what district they occur. Tambuli or Tamuli is recorded as a caste -of betel-leaf sellers in Bengal, and Tamboli as a caste carrying on -a similar occupation in the Bombay Presidency. - -Tanamanadu.--A sub-division of Valaiyan. - -Tanda.--The word literally refers to a settlement or encampment of -the Lambadis, by some of whom it is, at times of census, returned as -a tribal synonym. - -Tandan.--It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "in -Walluvanad and Palghat (in Malabar) Tandan is a distinct caste. The -ceremonies observed by Tandans are, in general outline, the same -as those of the southern Tiyyans, but the two do not intermarry, -each claiming superiority over the other. There is a custom which -prohibits the Tandan females of Walluvanad from crossing a channel -which separates that taluk from Mankara on the Palghat side." The -Tandans of Malabar are described by Mr. F. Fawcett as a people allied -to the Izhuvans, who observe the custom of fraternal polyandry, -which the Izhuvans abhor. - -For the following note on the Tandans of Travancore, I am indebted -to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. - -The castemen are known as Uralis to the south of Varkallay, and Tandans -to the north of it. In some places to the east of Kottarakaray, -they were popularly termed Mutalpattukar, or those who receive -the first perquisite for assistance rendered to carpenters. In the -days when there were no saws, the rough instruments of the Tandan -served their purpose. Hence some members of the caste were called -Tacchan (carpenter). Tandan is derived from the Sanskrit dandanam or -punishment, as, in ancient times, men of this caste were employed to -carry out the punishments that were inflicted by the authorities upon -offenders. For the execution of such punishments, the Tandans were -provided with swords, choppers and knives. As they were also told off -to guard the villages (ur) of which they happened to be inhabitants, -they acquired the title of Urali. In some places, Tandans are also -called Velans. Males and females have respectively the title Muppan -and Muppatti, meaning an elder. In addressing members of higher castes, -the Tandans call themselves Kuzhiyan, or dwellers in pits. - -The Tandans are said to have once belonged to the same caste as the -Izhuvans, but to have fallen away from that position. They must, -in times gone by, have joined the military service of the various -States in Malabar. They were, in some places, given rent-free lands, -called Urali parambu, in return for the duties they were expected to -perform. With the return of peaceful times, their occupation changed, -and the climbing of palm trees, to extract the juice thereof, became -their most important calling. They are also largely engaged in the -manufacture of ropes. Many families still receive the mutalpattu, -or allowance from the carpenters. - -The Tandans are divided into four endogamous sections, called Ilanji, -Puvar, Irunelli, and Pilakkuti. - -The ornaments of the women are, besides the minnu, wreaths of red -and red and black beads. Nowadays the gold gnattu of the Nayars is -also worn. Tattooing is popular. Even males have a crescent and a dot -tattooed on the forehead, the corresponding mark in females being a -line from the nasal pit upwards. Among the devices tattooed on the -arms are the conch shell, lotus, snake, discus, etc. In their food -and drink the Tandans resemble the Iluvans. - -The priests of the Tandans are called Tanda Kuruppus, and they are -also the caste barbers. The chief deity of the Tandans is Bhadrakali, -at whose shrines at Mandaikkad, Cranganore, and Sarkkaray, offerings -are regularly made. At the last place, a Tandan is the priest. The -chief days for the worship of this deity are Bharani asterism in March -and Pattamudayam in April. November is a particularly religious month, -and the day on which the Kartikay star falls is exclusively devoted to -worship. The first Sunday in January is another religious occasion, and -on that day cooked food is offered to the rising sun. This is called -Pogala. Maruta, or the spirit of smallpox, receives special worship. If -a member of the caste dies of this disease, a small shed is erected -in his memory either at his home or near the local Bhadrakali shrine, -and offerings of sweetmeats and toddy are made to him on the 28th of -Makaram (January-February). Chitragupta, the accountant of Yama, the -god of death, is worshipped on the full-moon day in April-May. Ancestor -worship is performed on the new-moon day in July. - -A girl's tali-tying ceremony, which is called kazhuttukettu, takes -place when she is between seven and twelve years old. The bridegroom -is a relative called Machchampi. The Kuruppu receives a money present -of 2 1/2 fanams for every tali tied in his presence. Though more than -one girl may go through the ceremony in the same pandal (booth), each -should have a separate bridegroom. The relations between the bride -and bridegroom are dissolved by the father of the former paying the -latter sixteen rasi fanams. The daughter of a man's paternal aunt -or maternal uncle may be claimed as murappen or lawful bride. The -sambandham, or actual marriage, takes place after a girl has reached -puberty. A family is regarded as out-caste, if she has not previously -gone through the tali-tying ceremony. - -Only the eldest member of a family is cremated, the rest being -buried. Death pollution lasts for ten days. The anniversary of a death -is celebrated at the sea-shore, where cooked food, mixed with gingelly -(Sesamum) is offered to the departed, and thrown into the sea. - -Tandan.--The Tandan is the hereditary headman of a Tiyan tara -(village), and is a Tiyan by caste. He is appointed by the senior -Rani of the Zamorin's family, or by some local Raja in territories -outside the jurisdiction of the Zamorin. The Tandan is the principal -person in the decision of caste disputes. He is expected to assist -at the tali-tying, puberty, marriage and pregnancy ceremonies of -members of the caste. His formal permission is required before the -carpenter can cut down the areca palm, with which the shed in which -the tali is tied is constructed. In cases of divorce, his functions -are important. When a new house is built, a house-warming ceremony -takes place, at which the Tandan officiates. Fowls are sacrificed, and -the right leg is the Tandan's perquisite. He is a man of importance, -not only in many affairs within his own caste, but also in those of -other castes. Thus, when a Nayar dies, it is the Tandan's duty to get -the body burnt. He controls the washerman and barber of the tara, and -can withdraw their services when they are most needed. He officiates, -moreover, at marriages of the artisan classes. - -Tangalan.--A sub-division of Paraiyan. The word indicates one who -may not stand near, in reference to their belonging to the polluting -classes. - -Tangedu.--Tangedu or Tangedla (Cassia auriculata) has been recorded -as an exogamous sept of Kapu and Padma Sale. The bark of this shrub is -one of the most valuable Indian tanning agents, and is, like myrabolams -(Terminalia fruits), used in the manufacture of indigenous dyes. - -Tantuvayan (thread-wearer).--An occupational name used by various -weaving castes. - -Tapodhanlu.--The name, meaning those who believe in self-mortification -as wealth, adopted by some Telugu mendicants. - -Tarakan.--See Muttan. - -Tartharol.--The name, recorded by Dr. W. H. R. Rivers, [5] of a -division of the Todas. Tartal is also given by various writers as a -division of this tribe. - -Tarwad.--Defined by Mr. Wigram [6] as a marumakkathayam family, -consisting of all the descendants in the female line of one common -female ancestor. - -Tassan.--A Malayalam synonym for the Telugu Dasari. - -Tattan.--The goldsmith section of the Tamil and Malayalam Kammalans. - -Teivaliol.--The name, recorded by Dr. W. H. R. Rivers, [5] of a -division of the Todas. - -Telaga.--"The Telagas," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [7] "are a Telugu -caste of cultivators, who were formerly soldiers in the armies of -the Hindu sovereigns of Telingana. This may perhaps account for the -name, for it is easy to see that the Telugu soldiers might come to be -regarded as the Telugus or Telagas par excellence. The sub-divisions -returned under this name show that there has been some confusion -between the Telagas proper, and persons who are members of other Telugu -castes. The Telagas are Vaishnavites, and have Brahmans for their -priests. Their customs closely resemble those of the Kapus. They eat -flesh, but are not allowed to drink liquor. They are usually farmers -now, but many still serve as soldiers, though their further recruitment -has recently been stopped. Their common titles are Naidu and Dora." - -In a note on the Telagas and Vantaris (strong men), it is suggested -that they should be classed with the Kapus, of which caste they are -an offshoot for the following reasons:--"(1) Members of the three -classes admit that this is so; (2) a collation of the intiperulu or -septs shows that the same names recur among the three classes; (3) -all three interdine, and intermarriage between them is not rare. A -poor Telaga or Vantari often gives his daughter in marriage to a rich -Kapu. The Telagas and Vantaris are highly Brahmanised, and will have -a Brahman for their guru, and get themselves branded at his hands. A -Kapu is generally content with a Satani or Jangam. Though they do not -differ in their marriage and funeral rites from the Kapus, they usually -marry their girls before puberty, and widow remarriage and divorce are -disallowed. A Kapu is invariably a cultivator; a Vantari was in olden -days a sepoy, and, as such, owned inam (rent-free) lands. Even now -he has a prejudice against ploughing jirayati (ordinarily assessed) -lands, which a Kapu has no objection to do. Similarly, a Telaga takes -pride in taking service under a Zamindar, but, unlike the Vantari, -he will plough any land. Kapu women will fetch their own water, and -carry meals to the fields for their fathers and husbands. The women -of the other classes affect the gosha system, and the men carry their -own food, and fetch water for domestic purposes, or, if well-to-do, -employ Kapus for these services. It may be added that rich Kapus -often exhibit a tendency to pass as Telagas." - -Telikula.--The Telikulas are summed up, in the Madras Census Report, -1901, as "a Telugu oil-presser caste, which should not be confused -with Tellakula, a synonym for Tsakala, or with Telli, a caste of Oriya -oil-pressers." Telikula is a synonym for the Ganiga or Gandla caste -of oil-pressers, derived from the oil (gingelly: Sesamum indicum), -whereas the names Ganiga and Gandla refer to the oil-mill. In the -Northern Circars, the name Telikula is used in preference to Ganiga -or Gandla, and the oil-pressers in that part of the country are -known as Telikula-vandlu. The Telikulas are Onteddu, i.e., use a -single bullock for working the oil-mill, whereas, among the Ganigas, -there are both Onteddu and Rendeddu sections, which employ one and -two bullocks respectively. - -Tellakula (white clan).--Recorded, in the Census Report, 1901, -as a synonym for Tsakala. According to the Rev. J. Cain, [8] the -Tellakulas are Telugu washermen (Tsakalas), who, in consequence -of having obtained employment as peons in Government offices, feel -themselves to be superior to other members of their caste. - -Telli.--The Tellis are the oil-pressers of the Oriya country, -whose caste name is derived from telo, oil. They are apparently -divided into three endogamous sections, named Holodia, Bolodia, and -Khadi. The original occupation of the Holodias is said to have been -the cultivation and sale of turmeric. They may not carry turmeric and -other articles for sale on the back of bullocks, and consequently use -carts as a medium of transport thereof. And it is further contrary to -their caste rules even to assist in loading or unloading packs carried -by bullocks. The Bolodias receive their name from the fact that they -carry produce in the form of oil-seeds, etc., on pack bullocks, bolodo -being Oriya for bullock. The Khadis are mainly engaged in expressing -various oils in oil-mills, and this occupation is also carried on -by some members of the other sections. All Tellis seem to belong to -one gotra, called Karthikeswara. The caste title is Sahu. In social -position the Tellis, unlike the Tamil Vaniyans (oil-pressers), are on -a par with the agricultural castes, and are one of the panchapatako, -or five castes from which individuals are selected to decide serious -issues which arise among the Badhoyis. The headman of the Tellis is -called Behara, and he is assisted by a Bhollobaya, and in some places -apparently by another officer called Pento. - -It is considered by the Tellis as a breach of caste rules to sail in a -boat or ship. If a cow dies with a rope round its neck, or on the spot -where it is tethered, the family which owned it is under pollution -until purification has been effected by means of a pilgrimage, -or by bathing in a sacred river. The Holodias will not rear male -calves at their houses, and do not castrate their bulls. Male calves -are disposed of by sale as speedily as possible. Those Holodias who -are illiterate make the mark (nisani) of a ball of turmeric paste -as a substitute for their autograph on documents. In like manner, -the nisanis of the Bolodias and Khadis respectively are the leather -belt of a bullock and curved pole of the oil-mill. Among nisanis used -by other Oriya castes, the following may be noted:-- - - - - Korono (writer caste), style. - Ravulo (temple servants), trident. - Bavuri (basket-makers and earth-diggers), sickle. - Dhoba (washermen) fork used for collecting firewood. - Brahman, ring of dharba grass, such as is worn on ceremonial - occasions. - - - -In their marriage ceremonies, the Tellis observe the standard Oriya -type, with a few variations. On the day before the wedding, two young -married women carry two new pots painted white on their heads. To -support the pots thereon, a single cloth, with the two ends rolled -up to form a head-pad, must be used. The two women, accompanied by -another married woman carrying a new winnowing basket, and mokkuto -(forehead chaplet), proceed, to the accompaniment of the music of a -chank shell and pipes, to a temple, whereat they worship. On their -way home, the two girls, according to the custom of other Oriyas -castes, go to seven houses, at each of which water is poured into their -pots. During the marriage ceremony, after the ends of the cloths of the -bride and bridegroom have been tied together, they exchange myrabolams -(Terminalia fruits) and areca nuts. Until the close of the ceremonies, -they may not plunge into a tank (pond) or river, and, in bathing, -may not wet the head. - -Most of the Tellis are Paramarthos, and follow the Chaitanya form -of Vaishnavism, but some are Smartas, and all worship Takuranis -(village deities). - -Telugu.--Telugu or Telaga is used as a linguistic term indicating a -person who speaks that language. It has, at recent times of census, -been returned as a sub-division of various classes, e.g., Agasa, -Balija, Banajiga, Bedar, Bestha, Devanga, Holeya, Kumbara, Rachewar, -Tsakala, and Uppara. Further, Telugu Vellala appears as a synonym of -Velama, and Telugu Chetti as a synonym of Saluppan. - -Ten (honey).--Ten or Jen has been recorded as a sub-division or -exogamous sept of jungle Kurumbas and Holeyas. Some Irulas style -themselves Ten Padaiyachi or Ten Vanniyan, Padaiyachi and Vanniyan -being a title and synonym of the Pallis. - -Tendisai (southern country).--Recorded as a division of Vellalas in -the Madura and Coimbatore districts. - -Tene (millet: Setaria italica).--An exogamous sept of Holeya. - -Tengina (cocoanut palm).--The name of a section of Halepaiks, who -tap the cocoanut for extracting toddy. - -Tennam.--Tennam (cocoanut) or Tennanjanar (cocoanut tappers) is -recorded as the occupational name of Shanan. Tenkayala (cocoanut) -occurs as an exogamous sept of Yanadi, and the equivalent Tennang as -a tree or kothu of Kondaiyamkotti Maravans. - -Tennilainadu.--A territorial sub-division of Kallan. - -Terkattiyar (southerner).--A term applied to Kallan, Maravan, -Agamudaiyan, and other immigrants into the Tanjore district. At -Mayavaram, for example, it is applied to Kallans, Agamudaiyans, -and Valaiyans. - -Tertal.--A division of Toda. - -Teruvan.--A synonym of the Malabar Chaliyans, who are so called -because, unlike most of the west coast castes, they live in streets -(teru). - -Tevadiyal (servant of god).--The Tamil name for Deva-dasis. Tevan -(god) occurs as a title of Maravans. - -Teyyambadi.--A section of Ambalavasis or temple servants in Malabar, -the members of which dance and sing in Bhagavati temples, and perform -a song called nagapattu (song in honour of serpents) in private houses, -which is supposed to be effective in procuring offspring. [9] - -Thadla.--Thadla or Thalla, meaning rope, is an exogamous sept of -Devanga and Karna Sale. - -Thakur.--About a hundred members of this caste are returned, in -the Madras Census Report, 1901, as belonging to a Bombay caste of -genealogists and cultivators. It is recorded, in the Bombay Gazetteer, -that "inferior in rank to Marathas, the Thakurs are idle and of -unclean habits. Though some of them till and twist woollen threads -for blankets, they live chiefly by begging and ballad singing. At -times they perform plays representing events mentioned in the Purans -and Ramayan, and showing wooden puppets moved by strings." - -Thalakokala (female cloths).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Thalam (palmyra palm).--An exogamous sept or illam of Kanikar. - -Thamballa (sword bean: Canavalia ensiformis).--An exogamous sept of -Tsakalas, members of which will not eat the bean. - -Thamburi.--A class of people in Mysore, who are Muhammadans, dress -like Lambadis, but do not intermarry with them. (See Lambadi.) - -Thanda Pulayan.--For the following note, I am indebted to -Mr. L. K. Ananthakrishna Aiyar. [10] The Thanda Pulayans constitute -a small division of the Pulayans, who dwell in South Malabar and -Cochin. The name is given to them because of the garment worn by the -females, made of the leaves of a sedge, called thanda (apparently -Scirpus articulatus), which are cut into lengths, woven at one end, -and tied round the waist so that they hang down below the knees. The -following story is told with regard to the origin of this costume. A -certain high-caste man, who owned lands in those parts, chanced to sow -seeds, and plant vegetables. He was surprised to find that not a trace -of what he sowed or planted was to be seen on the following day. With -a view to clearing up the mystery, he kept a close watch during -the night, and saw certain human beings, stark naked, come out of a -hole. They were pursued, and a man and a woman were caught. Impressed -with a sense of shame at their wretched condition, the high-caste man -threw his upper garment to the male, but, having nothing to give as a -covering for the woman, threw some thanda leaves over her. The Thanda -Pulayans are also called Kuzhi Pulayans, as they were found emerging -from a pit (kuzhi). The leafy garment is said to be fast going out of -fashion, as Mappillas, and others who own the Pulayans, compel them to -wear cotton cloths. According to the Rev. W. J. Richards, a division of -the Pulayans, who are called Kanna Pulayans, and found near Alleppey, -wear rather better, and more artistically made aprons. [11] - -The following legend is current regarding the origin of the Thanda -Pulayans. In the south, the Pulayans are divided into the eastern -and western sections. The former were the slaves of Duryodhana, and -the latter were attached to the Pandus. These formed the two rival -parties in the war of the Mahabaratha, and the defeat of Duryodhana -was the cause of their degradation. - -The Thanda Pulayans appear to have been the slaves of the soil till -1854, when they were emancipated. Even now, their condition has not -undergone much material improvement. Though they are left more to -themselves, they still work for farmers or landlords for a daily wage -of paddy (unhusked rice). If they run away, they are brought back, -and punished. There is a custom that, when a farmer or landlord wants -a few Pulayans to work in the fields, he obtains their services on -payment of fifteen to twenty rupees to them, or to their master. When -a Pulayan's services are thus obtained, he works for his new master -for two edangalis of paddy a day. They can obtain their liberation -on the return of the purchase-money, which they can never hope to -earn. Having no property which they can claim as their own, and -conscious perhaps that their lot will be the same wherever they go, -they remain cheerful and contented, drudging on from day to day, -and have no inclination to emigrate to places where they can get -higher wages. The Cherumars of Palghat, on the contrary, enjoy more -freedom. Many go to the Wynad, and some to the Kolar gold-fields, -where they receive a good money-wage. The Thanda Pulayans work, as has -been said, for some landlord, who allows them small bits of land. The -trees thereon belong to the master, but they are allowed to enjoy -their produce during their residence there. When not required by the -master, they can work where they like. They have to work for him for -six months, and sometimes throughout the year. They have little to do -after the crop has been garnered. They work in the rice-fields, pumping -water, erecting bunds (mud embankments), weeding, transplanting, and -reaping. Men, women, and children may be seen working together. After -a day's hard work, in the sun or rain, they receive their wages, -which they take to the nearest shop, called mattupitica (exchange -shop), where they receive salt, chillies, etc., in exchange for a -portion of the paddy, of which the remainder is cooked. The master's -field must be guarded at night against the encroachment of cattle, -and the depredations of thieves and wild beasts. They keep awake by -shouting aloud, singing in a dull monotone, or beating a drum. Given -a drink of toddy, the Pulayans will work for any length of time. It -is not uncommon to see them thrashed for slight offences. If a man is -thrashed with a thanda garment, he is so much disgraced in the eyes -of his fellow men, that he is not admitted into their society. Some -improve their condition by becoming converts to Christianity. Others -believe that the spirits of the departed would be displeased, if they -became Christians. - -The Thanda Pulayan community is divided into exogamous illams, -and marriage between members of the same illam is forbidden. Their -habitations are called matams, which are miserable huts, supported on -wooden posts, sometimes in the middle of a paddy field, with walls -of reeds, bamboo mats or mud, and thatched with grass or cocoanut -leaves. A few earthen pots, bamboo vessels, and cocoanut shells -constitute their property. They are denied admission to the markets, -and must stand at a distance to make their purchases or sales. - -Pulayan girls are married either before or after attaining puberty, -but there is special ceremony, which is performed for every girl -during her seventh or eighth year. This is called thanda kalyanam, -or thanda marriage. It consists in having the girl dressed at an -auspicious hour in the leafy garment by a woman, generally a relative, -or, in her absence, by one selected for the purpose. The relations and -friends are entertained at a feast of curry and rice, fish from the -backwater, and toddy. Prior to this ceremony, the girl is destitute -of clothing, except for a strip of areca bark. - -At the marriage ceremony, the tali (marriage badge) is made of a piece -of a conch shell (Turbinella rapa), which is tied on the bride's neck -at an auspicious hour. She is taken before her landlord, who gives -her some paddy, and all the cocoanuts on the tree, beneath which she -happens to kneel. When the time has come for her to be taken to the -hut of the bridegroom, one of her uncles, taking her by the hand, -gives her into the charge of one of her husband's uncles. On the -third morning, her paternal and maternal uncles visit her at the hut -of the bridegroom, by whom they are entertained. They then return, -with the bride and bridegroom, to the home of the former, where -the newly-married couple stay for three days. To ascertain whether -a marriage will be a happy one, a conch shell is spun round. If it -falls to the north, it predicts good fortune; if to the east or west, -the omens are favourable; if to the south, very unfavourable. - -The Thanda Pulayans follow the makkathayam law of inheritance (from -father to son). They have their tribal assemblies, the members of which -meet together on important occasions, as when a woman is charged with -adultery, or when there is a theft case among them. All the members -are more or less of equal status, and no superior is recognised. They -swear by the sun, raising their hands, and saying "By the sun I did -not." Other oaths are "May my eyes perish" or "May my head be cut -off by lightning." - -Every kind of sickness is attributed to the influence of some -demon, with whom a magician can communicate, and discover a means -of liberation. The magician, when called in professionally, lights -a fire, and seats himself beside it. He then sings, mutters some -mantrams (prayers), and makes a discordant noise on his iron plate -(kokkara). The man or woman, who is possessed by the demon, begins to -make unconscious movements, and is made to speak the truth. The demon, -receiving offerings of fowls, sheep, etc., sets him or her free. A -form of ceremonial, called urasikotukkuka, is sometimes performed. At -a place far distant from the hut, a leaf, on which the blood of a fowl -has been made to fall, is spread on the ground. On a smaller leaf, -chunam (lime) and turmeric are placed. The person who first sets eyes -on these becomes possessed by the demon, and sets free the individual -who was previously under its influence. In the event of sickness, -the sorcerer is invited to the hut. He arrives in the evening, -and is entertained with food, toddy, and betel. He then takes a -tender cocoanut, flower of the areca palm, and some powdered rice, -which he covers over with a palm leaf. The sick person is placed in -front thereof, and a circle is drawn round him. Outside the circle, -an iron stylus is stuck in the ground. The demon is supposed to be -confined within the circle, and makes the patient cry out "I am in pai -(influence of the ghost) and he is beating me," etc. With the promise -of a fowl or sheep, or offerings thereof on the spot, the demon is -persuaded to take its departure. Sometimes, when the sorcerer visits -a house of sickness, a rice-pan containing three betel leaves, areca -nuts, paddy, tulsi (Ocimum sanctum), sacred ashes, conch and cowry -(Cypræa moneta) shells, is placed in the yard. The sorcerer sits in -front of the pan, and begins to worship the demon, holding the shells -in his hands, and turning to the four points of the compass. He then -observes the omens, and, taking his iron plate, strikes it, while -he chants the names of terrible demons, Mullva, Karinkali, Aiyinar, -and Villi, and utters incantations. This is varied by dancing, to -the music of the iron plate, sometimes from evening till noon on the -following day. The sick person works himself up into the belief that -he has committed some great sin, and proceeds to make confession, -when a small money fine is inflicted, which is spent on toddy for -those who are assembled. The Thanda Pulayans practice maranakriyas, -or sacrifices to certain demons, to help them in bringing about the -death of an enemy or other person. Sometimes affliction is supposed -to be brought about by the enmity of those who have got incantations -written on a palm leaf, and buried in the ground near a house by the -side of a well. A sorcerer is called in to counteract the evil charm, -which he digs up, and destroys. - -When a member of the tribe has died an unnatural death, a man, with -a fowl and sword in his hands, places another man in a pit which has -been dug, and walks thrice round it with a torch. After an hour or -two, the man is taken out of the pit, and goes to a distance, where -certain ceremonies are performed. - -The Thanda Pulayans worship the gods of Brahmanical temples at a -distance of nearly a quarter of a mile. A stone is set up in the -ground, on which they place tender cocoanuts and a few puttans (Cochin -coins). A temple servant takes these to the priest, who sends in return -some sandal paste, holy water, and flowers. They worship, as has been -already hinted, demons, and also the spirits of their ancestors, by -which small brass figures of males and females representing the pretas -(ghosts) are supposed to be possessed. They worship, among others, -Kandakarnan, Kodunkali, Bhairavan, and Arukola pretas, who are lodged -in small huts, and represented by stones. In the month of May, they -celebrate a festival, which lasts for several days. Chrysanthemum and -thumba (apparently Leucas aspera) flowers are used in the performance -of worship, and paddy, beaten rice, tender cocoanuts, toddy, etc., -are offered up. There is a good deal of singing, drum-beating -and devil-dancing by men and women, who on this occasion indulge -liberally in toddy. The Pandavas, whom they call Anju Thamburakkal, -are favourite deities. They devise various plans for warding off the -evil influence of demons. Some, for example, wear rolls of palm leaf, -with incantations written on them, round their necks. Others hang -baskets in the rice fields, containing peace offerings to the gods, and -pray for the protection of the crop. Wherever there is a dense forest, -Matan and Kali are supposed to dwell, and are worshipped. From the end -of November to April, which is the slack season, the Thanda Pulayans -go about dancing from hut to hut, and collecting money to purchase -fowls, etc., for offerings. Club-dancing is their favourite amusement, -and is often indulged in at night by the light of a blazing fire. The -dancers, club in hand, go round in concentric circles, keeping time -to the songs which they sing, striking each other's clubs, now bending -to ward off a blow on the legs, or rising to protect the head. - -The dead are buried, and lighted torches are set up all round the -grave, on to which the relations of the dead person throw three -handfuls of rice. Near it, squares are made in rice flour, in each -of which a leaf with rice flour and paddy, and a lighted torch or -wick is placed. The chief mourner, who should be the son or nephew, -carrying a pot of water, goes several times round the grave, and breaks -the pot over the spot where the head rests. A few grains of rice are -placed at the four corners of the grave, and a pebble is laid on it, -with mantrams to keep off jackals, and to prevent the spirit from -molesting people. Every morning the chief mourner goes to the grave, -and makes offerings of boiled rice, gingelly (Sesamum indicum) seeds, -and karuka grass. On the fourteenth day, he has an oil-bath, and, on -the following day, the Pulayans of the village (kara) have a feast, -with singing and beating of drums. On the sixteenth day, which is -pulakuli or day of purification, the chief mourner makes offerings -of rice balls, the guests are fed, and make a present of small coin -to the songster who has entertained them. Similar offerings of rice -balls are made to the spirit of the deceased person on the new-moon day -in the month of Kartigam. During the period of pollution, the chief -mourner has to cook his own food. The spirits of deceased ancestors -are called Chavar (the dead), and are said to manifest themselves -in dreams, especially to near relations, who speak in the morning of -what they have seen during the night. They even say that they have held -conversation with the deceased. The Rev. W. J. Richards informs us that -he once saw "a little temple, about the size of a large rabbit-hutch, -in which was a plank for the spirits of the deceased ancestors to come -and rest upon. The spirits are supposed to fish in the backwaters, -and the phosphorescence, sometimes seen on the surface of the water, -is taken as an indication of their presence." [12] - -The Thanda Pulayans will not eat with the Ulladans or Parayans, but -stand at a distance of ninety feet from Brahmans and other high-caste -people. They are short of stature and dark-skinned. Like the Cherumans, -the women adorn their ears, necks, arms and fingers with masses of -cheap jewellery. - -Thappata (drum).--An exogamous sept of Odde. - -Thathan (a Vaishnavite mendicant).--The equivalent of the Telugu -Dasari. - -Thatichettu (palmyra palm).--An exogamous sept of Karna Sale and Odde. - -Thavadadari.--The name of a section of the Valluvans (priests of the -Paraiyans), who wear a necklace of tulsi beads (thavadam, necklace, -dhari, wearer). The tulsi or basil (Ocimum sanctum) is a very sacred -plant with Hindus, and bead necklaces or rosaries are made from its -woody stem. - -Thelu (scorpion).--Thelu and Thela are recorded as exogamous septs -of Padma Sale and Madiga. The Canarese equivalent Chelu occurs as a -sept of Kuruba. - -Thenige Buvva.--A sub-division of Madigas, who offer food (buvva) -to the god in a dish or tray (thenige) at marriages. - -Thikka (simpleton).--A sub-division of Kuruba. - -Thippa (rubbish heap).--An exogamous sept of Karna Sale. - -Thogamalai Korava.--Recorded [13] as a synonym of a thief class in -the southern districts of the Madras Presidency. In a recent note on -the Koravas, Mr. F. Fawcett writes that "a fact to be noted is that -people such as the members of the well-known Thogamalai gang, who -are always called Koravas by the police, are not Koravas at all. They -are simply a criminal community, into which outsiders are admitted, -who give their women in marriage outside the caste, and who adopt -children of other castes." - -Thogaru (bitter).--An exogamous sept of Musu Kamma. - -Thoka (tail).--An exogamous sept of Yerukala. - -Thonda (Cephalendra indica).--An exogamous sept of Musu Kamma, and -gotra of Janappans, members of which abstain from using the fruit or -leaves of the thonda plant. - -Thumma (babul: Acacia arabica).--An exogamous sept of Mala and Padma -Sale. The bark, pods, and leaves of the babul tree are used by tanners -in the preparation of hides and skins, or as a dye. - -Thumu (iron measure for measuring grain).--An exogamous sept of -Mutracha. - -Thupa (ghi, clarified butter).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Thurpu (eastern).--A sub-division of Yerukala and Yanadi. - -Thuta (hole).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Tigala.--Tigala is summed up, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as -"a Canarese synonym for the Tamil Palli; applied also by the Canarese -people to any Tamil Sudras of the lower castes." In parts of the Mysore -country, the Tamil language is called Tigalu, and the Canarese Madhva -Brahmans speak of Tamil Smarta Brahmans as Tigalaru. - -Some of the Tigalas, who have settled in Mysore, have forgotten -their mother-tongue, and speak only Canarese, while others, e.g., -those who live round about Bangalore, still speak Tamil. In their -type of cranium they occupy a position intermediate between the -dolichocephalic Pallis and the sub-brachy cephalic Canarese classes. - -The difference in the type of cranium of the Tigalas and Tamil -Pallis is clearly brought by the following tabular statements of -their cephalic indices:-- - - -a. Tigala-- - - 68 * - 69 - 70 - 71 * - 72 ***** - 73 **** - 74 * - 75 * - 76 ***** - 77 **** - 78 ***** - 79 *** - 80 *** - 81 **** - 82 * - 83 - 84 ** - - -b. Palli-- - - 64 * - 65 - 66 - 67 ** - 68 * - 69 * - 70 * - 71 **** - 72 ***** - 73 ******* - 74 **** - 75 ******** - 76 * - 77 * - 78 * - 79 ** - 80 * - - -The Tigalas are kitchen and market gardeners, and cultivate the betel -vine. They apparently have three divisions, called Ulli (garlic or -onions), Ele (leaf), and Arava (Tamil). Among the Ulli Tigalas, -several sub-divisions, and septs or budas named after deities or -prominent members of the caste, exist, e.g.:-- - - - I. Lakkamma-- - Tota devaru (garden god). - Dodda devaru (big or chief god). - Dodda Narasayya. - Dodda Nanjappa. - II. Ellamma-- - Narasayya. - Muddanna. - III. Sidde devaru. - - -The Tigalas have a headman, whose office is hereditary, and who -is assisted by a caste servant called Mudre. Council meetings are -usually held at a fixed spot, called goni mara katte or mudre goni -mara katte, because those summoned by the Mudre assemble beneath a goni -(Ficus mysorensis) tree, round which a stone platform is erected. The -tree and platform being sacred, no one may go there on wearing shoes -or sandals. The members of council sit on a woollen blanket spread -before the tree. - -Like the Pallis or Vanniyans, the Tigalas call themselves Agni Vanni, -and claim to be descended from the fire-born hero Agni Banniraya. In -connection with the Tigalas who have settled in the Bombay Presidency, -it is noted [14] that "they are a branch of the Mysore Tigalas, who -are Tamil Palli emigrants from the Madras Presidency, and, like the -Palli, claim a Kshatriya origin." The Tigalas possess a manuscript, -said to be a copy of a sasana at Conjeeveram (Kanchi), from which the -following extracts are taken. "This is a Kanchi sasana published by -Aswaththa Narayanswami, who was induced to do so by the god Varadaraja -of Conjeeveram. This sasana is written to acquaint the descendants -of the Mahapurusha Agni Banniraya with the origin, doings, and gotra -of their ancestor Banniraya. This Banniraya sprang from fire, and -so is much beloved by Vishnu the many-armed, the many-eyed, and the -bearer of the chank and chakram, and who is no other than Narayana, -the lord of all the worlds great and small, and the originator of -the Vedas and Vedanta.... All those who see or worship this sasana -relating to Agni Banniraya, who obtained boons from the Trimurthis, -Devatas, and Rishis, and who is the ancestor of the Tigalas, will be -prosperous, and have plenty of grain and children. Those who speak -lightly of this caste will become subject to the curses of Banniraya, -Trimurthis, Rishis, and Devas. The glory of this sasana is great, -and is as follows:--The keeping and worshipping of this purana will -enable the Tigalas of the Karnataka country to obtain the merit of -surapadavi (the state of Devas), merit of doing puja to a thousand -lingams, a lakh of cow gifts, and a hundred kannikadanams (gifts of -virgins for marriage)." The sasana is said to have been brought to -the Canarese country because of a quarrel between the Pallis and the -Tigalas at the time of a Tigala marriage. The Tigalas were prevented -from bringing the various biruthus (insignia), and displaying them. The -sasana was brought by the Tigalas, at an expenditure of Rs. 215, -which sum was subsequently recovered from the Pallis. - -Tigala occurs further as the name of a sub-division of Holeya. - -Tikke (gem).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Ti (fire) Kollan.--A sub-division of Kollan. - -Tinda (polluting).--A sub-division of Kanisan. Tinda Kuruppu, meaning -a teacher who cannot approach, is a synonym of the Kavutiyan barber -caste. - -Tiperum (ti, fire).--A sub-division of Kollan blacksmiths. - -Tiragati Gantlavallu (wandering bell hunters).--Stated, in the Manual -of the Vizagapatam district, to repair hand-mills, catch antelopes, -and sell the skins thereof. In hunting, they use lights and bells. - -Tirlasetti (the name of a Balija Chetti).--An exogamous sept of Yanadi. - -Tirumalpad.--Tirumalpad has been summed up as "one of the four -divisions of Kshatriyas in Travancore. The term, in its literal sense, -conveys the idea of those who wait before kings. In mediæval times the -Tirumalpads were commanders of armies." By Mr. Wigram [15] Tirumalpad -is defined as a member of a Royal Family. In the Madras Census Report, -1891, it is stated that "there are two Tirumalpads, one a Samanta, -and the other a so-called Kshatriya. The former observes customs and -manners exactly similar to Eradis and Nedungadis. In fact, these are -all more or less interchangeable terms, members of the same family -calling themselves indifferently Eradi or Tirumalpad. The Kshatriya -Tirumalpad wears the sacred thread, and the rites he performs are -similar to those of Brahmans, whose dress he has also adopted. He has, -however, like Nayars, tali-kettu and sambandham separately. His females -take Nambudiri consorts by preference, but may have husbands of their -own caste. Their inheritance is in the female line, as among Nayars -and Samantas. Generally the females of this caste furnish wives to -Nambudiris. The touch of these females does not pollute a Nambudiri -as does that of Nayars and Samantas, and, what is more, Nambudiris -may eat their food. The females are called Nambashtadiri." - -For the following note on Tampans and Tirumalpads, I am indebted -to the Travancore Census Report, 1901. "The Tampans and Tirumalpats -come under the category of Malabar Kshatriyas.The word Tampan is a -contraction of Tampuran, and at one time denoted a ruling people. When -they were divested of that authority by the Ilayetattu Svarupam, they -are said to have fallen from the status of Tampurans to Tampans. Their -chief seat is the Vaikam taluk. The Tirumalpats do not seem to have -ruled at all. The word Tirumulpatu indicates those that wait before -kings. There is an old Sanskrit verse, which describes eight classes -of Kshatriyas as occupying Kerala from very early times, namely -(1) Bhupala or Maha Raja, such as those of Travancore and Cochin, -(2) Rajaka or Rajas, such as those of Mavelikara and Kotungallur, -(3) Kosi or Koiltampuran, (4) Puravan or Tampan, (5) Sripurogama or -Tirumulpat, (6) Bhandari or Pantarattil, (7) Audvahika or Tirumalpat, -(8) Cheta or Samanta. From this list it may be seen that two classes -of Tirumulpats are mentioned, namely, Sripurogamas who are the waiters -at the Raja's palace, and the Audvahikas who perform Udvaha or wedding -ceremony for certain castes. Both these, however, are identical people, -though varying in their traditional occupations. The chief seats of -the Tirumulpats are Shertallay and Tiruvalla." - -The Tampans and Tirumulpats are, for all purposes of castes, identical -with other Malabar Kshatriyas. Every Tampan in Travancore is related -to every other Tampan, and all are included within one circle of -death and birth pollution. Their manners and customs, too, are -exactly like those of other Kshatriyas. They are invested with the -sacred thread at the sixteenth year of age, and recite the Gayatri -(hymn) ten times thrice a day. The Nambutiri is the family priest, -and (death) pollution lasts for eleven days. The Kettukalyanam, or -tali-tying ceremony, may be performed between the seventh and the -fourteenth year of age. The tali is tied by the Aryappattar, while -the Namputiris recite the Vedic hymns. Their consorts are usually -Namputiris, and sometimes East Coast Brahmans. Like all the Malabar -Kshatriyas, they follow the marumakkathayam system of inheritance -(through the female line). Tampans and Tirumulpats are often the -personal attendants of the Travancore Maharajas, whom they serve with -characteristic fidelity and devotion.The Tirumulpats further perform -the tali-tying ceremony of the Nayar aristocracy. - -The names of the Tirumulpats and Tampans are the same as those of other -classes of Kshatriyas. The title Varma is uniformly added to their -names. A few families among these, who once had ruling authority, -have the titular suffix Bhandarattil, which is corrupted into -Pantarattil. The Tampans call themselves in documents Koviladhikarikal, -as they once had authority in kovils or palaces. - -Tiruman (holy deer).--An exogamous section of Kallan. - -Tirumudi (holy knot).--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, -as "bricklayers, whose women are usually prostitutes; found chiefly in -Salem and Coimbatore. They are either Vettuvans or Kaikolans. Kaikolan -women, when they are dedicated to the temple, are supposed to be -united in wedlock with the deity. - -Tiruvalluvan.--A sub-division of Valluvan. Tiruvalluvar, the author -of the Kural, is said to have belonged to the Valluva caste. - -Tiru-vilakku-nagarattar (dwellers in the city of holy lamps).--A name -assumed by Vaniyans (oil-pressers). - -Tiyadi.--A synonym of the Tiyattunni section of Ambalavasis (see Unni). - -Tiyan.--The Tiyans, and Izhuvans or Iluvans, are the Malayalam -toddy-drawing castes of Malabar, Cochin, and Travancore. The following -note, except where otherwise indicated, is taken from an account of -the Tiyans of Malabar by Mr. F. Fawcett. - -The Tiyans in Malabar number, according to the census returns, -512,063, or 19·3 per cent. of the total population. The corresponding -figures for the Izhuvans are 101,638, or 3·8 per cent. The Tiyans -have been summed up [16] as the middle class of the west coast, who -cultivate the ground, take service as domestics, and follow trades -and professions--anything but soldiering, of which they have an -utter abhorrence. - -The marumakkatayam system (inheritance through the female line), which -obtains in North Malabar, has favoured temporary connections between -European men and Tiyan women, the children belonging to the mother's -tarvad. Children bred under these conditions, European influence -continuing, are often as fair as Europeans. It is recorded, in the -Report of the Malabar Marriage Commission, 1894, that "in the early -days of British rule, the Tiyan women incurred no social disgrace -by consorting with Europeans, and, up to the last generation, -if the Sudra girl could boast of her Brahman lover, the Tiyan -girl could show more substantial benefits from her alliance with a -white man of the ruling race. Happily, the progress of education, -and the growth of a wholesome public opinion, have made shameful -the position of a European's concubine; and both races have thus -been saved from a mode of life equally demoralising to each." On -this point, Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna Iyer writes as follows. [17] -"It is true that there is an elevation both physically and mentally -in the progeny of such a parentage. On making enquiries about this, I -learn from a respectable and educated Tiyan gentleman that this union -is looked upon with contempt by the respectable class of people, and -by the orthodox community. I am further informed that such women and -children, with their families, are under a ban, and that respectable -Tiya gentlemen who have married the daughters of European parentage are -not allowed to enjoy the privileges of the caste. There are, I hear, -several such instances in Calicut, Tellicherry, and Cannanore. Women of -respectable families do not enter into such connection with Europeans." - -It is commonly supposed that the Tiyans and Izhuvans came from -Ceylon. It is recorded, in the South Canara Manual, that "it is well -known that both before and after the Christian era there were invasions -and occupations of the northern part of Ceylon by the races then -inhabiting Southern India, and Malabar tradition tells us that some -of these Dravidians migrated again from Iram or Ceylon northwards to -Travancore and other parts of the west coast of India, bringing with -them the cocoanut or southern tree (tengina mara), and being known as -Tivars (islanders) or Iravars, which names have since been altered to -Tiyars and Ilavars. Dr. Caldwell derives Iram from the Sanskrit Simhala -through the Pali Sihala by the omission of the initial S." It is noted -by Bishop Caldwell [18] that there are traces of a common origin of the -Iluvans and Shanars, Shanar (or Shener), for instance, being a title -of honour amongst the Travancore Ilavars. And it is further recorded -[19] that there is a tradition that the Shanars came originally from -Ceylon. The Izhuvans are supposed to derive their caste name from -Izha dwipa (island) or Simhala dwipa (both denoting Ceylon). In a -Tamil Puranic work, quoted by Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer, mention is -made of a King Illa of Ceylon, who went to Chidambaram in the Tamil -country of Southern India, where a religious discussion took place -between the Buddhist priests and the Saivite devotee Manickavachakar -in the presence of King Illa, with the result that he was converted -to the Saivite faith. From him the Iluvans are said to be descended. - -The Tiyans are always styled Izhuvan in documents concerning land, -in which the Zamorin, or some Brahman or Nayar grandee, appears as -landlord. The Tiyans look down on the Izhuvans, and repudiate the -relationship. Yet they cannot but submit to be called Izhuvan in their -documents, for their Nayar or Brahman landlord will not let them have -the land to cultivate, unless they do so. It is a custom of the country -for a man of a superior caste to pretend complete ignorance of the -caste of an individual lower in the social scale. Thus, in the Wynad, -where there are several jungle tribes, one is accustomed to hear -a man of superior caste pretending that he does not know a Paniyan -from a Kurumba, and deliberately miscalling one or the other, saying -"This Paniyan," when he knows perfectly well that he is a Kurumba. It -is quite possible, therefore, that, though Tiyans are written down as -Izhuvans, the two were not supposed to be identical. State regulations -keep the Izhuvans of Cochin and Travancore in a position of marked -social inferiority, and in Malabar they are altogether unlettered -and uncultured. On the other hand, the Tiyans of Malabar provide -Magistrates, Sub-Judges, and other officials to serve His Majesty's -Government. It may be noted that, in 1907, a Tiya lady matriculate -was entertained as a clerk in the Tellicherry post-office. - -A divagation must be made, to bring the reader to a comprehension of -the custom surrounding mattu, a word signifying change, i.e., change of -cloth, which is of sufficient importance to demand explanation. When -a man or woman is outcasted, the washerwoman (or man) and the barber -of the community (and no other is available) are prohibited from -performing their important parts in the ceremonies connected with -birth, death, and menstruation. A person who is in a condition of -impurity is under the same conditions; he or she is temporarily -outcasted. This applies to Nambutiris and Nayars, as well as to the -Tiyans. Now the washerwoman is invariably of the Tiyan caste. There are -Mannans, whose hereditary occupation is washing clothes for Nambutiris -and Nayars, but, for the most part, the washerwoman who washes for -the Nayar lady is of the Tiyan caste. A woman is under pollution after -giving birth to a child, after the death of a member of her tarvad, and -during menstruation. And the pollution must be removed at the end of -the prescribed period, or she remains an outcaste--a very serious thing -for her. The impurity is removed by receiving a clean cloth from the -washerwoman, and giving in exchange her own cloth to be washed. This is -mattu, and, be it noted, the cloth which gives mattu is one belonging -to the washerwoman, not to the person to be purified. The washerwoman -gives her own cloth to effect the purification. Theoretically, the -Tiyan has the power to give or withhold mattu, and thus keep any one -out of caste in a state of impurity; but it is a privilege which is -seldom if ever exercised. Yet it is one which he admittedly holds, -and is thus in a position to exercise considerable control over the -Nambutiri and Nayar communities. It is odd that it is not a soiled -cloth washed and returned to the person which gives purification, but -one of the washerwoman's own cloths. So the mattu may have a deeper -meaning than lies in mere change of cloth, dressing in a clean one, -and giving the soiled one to a person of inferior caste to wash. This -mattu is second in importance to no custom. It must be done on the last -day of pollution after birth and death ceremonies, and menstruation, -or the person concerned remains outcasted. It is noteworthy that the -Izhuvans know nothing of mattu. - -An Izhuvan will eat rice cooked by a Tiyan, but a Tiyan will not eat -rice cooked by an Izhuvan--a circumstance pointing to the inferiority -of the Izhuvan. A Nayar, as well as a Tiyan, will partake of almost -any form of food or drink, which is prepared even by a Mappilla -(Malabar Muhammadan), who is deemed inferior to both. But the line is -drawn at rice, which must be prepared by one of equal caste or class, -or by a superior. An Izhuvan, partaking of rice at a Tiyan's house, -must eat it in a verandah; he cannot do so in the house, as that -would be defilement to the Tiyan. Not only must the Izhuvan eat the -rice in the verandah, but he must wash the plates, and clean up the -place where he has eaten. Again, an Izhuvan could have no objection -to drinking from a Tiyan's well. Further, there is practically no -mixture in the distribution of Tiyans and Izhuvans. Where there are -Izhuvans there are no Tiyans, and vice versâ. [In a photograph of -a group of Izhuvan females of Palghat eating their meal, which was -sent to me, they are all in a kneeling posture, with the buttocks -supported on the heels. They are said to assume the same attitude -when engaged in grinding and winnowing grain, and other occupations, -with a resultant thickening of the skin over the knees.] - -Differences, which might well come under the heading marriage, may be -considered here, for the purpose of comparison between the Tiyans and -Izhuvans. During the preliminaries to the marriage ceremony among the -Tiyans, the date of the marriage having been fixed in the presence of -the representatives of the bride and bridegroom, the following formula -is repeated by the Tandan or headman of the bride's party. Translated -as accurately as possible, it runs thus. "The tara and changati of -both sides having met and consulted; the astrologer having fixed an -auspicious day after examining the star and porutham; permission -having been obtained from the tara, the relations, the illam and -kulam, the father, uncle, and the brothers, and from the eight and -four (twelve illams) and the six and four (ten kiriyams); the conji -and adayalam ceremonies and the four tazhus having been performed, -let me perform the kanjikudi ceremony for the marriage of ... the son -of ... with ... daughter of ... in the presence of muperium." This -formula, with slight variations here and there, is repeated at every -Tiyan marriage in South Malabar. It is a solemn declaration, giving -validity to the union, although, in the way that custom and ritual -survive long after their original significance has been forgotten, -the meaning of many of the terms used is altogether unknown. What, -for instance, is the meaning of muperium? No one can tell. But a few -of the terms are explainable. - -Tara. The tara was the smallest unit in the ancient government system, -which, for want of a better term, we may style feudal. It was not -exactly a village, for the people lived apart. Each tara had its -Nayar chieftain, and also its Tiyan chief or Tandan, its astrologer, -its washerman, its goldsmith, and other useful people, each serving -the community for the sake of small advantages. Each tara was its -own world. - -Changati (friend). The friends of both parties which negotiated -the marriage. - -Porutham (agreement). Examination of the horoscopes of the boy and -girl makes it possible to ascertain whether there is agreement between -the two, and the union will be propitious. - -Illam. Here intended to mean the father's family. - -Kulam. The name, derived from kula a branch, here denotes the mother's -family. - -Twelve illams, ten kiriyams. The word illam, now used exclusively for -the residence of a Nambutiri, is supposed to have been used in days -of old for the house of a person of any caste. And this supposition is -said to find support in the way that a Tiyan coming from the south is -often greeted in South Canara. Thus, a Malabar Tiyan, travelling to -the celebrated temple at Gokarnam in South Canara, is at once asked -"What is your illam and kiriyam?" He has heard these terms used in -the foregoing formula during his own or another's marriage ceremony, -but attached no meaning to them. To the man of South Canara they -have genuine meaning. One should be able to answer the question -satisfactorily, and thus give a proper account of himself. If -he cannot, he gets neither food nor water from the South Canara -Tiyan. This also holds good, to some extent, in the case of a southern -Tiyan visiting the northern parts of the Cherakal taluk of Malabar. - -The ten illams of South Malabar are as follows:-- - - - Tala Kodan. - Nellika (Phyllanthus Emblica). - Paraka or Varaka. - Ala. - Ten Kudi or Tenan Kudi. - Padayan Kudi. - Kannan. - Varakat. - Kytat inferior. - Puzhampayi or Bavu - - -The illams of North Malabar are said to be-- - - - Nellika. - Pullanhi. - Vangeri. - Koyikkalan. - Padayam Kudi. - Tenan Kudi. - Manan Kudi. - Vilakkan Kudi. - - -Marriage is strictly forbidden between two persons belonging to -the same illam. The bride and bridegroom must belong to different -illams. In fact, the illams are exogamous. Members of some of the -illams were allowed certain privileges and dignities. Thus, the men -of the Varakat illam (Varaka Tiyans) were in the old days permitted to -travel in a mancheel (a hammock-cot slung on a pole). They were allowed -this privilege of higher caste people, which was prohibited to the -Tiyans of other illams. But, should one of them, when travelling in a -mancheel, happen to see a Rajah or a Nayar, he was obliged to hang one -of his legs out of it in token of submission. The Varaka Tiyans were -further allowed to wear gold jewels on the neck, to don silken cloths, -to fasten a sword round the waist, and to carry a shield. The sword -was made of thin pliable steel, and worn round the waist like a belt, -the point being fastened to the hilt through a small hole near the -point. A man, intending to damage another, might make an apparently -friendly call on him, his body loosely covered with a cloth, and to -all appearances unarmed. In less than a second, he could unfasten the -sword round his waist, and cut the other down. The well-known Mannanar -belonged to the Varakat illam. Those who know Malabar will recall to -mind the benevolent but strange institution which he initiated. He -provided a comfortable home for Nambutiri women who were thrown out -of caste, and thus in the ordinary course of events doomed to every -misery and degradation to be found in life. On being outcasted, -the funeral ceremonies of Nambutiri women were performed by her own -people, and she became dead to them. She went to the Mannanar, and her -birth ceremonies were performed, so that she might begin life anew -in a state of purity. If, on arrival, she entered by the left door, -she was his wife, if by the front door, his sister. It is said that, -when their chief, Mannanar of the Aramana, is destitute of heirs, -the Tiyans of Kolattanad go in procession to the Kurumattur Nambutiri -(the chief of the Peringallur Brahmans) and demand a Brahman virgin -to be adopted as sister of Mannanar, who follows the marumakkatayam -rule of succession. This demand, it is said, used to be granted by -the Nambutiris assembling at a meeting, and selecting a maiden to be -given to the Tiyans. - -Kiriyam is said to be a corrupt form of the Sanskrit word griham -(house), but this seems rather fanciful. There are said to have been -about two kiriyams for each village. The names of only three are known -to me, viz., Karumana, Kaita, and Kampathi. There is a village called -Karumana, near the temple of Lakshmipuram in South Canara. Karumana is -applied as a term to signify a Tiyan during the ordinary devil-dancing -in temples, when an oracular utterance is delivered. The oracle always -addresses the Tiyan as "my Karumana," not as "my Tiyan." The only other -use of the word is in Karumana acharam (the customs of the Tiyans). - -Other outward and visible differences between Tiyan and Izhuvan -marriages are these. The South Malabar Tiyan bridegroom, dressed as -if for a wrestling match, with his cloth tied tight about his loins, -carries a sword and shield, and is escorted by two companions similarly -equipped, dancing their way along. The Izhuvan does not carry a sword -under any circumstances. The chief feature of his wedding ceremony -is a singing match. This, called the vatil-tura-pattu, or open the -door song, assumes the form of a contest between the parties of the -bridegroom and bride. The story of Krishna and his wife Rukmini -is supposed to be alluded to. We have seen it all under slightly -different colour at Conjeeveram. Krishna asks Rukmini to open the -door, and admit him. She refuses, thinking he has been gallivanting -with some other lady. He beseeches; she refuses. He explains, and at -length she yields. The song is more or less extempore, and each side -must be ready with an immediate answer. The side which is reduced to -the extremity of having no answer is beaten and under ignominy. - -I pass on to the subject of personal adornment of the Tiyans:-- - - -(a) North Malabar, Males-- - - - 1. A horizontal dab made with white ashes on either side of the - forehead and chest, and on the outside of each shoulder. - 2. Two gold ear-rings (kadakkan) in each ear. A silver chain - hanging from the sheath of his knife, and fastened with a boss. Two - tambak (copper, brass and silver) rings on the ring finger of - the left hand. - 3. A gold kadakkan in each ear, and an iron ring on the ring - finger of the left hand. - 4. A thorn in each ear (another was similarly ornamented). Not - married. - 5. A gold ear-ring in each ear. An iron ring on the little finger - of the left hand. Two silver rings, in which is set a piece of hair - from an elephant's tail, on the little finger of the right hand. - - -A few individuals wore brass rings, and some had ear-rings, in which -a red stone was set. Amulets were worn by some in little cylindrical -cases on a string, to protect the wearer against enemies, the evil -eye, or devils. One man wore a silver girdle, to which an amulet in -a case was fastened, underneath his cloth, so that it was not in view -to the public. One individual only is noted as having been tattooed, -with a circular mark just above his glabella. The arms of a good many, -and the abdomen of a few, bore cicatrices from branding, apparently -for the purpose of making them strong and relieving pains. - - -(b) South Malabar, Males. - -In the country parts, the waist cloth is always worn above the -knee. About a third of the individuals examined wore ear-rings. The -ears of all were pierced. Those who were without ear-rings had no -scruples about wearing them, but were too poor to buy them. - - - 1. Blue spot tattooed over the glabella. - 2. Silver amulet-case, containing fifteen gold fanams, at the - waist. He said that he kept the coins in the receptacle for - security, but I think it was for good luck. - 3. Ear-ring (kadakkan) in each ear. A copper amulet-case, - containing a yantram to keep off devils, at the waist. - 4. Four silver amulet-cases, containing yantrams on a copper - sheet for curing some ailment, at the waist. - 5. Two gold kadakkans in each ear. A white spot over the glabella. - - -(c) North Malabar, Females. - -In olden days, the women used to wear coloured and striped cloths round -the waist, and hanging to the knees. The breast was not covered. The -body above the waist was not allowed to be covered, except during the -period of death pollution. Nowadays, white is generally the colour to -be seen, and the body is seldom covered above the waist--never one may -say, except (and then only sometimes) in the towns. The Izhuvan women -in Malabar always wear blue cloths: just one cloth rolled tightly -round the waist, and hanging to the knees. Of late, they have taken -to wearing also a blue cloth drawn tight over the breast. - -Ornaments. The thodu, which is now sometimes worn by Tiyan women, -is not a Tiyan ornament. The ear-rings, called kathila and ananthod, -are the Tiyan ornaments, and look like strings of gold beads with -pendants. Discs of white metal or lead are used to stretch and keep -open the dilated lobes of the ears, in which gold ornaments are worn -when necessary or possible. Venetian sequins, real or imitation, -known in Malabar as amada, are largely used for neck ornaments. There -is a Malabar proverb that one need not look for an insect's burrow in -amada, meaning that you cannot find anything vile in a worthy person. - -Turning now to the subject of marriage. In the ordinary course of -things, a marriage would not be made between a Tiyan girl of South -Malabar and a Tiyan man of North Malabar, for the reason that the -children of such a marriage would inherit no property from the family -of either parent. The husband would have no share in the property -of his family, which devolves through the women; nor would the wife -have any share in that of her family, which is passed on through the -men. So there would be nothing for the children. But, on the other -hand, marriage between a girl of the north and a man of the south is -a different thing. The children would inherit from both parents. As a -rule, Tiyans of the north marry in the north, and those of the south -in the south. - -It was generally admitted that it was formerly the custom among the -Tiyans in South Malabar for several brothers--in fact all of them--to -share one wife. Two existing instances of this custom were recorded. - -The arrangement of a marriage, and the ceremonial which will now -be described, though pertaining strictly to the Calicut taluk -of South Malabar, are sufficiently representative of a Tiyan -marriage anywhere. There is, however, this difference, that, in -North Malabar, where inheritance through females obtains, and the -wife invariably resides in her own tarwad or family home, there is -never any stipulation concerning a girl's dowry. In South Malabar, -where inheritance is through the males, and where the wife lives in -her husband's house, the dowry in money, jewels, or furniture, is as a -rule settled beforehand, and must be handed over on the wedding day. In -the Calicut taluk, we find an exception to this general rule of South -Malabar, where the subject of the dowry is not usually mentioned. In -North Malabar, gifts of jewels are made in proportion as the bride's -people are wealthy and generous. What is given is in the way of a gift, -and forms no feature in the marital agreement. - -The first step to be taken in connection with marriage is examination -of the horoscopes of the boy and girl, in order to ascertain whether -their union will be one of happiness or the reverse. While this is -being done by the Panikkar (Malabar astrologer), the following persons -should be present:-- - - -(a) On the part of the bridegroom-- - - 1. Tandan, or chief of the tara. - 2. Father, or other elder in the family. - 3. Uncle, i.e., the mother's brother. In Malabar the word uncle - means maternal uncle. - 4. Sisters' husbands. - 5. Four or more friends or companions. - 6. Any number of relations and friends. - - -(b) On the part of the bride-- - - 1. Tandan of her tara. - 2. Father,or other guardian. - 3. Uncle. - 4. Four or more friends. - 5. The astrologer of her tara. - 6. Friends and relations. - - -The ceremony must be performed at the house of the girl's family. Her -father's consent is necessary, but his presence is not essential -at this or the two subsequent ceremonies in connection with the -marriage. The Tandan, it may be noted, is the caste governmental head -in all matters affecting his own caste and the artisans. He is a Tiyan, -and his office, which is authorised by the local Rajah, or rather by -his senior Rani, is hereditary. In exceptional cases, however, the -hereditary right may be interrupted by the Rani appointing some one -else. The Tandan of the tara is required to assist at every ceremony -connected with marriage, at the ceremony when a girl attains puberty, -at that of tying the tali, and at the fifth and seventh months of -pregnancy. His formal permission is required before the carpenter -can cut down the areca palm, with which the little shed in which the -tali is tied is constructed. In cases of divorce, his functions are -important. When a new house is built, there must be a house-warming -ceremony, at which the Tandan officiates. Fowls are sacrificed, and -the right leg is the Tandan's perquisite. He is a man of importance, -not only in many affairs within his own caste, but also in those of -other castes. Thus, when a Nayar dies, it is the Tandan's duty to get -the body burnt. He controls the washerman and barber of the tara, and -can withdraw their services when they are most needed. He officiates, -moreover, at marriages of the artisan class--carpenters, braziers, -goldsmiths and blacksmiths. - -A group of taras forms what is called a desam, the koyma or -"sovereignty" of which is represented by a Nayar tarwad. It is through -the head or Karnavan (really the chieftain) of this tarwad that the -Tandan approaches the Raja in matters of appeal, and the like. The -Tandan is to some extent under his guidance and control, but he -must provide the Tandan with a body-guard of two Nayars on occasions -of marriages. In the old days, it may be mentioned, the Tandans of -the taras within the rule of the Zamorin were always appointed by -his senior Rani. The term Tandan must not be confounded with the -Tandars, a people of the Palghat taluk, who appear to be allied to -the Izhuvans. These Tandars observe the custom of paternal polyandry, -while the Izhuvans abhor it. - -The procedure observed in the examination of horoscopes is as -follows. The Tandan of the bride's tara gives a grass or palmyra palm -leaf mat to the astrologer to sit on, and supplies mats or seats for -the bridegroom's party. The common sleeping mat of wild pine leaves, -or a wooden stool, must, on no account, be given for the astrologer -to sit on. It may be day or night when the ceremony takes place, -but, whatever the hour may be, a lamp having five, seven, nine, or -eleven cotton wicks, must be burning in front of the astrologer. The -Tandan's wife puts it in its place. Then the boy's uncle hands over -the boy's horoscope to his Tandan, who passes it on to the girl's -Tandan. The girl's father hands her horoscope to their Tandan, who, -when he has received them both, passes them on to the astrologer. The -two horoscopes should agree on twenty-one points--a requirement -which might prove awkward, were it not that a balance in favour of -beneficent influences is generally allowed to admit of the marriage -taking place. In the case of agreement, the boy's uncle, through -his Tandan, then pays two fanams [20] (eight annas)--one for each -horoscope--to the astrologer. When there is disagreement, the girl's -uncle pays the money. The horoscopes (which have been privately -examined beforehand to make sure of no disagreement) are returned -to their respective owners. After the examination of the horoscope, -there is a feast with plenty of sweetmeats. The next item is the conjee -(rice gruel) ceremony, at which the following should be present:-- - - -(a) On the part of the boy-- - - 1. Father, his brother, or some one representing him. - 2. Husbands of all married sisters. - 3. Uncle. - 4. Tandan of his tara. - 5. Neighbours and friends. - - -(b) On the part of the girl-- - - 1. Uncle. - 2. Relations of married sisters. - 3. Relations of married brothers. - 4. Tandan of her tara. - 5. Astrologer of her tara. - 6. Relations and friends. - - -The horoscopes are again formally examined by the astrologer, who -announces that their agreement augurs a happy wedded life. The boy's -uncle pays him two fanams. The girl's uncle takes the two horoscopes, -which have just been tied together, from the astrologer, and hands them -to the Tandan of the girl's tara, who passes them on to the Tandan -of the boy's tara. They are handed by him to the boy's uncle. The -astrologer then writes on a palmyra leaf a note for each party to the -marriage, stating the auspicious day and hour for the final ceremony, -the hour at which the bride should leave her house, and the hour for -her arrival at the house of the bridegroom. The following programme -is then gone through. In the verandah, facing east, before the front -door, is spread an ordinary sleeping mat, over it a grass mat, and -over that a plain white cloth which has been washed and is not a new -one. On the floor close by, the following articles are placed:-- - -A lamp, having an odd number of cotton wicks, which is kept lighted -whatever the hour of day it may be; - -A measure, called nazhi, made of jak tree (Artocarpus integrifolia) -wood, filled to overflowing with rice, and placed on a flat bell-metal -plate (talika); - -A plain white cloth, washed but not new, neatly folded, and placed -on the metal plate to the right (south) of the rice; - -A small bell-metal vessel (kindi), having no handle, filled with water. - -The lamp is placed on the south side of the mat, the plate next to it -(to the north), and the kindi at a little distance to the left (the -north). The people who sit on the mat always face the east. The mat -having been spread, the various articles just mentioned are brought -from the central room of the house by three women, who set them -in their places. The Tandan's wife carries the lamp, the eldest -woman of the house the bell-metal plate, and some other woman the -kindi. The Tandan of the boy's tara, the boy's sister's husband, -and a friend then sit on the mat covered with a cloth. If the boy -has two brothers-in-law, both sit on the mat, to the exclusion of the -friend. The senior woman of the house then hands three plates of rice -conjee to the Tandan of the girl's tara, who places them in front -of the three persons seated on the mat. To the right of each plate, -a little jaggery (unrefined sugar) is placed on a piece of plantain -leaf. Each of those seated takes about a spoonful of conjee in his -right hand. The Tandan repeats the formula, which has already been -given, and asks "May the conjee be drunk"? He answers his question by -drinking some of the conjee, and eating a little jaggery. All three -then partake of the conjee and jaggery, after which they rise from -the mat, and the plates and mat are removed. The place is cleaned, -and the mats are again put down, while betel is distributed. The two -Tandans then sit on the mat. The girl's Tandan picks up a bundle of -about twenty-five betel leaves, and gives half to the boy's Tandan. The -Tandans exchange betel leaves, each giving the other four. The boy's -Tandan then folds four fanams (one rupee) in four betel leaves, -which he hands to the girl's Tandan, saying "May the conjee ceremony -be performed"? The Tandans again exchange betel leaves as before, -and distribute them to all the castemen present, beginning with the -uncles of the boy and girl. The proceedings in the verandah are now -over. The next part of the ceremony takes place in the middle room -of the house, where the mats, lamp, and other articles are arranged -as before. The two Tandans sit on the mat with the boy on the right -and the girl on the left, facing east. The boy's uncle stands in -front of the Tandans, facing west, and the girl's uncle behind -them, facing east. The boy's father gives to the boy's uncle two -new plain white cloths, with twenty-one fanams (Rs. 5-4) placed on -them. When presenting them, he says "Let the Adayalam be performed" -three times, and the girl's uncle says thrice "Let me receive the -Adayalam." The Tandans again exchange betel leaves, and distribute -them among the castemen. Then follows a feast, and more betel. The -date of the wedding has now to be fixed. They congregate in the middle -room once more, and the Tandans sit on the mat. The girl's Tandan -shares a bundle of betel leaves with the boy's Tandan, who, taking -therefrom four leaves, places two rupees on them, and gives them to -the girl's Tandan. The boy's party supplies this money, which is a -perquisite of the Tandan. When handing over the leaves and the coins, -the boy's Tandan says "On ... (naming a date) ... and ... (the bride -and bridegroom), and friends, and four women will come. Then you must -give us the girl, and you must prepare the food for that day." The -other Tandan replies "If you bring six cloths and forty-two fanams -(Rs. 10-8) as kanam, and two fanams for the muchenan (the girl's -father's sister's son), the girl will be sent to you." The cloths -should be of a kind called enna kacha, each four cubits in length, -but they are not now procurable. Kanam is a term used in land tenures, -for which there is no precise equivalent in English. It is a kind -of mortgage paid by a tenant to a landlord. The former is liable to -eviction by the latter, when he obtains better terms for his land from -another tenant--a condition of modern growth breeding much mischief and -bad blood. But, when a tenant is evicted, he is entitled, according -to law, to the value of certain improvements on the land, including -eight annas for each tree which he has planted. The kanam is paid by -the boy's sister or sisters. His Tandan addresses his brother-in-law -or brothers-in-law in the words "On ... (mentioning a date), you must -come early in the day, with Rs. 10-8 as kanam," and gives him or them -four betel leaves. Those assembled then disperse. The boy's people may -not go to the girl's house before the day appointed for the marriage. - -The next item in connection with a marriage is the issue of invitations -to the wedding. The senior women of the boy's house, and the Tandan, -invite a few friends to assemble at the house of the bridegroom. The -mat, lamp, and other articles are placed in the middle room. The -bridegroom (manavalan) sits on the mat, with a friend on either side -of him. He has previously bathed, and horizontal daubs of sandal paste -have been placed on his forehead, breast, and arms. He wears a new -cloth, which has not been washed. His Tandan has adorned him with -a gold bracelet on his right wrist, a knife with a gold or silver -handle at the waist, and a gold or silver waist-belt or girdle over -the loin-cloth. The bracelet must have an ornamental pattern, as -plain bracelets are not worn by men. The girdle is in the form of a -chain. Besides these things, he must wear ear-rings, and he should have -rings on his fingers. His sister who pays the kanam dresses in the same -style, but her cloths may be of silk, white without a pattern in the -border, and she wears gold bracelets on both wrists. All enjoy a good -meal, and then set out, and visit first the house of the Tandan. He and -his wife walk in front, followed by the boy's elder sisters, if he has -any. Then comes the bridegroom with a friend before and behind him, -with a few women bringing up the rear. At the Tandan's house there -is another meal, and then three, five, or seven houses are visited, -and invitation to the wedding given in person. The proceedings for -the day are then over, and, after three days, the brother-in-law, -uncle, and all others receive invitations. - -On the occasion of the marriage ceremony, the barber first shaves the -bridegroom's head, leaving the usual forelock on the crown, which is -never cut. He performs the operation in a little shed to the east -of the house, and a plantain leaf is placed so that the hair may -fall on it. As a rule, the barber sits in front of the person whose -hair he is shaving, while the latter, sitting cross-legged on the -ground, bends forward. But, on this occasion, the bridegroom sits -on a low wooden stool. Close by are a lamp and a measure of rice -on a plantain leaf. The barber also shaves the two friends of the -bridegroom (changathis), and receives a fanam and the rice for his -trouble. The three youths then bathe, smear themselves with sandal -paste, and proceed to dress. The bridegroom must wear round the -loins a white cloth, new and unwashed. Round the top of the loin -cloth he wears a narrow waist-band (kacha) of silk, from 14 to 21 -cubits in length, with the ends hanging in front and behind. Over -the shoulders is thrown a silk lace handkerchief. He puts in his ears -gold ear-rings, round the neck a necklace called chakra (wheel) mala, -[21] on the right wrist a gold bracelet, gold rings on the fingers, -a gold or silver chain round the loins, and a gold or silver-handled -knife with a sheath of the same metal. The two companions are dressed -in much the same way, but they wear neither necklace nor bracelet. The -women wear as many ornaments as they please. Sisters of the bridegroom -must wear bracelets on both wrists, a necklace, and a silk cloth -(virali) on the shoulders. The bracelet worn by men is called vala, -and must be made of one piece of metal. Those worn by women are -called kadakam, and must be made in two pieces. When all are ready, -mats, and other things are once more placed in the middle room, and -the bridegroom and his two companions sit on the mats. They at once -rise, and proceed to the little shed which has been erected in the -front yard, and again seat themselves on the mats, which, with the -other articles, have been brought thither from the middle room. Then -the Tandan gives betel to the bridegroom and his two companions, who -must chew it. The Tandan's wife, the elder woman of the house, and the -bridegroom's sisters sprinkle rice on their heads. The Tandan gives a -sword to the bridegroom and each of his companions. The procession then -starts. In front walk two Nayars supplied by the Koyma of the desam -(represented by the Nayar landlord). Then come the Tandan and a few -elders, followed by the Tandan's wife and some of the elder women, -the bridegroom with his two companions, his sisters, and finally -the general crowd. As the procession moves slowly on, there is much -dancing, and swinging of swords and shields. At the bride's house, -the party is received by the wife of the Tandan of the tara holding a -lighted lamp, the oldest woman of the family with a plate containing -a measure of rice and a folded cloth, and another woman, who may be -a friend, with a kindi of water. They sprinkle a little rice on the -heads of the party as they enter the yard. The bridegroom sits on a -mat, close to which the lamp and other articles are set. The bride's -Tandan takes charge of the swords, betel is distributed, and a hearty -meal partaken of. The six cloths, which the bridegroom is required -to bring are in reality three double cloths, one of which is for the -use of the bride. It is the privilege of the bridegroom's sisters and -the Tandan's wife to dress her. Her waist-cloth is tied in a peculiar -way for the occasion, and she is enveloped from head to foot in a -silken cloth, leaving only the eyes visible. The bridegroom, after -his arrival at the bride's house, has to put on a peculiar turban -of conical shape, made of a stiff towel-like material, tied round -with a silk handkerchief. The bridegroom's sister leads the bride -to the little shed (pandal) in the yard, and seats her behind the -bridegroom. The kanam, and the remaining four cloths are then given -by the bridegroom's sister to the bride's mother, and they, having -tied a silk handkerchief across the body like a Brahman's thread, -stand behind the bridegroom, the mother to the right and the sister -to the left. The latter says three times "Let the kanam be given," -and hands it to the bride's mother, who, as she receives it, says -thrice "Let me receive the kanam." The mother at once hands it -over to her husband, or the senior male member of the family. The -Tandan then places plantain leaves, for use as plates, before the -bridegroom and his two companions, and, facing the bridegroom, -holds a vessel of cooked rice in front of him. The bride's mother, -standing behind him, serves out thrice some rice out of the pot on -to the leaf in front of the bridegroom, and the Tandan does the same -for his two companions. The bride's mother then mixes some plantains, -pappadams (large thin biscuits), sugar, and ghi (clarified butter) -with the rice on the bridegroom's leaf-plate, and offers the food to -him three times. She will not, however, allow him to taste it. It is -taken from his lips, and removed by the washerwomen. The bridegroom's -sister has the same play with the bride. The rice, which has thus been -made a feature of the ceremony, is called ayini. A few days prior -to the marriage, two small bundles of betel leaves, each containing -areca nuts, half a dozen tobacco leaves, and two fanams are given -by the bridegroom to the Nayar chieftain of the desam as his fee for -furnishing an escort. In return for these offerings, he gives a new -cloth to the bridegroom. Three measures of raw rice, ten or twelve -pappadams, plantains, a cocoanut, and some dry uncooked curry-stuff -are given by the bridegroom to each of the Nayars provided as escort -on the eve of the marriage. When they arrive on the scene on the -wedding day, they are given some beaten rice, rice cakes, cocoanuts, -plantains, and a drink of arrack (spirit). When the bride's parents and -relations come for the Vathil ceremony, the same escort is provided, -and the same presents are given. Just as the bridegroom and all are -ready to leave, the bride's father's sister's son called the machunan, -steps forward, and demands two fanams from the bridegroom's party -in return for permission to take away the bride. He gets his money, -and the party starts for the bridegroom's house, after rice has been -sprinkled over the heads of the contracting couple, the sisters of -the bridegroom leading the bride. The swords, which have been returned -by the Tandan, are again used in flourishing and dancing en route. - -It is a prevalent custom throughout Southern India that a -girl's father's sister's son has the first right to her hand in -marriage. This obtains not only among the Dravidian peoples, but -also among Brahmans. The Malayalam word for son-in-law (marumakan) -means nephew. If a stranger should marry a girl, he also is called -nephew. But the unmarried nephew, having the first admitted right -to the girl, must be paid eight annas, or two fanams, before he will -allow her to be taken away. The argument is said to be as follows. A -sister pays forty-two fanams as kanam for her brother's wife. When -the product, i.e., a daughter, is transferred to a stranger, the son -claims compensation on his mother's investment at the same rate as -that at which a cocoanut tree is valued--eight annas. At all events, -the nephew has the first right to a girl, and must be compensated -before she can be taken away by another. - -At the bridegroom's house, the party is received by the wife of -the Tandan and the lady of the house. Following the bride should -come her parents and other relations, two Nayars representing the -chieftain, and the Tandan of his tara. The formalities with mats and -rice are gone through as before. Rice is sprinkled over the heads, -the Tandan receives the swords, and all sit in the shed. The ayini -rice ceremony is repeated for the bride by the bridegroom's mother -and sisters. The happy pair then proceed to the inner room of the -house, where sweetmeats are served to them. Then is observed, as a -rule, the asaram or gift ceremony. Relations are expected to give 101 -fanams (Rs. 25-4), but the poorest of them are allowed to reduce the -gift to 21 fanams (Rs. 5-4), and the others give according to their -means. These gifts are supposed to be repaid with interest. The Tandan -sees that a regular account of all the gifts is made out, and handed -over to the bridegroom, and receives eight annas for his trouble. The -accountant who prepares the accounts, and the person who tests the -genuineness of the coins, each receives a bundle of betel leaves, -four areca nuts, and two tobacco leaves. Betel leaves, areca nuts, -and tobacco, are also given to each giver of gifts. After this, there -is the vatil or house ceremony. Two large bundles of betel leaves -are prepared, each of which contains a thousand or fifteen hundred -leaves, and with them are placed forty or fifty tobacco leaves, and -seventy to a hundred areca nuts. The bride's Tandan pays two or four -rupees as vatil kanam to the Tandan of the bridegroom, who hands -the money to the bridegroom's father. The bridegroom then places -one bundle of betel leaves, with half the tobacco and areca nuts, -before the bride's father, and the other before her mother, and they -are distributed by the Tandan of the girl's tara and his wife among -the men and women who are present. Sweetmeats are then distributed, -and the marriage ceremony is concluded. A formal visit must be made -subsequently by the women of the bride's house to the bridegroom's, -and is returned by the bride and bridegroom. The first visit is -paid by a party consisting of the bride's mother, her uncle's and -brother's wives, the wife of the Tandan, and other relations. They -are expected to bring with them plenty of sweetmeats and bread for -general distribution. When the return visit is made by the bride and -bridegroom, the sister of the latter, and other relations and friends, -should accompany them, and they should take with them a lot of betel -leaves, areca nuts, tobacco, and sweetmeats. This exchange of visits -does not, however, complete those which are de rigueur. For, at the -next Onam and Vishu festivals, the newly married couple should visit -the house of the bride's family. Onam is the beginning of the first -harvest, and Vishu the agricultural new year. On these occasions, the -bridegroom takes with him the inevitable betel leaves, and presents -a new cloth to the parents of the bride and every one else in the -house. When the annual Tiruvathira festival takes place between the -betrothal and marriage ceremonies, the bridegroom is expected to -send to the temple, through his Tandan and one of his own relations, -a quantity of ripe and unripe plantains. - -The ceremonies which have been described differ considerably from -those of the Tiyans of North Malabar, where the marumakkatayam law -of inheritance obtains. These are very simple affairs. - -In the Calicut taluk, a man can marry only one wife at a time. But, -when a wife is barren, a leper, or suffering from incurable disease, -her husband may, with her formal permission, marry another wife. A -bride may be of any age. Where there is no stipulation as to dowry, it -is a point of honour to give the girl as many jewels as the bridegroom -can afford. Widows may remarry. - -Divorce is admissible, when the grounds for it are sufficient. And, -when we find that incompatibility of temper is among these, it is -safe to say that it is fairly easy of accomplishment. No specific -reason need, in fact, be assigned. When it is the man who wishes to -get rid of his wife, he must pay her all her expenses towards the -marriage, as assessed by persons of the caste who fill the rôle -of mediators. He has to give up jewels received from his wife's -family, and must, in some cases, pay the discarded wife something on -account of her loss of virginity--a circumstance, which might make -it difficult for her to obtain another husband. If the wife wishes -to get rid of her husband, she must pay up all his expenses towards -the marriage. The party found to be in the wrong must pay a fee of -five to twenty rupees to the Tandan and all present, the relations -excepted. The amount is distributed then and there. The procedure to -be adopted in effecting divorce is as follows. The Tandans of both -sides, uncles and relations, and sometimes the fathers, assemble at -the house of the wife, the Tandan, or one of the relations. To the -left of a burning lamp are placed two small wooden stools. On one -of these are laid a small towel with four fanams (one rupee) tied -up in a corner of it, and another towel with a little rice and four -fanams tied up in it. Close by is the other stool, on which the wife's -uncle stretches a single thread taken from his own cloth. The husband -carries this stool to the gate, and says three times to the wife's -brother, father, or uncle--"Your sister's (daughter's or niece's) -matrimonial connection is severed." He then blows away the thread, -throws the stool down, and departs for ever. This little ceremony -cannot be performed at the husband's house, as it would involve -perpetual banishment from his own house. The coins in the cloths go -to the Tandans. It is the uncle who gives these cloths, because it -was he who received the two cloths at the conjee ceremony. A marriage -cannot be dissolved unless both parties agree. - -A girl is under pollution for four days from the commencement of the -first menstrual period. During this time she must keep to the north -side of the house, where she sleeps on a grass mat of a particular -kind, in a room festooned with garlands of young cocoanut leaves. Round -the mat is a narrow ridge made of paddy (unhusked rice), rice, and -flowers of the cocoanut and areca palms. A lamp is kept burning, near -which are placed the various articles already described in connection -with marriage. Another girl keeps her company and sleeps with her, but -she must not touch any other person, tree or plant. She further must -not see the sky, and woe betide her if she catches sight of a crow or -cat. Her diet must be strictly vegetarian, without salt, tamarinds, or -chillies. She is armed against evil spirits with an iron knife carried -on her person, or placed on the mat. On the first day, she is seated on -a wooden stool in the yard to the east of the house. The fresh spathe -of a cocoanut is cut in front of her. The bunch of blossoms is placed -in a copper pot painted with perpendicular lines of chunam (lime), -and a horizontal line at the top and bottom. The spathe of an areca -palm is similarly treated, and, if the contents of both spathes are -plentiful, it is regarded as a good augury of fertility. The wife of -the girl's uncle, or, if she is married, her husband's sister pours -some gingelly (Sesamum) oil over her head, on the top of which a gold -fanam has been placed. Failing such relations, the wife of the Tandan -officiates. The operation is repeated by two other women, relatives -if possible. The oil is poured from a little cup made from a leaf -of the jak tree (Artocarpus integrifolia), flows over the forehead, -and is received with the fanam in a dish. It is a good omen if the -coin falls with the obverse upwards. Rice is cooked with jaggery, -and given to the girl. The other women partake thereof, and then have -a feast by themselves. The anointing with oil is the only bath the -girl has until the fourth day. On the third day, she is not allowed -to eat rice in any form, but she may partake of any other grain in -the form of cakes. Her uncle's wife, husband's sister, and other -relations, give her presents of cakes and bread. During the night, -the mattu, or cloth-changing ceremony, takes place. First of all, -the washerman comes along with the washerwoman, carrying two washed -cloths. In the front yard of the house a lamp with an odd number of -wicks is burning. In a bamboo basket are a small measure (edangali) -of paddy heaped up on a plantain leaf, a measure of rice on another -leaf, two separate quarter measures thereof, a piece of turmeric, -a little straw, a piece of coir (cocoanut fibre), and a cocoanut. As -soon as he enters, the washerman, using the straw and coir skilfully, -makes a bundle of the contents of the basket, and places it near the -lamp, which is standing on a wooden stool. A cocoanut is cut in half, -and placed, half on each side, by the stool. Thereon is set a flat -bell-metal dish, containing a little rice and seven rolls of betel -leaves and areca nuts. The washerwoman, having received the mattu -from the woman, places it on his head and proceeds to sing a song, -at the conclusion of which he says solemnly three times "Let me place -the mattu." He then places the cloths on the bundle, which is on the -stool. The girl's uncle's wife, and four other women, have by this time -emerged from the middle room of the house, carrying a lighted lamp, -a plate with a measure of rice, and a kindi as before. The uncle's -wife, having covered her breast with a silk cloth, and wearing all her -ornaments, leads the other four women as they walk thrice round the -mattu. She then places a fanam (or a four-anna piece) on the mattu, -lifts the stool, bundle and all, with one hand on the mattu and the -other below the stool, and leads the procession of the women, with -the lamp and other articles, to the room where the girl has been -sleeping. She deposits her burden near the spot where the girl has -laid her head. A general feast then takes place, and the washerman -appropriates the fanam, and the paddy and rice spread in the yard. So -ends the third day of these strange observances. On the fourth day, -the girl bathes in a neighbouring pool, with some ceremonial. Before -she leaves the house, the washerman fixes in the ground a branch -of a certain tree, to the top and bottom of which he ties the two -ends of a long line of thin coir rope or yarn. This is supposed to -represent the bow of Kama, the Indian Cupid. He erects a miniature -temple-like structure of young cocoanut leaves, with the stems -of young plantains near it, by the side of the pool. Close to it, -he places a burning lamp, and a small quantity of rice and paddy, -each on a separate plantain leaf. Near them he sets a cocoanut, which -has been blackened with charcoal, on some rice spread on a plantain -leaf, a cocoanut reddened with turmeric and chunam on raw rice, and -another on a leaf, containing fried paddy. [22] He further deposits -a few plantains, and two other cocoanuts. Before the girl leaves -the house, clad in one of the cloths brought on the previous night, -she is well rubbed all over with oil, and the four or six women [23] -who accompany her are similarly treated. Leading the way, they are -followed by a number of women to the pool, where the girl and her -companions bathe. After the bath, they stand by the side of the pool, -facing east and holding lighted cotton-wicks in their hands, and -go round the miniature temple three times, throwing the wicks into -it. The washerman again breaks out into song, accompanying himself by -striking a bell-metal plate with a stick. When he has finished, and -gone through a little more business on his own account, the girl's -husband or brother (if she is unmarried) appears on the scene. He -holds aloft the coir string, under the lower end of which a cocoanut -has been placed on the ground. The girl passes three times forwards -and backwards without touching it. Two cotton wicks, lighted at both -ends, are laid on the cocoanut, and the girl should cut the wicks and -the cocoanut through, completely severing them, with one blow of a -strong knife or chopper. If she is successful, the omen is considered -good. The girl, with her party, then bathes a second time. As she comes -out of the water, she kicks out backwards like a mule, and sends the -stem with the single cocoanut attached flying into the water with her -right foot. The second mattu cloth is then brought, and she is clad in -it. Then she is full dressed and ornamented and led back to the house -with a silk canopy over her head. She is taken to the middle room, -and cakes and rice are given to her to eat. A feast is then held. The -girl has so far been purified as regards most affairs of life, but she -cannot touch any cooking-vessel until she has undergone yet another -ceremony. This takes place on the seventh or ninth day after the first -appearance of the menses. Every day until then the girl is rubbed with -gingelly oil and turmeric. Three ordinary earthenware cooking-pots are -piled, one above the other, in the kitchen. The uppermost pot contains -cooked rice, the middle one rice boiled with jaggery, and the lowest -curry. The pots must be new, and are marked with perpendicular daubs -of chunam. Seated on a low wooden stool to the west of the pots, the -girl, facing the east, touches each pot with a knife. When the first of -all these menstruation ceremonies has taken place at the house of the -girl's husband, her mother brings some cakes on this last day. If it -has been performed at her father's house, her husband's sister should -bring the cakes. They are distributed among all present, and a small -meal is partaken of. All the expenses of the first, and seventh or -ninth day ceremonies, are borne by the people of the house, who may -be those of the family of the girl's father or husband. The expenses -of the ceremonial of the fourth day are defrayed by the girl's husband -if they have been performed at her father's house, and vice versâ. - -The young wife has an easy time of it until the fifth month of -her pregnancy, when she must again submit to becoming the subject -for ceremonial. Then takes place the Belikala, for the purpose of -appeasing some of the many malignant spirits, who are unceasing -in their attempts to destroy infants in the womb. This consists -for the most part of offerings, which are repeated in the seventh -month. They are performed by members of the Mannan (washerman) -and Panan (exorcists and devil-dancers) castes. At the commencement -thereof, there is a feast. A structure, in shape something like a -Muhammadan taboot, [24] about five feet in height, is erected in the -front yard of the house. It is made of stems of young plantain trees, -and festooned with leaves of young cocoanut palms. The floor of the -little edifice, and the ground outside it to the west, are strewn -with charcoal made from paddy husk, on which are made magic squares -of white rice flour, intermingled with red, green, and yellow, each -colour being compounded with specified substances. The squares are -not always the same, but are prepared for each occasion, so as to -suit the particular spirit which is to be invoked and appeased. The -pregnant woman, with six female companions, leaves the middle room -of the house, carrying the usual lamp and other articles, and they -walk seven times round the edifice. Before completing the last round, -each throws into it a burning wick. They then stand to the west of it, -facing east, and sit down. The Mannans invoke the spirit in song, -accompanied by the clang of metal plates beaten with sticks. Drums -must not be used. The music and weird devil-dancing go on more or -less all night, and by morning some of the most nervous of the women, -overcome by the spirit, go into fits. The fees for the devil-dancing -are paid by the pregnant woman's father. Last of all, a live cock is -held against the forehead of the woman, mantrams (magical formulæ) -are repeated, and rice is thrown over her head. If she should have -a fit, the head of the cock is cut off, and the blood offered to the -demon spirit. If, however, she does not suffer from undue excitement, -the cock is simply removed alive. She is left in peace for the next -two months, when she goes to her father's house, at which there is -more devil-dancing at another Belikala ceremony. The fees are paid -by the woman's husband. They vary from five to thirty-two rupees, -according to the cost of the edifice which is erected, and the quality -of the dancing. The invocation of some of the devils requires specially -trained dancers who must be paid high fees. On the morning following -the dance, the tamarind juice drinking ceremony takes place at the -house of the woman's father. The fees in connection with this are -debited to the husband. Taking advantage of an auspicious moment, the -husband and two companions bathe in the early morning, and make a neat -toilette, the husband wearing a necklace. They then go to the nearest -tamarind, and pluck three small leafy twigs, which they bring to the -house. The husband's sister pounds the leaves in a mortar in a little -shed or pandal in the front yard. The juice is then strained through a -new double cloth eight cubits in length by the husband's sisters. If he -has no sisters, this should be done by his and his wife's mothers. Rice -conjee is then prepared with water, in which the tamarind juice has -been mixed. The husband, and his two companions, sit under the pandal, -where the usual lamp and other articles have been placed, with the -wife behind him. Her brother then feeds him thrice with the conjee -from a small gold spoon. The husband's sister feeds the wife in like -manner. One of the three twigs is planted by the husband in the front -yard, and his wife waters it every day until the child is born. In the -ninth month, the husband's sister presents his wife with a couple of -pounds of cummin seed and jaggery. The woman who brings this little -gift should be given some cakes and sweetmeats. During pregnancy, -a woman always wears an amulet concealed within a cylindrical tube -on her neck, to protect her against malignant spirits. - -The young wife's child is born at her father's house, where she is -under the care of her mother. When the child is born, the brother of -the newly made mother goes out into the yard, and strikes the ground -three times with the stem of a dry cocoanut palm leaf. If the child -is a boy, he emits a long drawn out ku-u-u-u in high falsetto as he -does so. It is then the duty of the brother and the midwife to go and -inform the father of the event. The midwife receives from him her fee, -and a present of a cloth, and other presents from his sisters. If -the child is a boy, the brother receives a cloth, and, if a girl, -a cloth and a bell-metal plate. - -The event of the birth of a child carries with it, as in the case of -death, pollution to every one in the house. This is partially removed -by ceremonies on the third day, and wholly by further ceremonies on the -ninth or eleventh day, whichever happens to be the more auspicious--a -Tuesday for example. Any one coming to the house before the first -ceremonies have taken place must bathe and wash his or her cloth to -remove the pollution. Any one visiting the house after the first, but -before the second ceremony, need not bathe, but cannot eat any food -in the house. The men of the household can get no rice at home until -after the second ceremony has been performed, and they are consequently -compelled to board elsewhere for the time being. A washerwoman carries -out the purification rites, assisted by a barber woman. First of all, -the floors of all the rooms are smeared with cow-dung. All clothes -in use are given to the washerwoman. The women rub their bodies all -over with oil, and the washerwoman brings mattu for them. The barber -woman sprinkles a mixture of cow's milk and karuka grass leaves over -the women, who then go to a pool and bathe. When the milk is about -to be sprinkled, the usual lamp, rice on a metal plate, and kindi of -water are produced. The barber woman takes the rice and one fanam, -and receives also some cocoanut and gingelly (Sesamum) oil. Much -the same things are given to the washerwoman. The second ceremony -is just like the first, but, even after its completion, the women of -the house cannot touch any cooking-vessels until after the fifteenth -day. The ceremony of touching the cooking pots, as at the time of the -first menstrual period, is then performed. These three purificatory -ceremonies must be performed after every birth. - -On the twenty-seventh or fortieth day after the birth of a child, -the mother and the infant are taken back to the husband's house, -and cow's milk is for the first time given to the child. This event, -which has all the solemnity of a regular function, takes place in -the middle room, where the lamp, mat and other articles have been -arranged. The child's paternal grandfather, father's elder brother, -or other senior man administers the milk, which has been boiled. A -gold bracelet is dipped in it, and the drops of milk are made to -fall into the child's mouth. As this is being done, the celebrant -whispers in the child's right ear the name which will be formally -given to it in the sixth month. The eldest son is always named after -the paternal grandfather, and the second after the father. In like -manner, the eldest girl is named after its own mother. Relations and -friends take this opportunity to make presents of bracelets and other -articles to the infant. A feast is then held. After the ceremony is -over, the parents of the child's mother have to send about half a -bag of rice flour mixed with jaggery to her husband's house. - -For the first six months of its life, a child's food consists of -nature's fount and cow's milk. It is then, before the sixth month is -over, given boiled rice for the first time. The ceremony takes place -either in the middle room of its father's house, or at a temple. The -child's grandfather, or the eldest male member of the family, sits -on a mat, and takes the child in his lap. With a gold ring he applies -honey three times to its mouth, and then gives it a little rice three -times. Female relations who are present follow his example, giving -the child first honey, and then rice. Several women, with the lighted -lamp and other articles, carry the child into the yard, to show it -the sky. They go round a cocoanut tree, and stand before the front -door, facing west. An elder among the women of the house stands at -the front door, calls out the name of the child three times, and asks -it to come inside. The relations give little presents of ornaments, -and there is a feast. - -It will be observed that even a child's life is not entirely free from -ceremonial. When it has grown up, it undergoes more of it, and, when it -has lived its course on earth, is the subject of still more ceremonial -long after it is dead. All these affairs involve some expenditure, but -the one which literally runs away with money is marriage. The others -are not extravagances, nor are they as costly as might be implied from -the continual feasting of a large number of people. We must not think -of these feasts as of a banquet at the Carlton, but as simple affairs, -at which simple people are content with simple though pleasing fare. - -When a child is provided by nature with teeth, it is the subject -of a little ceremony, during which it is expected to disclose its -natural propensities. The usual mat and other articles are arranged, -and there are in addition a large flat bell-metal plate containing -a rice cake, a knife, a palmyra leaf grantham (book), a cocoanut, -and a gold ornament. The child is let loose, and allowed to pick out -anything from the plate. If it takes the cake, it will be greedy; if -the knife, brave; if the book, learned; if the cocoanut, a landlord; -and, if the gold ornament, rich. - -A child's head is shaved in the third or fifth year. The barber, who -performs the operation, is allowed to take away the rice which, with -the lamp, is at hand. He also receives a fanam and a new cloth. The -people of the child's mother bring rice cakes. - -The last day of the Dasara festival in the fifth year of a child's -life is that on which instruction in the alphabet begins. A teacher, -who has been selected with care, or a lucky person holds the child's -right hand, and makes it trace the fifty-one letters of the Malayalam -alphabet on raw rice spread on a plate. The fore-finger, which is the -one used in offering water to the souls of the dead and in other parts -of the death ceremonies, must not be used for tracing the letters, -but is placed above the middle finger, merely to steady it. For -the same reason, a doctor, when making up a pill, will not use the -fore-finger. When, later on, the child goes to the village school, -the fifty-one letters are written one by one on its tongue with a -gold style, if one is available. As each letter is formed, the child -has to repeat the sound of it. - -The lobes of both a child's ears are bored with a golden pin or a -thorn. The helix of the ear is not bored for the purpose of inserting -ornaments in it, but is sometimes bored as a remedy for disease, -e.g., hernia. Everywhere else in Southern India, it is common for -people of almost every class to have the helix of the left ear bored. - -The tali-tying ceremony must be performed before a girl attains -puberty. The Tiyan tali is usually of gold, and worth about -half-a-crown. It is not the one which is worn in every day life, but -the one which is used in the ceremony about to be described. Throughout -Southern India, the tali is the ordinary symbol of marriage among -Hindus, and it is even worn by Syrian Christians. In Malabar, and the -Native States of Cochin and Travancore, it is a symbol of marriage, -with which a girl is ceremoniously adorned, as a rule before she is -affianced. The ceremony occupies three days, on the last of which the -tali is tied. On the first day, a shed or pandal is erected in the -front yard. Within it a similar structure is prepared with the leaves -of an areca palm, which has been cut down at an auspicious moment, and -with the formal sanction of the Tandan of the tara. This inner pandal -is tastefully decorated with pictures and flowers. It is important -to note that this little pandal must not be begun until the first -day of the ceremony. On this day, the carpenter of the tara brings -a low wooden seat, rather long and narrow, made from the pala tree -(Alstonia scholaris), which must be cut at an auspicious moment, for -which he receives one fanam. This seat is called mana. [25] A grass mat -is spread in the middle room of the house, with a white cloth over it, -on which the mana is placed. A lamp, vessel of water, and the usual -paraphernalia are arranged on the ground to the south close by. When -these preliminaries have been completed, the girl is brought by the -uncle's wife to the pandal, and seated on a stool. In front of her, -a lamp, and other things which are a feature in all ceremonials, and -a measure of paddy are placed on the ground, a gold fanam is put on -her head, and over it gingelly oil is poured. As the coin falls from -the forehead, it is caught in a cup. It is important which side falls -uppermost. The girl is then taken to a pool for bathing, and returns -to the pandal. She is conducted to the middle room of the house in -procession, with a silk canopy over her head and women carrying lamps, -etc. She is confined in this room, which is decorated in the manner -described when speaking of the menstruation ceremony, until the third -day. She sleeps on a mat, surrounded by a little ridge of rice and -paddy, cocoanut and areca palm flowers, and near her head is a copper -pot marked with vertical daubs of white. The blacksmith of the tara -brings a little stick, called charathkot, with an iron blade at one -end, which is supposed to represent an arrow of Kama. This the girl -keeps constantly at her side, and carries in her hand when compelled -by nature to leave the room. While confined in the room, she is not -allowed to eat fish, flesh, or salt, or see any animals, especially -a cat, dog, or crow. On the third day, the tali is prepared on the -spot by the village goldsmith. The girl's uncle gives him the gold, -which he melts, and works at in the pandal at an auspicious moment. The -paddy and rice, which, with the lamp and vessel of water, have been -in evidence during the operations, are given to the goldsmith, with a -fanam for his labour. A weaver brings two new cloths, of a particular -kind called mantra-kodi, for which the girl's uncle pays. One is worn -by the girl, and the mana is covered with the other. The girl is taken -to bathe, and, after the bath, is richly dressed and ornamented, and -brought in procession, with a canopy over her head, to the house, -where she is conducted to the inner room. The mana is then placed, -with the cloth near it, on a grass mat in the inner pandal. The -uncle's wife sits on the mat, and the uncle lifts the girl, carries her -three times round the pandal, and deposits her in his wife's lap. The -astrologer, who is present, indicates the moment when the tali should -be tied. The girl's father gives him a fanam, and receives from him a -little rice, called muhurtham (auspicious time). When the psychological -moment has arrived he sprinkles the rice on the girl's head, saying -"It is time." The tali is then tied round the girl's neck by the -uncle's wife. At the upper end of the tali is a ring, through which -the thread passes. The thread which is used for the purpose is drawn -from the cloth with which the mana has been covered. [It is odd that -there are some families of Nayars, who are not allowed to use a tali -with a ring to receive the string, and are therefore obliged to make -a hole in the tali itself.] As soon as the tali has been tied on the -girl's neck, a number of boys burst into song, praising Ganapathi -(the elephant god), and descriptive of the marriage of King Nala -and Damayanti, or of Sri Krishna and Rukmani. Every one joins in, -and the song ends with shouts and hurrahs. A mock feeding ceremony -is then carried out. Three plantain leaves are spread in front of -the girl in the pandal, and rice, plantains, and pappadams are spread -thereon. The uncle's wife offers some of each to the girl three times, -but does not allow her to touch it with her lips. The girl is then -taken to a temple, to invoke the God's blessing. - -The description which has just been given is that of the ceremony which -is performed, if the girl has not been affianced. If a husband has been -arranged for her, it is he who ties the tali, and his sister takes -the place of the uncle's wife. Otherwise the ceremony is the same, -with this difference, however, that, when the husband ties the tali, -there can be no divorce, and the girl cannot remarry in the event of -his death. - -In North, as in South Malabar, the tali-tying ceremony is always -performed before puberty, and occupies four days. This is the orthodox -procedure. The girl wears a cloth provided by the washerwoman. She is -taken from the middle room of the house to the yard, and there seated -on a plank of pala wood. Placed in front of her are a small measure -of rice and paddy, a washed white cloth, and a small bell-metal vessel -(kindi) on a bell-metal plate. The barber pours cocoanut water on her -head, on which a silver and copper coin have been placed. One of her -relations then pours water from a vessel containing some raw rice -over her head, using two halves of a cocoanut as a spout. The girl -is then taken back to the middle room, where she remains for three -days. There is a feast in the evening. On the fourth day, a pandal is -erected in the front yard, and decorated. The girl is taken to bathe -at a neighbouring pool, preceded by women carrying a lamp, a kindi of -water, and other things which have been already described. During her -absence, the barber performs puja to Ganapathi in the pandal. After -bathing, she cuts a cocoanut in half, and returns in procession, -with a silk canopy over her head, amid music and singing, and enters -the middle room of the house. The barber woman ties a gold ornament -(netti pattam) on her forehead, which she marks with sandal paste, -and blackens her eyes with eye-salve. The uncle's wife, preceded by -women bearing a lamp and other articles, carries the mana, covered with -cloth, from the middle room to the pandal. She walks three times round -the pandal, and places the mana on a grass mat, over which has been -spread some paddy and some rice where the girl will put her foot. The -women who have carried the lamp, etc., return to the room, and escort -the girl to the pandal. She walks thrice round it, and takes her seat -on the mana. The barber hands her a little rice, which she throws on -the lighted lamp, and articles which have been used in the puja to -Ganapathi, and on the post supporting the south-west corner of the -pandal. This post should be of pala wood, or have a twig of that tree -tied to it. More rice is handed to the girl, and she throws it to -the cardinal points of the compass, to the earth, and to the sky. A -small earthen pot containing rice, a cocoanut, betel, and areca nuts, -is placed near the girl. Into this a variety of articles, each tied -up separately in a piece of plantain leaf, are placed. These consist -of a gold coin, a silver coin, salt, rice, paddy, turmeric, charcoal, -and pieces of an old cadjan leaf from the thatch of the house. The -mouth of the pot is then covered over with a plantain leaf tied with -string. The girl sprinkles rice three times over the pot, makes a hole -in the leaf, and picks out one of the articles, which is examined -as an augur of her destiny. Betel leaves and areca nuts are then -passed twice round her head, and thrown away. She next twists off a -cocoanut from a bunch hanging at a corner of the pandal. Then follows -the presentation of cloths called mantra-kodi. These must be new, -and of a particular kind. Each of her relations throws one of these -cloths over the girl's head. Half of them (perhaps ten or twelve) -go to the barber, who, at this point, pours cocoanut water from the -leaf of a banyan tree on her head, on which a silver and copper coin -have been placed. The astrologer is then asked whether it is time -to tie the tali, and replies three times in the affirmative. The -barber woman hands the tali strung on a thread to the girl's uncle's -wife, who ties it round the girl's neck. The barber woman then pours -water on the girl's hands. Three times the water is flung upwards, -and then to the east, west, south, and north. A cotton wick, steeped -in oil, is then twisted round a piece of bamboo, and stuck on a young -cocoanut. The girl is asked if she sees the sun, looks at the lighted -wick, and says that she does. She is then taken to a cocoanut tree, -preceded by the lamp, etc. She walks three times round the tree, -and pours water over the root. The ceremony is now concluded, and -the girl is marched back to the middle room. - -A variation of the tali-tying ceremony, as performed in Chavakad -on the coast between Calicut and Cochin, may be briefly described, -because it possesses some interesting features. It is always done -by the intended husband, or some one representing him. Seven days -prior to the beginning of the ceremony, the carpenter of the tara, -with the permission of the Tandan (here called Avakasi), cuts down an -areca palm, and fixes part of it as the south-east post of the booth, -at which the tali will be tied. On the sixth day, the girl is formally -installed in the middle room of the house. The carpenter brings a mana -of pala wood, the cost of which is paid by the father, and does puja -to it. The bridegroom's party arrive. A lamp is lighted in the booth, -which is at this time partly, but not entirely, made ready. Near the -lamp are placed a measure of paddy, half a measure (nazhi) of rice, -a looking-glass, a kindi of water, and a wooden cheppu (a rude vessel -with a sliding cover). The wives of the Tandan and uncle, together -with some other women, bring the girl, and seat her on the mana. The -uncle's wife parts her hair, and places a gold fanam on her crown. The -Tandan's wife then pours a little oil on it over a leaf of the jak -tree three times. The other women do the same. The girl is then taken -to a pool, and bathed. Before her return, the mana should be placed -ready for her in the middle room of the house. In the evening there -is a feast. On the day but one following, the tali is tied. The last -post of the booth is put up, and it is completed and decorated on the -tali-tying day. A lamp, looking-glass, and other things are put in -it. A grass mat is spread on the floor, and a kambli (blanket) and a -whitewashed cloth are placed over it. On either side of it is placed -a pillow. The bridegroom and his party wait in an adjoining house, -for they must not appear on the scene until the psychological moment -arrives. The Tandan of the bridegroom's tara, with a few friends, -comes first, and hands over two cloths and ten rupees eight annas to -the bride's Tandan. The girl is dressed in one of these cloths, and -led to the booth, the bridegroom's sister holding her by the hand. She -sits on the mana, which has been brought, and placed on the cloth, -by her uncle. The bridegroom comes in procession, carried on his -uncle's shoulders. The girl is still a child, and he is only a few -years her senior. His uncle puts him down on the right side of the -girl, after walking thrice round the booth. The girl's uncle's wife -sits close to her, on the other side, on the mana. Her father asks the -astrologer three times if it is the proper time to tie the tali, and is -answered thrice in the affirmative. Then the boy bridegroom ties the -tali on the girl's neck. The boy and girl sing out a chorus in praise -of Ganapathi, and end up with three loud shouts and hurrahs. Then -the boy seats himself on the ground, outside the pillow. The girl is -taken inside the house, and, after a general feast, is brought back, -and seated on the mana, and rice and flowers are sprinkled. No money -is paid to the uncle's son, as at Calicut. The boy bridegroom pays -eight annas to his sister for leading the bride by the hand. When the -marriage has been done by proxy, the boy bridegroom is selected from a -tarwad into which the girl might marry. He stays at the girl's house -for three days, and, on the fourth day, the boy and girl are taken -to a temple. A formal divorce is effected, and the boy is taken away. - -It will not be worth while to attempt a description of the marriage -ceremony of the Tiyans of North Malabar, because there is none, or -next to none. There the Tiyans and all classes, including even the -Muhammadan Mappillas, follow the rule of marumakkatayam, or inheritance -through females from uncle to nephew. The children have no right to -their father's property. Either party may annul the marital union -at will, without awarding any compensation; and, as its infraction -is easy and simple, so is its institution. Nor is there any rigid -inquiry as to the antecedents of either party. It is an affair of -mutual arrangement, attended with little formality. Proceeding to the -girl's house, accompanied by a few friends, the intending husband -takes with him a couple of cloths, one for the girl, and the other -for her mother. In parts of North Malabar, the Tiyan women wear an -ornament called chittu (ring) in a hole bored in the top of the helix -of each ear. The holes are bored in childhood, but the chittu is not -worn until the girl forms a marital union with a man. The chittus -are made on the spot at the time, in the marriage pandal erected for -the occasion, the girl's uncle providing the gold. They are never -removed during life, except in cases of dire distress. "To sell -chittu" is equivalent to having become a pauper. It is supposed that, -in olden days, the marriage ceremonies lasted over seven days, and -were subsequently reduced to seven meals, or three and a half days, -and then to one day. Now the bridegroom remains the first night at -the bride's house, and then takes her to his home. Before they leave, -a cocoanut, the outer husk of which has been removed, is placed on -a stool of pala wood, and one of the bridegroom's party must smash -it with his fist. Some of the more orthodox in North Malabar observe -the formality of examining horoscopes, and a ceremony equivalent to -the conjee-drinking ceremony which has been described, called achara -kaliana, and the payment of kanam in the shape of forty-one fanams, -instead of forty-two as in South Malabar. In connection with fanams it -may be noted that the old gold fanam is reckoned as worth four annas, -whereas five silver or velli fanams make a rupee. Everywhere in rural -Malabar, calculations are made in terms of velli fanams thus:-- - - - 10 pice (1/12 of an anna) = 1 velli. - 5 vellis = 1 rupee. - - -Bazaar men, and those who sell their small stock at the weekly markets -all about the country, arrange their prices in vellis. - -When the death of a Tiyan is expected, all the relations draw near, and -await the fateful moment. The person who is about to die is laid on the -floor of the middle room, for it is inauspicious to die on a cot. We -will suppose that the dying man is a parent and a landlord. Each of -the sons and daughters gives him a little conjee water, just before -he passes away. At the moment of death, all the women bawl out in -lamentations, giving the alarm of death. The Cheruman serfs in the -fields join in the chorus, and yell out an unintelligible formula of -their own. Absent relations are all formally invited. From the houses -of the son's wife and daughter's husband are sent quantities of jak -fruits, unripe plantains, and cocoanuts, as death gifts. One half of -the husks of the cocoanuts is removed, and the other half left on the -shell. After the cremation or burial, these articles are distributed -among those present by the Tandan, who receives an extra share for -his trouble. When life is extinct, the body is placed with the head -to the south, and the thumbs and big toes are tied together. It is -then taken out into the yard, washed, bathed in oil, dressed in a new -cloth, and brought back to the middle room. A cocoanut is cut in two, -and the two halves, with a lighted wick on each, are placed at the -head and foot. The house-owner spreads a cotton cloth over the corpse, -and all the relations, and friends, do the same. Any one who wishes -to place a silk cloth on the corpse may do so, but he must cover it -with a cotton cloth. The body is then removed for burial or cremation, -and placed near the grave or funeral pyre. It is the rural rule that -elderly persons and karnavans of tarwads are cremated, and others -buried. The barber, whose function it is to perform the purificatory -rites, now removes, and retains as his perquisite, all the cloths, -except the last three covering the corpse. As it is being borne away -to the place of burial or cremation, water mixed with cow-dung is -sprinkled behind it in the yard. The eldest son, who succeeds to the -property and is responsible for the funeral ceremonies, then tears -crosswise a piece of the cloth which has been placed over the corpse -by the people of the house, and ties it round his forehead. He holds -one end of the cloth while the barber holds the other, and tears off -the piece. The barber then cuts three holes in the remainder of this -cloth covering the body, over the mouth, navel, and pubes. A little -water and rice are poured over a gold fanam through the slit over the -mouth. All who observe the death pollution, i.e., sons, grandsons, -nephews, younger brothers and cousins, offer water and rice in the -same manner, and walk three times round the grave or pyre. The barber -then breaks a pot of water over the grave. No other ceremonial is -observed on this day, on which, and during the night, rice must not be -eaten. If the body has been cremated, a watch is kept at the burning -ground for five days by Panans, who beat drums all night to scare away -the evil spirits which haunt such spots. Early on the second day, -all who are under pollution are shaved. The operation is attended -with some ceremonial, and, before it is commenced, a lighted lamp, -a measure of rice and paddy on a plantain leaf must be at hand. The -paddy and rice are a perquisite of the barber. Those who have been -shaved bathe, and then follows the crow-feeding ceremony. Rice is -boiled in a bell-metal vessel over a hearth prepared with three -young cocoanuts. The eldest son, who tore the cloth of succession -from the corpse, makes the rice into two little balls, places them -on a plantain leaf, and offers them to the spirit of the departed by -pouring libations of water on them over a blade of karuka grass. Men -and women who are under pollution then do the same. The rice balls -are eaten by crows. This little ceremony is performed daily until the -eleventh or thirteenth day, when the period of death pollution comes -to an end. If the eleventh day happens to fall on a Tuesday or Friday, -or on any inauspicious day, the period is extended to the thirteenth -day. When the period of death pollution is partly in one month, -and partly in another, another death in the house within the year is -expected. Preceding the sanchayanam, which occupies the fifth day, -there is the lamp-watching on the previous night. In the south-east -corner of the middle room, a little paddy is heaped up, and on it -is placed a bell-metal plate with an iron lamp having five or seven -lighted wicks on it. Under the lamp is a little cow-dung, and close -to it is a bunch of cocoanut flowers. The lamp must be kept burning -until it is extinguished on the following day. In the case of the -death of a male, his niece watches the lamp, and in that of a female -her daughter, lying near it on a grass mat. The sanchayanam is the -first stage in the removal of death pollution, and, until it is over, -all who come to the house suffer from pollution, and cannot enter their -own house or partake of any food without bathing previously. When the -body has been cremated, the fragments of calcined bones are collected -from the ashes, and carried in procession to the sea, or, if this is -far away, into a river. The members of the family under pollution -then rub their bodies all over with oil, and the barber sprinkles -a mixture of cow's milk over their heads, using a blade of karuka -grass as a spout. They then bathe, and the eldest son alone observe -mattu. The crow-feeding ceremony follows, and, when this is over, the -three cocoanuts which were used as a hearth are thrown away. A large -bell-metal vessel filled with water is now placed in the front yard -before the door of the house. The barber carries the still burning -lamp from the middle room, and sets it on the ground near the pot of -water. The women who are under pollution come from the middle room, -each carrying a lighted wick, walk thrice round the pot, and throw the -wicks into the water. The woman who has watched the lamp puts four -annas into the pot, and the others deposit a few pies therein. The -eldest son now lights a wick from the iron lamp which is about to be -extinguished, and with it lights a lamp in the middle room. The barber -then dips the iron lamp in the water, and picks out the money as his -perquisite. The water is poured on the roots of a cocoanut tree. The -bell-metal vessel becomes the property of the woman who watched the -lamp, but she cannot take it away until she leaves the house after the -pula-kuli ceremony. When the lamp has been extinguished, a woman, hired -for the occasion, is seated on a cocoanut leaf in the front yard. The -Tandan pours oil on her head three times, and she receives a little -betel and two annas. She rises, and leaves the place without turning -back, taking the pollution with her. Betel is then distributed. Those -who provided the death gifts on the day of the death must on this day -bring with them a bag of rice, and about four rupees in money. They -have also to give eight annas to the barber. A folded handkerchief is -first presented to the barber, who formally returns it, and receives -instead of it the eight annas. Before the people disperse, the day of -the pula-kuli is settled. Pula-kuli, or washing away the pollution, -is the final ceremony for putting off the unpleasant consequences of -a death in a family. First of all, the members thereof rub themselves -all over with oil, and are sprinkled by the barber with cow's milk -and gingelly oil. They then bathe. The barber outlines the figure -of a man or woman, according to the sex of the deceased, with rice -flour and turmeric powder, the head to the south, in the middle -room of the house. The figure is covered with two plantain leaves, -on each of which a little rice and paddy are heaped. Over all is -spread a new cloth, with a basket containing three measures of paddy -upon it. The eldest son (the heir) sits facing the south, and with a -nazhi measures out the paddy, which he casts to the south, east, and -west--not the north. He repeats the performance, using the fingers -of the left hand closed so as to form a cup as a measure. Then, -closing the first and fourth fingers firmly with the thumb, using -the left hand, he measures some paddy in the same manner with the two -extended fingers. Rice is treated in the same way. A nazhi of paddy, -with a lighted wick over it, is then placed in a basket. The eldest -son takes the nazhi in his left hand, passes it behind his body, and, -receiving it with his right hand, replaces it in the basket. The wick -is extinguished by sprinkling it with water three times. At the head -of the figure on the floor is placed a clean cloth--the washerman's -mattu. It is folded, and within the folds are three nazhis of rice. On -the top of it a cocoanut is placed. In the four corners a piece of -charcoal, a little salt, a few chillies, and a gold fanam are tied. The -eldest son, who is always the protagonist in all the ceremonies after -death, lifts the cloth with all its contents, places it on his head, -and touches with it his forehead, ears, each side and loins, knees and -toes. He does this three times. The plantain leaves are then removed -from the figure. A little turmeric powder is taken from the outline, -and rubbed on the forehead of the eldest son. He then bows thrice to -the figure, crossing his legs and arms so that the right hand holds the -left ear, and the left the right ear, and touches the ground with the -elbow-joints. It is no joke to do this. All this time, the eldest son -wears round his forehead the strip torn from the cloth which covered -the corpse. There is nothing more to be done in the middle room for -the present, and the eldest son goes out into the yard, and cooks -the rice for the final feed to the crows. Three nazhis of this rice -must be pounded and prepared for cooking by the woman who watched -the lamp on the fourth night after death. Having cooked the rice, -the eldest son brings it into the middle room, and mixes it with some -unrefined sugar, plantains and pappadams, making two balls, one large -and one small. Each of these he places on a plantain leaf. Then some -puja is done to them, and offerings of rice are made over a gold -fanam. The balls are given to the crows in the yard, or, in some -cases, taken to the sea or a river, and cast into the water. When -this course is adopted, various articles must be kept ready ere -the return of the party. These comprise a new pot containing water, -a branch of areca blossoms, mango leaves, a kindi containing a gold -fanam or gold ring, a little salt and rice, each tied up in a piece -of cloth, and a few chillies. The mouth of the pot is covered with a -plantain leaf, and secured. There are also two stools, made of pala -and mango wood. The eldest son sits on one of these, and places his -feet on the other, so that he does not touch the ground. The water in -the pot is sprinkled with mango leaves by the barber to the north, -south, east and west, and on the head of the son. The remainder of -the water is then poured over his head. The barber then sprinkles him -with cocoanut water, this time using areca blossoms, and makes him -sip a little thereof. The barber makes a hole in the plantain leaf, -and picks out the contents. The eldest son bathes, and after the bath -there is a presentation of gifts. The barber, sitting in the verandah -beside the son, first gives to each person under pollution a little -salt and raw rice, which they eat. He then gives them a little betel -leaf and a small piece of areca nut, and receives in return a quarter -of an anna. The eldest son chews the betel which he has received, -and spits into a spittoon held by the barber, whose property it -becomes. Then to the barber, who has been presented with a new mat to -sit on and new cloth to wear before he seats himself in the verandah, -are given an ear-ring such as is worn by Tiyan women, a silk cloth, a -white cotton cloth, and a few annas. If the deceased has been cremated -he is given six fanams, and, if buried, five fanams as the fee for -his priestly offices. On an occasion of this kind, several barbers, -male and female, turn up in the hope of receiving presents. All who -help during the various stages of the ceremonial are treated in much -the same way, but the senior barber alone receives the officiating -fee. It is odd that the barbers of the four surrounding villages are -entitled to receive gifts of new cloths and money. Those under death -pollution are forbidden to eat fish or flesh, chew betel, or partake -of jaggery. The restriction is removed on the pula-kuli day. The last -act for their removal is as follows. The barber is required to eat some -jaggery, and drink some conjee. After this, the eldest son, the Tandan, -and a neighbour, sit on a mat spread in the middle of the house, -and formally partake of conjee and jaggery. The pula-kuli is then over. - -It is a sacred duty to a deceased person who was one of importance, -for example the head of a family, to have a silver image of him -made, and arrange for it being deposited in some temple, where it -will receive its share of puja (worship), and offerings of food and -water. The new-moon day of the months Karkitakam (July-August), Tulam -(October-November), and Kumbham (February-March) is generally selected -for doing this. The temples at Tirunelli in Wynad and Tirunavayi, which -are among the oldest in Malabar, were generally the resting-places of -these images, but now some of the well-to-do deposit them much further -afield, even at Benares and Ramesvaram. A silver image is presented -to the local Siva temple, where, for a consideration, puja is done -every new-moon day. On each of these days, mantrams are supposed to -be repeated a thousand times. When the image has been the object of -these mantrams sixteen thousand times, it is supposed to have become -eligible for final deposit in a temple. It is this image which rests -in the temple at Tirunavayi, or elsewhere. - -An annual sradh ceremony is performed for the sake of the spirit -of the deceased, at which crows are fed in the manner already -described, and relations are fed. On the night of this day, some -sweetmeats or cakes, such as the deceased was fond of during life, -are offered to the spirit. A lamp is placed on a stool, and lighted -in the middle room of the house, with a kindi of water and a young -cocoanut near it. The cakes or sweetmeats are placed in front of the -stool. Children sprinkle rice over it, and the door is shut for a -quarter of an hour. The individual who feeds the crows should partake -of only one meal, without fish or flesh, on the previous day. Another -ceremony, which is necessary for the repose of the dead, is called -badha-velichatu-variethal, or bringing out the spirit. It cannot be -performed until at least a year after death, for during that period -the spirit is in a sort of purgatory. After that, it may be invoked, -and it will answer questions. The ceremony resembles the nelikala -pregnancy ceremony. The performers are Panans or washermen. Some little -girls are seated in front of a booth in the yard. The celebrant of -the rite sings, invoking the spirit of the deceased. Late at night, -one of the girls becomes possessed by the spirit, and, it is said, -talks and acts just like the deceased, calling the children, relations -and friends by name, talking of the past, and giving commands for the -future conduct of the living members of the family. After this, the -spirit is severed from earthly trammels, and attains heavenly bliss. - -The wood used for the purpose of cremation is that of a mango tree, -which must be cut down after the death. A little sandalwood and -cuscus (grass) roots are sometimes added to the pyre. In these days, -when the important and interesting features of ceremonial are fast -disappearing, it is not surprising that dried cakes of cow-dung are -superseding the mango wood. - -Among other ceremonies, there is one called kutti puja, which is -performed when a newly built house is taken charge of. Vastu Purusha -is the name of the supreme being which, lying on its back with -its head to the north-east and legs to the south-west, supports -the earth. Or rather the earth is but a small portion of this -vast body. Forests are its tiny hairs, oceans its blood-vessels, -and the wind its breath. In this body are fifty-three deities, -who are liable to disturbance when the surface of the earth is dug, -when trees are felled, foundations laid, and a house built. These -angry beings must be propitiated, or there will be untimely deaths, -poverty, and sickness among the inmates. The ceremony is performed in -the following manner. A square with fifty-three columns is made with -rice flour in the middle room of the house, and each column is filled -with yellow, red, and black powder. A plantain leaf is placed over -it, and a few measures of paddy are set on the top of the leaf. On -this is placed another leaf, with various kinds of grain, plantains, -cocoanuts, and jaggery on it. The carpenter, who is the architect -and builder of the house, then performs puja with flowers, incense -and lights, and the troublesome imp-spirit Gulikan is propitiated -with toddy and arrack, and a fowl which is decapitated for him. Then -all the workmen--carpenters, masons, and coolies--walk thrice round -the house, breaking cocoanuts on the walls and doors, and howling in -order to drive away all evil spirits which may by chance be lurking -about the place. After this, they are all fed until they cry out "We -are satisfied, and want no more." They are given cloths and other -presents, and the chief feature of the ceremony takes place. This -is the formal handing over of the house by the carpenter. He hands -it over to a third person, and never directly to the owner. It is -not always easy to find a third person who is willing to undertake -the responsibility, and who is at the same time suitable for the -Gulikan who is dispossessed of the house, and pursues him henceforth, -following him who first receives charge of the house. He should -be a man who brings luck, cheerful and contented, having a family, -and not labouring under any disorder or sickness of body. There is, -or was a few years ago, an old Nayar living not far from Calicut, who -was much sought after to fulfil the functions of third person on these -occasions, and all the houses he received prospered. The third person -is generally a poor man, who is bribed with presents of cloths, money -and rice, to undertake the job. He wears one of the new cloths during -the ceremony. When the carpenter's ceremonies have been completed, -this man is taken to the middle room of the house, and made to stand -facing the door, with each foot on a plantain leaf. Pieces of the -thatch are tied to the four corners of his cloth. He shuts the door, -opens it, and shuts it again. The carpenter calls from without, asking -him whether he has taken charge of the house. He replies evasively -"Have the carpenters and workmen received all their wages? If they -have, I take charge of the house." The carpenter does not answer the -question, for, if he did so, the mischief would be transferred to -him through the house-owner. So he says "I did not ask you about my -wages. Have you taken charge of the house?" The man inside answers -as before, adding "otherwise not." The carpenter again says "I did -not ask you about my wages. Answer me straight. Have you, or have -you not taken charge of the house?" The man inside replies "I have -taken charge of the house," and opens the door. Taking in his hands -the plantain leaves on which he stood, he runs away as fast as he can -without looking back. This he must not do on any account. The people -pelt him with plantains, and hoot at him as he runs, and water mingled -with cow-dung is sprinkled in his path. After all this, cow's milk is -boiled with a little rice in the house, of which every one partakes, -and the owner assumes charge of his house. - -In the pre-British days, a few of the well-to-do families of -Tiyans lived in houses of the kind called nalapura (four houses), -having an open quadrangle in the centre. But, for the most part, the -Tiyans--slaves of the Nayars and Nambutiris--lived in a one-roomed -thatched hut. Nowadays, the kala pura usually consists of two rooms, -east and west. - -Toddy-drawing, and every thing connected with the manufacture and -sale of arrack (country liquor) and unrefined sugar, form the orthodox -occupation of the Tiyan. But members of the community are to be found -in all classes of society, and in practically all professions and -walks of life. It is interesting to find that the head of a Tiyan -family in North Malabar bears the title Cherayi Panikar, conferred -on the family in the old days by a former Zamorin. A title of this -kind was given only to one specially proficient in arms. Even in -those days there were Tiyan physicians, bone-setters, astrologers, -diviners, and sorcerers. - -It is easy to identify the toddy-tapper by the indurated skin of -the palms, fingers, inner side of the forearms, and the instep. The -business of toddy-tapping involves expert climbing, while carrying -a considerable paraphernalia, with no adventitious aid other than -can be got out of a soft grummet of coir to keep the feet near -together, while the hands, with the arms extended, grasp the palm -tree. The profession is rarely adopted before the age of eighteen, -but I have seen a man who said he began when he was twelve years -old. It is very hard work. A tapper can work about fifteen trees, -each of which he has to climb three times a day. In the northern -districts of the Madras Presidency, among the Telugu population, -the toddy-drawers use a ladder about eight or nine feet in length, -which is placed against the tree, to avoid climbing a third or a -fourth of it. While in the act of climbing up or down, they make use -of a wide band, which is passed round the body at the small of the -back, and round the tree. This band is easily fastened with a toggle -and eye. The back is protected by a piece of thick soft leather. It -gives great assistance in climbing, which it makes easy. All over the -southernmost portion of the peninsula, among the Shanans and Tiyans, -the ladder and waist-band are unknown. They climb up and down with -their hands and arms, using only the grummet on the feet. The Tiyan -toddy-tapper's equipment consists of a short-handled hatchet, about -seven inches square, of thin iron, sheathed in a wooden case, and -fastened to a waist-belt composed of several strings of coir yarn, -to which is hung a small pot of gummy substance obtained by bruising -the leaves of the aichil plant. A vessel holding a couple of gallons, -made out of the spathe of the areca palm, is used for bringing down the -toddy. Tucked into the waist-belt is a bone loaded with lead at either -end, which is used for tapping the palm to bring out the juice. A man -once refused to sell at any price one of these bones--the femur of a -sambar (Cervus unicolor), which had such virtue that, according to -its owner, it would fetch palm juice out of any tree. The garb of -the tapper at work consists of a short cloth round the loins, and -(always during the rains, and often at other times) a head-covering -somewhat pointed in shape, made of the leaves of the cocoanut palm -placed together as in a clinker-built boat, or of a rounded shape, -made out of the spathe of the areca palm. The toddy-tapper should go -through the show of reverence by touching the cocoanut tree with the -right hand, and then applying his hand to the forehead, every time -he prepares to climb a tree. - -In connection with toddy-drawing, the following note occurs in -the Gazetteer of Malabar. "The tapper and the toddy shopkeeper are -generally partners, the former renting the trees, paying the tree-tax, -and selling the toddy at fixed prices to the latter. Sometimes the -shopkeeper pays both rent and tax, and the tapper is his servant paid -by the bottle. The trees are rented half yearly, and the rent varies -between Re. 1 and Re. 1-8-0 per tree. They are fit for tapping as soon -as they come into bearing, but four years later and in the succeeding -decade are most productive. They are seldom tapped for more than six -months in the year, and the process, though it shortens the life of the -tree, improves the yield of nuts in the rest of the year. The tapper's -outfit is neither costly nor elaborate. A knife in a wooden case, -a bone weighted with lead (the leg bone of a sambhur for choice), -a few pots, and two small rings of rope with which to climb complete -the tale. Operations begin when the spathe is still enclosed by its -sheath. Once a day the spathe is gently bruised on either side with -the bone, and on the third and following days a thin slice is cut -off the end twice a day. On the fifteenth day drawing begins, and the -bruising ceases. Sheath and spathe are swathed for the greater part -of their length in a thick covering of leaves or fibre; the ends are -still cut off twice or three times a day, but, after each operation, -are smeared with a paste made of leaves and water with the object, it -is said, of keeping the sap from oozing through the wound and rotting -the spathe. The leaves used for this purpose are those of the éechal or -vetti tree, which are said to be one and the same (Aporosa Lindleyana); -but in British Cochin, where the tree does not grow, backwater mud -is utilised. Round the space between the end of the sheath and the -thick covering of leaves a single leaf is bound, and through this -the sap bleeds into a pot fastened below. The pot is emptied once a -day in the morning. The yield of sap varies with the quality of the -tree and the season of the year. In the hot months the trees give -on an average about a bottle a day, in the monsoon and succeeding -months as much as three bottles. In the gardens along the backwaters, -south of Chettuvayi, Messrs. Parry & Co. consider that in a good year -they should get a daily average of three bottles or half a gallon of -toddy per tree. A bottle of toddy sells for three or four pies." - -In connection with the coir industry, it is noted, in the Gazetteer of -Malabar, that "the husks of the cocoanuts are buried in pits as near -as possible to the waterline of rivers, backwaters and creeks, and -are left to soak for six months, a year, or even eighteen months--the -longer the better. The colour of the yarn, and thereby the quality, -depends very much on the water in which the husks are steeped. It -should be running water, and, if possible, fresh water. If the water -be salt, the yarn may at first be almost white, but in a damp climate -it soon becomes discoloured and blotchy. As soon as the husks are taken -out of the pits, the fibre is beaten out with short sticks by Tiyattis -(Tiyan females) and women of the Vettuvan caste. It is dried in the -sun for twelve hours, and is then ready for sale to native merchants -at Calicut and Cochin, who in their turn deal with the European -firms. The fibre is twisted into yarn by Tiyattis and other women, -and in that form the greater part of the coir made in Malabar is -exported from Cochin to all parts of the world, but chiefly to the -United Kingdom and Germany." - -It has been said that "in North Malabar the preparation of coir is -a regular cottage industry of the most typical kind. Throughout the -year, wherever one goes, one hears the noise of the women hammering -out the fibre, and sees them taking, in the evening, that part of it -which they have rolled into yarn to the nearest little wayside shop, -to be exchanged for salt, chillies, paddy, etc. But, in the north of -the district, nothing of the kind goes on, and the coir is commonly -used as fuel." - -It has been already stated that marumakkatayam, or inheritance through -nephews, is the invariable rule in North Malabar, being followed even -by the Muhammadan Mappillas. In South Malabar, where the Tiyans do not -observe marumakkatayam, the property devolves through the sons. All -sons share alike. Daughters have no share. The practice of polyandry, -which still exists in Malabar among the Tiyans (and other classes), -and which was probably once general, tends to prevent dispersion of the -family property. Although theoretically all sons share the property -of their father, it is the eldest son who succeeds to possession -and management of the tarwad property. The others are entitled to -maintenance only, so long as they remain in the same tarwad house. It -is the same among the Izhuvans. - -Beef, as in the case of all Hindus, is forbidden as an article of -diet. The staple food is rice with fish curry. The common beverage -is conjee, but this is being supplanted by tea, coffee, lemonade, -and soda-water. - -A loin-cloth, which should not reach to the knees, with a Madras -handkerchief on the shoulders, is the orthodox dress of the males, -and a double loin-cloth that of females. Women were not allowed to wear -anything above the waist, except when under death pollution. Any colour -might be worn, but white and blue are most common. A ring, composed -of hollow gold beads, called mani-kathila, is the proper ornament for -a Tiyan woman's ear. Twenty or thirty, with a pendant in the middle, -might be worn. Gold or silver bracelets could be worn. Hollow silver -bracelets were worn by girls until the birth of their first child. But -times have changed, and nowadays Tiyan women wear the ornaments which, -strictly speaking, appertain to Nayar and Brahman women. Their mode of -tying the hair, and even their dress, which is inclined to follow the -fashion of the Christians, has changed. In olden days, a Tiyan woman -could wear an ornament appropriate for a Nayar on a special occasion, -but only with the permission of the Nayar landlord, obtained through -the Tandan, on payment of a fee. - -In North Malabar a good round oath is upon Perumal Iswaran, the God -of the shrine at Kotiyur. In South Malabar it is common to swear by -Kodungallur Bhagavati, or by Guruvayur Appan, local deities. - -The Tandan is the principal person in the tara, to decide all caste -disputes. In South Malabar, he is, as a rule, appointed by the senior -Rani of the Zamorin. A fee of anything up to 101 fanams (Rs. 25-4-0) -must be paid to this lady, when she appoints a Tandan. When there -is a problem of any special difficulty, it is referred to her for -decision. In territories other than those within the power of the -Zamorin, the local Raja appoints the Tandan, and gives the final -decision in special cases. As we have seen, the Tiyan is always to -some extent subordinate to a Nayar overlord, but he is not bound to -any particular one. He can go where he likes, and reside anywhere, and -is not bound to any particular chief, as is the Nayar. It is noted by -General E. F. Burton, [26] in connection with bygone days, that "such -was the insolent pride of caste that the next (and very respectable) -class of Hindus, the Teers, were not allowed to come near the Nairs, -under penalty of being cut down by the sword, always naked and ready." - -In connection with the religion of the Tiyans, I may commence with -an old tradition, which is no doubt from a Brahmanic source. Once -upon a time there were seven heavenly damsels, who used to bathe -every day before dawn in a lake situated in a forest. Siva found -this out, and appeared as a fire on the bank, at which the girls -warmed themselves. Having thus lured them, the God made all of them -mothers. Seven beautiful boys were born, and Siva presented them to -Parvati, who treated them as if they were her own sons. They were taken -to mount Kailasa, and employed in preparing toddy for the mysterious -and wonderful Sakti worship. Daily they brought the toddy at the -moment when it was required for the golden pot. Parvati embraced the -boys all at once, and they became one. On a certain day, this boy sent -the sacred toddy in charge of a Brahman, who became curious to know -the virtues of the mysterious liquid. As he rested on a river bank -thinking about it, he drank a little, and filled the vessel up with -water. Then he reached Kailasa too late for the daily worship. Siva -was angry, and ordered the Saunika boy (Parvati's name for him) to -be brought before him. But the boy had been told what had happened, -and cut off the head of the Brahman, who had confessed to him. Seeing -the boy coming along carrying a Brahman's head, Siva was astonished, -and commanded him to approach nearer. The boy explained that it was -not a heinous crime to cut off the head of one who had prevented -the Sakti worship. Siva said that the killing of a Brahman was the -worst of crimes, and put the perpetrator out of caste. He would not -listen to the boy, who replied that whoever prevented Sakti worship -was a Chandala, and condemned him. The boy asked for death at Siva's -hands. The request pleased the God, who forgave him. The boy had to -remain out of caste, but was initiated into the mysteries of Sakti -worship as the surest means of salvation, and to him was given the -exclusive privilege of performing Sakti worship with liquor. He -was commanded to follow, and imitate the Brahmans in everything, -except in the matter of repeating the sacred mantrams. By tantrams -(signs with the hands) he eventually obtained the merit of making -puja with mantrams. He was the first Tiyan. - -It is pretty safe to say that all the ideas of the Tiyans connected -with pure Hinduism--the Hinduism of the Vedas--and of tradition, -of which we see very little in Southern India, and which in Malabar -is more perverted in confused ideas than perhaps elsewhere, those -relating to re-birth, karma, pilgrimages to Benares and distant -temples are borrowed from the Brahmans. In the ceremonies which have -been described, notably in those connected with marriage and death, -we have seen the expression of many Hindu ideas. Not so is all that -relates to offerings to the dead. That is the common property of all -the children of men. - -A main feature in the religion of the Tiyan is that it is largely -connected with Sakti worship. Some Brahmans indulge therein, but they -are unable, like the Tiyans, to use arrack in connection with it, and -are obliged to use, instead of this requisite, milk or honey. Siva, -not exactly a Vedic entity, and Sakti, are supposed to be the two -primordial and eternal principles in nature. Sakti is, perhaps, more -properly the vital energy, and Sakti worship the worship of the life -principle in nature. We are not considering the abstract meaning of -the term Sakti; nor are we now thinking of the Siva of Monier Williams -or Max Müller. We are in Malabar, where the Hinduism of the Vedas is -in almost hopeless confusion, and mingled with animism and nearly -every other kind of primitive religious idea. It is not therefore -at all an easy task to represent in words anything like a rational -conception of what the religion of the Tiyan really is. The poor and -ignorant follow, in a blind ignorant way, Hinduism as they know it and -feel it. Their Hinduism is very largely imbued with the lower cult, -which, with a tinge of Hinduism, varied in extent here and there, -is really the religion of the people at large all over Southern -India. The Tiyans have a large share of it. To the actions of evil -and other spirits are attributable most, if not all of the ills and -joys of life. The higher Hinduism is far above them. Nevertheless, -we find among them the worship of the obscure and mysterious Sakti, -which, unfortunately, is practiced in secret. Nobody seems to be in -the least proud of having anything to do with it. In fact, they are -rather ashamed to say anything about it. Those who, so to speak, go -in for it are obliged to undergo preliminary purificatory ceremonies, -before the great mystery can be communicated to them. The mantram, -which is whispered by the guru (religious preceptor) in the ear of -the devotee is said to be "Brahma aham, Vishnu aham, Bhairavu aham" -(I am Brahma, I am Vishnu, I am Bhairavan). It is believed that each -individual is a spark of the divinity. Having in him the potentiality -of the Supreme Being, he can develop, and attain godhood. There is no -distinction of caste in Sakti worship. The devotees may belong to the -highest or to the lowest castes, though I doubt very much whether the -Nambutiri Brahmans indulge in it. The novices, of whatever caste, -eat and drink together during the period of puja. Men and women -participate in the secret rites. A solemn oath is taken that the -mystery of Sakti will not be revealed, except with the permission of -the guru, or on the death-bed. The spirit of the goddess (for Sakti is -thought of as the female principle) must be withdrawn from the body -of the Sakti worshipper when he is at the point of death. A lamp is -lighted beside him. A few leaves of the tulsi plant (Ocimum sanctum), -a little rice, and a lighted wick are given to the dying man. Holding -these things, he makes three passes over his body from head to foot, -and, as it were, transfers the spirit to the next man, at the same time -communicating his wishes about continuing the worship, and so on. When -a man dies before this separation or transfer has been accomplished, -a Brahman must be called in, who, with a silver image representing -the deceased, makes symbolic transference of the Sakti spirit. It -must be done somehow, or the soul of the deceased cannot attain -salvation. It is said that, like many other things in this land, -Sakti worship has undergone degeneration, that such lofty ideas and -feelings as may have once pervaded it have more or less disappeared, -and that the residue is not very edifying. Be this as it may, in -every tara there is a Bhagavati temple for Tiyans, where Tiyans -officiate as priests. The Komaram (oracle) of the Bhagavati temple -is clothed in red, and embellished with red sandal paste mixed with -turmeric. Bhagavati is always associated with various jungle spirits -or gods, whose Komarams always wear black. There is no daily worship -in Tiyan temples, with the exception of a few in the neighbourhood -of Cannanore. But there is an annual celebration of puja during the -mannalam (forty day) period, commencing on the first of the month -Vrischikam (15th November). Lamps are lighted, and worship is begun on -this day, and continued for forty days. At its conclusion, the jungle -gods retire to the jungle until the next year. A death in the family -of a Komaram involves, I believe, some postponement of the rites. The -period is supposed to be first part of the functional activity of the -earth, which ends somewhere about the 21st of June. It is during this -period that Sakti worship is carried on. - -The temple of Subramania at Palni in the Madura district is a -favourite objective for Tiyan pilgrims. The subject of pilgrimages -to this temple has been touched on in my note on the Nayars (see -Nayar). The Bhagavati temple at Kodungallur in Cochin territory on the -coast is another favourite place of pilgrimage among the Tiyans. All -classes of people, with the exception of Brahmans, undertake this -pilgrimage. Everyone under a vow, proceeding to the festival, -which takes place in February or March, carries with him a cock, -which is beheaded at the shrine. Under the Perumals, pilgrimage to -Kodungallur was somewhat compulsory. This temple was a fruitful source -of revenue to the State, for not only the Tiyans, but the fisherman -and artisan castes had their own temple in every tara in the land, -and the Muppan--the Komaram--of each temple was under an obligation -to contribute yearly gifts to the temple at Kodungallur. Rent for the -temple lands was set at a nominal figure--a mere pepper-corn rent as -acknowledgment of sovereign right. Rent might not be paid in times of -trouble, but the gifts eked out of superstition were unfailing. It is -not surprising, therefore, that learning and advancement among the -inferior castes did not receive much encouragement from the rulers -of those days. - -The temple of Kotiyur in North Malabar is also a shrine to which -Tiyans make pilgrimage. Indeed, it may be said that they follow -Hinduism generally in rather a low form, and that Sakti worship is -perhaps more peculiarly theirs than others', owing to their being -able to use arrack, a product of the palm, and therefore of their own -particular métier. The highest merit in Sakti can be reached only -through arrack. The Sakti goddess, Bhagavati, the Tiyans look upon -as their own guardian spirit. - -As instancing the mixture and confusion of religious ideas in Malabar, -it may be mentioned that Mappillas have been known to indulge in -Sakti worship, and Tiyans to have made vows, and given offerings at -Mappilla mosques and Christian churches. Vows to the well-known mosque -at Mambram are made by people of almost every caste. It is not uncommon -to present the first fruit of a jak tree, or the milk of a cow when -it brings forth its first calf, to the local Tangal or Mappilla priest. - -In many, perhaps in most Tiyan houses, offerings are made annually -to a bygone personage named Kunnath Nayar, and to his friend and -disciple Kunhi Rayan, a Mappilla. It is probable that they excelled in -witchcraft and magic, but, according to the story, the Nayar worshipped -the kite until he obtained command and control over all the snakes -in the land. The offerings are made in order to prevent accidents -from snakes. The snake god will also give children to the family, and -promote domestic prosperity. Men without offspring worship him. Leprosy -and the death of a child are believed to be the consequence of killing -a snake. There are Mappilla devotees of Kunnath Nayar and Kunhi Rayan, -who exhibit snakes in a box, and collect alms. There is a snake mosque -near Manarghat, at the foot of the Nilgiri hills, which has its annual -festival. The alms are collected ostensibly for this mosque. - -An interesting story, which is the legendary account of the -exodus of the artisans from Malabar, and their return with the -Tiyans, is narrated by the Panans. There were, in olden times, five -recognised classes, which includes the Asaris (carpenters), Musaris -(workers in bell-metal), Thattans (goldsmiths), and Perin-Kollans -(blacksmiths). The fifth class is unknown. When an individual of the -artisan classes dies, the Panan of the tara must bring a death gift to -the house, which consists of cocoanuts and jak fruits or plantains. The -Panan places the gift in the yard and repeats a long formula, which -he has learnt by heart. It is very likely that he knows little or -nothing of its meaning. But he reels it off, and at its conclusion -the gifts are accepted. The same formula is also always repeated -among the carpenters, goldsmiths, and blacksmiths during wedding -and tali-tying ceremonies. It relates how the artisans deserted the -land of Cheraman Perumal, and sought an asylum in the country of the -Izhuvans with the island king, and how the Perumal sent the Panan -to bring them back. Every one knows this old story, and believes -it firmly. It must be learnt by heart, and the Panan gives it in -the yard when a member of the artisan classes dies. The story is to -the following effect. During the four Yugams, Kreta, Treta, Dwapara, -and Kali, many kings reigned over the earth. Parasu Raman destroyed -the Kshatriya kings on twenty-one occasions, and was obliged to make -atonement in expiatory ceremonies. He worshipped Varuna, the ocean -god, and recovered from the sea a hundred and sixty kathams of land, -consisting of Kolanad (?), Venad (Travancore), Kanya Kumari (Cape -Comorin), Cheranad, and Malayalam up to Changala Vazhi beyond the -Anaimalai hills. Cheraman Perumal was the ruler of this land, in -which were the four castes. His capital was at Tiruvanja Kolam. One -day, Veluthedan [27] Chiraman was washing the Perumal's cloths in -a tank. He beat the cloths on a stone which was flat on the ground, -and held one of the cloths in his hand. A girl of the carpenter caste, -Ayyesvari by name, was just then going to the tank to bathe after her -monthly period. She called out "Ho! Kammal. [28] That is not the way -to wash cloths. Put a small stone under one end of your washing stone, -so as to make it slope a little. Then hold both ends of the cloth -in your hand, and beat the middle of the cloth on the stone." The -Veluthedan did so, and found that he washed better, and the cloths -were whiter. The Perumal asked him "Were you not washing the cloths -before? Who washed them to-day?" To which the Veluthedan replied -"Oh! Tamburan (chief or lord), a carpenter girl instructed your slave -to-day how to wash cloths properly. May Perumal be pleased to order -the girl to be given to your slave as his wife." Perumal then said -"To whatever caste she may belong, you may take her by force, and -will not lose your caste." Having received the king's permission, -Veluthedan Chiraman concealed himself near the carpenter's house, -and, when the girl opened the door to sweep the yard at dawn, he -seized her, and carried her off to his house. Carpenter Sankaran of -Tiruvanja Kalam went to the Perumal, and complained that Veluthedan -Kammal had carried away his daughter, and disgraced him. He asked the -Perumal whether he would give him an armed guard to rescue her. To -which the Perumal replied "I will not help either party with armed -men. You must fight it out among yourselves." Then the five classes -of artisans consulted one another, and made common cause. The Panans, -Perin Malayans, and Chen (red) Koravans joined the artisans. The -Ven Thachans, Velans, Paravans, Vettuvans, Kanisan Panikars, and the -Pandi Pulluvans of Vellalanad joined the other side. There was war -for twelve years. In the end, the artisans were defeated. They said -among themselves "We have been defeated by the fourteenth caste of -Veluthedan Nayar, who carried away our daughter. Let us leave this -country." So 7,764 families, with the women and children, tied up their -mats, and left Cheraman Perumal's country, and went to Izhuva land, -which was beyond it. They went before the Izhuva king (island king), -and told him their story. Now Cheraman Perumal used to be shaved -every fifteen days. When the barber (Velakathalavan) was sent for, -he came without his knife (razor), as his wife had buried it. He -said "Oh! Tamburan, have mercy on your slave. Your slave's knife -was given to the blacksmith to be mended, and he took it away with -him. He gave me this piece of iron, saying "If you want the knife -made ready for use, you must come to the Izhuva land for it, and we -will mend it on our return." So Perumal had to go without shaving, -and his hair grew like a Rishi's. As there were neither carpenters nor -smiths to make implements, agriculture was almost at a standstill; -and, as there were no goldsmiths, the tali-tying ceremonies could -not be performed. Nor could the rice-giving ceremony be done, for -want of the "neck-rings." Then Cheraman Perumal obtained advice, -and resolved to send the Mannan (washerman of the Tiyans), who was -included in the fourteenth caste, and the Panan, who belonged to the -eleventh caste. The Perumal gave to each of them a thousand fanams, -and told them to go to the Izhuva country, and bring back the Kammalans -(artisans). They wandered over various countries, stopping wherever -they found a house. The Panan, being clever, was able to live by his -wits, and spent no money of his own. The Mannan, on the contrary, spent -all his money. They passed Ramapuri, and reached Trichivampuri. Then -the Mannan asked the Panan for a loan, which was refused. On -Friday at noon, the Mannan left the Panan, saying "The Panan is no -companion for the Mannan." He returned to the Perumal and reported -his failure, and the Panan's refusal to lend him money. The Panan -went on, crossing rivers, canals, and ferries, and at last reached -the Izhuva king's country. He entered the reception hall. At that -moment, the king's goldsmith, who had just finished making a golden -crown for him, had put it on his own head, to test its suitability -for wearing. The Panan thought he was the king, and made obeisance -to him. The Kammalans recognised him. He discovered his mistake too -late, for he had addressed the goldsmith as Tamburan. So, to this -day, the Panans, when addressing goldsmiths, say Tamburan. The Panan -told the Kammalans of his mission, but they refused to return unless -full reparation was made for the abduction of the carpenter girl, -and certain social disabilities were removed. The 7,764 families of -Kammalans asked the Izhuva king his advice, and he said that they -should not go away. So the Kammalans sent the Panan back, and gave -him the following presents, in order to demonstrate to the Perumal -that they were in comfortable circumstances:-- - - - Gold valam-piri (a sort of string worn over the right shoulder); - Silver edam-piri (a similar sort of string worn on the left - shoulder); - Gold netti-pattam (to be tied on the forehead); - Gold bracelet; - Gold ornament for the hair. - - -The Kammalans sent word to the Perumal that they would not return, -unless they were given a girl in place of the carpenter's daughter, -who had been abducted, and certain privileges were granted to them. At -the same time, they promised the Panan that they would share their -privileges with him, if he was successful. So the Panan returned, -and appeared before the Perumal, who asked him where the Kammalans -were. The Panan removed his gold cap, and put it under his arm, and -replied that they were prosperous, and not anxious to return. Saying -so, he placed before the Perumal the rich presents given by the -Kammalans, and told the king that they would not return, unless they -were given a girl and certain concessions. The Perumal told the -Panan to go back, and invite the Kammalans to return on their own -terms. He said they would catch the first girl they met on the way -to his palace, and all their demands were granted. The Panan arrived -again in the Izhuva country, and told the Kammalans what the Perumal -had said. They went to the Izhuva king, and obtained his permission -to return to their own country. Then they caught an Izhuva boy, and -confined him. The king asked them why they did so. They replied that -they had lived for twelve years [29] as his subjects, and would never -recognise any other king, so they wanted the Izhuva boy to represent -him. The king consented. When they started, the boy began to cry. A -Nasrani, [30] by name Thomma (Thomas), was taken to accompany and -protect the boy. The Kammalans travelled to their own country, and -appeared before Cheraman Perumal. On the way, they found a girl of -the Variar caste plucking flowers, and caught her by the hand. All -the five classes claimed her. At last it was resolved to unite her -with the Izhuva boy, their Tandan, who represented their king, and -treat her as their sister. Cheraman Perumal confirmed his promise, -and granted the following privileges to the Kammalans:-- - -1. To make ceilings for their houses. - -2. To make upstairs houses to live in. - -3. To put up single staircases, consisting of one pole, in which -notches are cut, or pegs are stuck alternately, for the feet. - -4. To have a gate-house. - -5. To perform the tali-tying ceremonies of their girls in a booth -having four posts or supports; to place within it, on a stool, a -looking-glass with a handle, and the Ramayana; and to place a silk -cloth on the girl's head. - -6. To do arpu at the conclusion of the tali-tying ceremony -(Vel! Arpu! is yelled out by the boys). - -7. To cook rice in copper vessels on occasions of marriage and other -ceremonies, and to serve sugar and pappadams at their feasts. - -8. To hold the umbrella and taza (a sort of umbrella), which are -carried in front of processions. - -9. To clap hands, and dance. - -10. To keep milch-cows for their own use. - -Permission was further granted for the Kammalans to wear the following -ornaments. - -1. Netti-pattam, worn on the forehead during the tali-tying ceremony. - -2. Ananthovi, a ear ornament named after Anandan, the endless, -the serpent on which Vishnu reposes. The serpent is sometimes -represented with its tail in its mouth, forming a circle, an endless -figure. Ananthovi is the central pendant of the ear-ring worn by Tiyan -women among their kathila (ordinary gold ear-rings). It resembles a -serpent in form. It is worn by men of the Tiyan and artisan castes -on special occasions. - -3. Waist zone or girdle. - -4. Bracelets. - -5. Anklet with two knobs, formed of two pieces screwed together. - -6. Puli-mothiram, or tiger's claws mounted in gold, worn by children. - -7. Podippu, a knot of cotton-thread at the end of the string on which -coins are hung as ornaments. - -8. Kalanchi, a gold knob above the podippu, which represents a flower. - -9. Necklace. - -10. Edakam and madkam-tali, neck ornaments, in one of which are set -twenty-one stones. - -11. Cotton thread above the gold thread on the neck. - -The Perumal conferred like privileges upon the family (Tiruvarankath) -of the Panan who brought back the Kammalans. He wore all his ornaments, -and made his obeisance to the Perumal. He had, however, taken off -his gold cap. The Perumal said "What you have removed, let it be -removed." So he lost the privilege of wearing a gold cap. The Perumal -blessed the Kammalans, and they returned to their villages. They made a -separate house for the Izhuva boy and the Variar girl, and maintained -them. The Izhuva boy, who was the first Tiyan to come to Malabar, -brought with him the cocoanut, and retained the right to cultivate -and use it. To this day, the people of the serf castes--Cherumans, -Kanakans, and the like--use the word Varian when addressing Tiyans, -in reference to their descent from the Variar girl. - -The orthodox number of classes of Kammalans is five. But the artisans -do not admit the workers in leather as of their guild, and say there -are only four classes. According to them, the fifth class was composed -of the copper-smiths, who did not return to Malabar with the others, -but remained in Izhuva land. Nevertheless, they always speak of -themselves as the Aiyen kudi or five-house Kammalans. - -There is a variant of the legend of the exodus, told by the Asaris -(carpenters), which is worth narrating. Their version of the story is -repeated among themselves, and not by the Panan, at every marriage -and tali-tying ceremony. They identify the village of the Perumal's -washerman as Kanipayyur. This is the name of a Nambutiri's illam in -the Ponani taluk of Malabar. The Nambutiri is, it may be mentioned, -considered to be the highest extant authority in architecture. Disputed -points relating to this subject are referred to him, and his decision -is final, and accepted by all carpenters and house-builders. The -washerman's stone is said to have been lying flat in the water. The -girl Ayyesvari was also of Kanipayyur, and was carried off as in -the former story. But there was no request for an armed guard to -rescue her. The Perumal was, instead, asked to make the washerman -marry her, and thus avoid disgrace. He consented to do so, and -all the 7,764 families of the five classes of Kammalans assembled -for the wedding. An immense booth, supported on granite pillars, -was erected. The washerman and his party were fed sumptuously. But -the booth had been so constructed that it could be made to collapse -instantaneously. So the Kammalans went quietly outside, and, at a given -signal, the booth collapsed, and crushed to death the washerman and his -friends. After this, the Kammalans fled, and remained one year, eight -months and eleven days in the Izhuva country. Negotiations were carried -on through the Izhuva king, and the Kammalans returned under his -guarantee that their demands would be complied with. The Izhuva king -sent his own men and the Nasrani to the capital of the Perumal. The -story of the exodus and the return was inscribed on granite stone with -solemn rites, and in the presence of witnesses. This was buried at -the northern gate of the Tiruvanchakulam temple on Friday, the eighth -of the month of Kanni. It was resolved that, in any case of doubt, -the stone should be unearthed. And it was only after all this had been -done that the Izhuva king's envoy returned to him. Then the Kammalans -came back to Malabar. According to the carpenters, the copper-smiths -did not return. They say that eighteen families of Asaris remained -behind. Some of these returned long afterwards, but they were not -allowed to rejoin the caste. They are known as Puzhi Tachan, or sand -carpenters, and Patinettanmar, or the eighteen people. There are -four families of this class now living at or near Parpangadi. They -are carpenters, but the Asaris treat them as outcastes. - -There is yet another variant of the story of the exodus, which is -obviously of recent manufacture, for a Pattar Brahman is brought in, -and gives cunning advice. We know that the Pattars are comparatively -new comers in Malabar. - -The Tiyans have recently been summed up as follows. [31] "The Tiyas -have always been characterised by their persevering and enterprising -habits. A large percentage of them are engaged in various agricultural -pursuits, and some of the most profitable industries of Malabar have -from time out of mind been in their hands. They are exclusively engaged -in making toddy and distilling arrack. Many of them are professional -weavers, the Malabar mundu being a common kind of cloth made by -them. The various industries connected with cocoanut cultivation are -also successfully carried on by the Tiyas. For example, the manufacture -of jaggery (crude sugar) is an industry in which a considerable -number of the Tiyas are profitably engaged. The preparation of coir -from cocoanut fibre is one of their hereditary occupations, and this -is done almost wholly by their women at home. They are very skilful -in the manufacture of coir matting and allied industries. Commercial -pursuits are also common among them. Apart from their agricultural and -industrial inclinations, the Tiyas give evidence of a literary taste, -which is commendable in a people who are living under conditions which -are anything but conducive to literary life. They have among them good -Sanskrit scholars, whose contributions have enriched the Malayalam -literature; physicians well versed in Hindu systems of medicine; -and well-known astrologers, who are also clever mathematicians. In -British Malabar, they have made considerable progress in education. In -recent years, there has been gaining ground among the Tiyas a movement, -which has for its object the social and material improvement of the -community. Their leaders have very rightly given a prominent place -to industry in their schemes of progress and reform. Organisations -for the purpose of educating the members of the community on the -importance of increased industrial efforts have been formed. The -success which has attended the Industrial Exhibition conducted by -the members of the community at Quilon, in 1905, has induced them to -make it a permanent annual event. Some of their young men have been -sent to Japan to study certain industries, and, on their return, -they hope to resuscitate the dying local industries, and to enter -into fresh fields of industry awaiting development. Factories for the -manufacture of coir matting and allied articles have been established -by the Tiyas in some parts of Travancore and Cochin." - -In 1906, the foundation stone of a Tiya temple at Tellicherry was -laid with great ceremony. In the following year, a very successful -Industrial Exhibition was held at Cannanore under the auspices of -the Sri Narayan Dharma Paripalana Yogam. Still more recently, it was -resolved to collect subscriptions for the establishment of a hostel -for the use of Tiya youths who come from other places to Tellicherry -for educational purposes. - -Tiyoro.--The Tiyoros are described, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, -as "Oriya fishermen, who also make lotus-leaf platters. They have four -endogamous sections, viz., Torai, Ghodai, Artia, and Kulodondia." It -has been suggested that the caste name is a corruption of the Sanskrit -tivara, a hunter. (See Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Tiyar.) - -Toda.--Quite recently, my friend Dr. W. H. Rivers, as the result of -a prolonged stay on the Nilgiris, has published [32] an exhaustive -account of the sociology and religion of this exceptionally -interesting tribe, numbering, according to the latest census -returns, 807 individuals, which inhabits the Nilgiri plateau. I -shall, therefore, content myself with recording the rambling notes -made by myself during occasional visits to Ootacamund and Paikara, -supplemented by extracts from the book just referred to, and the -writings of Harkness and other pioneers of the Nilgiris. - -The Todas maintain a large-horned race of semi-domesticated buffaloes, -on whose milk and its products (butter and ney) [33] they still -depend largely, though to a less extent than in bygone days before -the establishment of the Ootacamund bazar, for existence. It has -been said that "a Toda's worldly wealth is judged by the number of -buffaloes he owns. Witness the story in connection with the recent -visit to India of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales. A clergyman, -who has done mission work among the Todas, generally illustrates Bible -tales through the medium of a magic-lantern. One chilly afternoon, -the Todas declined to come out of their huts. Thinking they required -humouring like children, the reverend gentleman threw on the screen -a picture of the Prince of Wales, explaining the object of his tour, -and, thinking to impress the Todas, added 'The Prince is exceedingly -wealthy, and is bringing out a retinue of two hundred people.' 'Yes, -yes,' said an old man, wagging his head sagely, 'but how many buffaloes -is he bringing?'" - -The Todas lead for the most part a simple pastoral life. But I have -met with more than one man who had served, or who was still serving -Government in the modest capacity of a forest guard, and I have -heard of others who had been employed, not with conspicuous success, -on planters' estates. The Todas consider it beneath their dignity to -cultivate land. A former Collector of the Nilgiris granted them some -acres of land for the cultivation of potatoes, but they leased the -land to the Badagas, and the privilege was cancelled. In connection -with the Todas' objection to work, it is recorded that when, on one -occasion, a mistake about the ownership of some buffaloes committed -an old Toda to jail, it was found impossible to induce him to work -with the convicts, and the authorities, unwilling to resort to -hard remedies, were compelled to save appearances by making him an -overseer. The daily life of a Toda woman has been summed up as lounging -about the mad or mand (Toda settlement), buttering and curling her -hair, and cooking. The women have been described as free from the -ungracious and menial-like timidity of the generality of the sex in -the plains. When Europeans (who are greeted as swami or god) come to a -mand, the women crawl out of their huts, and chant a monotonous song, -all the time clamouring for tips (inam). Even the children are so -trained that they clamour for money till it is forthcoming. As a rule, -the Todas have no objection to Europeans entering into their huts, -but on more than one occasion I have been politely asked to take my -boots off before crawling in on the stomach, so as not to desecrate -the dwelling-place. Writing in 1868, Dr. J. Shortt makes a sweeping -statement that "most of the women have been debauched by Europeans, -who, it is sad to observe, have introduced diseases to which these -innocent tribes were once strangers, and which are slowly but no -less surely sapping their once hardy and vigorous constitutions. The -effects of intemperance and disease (syphilis) combined are becoming -more and more apparent in the shaken and decrepit appearance which -at the present day these tribes possess." Fact it undoubtedly is, -and proved both by hospital and naked-eye evidence, that syphilis has -been introduced among the Todas by contact with the outside world, -and they attribute the stunted growth of some members of the rising -generation, as compared with the splendid physique of the lusty -veterans, to the results thereof. It is an oft-repeated statement that -the women show an absence of any sense of decency in exposing their -naked persons in the presence of strangers. In connection with the -question of the morality of the Toda women, Dr. Rivers writes that -"the low sexual morality of the Todas is not limited in its scope -to the relations within the Toda community. Conflicting views are -held by those who know the Nilgiri hills as to the relations of the -Todas with the other inhabitants, and especially with the train of -natives which the European immigration to the hills has brought in -its wake. The general opinion on the hills is that, in this respect, -the morality of the Todas is as low as it well could be, but it is a -question whether this opinion is not too much based on the behaviour -of the inhabitants of one or two villages [e.g., the one commonly -known as School or Sylk's mand] near the European settlements, and -I think it is probable that the larger part of the Todas remain more -uncontaminated than is generally supposed." - -I came across one Toda who, with several other members of the tribe, -was selected on account of fine physique for exhibition at Barnum's -show in Europe, America and Australia some years ago, and still -retained a smattering of English, talking fondly of 'Shumbu' (the -elephant Jumbo). For some time after his return to his hill abode, -a tall white hat was the admiration of his fellow tribesmen. To this -man finger-prints came as no novelty, since his impressions were -recorded both in England and America. - -Writing in 1870, [34] Colonel W. Ross King stated that the Todas had -just so much knowledge of the speech of their vassals as is demanded -by the most ordinary requirements. At the present day, a few write, -and many converse fluently in Tamil. The Nilgiri C.M.S. Tamil mission -has extended its sphere of work to the Todas, and I cannot resist -the temptation to narrate a Toda version of the story of Dives and -Lazarus. The English say that once upon a time a rich man and a poor -man died. At the funeral of the rich man, there was a great tamasha -(spectacle), and many buffaloes were sacrificed. But, for the funeral -of the poor man, neither music nor buffaloes were provided. The English -believe that in the next world the poor man was as well off as the -rich man; so that, when any one dies, it is of no use spending money -on the funeral ceremonies. Two mission schools have been established, -one at Ootacamund, the other near Paikara. At the latter I have seen a -number of children of both sexes reading elementary Tamil and English, -and doing simple arithmetic. - -A few years ago a Toda boy was baptised at Tinnevelly, and remained -there for instruction. It was hoped that he would return to the hills -as an evangelist among his people. [35] In 1907, five young Toda women -were baptised at the C.M.S. Mission chapel, Ootacamund. "They were -clothed in white, with a white cloth over their heads, such as the -Native Christians wear. A number of Christian Badagas had assembled -to witness the ceremony, and join in the service." - -The typical Toda man is above medium height, well proportioned -and stalwart, with leptorhine nose, regular features, and perfect -teeth. The nose is, as noted by Dr. Rivers, sometimes distinctly -rounded in profile. An attempt has been made to connect the Todas -with the lost tribes; and, amid a crowd of them collected together -at a funeral, there is no difficulty in picking out individuals, -whose features would find for them a ready place as actors on the -Ober Ammergau stage, either in leading or subordinate parts. The -principal characteristic, which at once distinguishes the Toda from -the other tribes of the Nilgiris, is the development of the pilous -(hairy) system. The following is a typical case, extracted from my -notes. Beard luxuriant, hair of head parted in middle, and hanging in -curls over forehead and back of neck. Hair thickly developed on chest -and abdomen, with median strip of dense hairs on the latter. Hair -thick over upper and lower ends of shoulder-blades, thinner over -rest of back; well developed on extensor surface of upper arms, -and both surfaces of forearms; very thick on extensor surfaces of -the latter. Hair abundant on both surfaces of legs; thickest on -outer side of thighs and round knee-cap. Dense beard-like mass of -hair beneath gluteal region (buttocks). Superciliary brow ridges -very prominent. Eyebrows united across middle line by thick tuft -of hairs. A dense growth of long straight hairs directed outwards -on helix of both ears, bearing a striking resemblance to the hairy -development on the helix of the South Indian bonnet monkey (Macacus -sinicus). The profuse hairy development is by some Todas attributed -to their drinking "too much milk." - -Nearly all the men have one or more raised cicatrices, forming -nodulous growths (keloids) on the right shoulder.These scars are -produced by burning the skin with red-hot sticks of Litsæa Wightiana -(the sacred fire-stick). The Todas believe that the branding enables -them to milk the buffaloes with perfect ease, or as Dr. Rivers puts it, -that it cures the pain caused by the fatigue of milking. "The marks," -he says, "are made when a boy is about twelve years old, at which age -he begins to milk the buffaloes." About the fifth month of a woman's -first pregnancy, on the new-moon day, she goes through a ceremony, -in which she brands herself, or is branded by another woman, by -means of a rag rolled up, dipped in oil and lighted, with a dot on -the carpo-metacarpal joint of each thumb and on each wrist. - -The women are lighter in colour than the men, and the colour of the -body has been aptly described as of a café-au-lait tint. The skin -of the female children and young adults is often of a warm copper -hue. Some of the young women, with their raven-black hair dressed -in glossy ringlets, and bright glistening eyes, are distinctly -good-looking, but both good looks and complexion are short-lived, -and the women speedily degenerate into uncomely hags. As in Maori -land, so in Toda land, one finds a race of superb men coupled to -hideous women, and, with the exception of the young girls, the fair -sex is the male sex. Both men and women cover their bodies with -a white mantle with blue and red lines, called putkuli, which is -purchased in the Ootacamund bazar, and is sometimes decorated with -embroidery worked by the Toda women. The odour of the person of the -Todas, caused by the rancid butter which they apply to the mantle -as a preservative reagent, or with which they anoint their bodies, -is quite characteristic. With a view to testing his sense of smell, -long after our return from Paikara, I blindfolded a friend who had -accompanied me thither, and presented before his nose a cloth, which -he at once recognised as having something to do with the Todas. - -In former times, a Badaga could be at once picked out from the other -tribes of the Nilgiri plateau by his wearing a turban. At the present -day, some Toda elders and important members of the community (e.g., -monegars or headmen) have adopted this form of head-gear. The men who -were engaged as guides by Dr. Rivers and myself donned the turban in -honour of their appointment. - -Toda females are tattooed after they have reached puberty. I have -seen several multiparæ, in whom the absence of tattoo marks was -explained either on the ground that they were too poor to afford -the expense of the operation, or that they were always suckling or -pregnant--conditions, they said, in which the operation would not be -free from danger. The dots and circles, of which the simple devices -are made up, [36] are marked out with lamp-black made into a paste -with water, and the pattern is pricked in by a Toda woman with the -spines of Berberis aristata. The system of tattooing and decoration -of females with ornaments is summed up in the following cases:-- - -1. Aged 22. Has one child. Tattooed with three dots on back of left -hand. Wears silver necklet ornamented with Arcot two-anna pieces; -thread and silver armlets ornamented with cowry (Cypræa moneta) -shells on right upper arm; thread armlet ornamented with cowries on -left forearm; brass ring on left ring finger; silver rings on right -middle and ring fingers. Lobes of ears pierced. Ear-rings removed -owing to grandmother's death. - -2. Aged 28. Tattooed with a single dot on chin; rings and dots on -chest, outer side of upper arms, back of left hand, below calves, above -ankles, and across dorsum of feet. Wears thread armlet ornamented with -young cowries on right forearm; thread armlet and two heavy ornamental -brass armlets on left upper arm; ornamental brass bangle and glass -bead bracelet on left wrist; brass ring on left little finger; two -steel rings on left ring finger; bead necklet ornamented with cowries. - -3. Aged 35. Tattooed like the preceding, with the addition of an -elaborate device of rings and dots on the back. - -4. Aged 35. Linen bound round elbow joint, to prevent chafing of -heavy brass armlets. Cicatrices of sores in front of elbow joint, -produced by armlets. - -5. Aged 23. Has one child. Tattooed only below calves, and above -ankles. - -The following are the more important physical measurements of the -Toda men, whom I have examined:-- - - - Av. Max. Min. - cm. cm. cm. - - Stature 169.8 186.8 157.6 - Cephalic length 19.4 20.4 18.2 - Do. breadth 14.2 15.2 13.3 - Do. index 73.3 81.3 68.7 - Nasal height 4.7 4.9 4.6 - Do. breadth 3.6 3.8 3.4 - Do. index 74.9 79.9 70. - - -Allowing that the cephalic index is a good criterion of racial or -tribal purity, the following analysis of the Toda indices is very -striking:-- - - - 69 ** - 70 ******* - 71 *********** - 72 ******* - 73 ************** [37] - 74 ********************* - 75 ********* - 76 ****** - 77 * - 78 * - 79 * - 80 - 81 * - - -A thing of exceeding joy to the Todas was my Salter's hand-dynamometer, -the fame of which spread from mand to mand, and which was circulated -among the crowd at funerals. Great was the disgust of the assembled -males, on a certain day, when the record of hand-grip for the morning -(73 lbs.) was carried off by a big-boned female, who became the -unlovely heroine of the moment. The largest English feminine hand-grip, -recorded in my laboratory note-book, is only 66 lbs. One Toda man, -of fine physique, not satisfied with his grip of 98 lbs., went into -training, and fed himself up for a few days. Thus prepared, he returned -to accomplish 103 lbs., the result of more skilful manipulation of -the machine rather than of a liberal dietary of butter-milk. - -The routine Toda dietary is said to be made up of the following -articles, to which must be added strong drinks purchased at the -toddy shops:-- - -(a) Rice boiled in whey. - -(b) Rice and jaggery (crude sugar) boiled in water. - -(c) Broth or curry made of vegetables purchased in the bazar, wild -vegetables and pot-herbs, which, together with ground orchids, the -Todas may often be seen rooting up with a sharp-pointed digging-stick -on the hill-sides. The Todas scornfully deny the use of aphrodisiacs, -but both men and women admit that they take salep misri boiled in milk, -to make them strong. Salep misri is made from the tubers (testicles -de chiens) of various species of Eulophia and Habenaria belonging to -the natural order Orchideæ. - -The indigenous edible plants and pot-herbs include the following:-- - -(1) Cnicus Wallichii (thistle).--The roots and flower-stalks are -stripped of their bark, and made into soup or curry. - -(2) Girardinia heterophylla (Nilgiri nettle).--The tender leafy shoots -of vigorously growing plants are gathered, crushed by beating with a -stick to destroy the stinging hairs, and made into soup or curry. The -fibre of this plant, which is cultivated near the mands, is used for -stitching the putkuli, with steel needles purchased in the bazar in -lieu of the more primitive form. In the preparation of the fibre, -the bark is thrown into a pot of boiling water, to which ashes have -been added. After a few hours' boiling, the bark is taken out and -the fibre extracted. - -(3) Tender shoots of bamboos eaten in the form of curry. - -(4) Alternanthera sessilis. Pot-herbs. - Stellaria media. - Amarantus spinosus. - Amarantus polygonoides. - -The following list of plants, of which the fruits are eaten by the -Todas, has been brought together by Mr. K. Rangachari:-- - -Eugenia Arnottiana.--The dark purple juice of the fruit of this tree -is used by Toda women for painting beauty spots on their faces. - -Rubus ellipticus. Wild raspberry. -Rubus molucanus. -Rubus lasiocarpus. - -Fragaria nilgerrensis, wild strawberry. - -Elæagnus latifolia. Said by Dr. Mason to make excellent tarts and -jellies. - -Gaultheria fragrantissima. - -Rhodomyrtus tomentosa, hill gooseberry. - -Loranthus neelgherrensis. Parasitic on trees. -Loranthus loniceroides. - -Elæocarpus oblongus. - -Elæocarpus Munronii. - -Berberis aristata. Barberry. -Berberis nepalensis. - -Solanum nigrum. - -Vaccinium Leschenaultii. - -Vaccinium nilgherrense. - -Toddalia aculeata. - -Ceropegia pusilla. - - -To which may be added mushrooms. - -A list containing the botanical and Toda names of trees, shrubs, etc., -used by the Todas in their ordinary life, or in their ceremonial, -is given by Dr. Rivers. [38] - -Fire is, in these advanced days, obtained by the Todas in their -dwelling huts for domestic purposes from matches. The men who came -to be operated on with my measuring instruments had no hesitation in -asking for a match, and lighting the cheroots which were distributed -amongst them, before they left the Paikara bungalow dining-room. Within -the precincts of the dairy temple the use of matches is forbidden, and -fire is kindled with the aid of two dry sticks of Litsæa Wightiana. Of -these one, terminating in a blunt convex extremity, is about 2' 3'' -long; the other, with a hemispherical cavity scooped out close to -one end, about 2 1/2'' in length. A little nick or slot is cut on the -edge of the shorter stick, and connected with the hole in which the -spindle stick is made to revolve. "In this slot the dust collects, and, -remaining in an undisturbed heap, seemingly acts as a muffle to retain -the friction-heat until it reaches a sufficiently high temperature, -when the wood-powder becomes incandescent." [39] Into the cavity in the -short stick the end of the longer stick fits, so as to allow of easy -play. The smaller stick is placed on the ground, and held tight by -firm pressure of the great toe, applied to the end furthest from the -cavity, into which a little finely powdered charcoal is inserted. The -larger stick is then twisted vigorously, "like a chocolate muller" -(Tylor) between the palms of the hands by two men, turn and turn -about, until the charcoal begins to glow. Fire, thus made, is said -to be used at the sacred dairy (ti), the dairy houses of ordinary -mands, and at the cremation of males. In an account of a Toda green -funeral, [40] Mr. Walhouse notes that "when the pile was completed, -fire was obtained by rubbing two dry sticks together. This was done -mysteriously and apart, for such a mode of obtaining fire is looked -upon as something secret and sacred." At the funeral of a female, -I provided a box of tändstickors for lighting the pyre. A fire-stick, -which was in current use in a dairy, was polluted and rendered useless -by the touch of my Brahman assistant! It is recorded by Harkness -[41] that a Brahman was not only refused admission to a Toda dairy, -but actually driven away by some boys, who rushed out of it when -they heard him approach. It is noted by Dr. Rivers that "several -kinds of wood are used for the fire-sticks, the Toda names of these -being kiaz or keadj (Litsæa Wightiana), mors (Michelia Nilagirica), -parskuti (Elæagnus latifolia), and main (Cinnamomum Wightii)." He -states further that, "whenever fire is made for a sacred purpose, the -fire-sticks must be of the wood which the Todas call kiaz or keadj, -except in the tesherot ceremony (qualifying ceremony for the office -of palol) in which the wood of muli is used. At the niroditi ceremony -(ordination ceremony of a dairyman), "the assistant makes fire by -friction, and lights a fire of mulli wood, at which the candidate -warms himself." It is also recorded by Dr. Rivers that "in some Toda -villages, a stone is kept, called tutmûkal, which was used at one -time for making fire by striking it with a piece of iron." - -The abode of the Todas is called a mad or mand (village or hamlet), -which is composed of huts, dairy temple, and cattle-pen, and has been -so well described by Dr. Shortt, [42] that I cannot do better than -quote his account. "Each mand," he says, "usually comprises about -five buildings or huts, three of which are used as dwellings, one -as a dairy, and the other for sheltering the calves at night. These -huts form a peculiar kind of oval pent-shaped [half-barrel-shaped] -construction, usually 10 feet high, 18 feet long, and 9 feet -broad. The entrance or doorway measures 32 inches in height and 18 -inches in width, and is not provided with any door or gate; but -the entrance is closed by means of a solid slab or plank of wood -from 4 to 6 inches thick, and of sufficient dimensions to entirely -block up the entrance. This sliding door is inside the hut, and so -arranged and fixed on two stout stakes buried in the earth, and -standing to the height of 2 1/2 to 3 feet, as to be easily moved -to and fro. There are no other openings or outlets of any kind, -either for the escape of smoke, or for the free ingress and egress -of atmospheric air. The doorway itself is of such small dimensions -that, to effect an entrance, one has to go down on all fours, and even -then much wriggling is necessary before an entrance is effected. The -houses are neat in appearance, and are built of bamboos closely laid -together, fastened with rattan, and covered with thatch, which renders -them water-tight. Each building has an end walling before and behind, -composed of solid blocks of wood, and the sides are covered in by -the pent-roofing, which slopes down to the ground. The front wall or -planking contains the entrance or doorway. The inside of a hut is from -8 to 15 feet square, and is sufficiently high in the middle to admit -of a tall man moving about with comfort. On one side there is a raised -platform or pial formed of clay, about two feet high, and covered with -sambar (deer) or buffalo skins, or sometimes with a mat. This platform -is used as a sleeping place. On the opposite side is a fire place, -and a slight elevation, on which the cooking utensils are placed. In -this part of the building, faggots of firewood are seen piled up from -floor to roof, and secured in their place by loops of rattan. Here -also the rice-pounder or pestle is fixed. The mortar is formed by a -hole dug in the ground, 7 to 9 inches deep, and hardened by constant -use. The other household goods consist of three or four brass dishes or -plates, several bamboo measures, and sometimes a hatchet. Each hut or -dwelling is surrounded by an enclosure or wall formed of loose stones -piled up two or three feet high [with openings too narrow to permit -of a buffalo entering through it]. The dairy is sometimes a building -slightly larger than the others, and usually contains two compartments -separated by a centre planking. One part of the dairy is a store-house -for ghee, milk and curds, contained in separate vessels. The outer -apartment forms the dwelling place of the dairy priest. The doorways -of the dairy are smaller than those of the dwelling huts. The flooring -of the dairy is level, and at one end there is a fire-place. Two or -three milk pails or pots are all that it usually contains. The dairy -is usually situated at some little distance from the habitations. The -huts where the calves are kept are simple buildings, somewhat like -the dwelling huts. In the vicinity of the mands are the cattle-pens or -tuels[tu], which are circular enclosures surrounded by a loose stone -wall, with a single entrance guarded by powerful stakes. In these, -the herds of buffaloes are kept at night. Each mand possesses a herd -of these animals." It is noted by Dr. Rivers that "in the immediate -neighbourhood of a village there are usually well-worn paths, by which -the village is approached, and some of these paths or kalvol receive -special names. Some may not be traversed by women. Within the village -there are also certain recognised paths, of which two are specially -important. One, the punetkalvol, is the path by which the dairy man -goes from his dairy to milk or tend the buffaloes; the other is the -majvatitthkalvol, the path which the women must use when going to -the dairy to receive butter-milk (maj) from the dairy man. Women are -not allowed to go to the dairy or to other places connected with it, -except at appointed times, when they receive buttermilk." - -In addition to the dairies which in form resemble the dwelling-huts, -the Todas keep up as dairy-temples certain curious conical edifices, -of which there are said to be four on the Nilgiri plateau, viz., at the -Muttanad mand, near Kotagiri, near Sholur, and at Mudimand. The last -was out of repair a few years ago, but was, I was informed, going to be -rebuilt shortly. It is suggested by Dr. Rivers as probable that in many -cases a dairy, originally of the conical form, has been rebuilt in the -same form as the dwelling-hut, owing to the difficulty and extra labour -of reconstruction in the older shape. The edifice at the Muttanad mand -(or Nodrs), at the top of the Sigur ghat, is known to members of the -Ootacamund Hunt as the Toda cathedral. It has a circular stone base -and a tall conical thatched roof crowned with a large flat stone, and -is surrounded by a circular stone wall. To penetrate within the sacred -edifice was forbidden, but we were informed that it contained milking -vessels, dairy apparatus, and a swami in the guise of a copper bell -(mani). The dairyman is known as the varzhal or wursol. In front of -the cattle-pen of the neighbouring mand, I noticed a grass-covered -mound, which, I was told, is sacred. The mound contains nothing -buried within it, but the bodies of the dead are placed near it, and -earth from the mound is placed on the corpse before it is removed to -the burning-ground. At "dry funerals" the buffalo is said to be slain -near the mound. It has been suggested by Colonel Marshall [43] that the -"boa or boath [poh.] is not a true Toda building, but may be the bethel -of some tribe contemporaneous with, and cognate to the Todas, which, -taking refuge, like them, on these hills, died out in their presence." - -Despite the hypothesis of Dr. Rivers that the Todas are derived from -one or more of the races of Malabar, their origin is buried among the -secrets of the past. So too is the history of the ancient builders -of cairns and barrows on the Nilgiri plateau, which were explored -by Mr. Breeks when Commissioner of the Nilgiris. [44] The bulk of -the Breeks' collection is now preserved in the Madras Museum, and -includes a large series of articles in pottery, quite unlike anything -known from other parts of Southern India. Concerning this series, -Mr. R. Bruce Foote writes as follows. [45] "The most striking objects -are tall jars, many-storied cylinders, of varying diameter with round -or conical bases, fashioned to rest upon pottery ring-stands, or to be -stuck into soft soil, like the amphoræ of classical times. These jars -were surmounted by domed lids. On these lids stood or sat figures -of the most varied kind of men, or animals, much more rarely of -inanimate objects, but all modelled in the rudest and most grotesque -style. Grotesque and downright ugly as are these figures, yet those -representing men and women are extremely interesting from the light -they throw upon the stage of civilization their makers had attained -to, for they illustrate the fashion of the garments as also of the -ornaments they wore, and of the arms or implements carried by them. The -animals they had domesticated, those they chased, and others that -they probably worshipped, are all indicated. Many figures of their -domestic animals, especially their buffaloes and sheep, are decorated -with garlands and bells, and show much ornamentation, which seems to -indicate that they were painted over, a custom which yet prevails in -many parts." Among the most interesting figures are those of heavily -bearded men riding on horses, and big-horned buffaloes which might -have been modelled from the Toda buffaloes of to-day, and, like these, -at funerals and migration ceremonies, bear a bell round the neck. - -Two forms of Toda dairy have so far been noticed. But there remains -a third kind, called the ti mand, concerning which Dr. Rivers writes -as follows. "The ti is the name of an institution, which comprises -a herd of buffaloes, with a number of dairies and grazing districts, -tended by a dairy-man priest called palol, with an assistant called -kaltmokh. Each dairy, with its accompanying buildings and pasturage, -is called a ti mad, or ti village. The buffaloes belonging to a ti -are of two kinds, distinguished as persiner and punir. The former are -the sacred buffaloes, and the elaborate ceremonial of the ti dairy -is concerned with their milk. The punir correspond in some respects -to the putiir of the ordinary village dairy, and their milk and its -products are largely for the personal use and profit of the palol, and -are not treated with any special ceremony. During the whole time he -holds office, the palol may not visit his home or any other ordinary -village, though he may visit another ti village. Any business with -the outside world is done either through the kaltmokh, or with people -who come to visit him at the ti. If the palol has to cross a river, -he may not pass by a bridge, but must use a ford, and it appears that -he may only use certain fords. The palol must be celibate, and, if -married, he must leave his wife, who is in most cases also the wife -of his brother or brothers." I visited the ti mand near Paikara by -appointment, and, on arrival near the mand, found the two palols, -well-built men aged about thirty and fifty, clad in black cloths, -and two kaltmokhs, youths aged about eight and ten, naked save for a -loin-cloth, seated on the ground, awaiting our arrival. As a mark of -respect to the palols, the three Todas who accompanied me arranged -their putkulis so that the right arm was laid bare, and one of -them, who was wearing a turban, removed it. A long palaver ensued in -consequence of the palols demanding ten rupees to cover the expenses of -the purificatory ceremonies, which, they maintained, would be necessary -if I desecrated the mand by photographing it. Eventually, however, -under promise of a far smaller sum, the dwelling-hut was photographed, -with palols, kaltmokhs, and a domestic cat seated in front of it. - -In connection with the palol being forbidden to cross a river by a -bridge, it may be noted that the river which flows past the Paikara -bungalow is regarded as sacred by the Todas, and, for fear of mishap -from arousing the wrath of the river god, a pregnant Toda woman -will not venture to cross it. The Todas will not use the river water -for any purpose, and they do not touch it unless they have to ford -it. They then walk through it, and, on reaching the opposite bank, -bow their heads. Even when they walk over the Paikara bridge, they -take their hand out of the putkuli as a mark of respect. Concerning -the origin of the Paikara river, a grotesque legend was narrated to -us. Many years ago, the story goes, two Todas, uncle and nephew, went -out to gather honey. After walking for a few miles they separated, -and proceeded in different directions. The uncle was unsuccessful in -the search, but the more fortunate nephew secured two kandis (bamboo -measures) of honey. This, with a view to keeping it all for himself, -he secreted in a crevice among the rocks, with the exception of a -very small quantity, which he made his uncle believe was the entire -product of his search. On the following day, the nephew went alone to -the spot where the honey was hidden, and found, to his disappointment, -that the honey was leaking through the bottom of the bamboo measures, -which were transformed into two snakes. Terrified at the sight thereof, -he ran away, but the snakes pursued him (may be they were hamadryads, -which have the reputation of pursuing human beings). After running -a few minutes, he espied a hare (Lepus nigricollis) running across -his course, and, by a skilful manoeuvre, threw his body-cloth over -it. Mistaking it for a man, the snakes followed in pursuit of the hare, -which, being very fleet of foot, managed to reach the sun, which -became obscured by the hoods of the reptiles. This fully accounts -for the solar eclipse. The honey, which leaked out of the vessels, -became converted into the Paikara river. - -In connection with the migrations of the herds of buffaloes, Dr. Rivers -writes as follows. "At certain seasons of the year, it is customary -that the buffaloes both of the village and the ti should migrate from -one place to another. Sometimes the village buffaloes are accompanied -by all the inhabitants of the village; sometimes the buffaloes are only -accompanied by their dairy-man and one or more male assistants. There -are two chief reasons for these movements of the buffaloes, of which -the most urgent is the necessity for new grazing-places.... The other -chief reason for the migrations is that certain villages and dairies, -formerly important and still sacred, are visited for ceremonial -purposes, or out of respect to ancient custom." For the following -note on a buffalo migration which he came across, I am indebted to -Mr. H. C. Wilson. "During the annual migration of buffaloes to the -Kundahs, and when they were approaching the bridle-path leading from -Avalanche to Sispara, I witnessed an interesting custom. The Toda -family had come to a halt on the far side of the path; the females -seated themselves on the grass, and awaited the passing of the sacred -herd. This herd, which had travelled by a recognised route across -country, has to cross the bridle-path some two or three hundred yards -above the Avalanche-Sispara sign-post. Both the ordinary and sacred -herd were on the move together. The former passed up the Sispara path, -while the latter crossed in a line, and proceeded slightly down the -hill, eventually crossing the stream and up through the sholas over -the steep hills on the opposite side of the valley. As soon as the -sacred herd had crossed the bridle-path, the Toda men, having put -down all their household utensils, went to where the women and girls -were sitting, and carried them, one by one, over the place where the -buffaloes had passed, depositing them on the path above. One of the -men told me that the females are not allowed to walk over the track -covered by the sacred herd, and have to be carried whenever it is -necessary to cross it. This herd has a recognised tract when migrating, -and is led by the old buffaloes, who appear to know the exact way." - -The tenure under which lands are held by the Todas is summed up as -follows by Mr. R. S. Benson in his report on the revenue settlement of -the Nilgiris, 1885. "The earliest settlers, and notably Mr. Sullivan, -strongly advocated the claim of the Todas to the absolute proprietary -right to the plateau [as lords of the soil]; but another school, led -by Mr. Lushington, has strongly combated these views, and apparently -regarded the Todas as merely occupiers under the ryotwari system in -force generally in the Presidency. From the earliest times the Todas -have received from the cultivating Badagas an offering or tribute, -called gudu or basket of grain, partly in compensation for the land -taken up by the latter for cultivation, and so rendered unfit for -grazing purposes, but chiefly as an offering to secure the favour, -or avert the displeasure of the Todas, who, like the Kurumbas (q.v.), -are believed by the Badagas to have necromantic powers over their -health and that of their herds. The European settlers also bought land -in Ootacamund from them, and to this day the Government pays them the -sum of Rs. 150 per mensem, as compensation for interference with the -enjoyment of their pastoral rights in and about Ootacamund. Their -position was, however, always a matter of dispute, until it was -finally laid down in the despatch of the Court of Directors, dated 21st -January, 1843. It was then decided that the Todas possessed nothing -more than a prescriptive right to enjoy the privilege of pasturing -their herds, on payment of a small tax, on the State lands. The Court -desired that they should be secured from interference by settlers -in the enjoyment of their mands, and of their spots appropriated to -religious rites. Accordingly pattas were issued, granting to each -mand three bullahs (11.46 acres) of land. In 1863 Mr. Grant obtained -permission to make a fresh allotment of nine bullahs (34.38 acres) -to each mand on the express condition that the land should be used for -pasturage only, and that no right to sell the land or the wood on it -should be thereby conveyed. It may be added that the so-called Toda -lands are now regarded as the inalienable common property of the Toda -community, and unauthorised alienation is checked by the imposition of -a penal rate of assessment (G.O., 18th April 1882). Up to the date of -this order, however, alienations by sale or lease were of frequent -occurrence. It remains to be seen whether the present orders and -subordinate staff will be more adequate than those that went before -to check the practices referred to." With the view of protecting -the Toda lands, Government took up the management of these lands in -1893, and framed rules, under the Forest Act, for their management, -the rights of the Todas over them being in no way affected by the -rules of which the following is an abstract:-- - -1. No person shall fell, girdle, mark, lop, uproot, or burn, or strip -off the bark or leaves from, or otherwise damage any tree growing on -the said lands, or remove the timber, or collect the natural produce of -such trees or lands, or quarry or collect stone, lime, gravel, earth -or manure upon such lands, or break up such lands for cultivation, -or erect buildings of any description, or cattle kraals; and no person -or persons, other than the Todas named in the patta concerned, shall -graze cattle, sheep, or goats upon such lands, unless he is authorised -so to do by the Collector of Nilgiris, or some person empowered by him. - -2. The Collector may select any of the said lands to be placed under -special fire protection. - -3. No person shall hunt, beat for game, or shoot in such lands without -a license from the Collector. - -4. No person shall at any time set nets, traps, or snares for game -on such lands. - -5. All Todas in the Nilgiri district shall, in respect of their -own patta lands, be exempt from the operation of the above rules, -and shall be at liberty to graze their own buffaloes, to remove fuel -and grass for their domestic requirements, and to collect honey or -wax upon such lands. They shall likewise be entitled to, and shall -receive free permits for building or repairing their mands and temples. - -6. The Collector shall have power to issue annual permits for the -cultivation of grass land only in Toda pattas by Todas themselves, -free of charge, or otherwise as Government may, from time to time, -direct; but no Toda shall be at liberty to permit any person, except -a Toda, to cultivate, or assist in the cultivation of such lands. - -In 1905, the Todas petitioned Government against the prohibition by the -local Forest authorities of the burning of grass on the downs, issued -on the ground of danger to the sholas (wooded ravines or groves). This -yearly burning of the grass was claimed by the Todas to improve it, and -they maintained that their cattle were deteriorating for want of good -fodder. Government ruled that the grass on the plateau has been burnt -by the inhabitants at pleasure for many years without any appreciable -damage to forest growth, and the practice should not be disturbed. - -Concerning the social organisation of the Todas, Mr. Breeks states -that they are "divided into two classes, which cannot intermarry, -viz., Dêvalyâl and Tarserzhâl. The first class consists of Peiki -class, corresponding in some respects to Brahmans; the second of the -four remaining classes the Pekkan, Kuttan, Kenna, and Todi. A Peiki -woman may not go to the village of the Tarserzhâl, although the women -of the latter may visit Peikis." The class names given by Mr. Breeks -were readily recognised by the Todas whom I interviewed, but they gave -Terthal (comprising superior Peikis) and Tarthal as the names of the -divisions. They told me that, when a Terthal woman visits her friends -at a Tarthal mand, she is not allowed to enter the mand, but must stop -at a distance from it. Todas as a rule cook their rice in butter-milk, -but, when a Terthal woman pays a visit to Tarthal mand, rice is cooked -for her in water. When a Tarthal woman visits at a Terthal mand, she -is permitted to enter into the mand, and food is cooked for her in -buttermilk. The restrictions which are imposed on Terthal women are -said to be due to the fact that on one occasion a Terthal woman, on -a visit at a Tarthal mand, folded up a cloth, and placed it under her -putkuli as if it was a baby. When food was served, she asked for some -for the child, and on receiving it, exhibited the cloth. The Tarthals, -not appreciating the mild joke, accordingly agreed to degrade all -Terthal women. According to Dr. Rivers, "the fundamental feature of -the social organisation is the division of the community into two -perfectly distinct groups, the Tartharol and the Teivaliol [=Dêvalyâl -of Breeks]. There is a certain amount of specialisation of function, -certain grades of the priesthood being filled only by members of the -Teivaliol. The Tartharol and Teivaliol are two endogamous divisions of -the Toda people. Each of these primary divisions is sub-divided into a -number of secondary divisions [clans]. These are exogamous. Each class -possesses a group of villages, and takes its name from the chief of -these villages, Etudmad. The Tartharol are divided into twelve clans, -the Teivaliol into six clans or madol." - -When a girl has reached the age of puberty, she goes through an -initiatory ceremony, in which a Toda man of strong physique takes -part. One of these splendid specimens of human muscularity was -introduced to me on the occasion of a phonograph recital at the -Paikara bungalow. - -Concerning the system of polyandry as carried out by the Todas, -Dr. Rivers writes as follows. "The Todas have long been noted as -a polyandrous people, and the institution of polyandry is still in -full working order among them. When the girl becomes the wife of a -boy, it is usually understood that she becomes also the wife of his -brothers. In nearly every case at the present time, and in recent -generations, the husbands of a woman are own brothers. In a few cases, -though not brothers, they are of the same clan. Very rarely do they -belong to different clans. One of the most interesting features of -Toda polyandry is the method by which it is arranged who shall be -regarded as the father of a child. For all social and legal purposes, -the father of a child is the man who performs a certain ceremony -about the seventh month of pregnancy, in which an imitation bow and -arrow are given to the woman. When the husbands are own brothers, -the eldest brother usually gives the bow and arrow, and is the -father of the child, though, so long as the brothers live together, -the other brothers are also regarded as fathers. It is in the cases -in which the husbands are not own brothers that the ceremony becomes -of real social importance. In these cases, it is arranged that one -of the husbands shall give the bow and arrow, and this man is the -father, not only of the child born shortly afterwards, but also of -all succeeding children, till another husband performs the essential -ceremony. Fatherhood is determined so essentially by this ceremony -that a man who has been dead for several years is regarded as the -father of any children born by his widow, if no other man has given -the bow and arrow. There is no doubt that, in former times, the -polyandry of the Todas was associated with female infanticide, and -it is probable that the latter custom still exists to some extent, -though strenuously denied. There is reason to believe that women are -now more plentiful than formerly, though they are still in a distinct -minority. Any increase, however, in the number of women does not -appear to have led to any great diminution of polyandrous marriages, -but polyandry is often combined with polygyny. Two or more brothers -may have two or more wives in common. In such marriages, however, -it seems to be a growing custom that one brother should give the bow -and arrow to one wife, and another brother to another wife." - -The pregnancy ceremony referred to above is called pursutpimi, or bow -(and arrow) we touch. According to the account given to me by several -independent witnesses, the woman proceeds, accompanied by members -of the tribe, on a new moon-day in the fifth or seventh month of her -pregnancy, to a shola, where she sits with the man who is to become -the father of her child near a kiaz tree (Eugenia Arnottiana). The -man asks the father of the woman if he may bring the bow, and, on -obtaining his consent, goes in search of a shrub (Sophora glauca), -from a twig of which he makes a mimic bow. The arrow is represented -by a blade of grass called nark (Andropogon Schoenanthus). Meanwhile -a triangular niche has been cut in the kiaz tree, in which a lighted -lamp is placed. The woman seats herself in front of the lamp, and, -on the return of the man, asks thrice "Whose bow is it?" or "What -is it?" meaning to whom, or to which mand does the child belong? The -bow and arrow are handed to the woman, who raises them to her head, -touches her forehead with them, and places them near the tree. From -this moment the lawful father of the child is the man from whom she -has received the bow and arrow. He places on the ground at the foot of -the tree some rice, various kinds of grain, chillies, jaggery (crude -sugar), and salt tied in a cloth. All those present then leave, except -the man and woman, who remain near the tree till about six o'clock in -the evening, when they return to the mand. The time is determined, in -the vicinity of Ootacamund, by the opening of the flowers of Onothera -tetraptera (evening primrose), a garden escape called by the Todas -aru mani puv (six o'clock flower), which opens towards evening. [46] -It may be noted that, at the second funeral of a male, a miniature -bow and three arrows are burnt with various other articles within -the stone circle (azaram). - -A few years ago (1902), the Todas, in a petition to Government, -prayed for special legislation to legalise their marriages on the -lines of the Malabar Marriage Act. The Government was of opinion that -legislation was unnecessary, and that it was open to such of the Todas -as were willing to sign the declaration prescribed by section 10 of -the Marriage Act III of 1872 to contract legal marriages under the -provision of that Act. The Treasury Deputy Collector of the Nilgiris -was appointed Registrar of Toda marriages. No marriage has been -registered up to the present time. - -The practice of infanticide among the Todas is best summed up in the -words of an aged Toda during an interview with Colonel Marshall. [47] -"I was a little boy when Mr. Sullivan (the first English pioneer of the -Nilgiris) visited these mountains. In those days it was the custom to -kill children, but the practice has long died out, and now one never -hears of it. I don't know whether it was wrong or not to kill them, -but we were very poor, and could not support our children. Now every -one has a mantle (putkuli), but formerly there was only one for the -whole family. We did not kill them to please any god, but because it -was our custom. The mother never nursed the child, and the parents -did not kill it. Do you think we could kill it ourselves? Those tell -lies who say we laid it down before the opening of the buffalo-pen, -so that it might be run over and killed by the animals. We never did -such things, and it is all nonsense that we drowned it in buffalo's -milk. Boys were never killed--only girls; not those who were sickly -and deformed--that would be a sin; but, when we had one girl, or in -some families two girls, those that followed were killed. An old woman -(kelachi) used to take the child immediately it was born, and close -its nostrils, ears, and mouth with a cloth thus--here pantomimic -action. It would shortly droop its head, and go to sleep. We then -buried it in the ground. The kelachi got a present of four annas -for the deed." The old man's remark about the cattle-pen refers to -the Malagasy custom of placing a new-born child at the entrance to a -cattle-pen, and then driving the cattle over it, to see whether they -would trample on it or not. [48] The Missionary Metz [49] bears out -the statement that the Toda babies were killed by suffocation. - -At the census, 1901, 453 male and 354 female Todas were returned. In a -note on the proportion of the sexes among the Todas, Mr. R. C. Punnett -states [50] that "all who have studied the Todas are agreed upon the -frequency of the practice (of infanticide) in earlier times. Marshall, -writing in 1872, refers to the large amount of female infanticide in -former years, but expresses his conviction that the practice had by -that time died out. Marshall's evidence is that of native assurance -only. Dr. Rivers, who received the same assurance, is disinclined to -place much confidence in native veracity with reference to this point, -and, in view of the lack of encouragement which the practice receives -from the Indian Government, this is not altogether surprising. The -supposition of female infanticide, by accounting for the great -disproportion in the numbers of the sexes, brings the Todas into -harmony with what is known of the rest of mankind." In summarising -his conclusions, Mr. Punnett notes that:-- - -(1) Among the Todas, males predominate greatly over females. - -(2) This preponderance is doubtless due to the practice of female -infanticide, which is probably still to some extent prevalent. - -(3) The numerical preponderance of the males has been steadily -sinking during recent years, owing probably to the check which foreign -intercourse has imposed upon female infanticide. - -In connection with the death ceremonies of the Todas, Dr. Rivers -notes that "soon after death the body is burnt, and the general -name for the ceremony on this occasion is etvainolkedr, the first -day funeral. After an interval, which may vary greatly in length, -a second ceremony is performed, connected with certain relics of the -deceased which have been preserved from the first occasion. The Toda -name for this second funeral ceremony is marvainolkedr, the second day -funeral, or 'again which day funeral.' The funeral ceremonies are open -to all, and visitors are often invited by the Todas. In consequence, -the funeral rites are better known, and have been more frequently -described than any other features of Toda ceremonial. Like nearly -every institution of the Todas, however, they have become known -to Europeans under their Badaga names. The first funeral is called -by the Badagas hase kedu, the fresh or green funeral, and the term -'green funeral' has not only become the generally recognised name -among the European inhabitants of the Nilgiri hills, but has been -widely adopted in anthropological literature. The second funeral is -called by the Badagas bara kedu, the 'dry funeral,' and this term -also has been generally adopted." The various forms of the funeral -ceremonies are discussed in detail by Dr. Rivers, and it must suffice -to describe those at which we have been present as eye-witnesses. - -I had the opportunity of witnessing the second funeral of a woman -who had died from smallpox two months previously. On arrival at a -mand on the open downs about five miles from Ootacamund, we were -conducted by a Toda guide to the margin of a dense shola, where -we found two groups seated apart, consisting of (a) women, girls, -and brown-haired female babies, round a camp fire; (b) men, boys, -and male babies, carried, with marked signs of paternal affection, -by their fathers. In a few minutes a murmuring sound commenced -in the centre of the female group. Working themselves up to the -necessary pitch, some of the women (near relatives of the deceased) -commenced to cry freely, and the wailing and lachrymation gradually -spread round the circle, until all, except little girls and babies -who were too young to be affected, were weeping and mourning, some -for fashion, others from genuine grief. In carrying out the orthodox -form of mourning, the women first had a good cry to themselves, and -then, as their emotions became more intense, went round the circle, -selecting partners with whom to share companionship in grief. Gradually -the group resolved itself into couplets of mourners, each pair with -their heads in contact, and giving expression to their emotions -in unison. Before separating to select a new partner, each couple -saluted by bowing the head, and raising thereto the feet of the other, -covered by the putkuli. [I have seen women rapidly recover from the -outward manifestations of grief, and clamour for money.] From time -to time the company of mourners was reinforced by late arrivals from -distant mands, and, as each detachment, now of men and now of women, -came in view across the open downs, one could not fail to be reminded -of the gathering of the clans on some Highland moor. The resemblance -was heightened by the distant sound as of pipers, produced by the -Kota band (with two police constables in attendance), composed of -four Kotas, who made a weird noise with drums and flutes as they drew -near the scene of action. The band, on arrival, took up a position -close to the mourning women. As each detachment arrived, the women, -recognising their relatives, came forward and saluted them in the -manner customary among Todas by falling at their feet, and placing -first the right and then the left foot on their head. Shortly after the -arrival of the band, signals were exchanged, by waving of putkulis, -between the assembled throng and a small detachment of men some -distance off. A general move was made, and an impromptu procession -formed, with men in front, band in the middle, and women bringing -up the rear. A halt was made opposite a narrow gap leading into the -shola; men and women sat apart as before; and the band walked round, -discoursing unsweet music. A party of girls went off to bring fire from -the spot just vacated for use in the coming ceremonial, but recourse -was finally had to a box of matches lent by one of our party. At this -stage we noticed a woman go up to the eldest son of the deceased, -who was seated apart from the other men, and would not be comforted -in spite of her efforts to console him. On receipt of a summons from -within the shola, the assembled Toda men and ourselves swarmed into -it by a narrow track leading to a small clear space round a big tree, -from a hole cut at the base of which an elderly Toda produced a piece -of the skull of the dead woman, wrapped round with long tresses of her -hair. It now became the men's turn to exhibit active signs of grief, -and all of one accord commenced to weep and mourn. Amid the scene -of lamentation, the hair was slowly unwrapt from off the skull, and -burned in an iron ladle, from which a smell as of incense arose. A -bamboo pot of ghi was produced, with which the skull was reverently -anointed, and placed in a cloth spread on the ground. To this relic -of the deceased the throng of men, amid a scene of wild excitement, -made obeisance by kneeling down before it, and touching it with their -foreheads. The females were not permitted to witness this stage of the -proceedings, with the exception of one or two near relatives of the -departed one, who supported themselves sobbing against the tree. The -ceremonial concluded, the fragment of skull, wrapt in the cloth, was -carried into the open, where, as men and boys had previously done, -women and girls made obeisance to it. A procession was then again -formed, and marched on until a place was reached, where were two -stone-walled kraals, large and small. Around the former the men, -and within the latter the women, took up their position, the men -engaging in chit-chat, and the women in mourning, which after a -time ceased, and they too engaged in conversation. A party of men, -carrying the skull, still in the cloth, set out for a neighbouring -shola, where a kedu of several other dead Todas was being celebrated; -and a long pause ensued, broken eventually by the arrival of the -other funeral party, the men advancing in several lines, with arms -linked, and crying out U, hah! U, hah, hah! in regular time. This -party brought with it pieces of the skulls of a woman and two men, -which were placed, wrapt in cloths, on the ground, saluted, and mourned -over by the assembled multitude. At this stage a small party of Kotas -arrived, and took up their position on a neighbouring hill, waiting, -vulture-like, for the carcase of the buffalo which was shortly to be -slain. Several young men now went off across the hill in search of -buffaloes, and speedily re-appeared, driving five buffaloes before -them with sticks. As soon as the beasts approached a swampy marsh -at the foot of the hill on which the expectant crowd of men was -gathered together, two young men of athletic build, throwing off -their putkulis, made a rush down the hill, and tried to seize one -of the buffaloes by the horns, with the result that one of them -was promptly thrown. The buffalo escaping, one of the remaining -four was quickly caught by the horns, and, with arms interlocked, -the men brought it down on its knees, amid a general scuffle. In -spite of marked objection and strenuous resistance on the part of -the animal--a barren cow--it was, by means of sticks freely applied, -slowly dragged up the hill, preceded by the Kota band, and with a -Toda youth pulling at its tail. Arrived at the open space between -the kraals, the buffalo, by this time thoroughly exasperated, and -with blood pouring from its nostrils, had a cloth put on its back, -and was despatched by a blow on the poll with an axe deftly wielded -by a young and muscular man. On this occasion no one was badly hurt -by the sacrificial cow, though one man was seen washing his legs in -the swamp after the preliminary struggle with the beast. But Colonel -Ross-King narrates how he saw a man receive a dangerous wound in the -neck from a thrust of the horn, which ripped open a wide gash from -the collar-bone to the ear. With the death of the buffalo, the last -scene, which terminated the strange rites, commenced; men, women, and -children pressing forward and jostling one another in their eagerness -to salute the dead beast by placing their hands between its horns, -and weeping and mourning in pairs; the facial expression of grief -being mimicked when tears refused to flow spontaneously. - -The ceremonial connected with the final burning of the relics and -burial of the ashes at the stone circle (azaram) are described in -detail by Dr. Rivers. - -A few days after the ceremony just described, I was invited to be -present at the funeral of a young girl who had died of smallpox five -days previously. I proceeded accordingly to the scene of the recent -ceremony, and there, in company with a small gathering of Todas from -the neighbouring mands, awaited the arrival of the funeral cortége, -the approach of which was announced by the advancing strains of -Kota music. Slowly the procession came over the brow of the hill; -the corpse, covered by a cloth, on a rude ladder-like bier, borne -on the shoulders of four men, followed by two Kota musicians; the -mother carried hidden within a sack; relatives and men carrying bags -of rice and jaggery, and bundles of wood of the kiaz tree (Eugenia -Arnottiana) for the funeral pyre. Arrived opposite a small hut, -which had been specially built for the ceremonial, the corpse was -removed from the bier, laid on the ground, face upwards, outside -the hut, and saluted by men, women, and children, with the same -manifestations of grief as on the previous occasion. Soon the men -moved away to a short distance, and engaged in quiet conversation, -leaving the females to continue mourning round the corpse, interrupted -from time to time by the arrival of detachments from distant mands, -whose first duty was to salute the dead body. Meanwhile a near -female relative of the dead child was busily engaged inside the hut, -collecting together in a basket small measures of rice, jaggery, sago, -honey-comb, and the girl's simple toys, which were subsequently to be -burned with the corpse. The mourning ceasing after a time, the corpse -was placed inside the hut, and followed by the near relatives, who -there continued to weep over it. A detachment of men and boys, who -had set out in search of the buffaloes which were to be sacrificed, -now returned driving before them three cows, which escaped from their -pursuers to rejoin the main herd. A long pause ensued, and, after a -very prolonged drive, three more cows were guided into a marshy swamp, -where one of them was caught by the horns, and dragged reluctantly, -but with little show of fight, to the strains of Kota drum and flute, -in front of the hut, where it was promptly despatched by a blow on -the poll. The corpse was now brought from within the hut, and placed, -face upwards, with its feet resting on the forehead of the buffalo, -whose neck was decorated with a silver chain, such as is worn by Todas -round the loins, as no bell was available, and the horns were smeared -with butter. Then followed frantic manifestations of grief, amid -which the unhappy mother fainted. Mourning over, the corpse was made -to go through a form of ceremony, resembling that which is performed -during pregnancy with the first child. A small boy, three years old, -was selected from among the relatives of the dead girl, and taken -by his father in search of a certain grass (Andropogon Schoenanthus) -and a twig of a shrub (Sophora glauca), which were brought to the spot -where the corpse was lying. The mother of the dead child then withdrew -one of its hands from the putkuli, and the boy placed the grass and -twig in the hand, and limes, plantains, rice, jaggery, honey-comb, -and butter in the pocket of the putkuli, which was then stitched with -needle and thread in a circular pattern. The boy's father then took -off his son's putkuli, and replaced it so as to cover him from head -to foot. Thus covered, the boy remained outside the hut till the -morning of the morrow, watched through the night by near relatives -of himself and his dead bride. [On the occasion of the funeral of an -unmarried lad, a girl is in like manner selected, covered with her -putkuli from head to foot, and a metal vessel filled with jaggery, -rice, etc., to be subsequently burnt on the funeral pyre, placed for -a short time within the folds of the putkuli. Thus covered, the girl -remains till next morning, watched through the dreary hours of the -night by relatives. The same ceremony is performed over the corpse -of a married woman who has not borne children, the husband acting as -such for the last time, in the vain hope that the woman may produce -issue in heaven.] The corpse was borne away to the burning-ground -within the shola, and, after removal of some of the hair by the -mother of the newly wedded boy, burned, with face upwards, amid the -music of the Kota band, the groans of the assembled crowd squatting -on the ground, and the genuine grief of the nearest relatives. The -burning concluded, a portion of the skull was removed from the ashes, -and handed over to the recently made mother-in-law of the dead girl, -and wrapped up with the hair in the bark of the tud tree (Meliosma -pungens). A second buffalo, which, properly speaking, should have -been slain before the corpse was burnt, was then sacrificed, and -rice and jaggery were distributed among the crowd, which dispersed, -leaving behind the youthful widower and his custodians, who, after -daybreak, partook of a meal of rice, and returned to their mands; -the boy's mother taking with her the skull and hair to her mand, -where it would remain until the celebration of the second funeral. No -attention is paid to the ashes after cremation, and they are left to -be scattered by the winds. - -A further opportunity offered itself to be present at the funeral of -an elderly woman on the open downs not far from Paikara, in connection -with which certain details possess some interest. The corpse was, at -the time of our arrival, laid out on a rude bier within an improvised -arbour covered with leaves and open at each end, and tended by some -of the female relatives. At some little distance, a conclave of Toda -men, who rose of one accord to greet us, was squatting in a circle, -among whom were many venerable white-turbaned elders of the tribe, -protected from the scorching sun by palm-leaf umbrellas. Amid much -joking, and speech-making by the veterans, it was decided that, -as the eldest son of the deceased woman was dead, leaving a widow, -this daughter-in-law should be united to the second son, and that -they should live together as man and wife. On the announcement of the -decision, the bridegroom-elect saluted the principal Todas present -by placing his head on their feet, which were sometimes concealed -within the ample folds of the putkuli. At the funeral of a married -woman, three ceremonies must, I was told, be performed, if possible, -by a daughter or daughter-in-law, viz.:-- - -(1) Tying a leafy branch of the tiviri shrub (Atylosia Candolleana) -in the putkuli of the corpse; - -(2) Tying balls of thread and cowry shells on the arm of the corpse, -just above the elbow; - -(3) Setting fire to the funeral pyre, which was, on the present -occasion, done by lighting a rag fed with ghi with a match. - -The buffalo capture took place amid the usual excitement, and with -freedom from accident; and, later in the day, the stalwart buffalo -catchers turned up at the travellers' bungalow for a pourboire in -return, as they said, for treating us to a good fight. The beasts -selected for sacrifice were a full-grown cow and a young calf. As -they were dragged near to the corpse, now removed from the arbour, -butter was smeared over the horns, and a bell tied round the neck. The -bell was subsequently removed by Kotas, in whose custody, it was said, -it was to remain till the next day funeral. The death-blow, or rather -series of blows, having been delivered with the butt end of an axe, -the feet of the corpse were placed at the mouth of the buffalo. In the -case of a male corpse, the right hand is made to clasp the horns. [It -is recorded by Dr. Rivers that, at the funeral of a male, men dance -after the buffalo is killed. In the dancing a tall pole, called -tadri or tadrsi, decorated with cowry shells, is used.] The customary -mourning in couples concluded, the corpse, clad in four cloths, was -carried on the stretcher to a clear space in the neighbouring shola, -and placed by the side of the funeral pyre, which had been rapidly -piled up. The innermost cloth was black in colour, and similar to that -worn by a palol. Next to it came a putkuli decorated with blue and -red embroidery, outside which again was a plain white cloth covered -over by a red cotton cloth of European manufacture. Seated by the -side of the pyre, near to which I was courteously invited to take a -seat on the stump of a rhododendron, was an elderly relative of the -dead woman, who, while watching the ceremonial, was placidly engaged -in the manufacture of a holly walking-stick with the aid of a glass -scraper. The proceedings were watched on behalf of Government by a -forest guard, and a police constable who, with marked affectation, -held his handkerchief to his nose throughout the ceremonial. The -corpse was decorated with brass rings, and within the putkuli were -stowed jaggery, a scroll of paper adorned with cowry shells, snuff -and tobacco, cocoanuts, biscuits, various kinds of grain, ghi, honey, -and a tin-framed looking-glass. A long purse, containing a silver -Japanese yen and an Arcot rupee of the East India Company, was tied -up in the putkuli close to the feet. These preliminaries concluded, -the corpse was hoisted up, and swung three times over the now burning -pyre, above which a mimic bier, made of slender twigs, was held. The -body was then stripped of its jewelry, and a lock of hair cut off by -the daughter-in-law for preservation, together with a fragment of the -skull. I was told that, when the corpse is swung over the pyre, the -dead person goes to amnodr (the world of the dead). In this connection, -Dr. Rivers writes that "it would seem as if this ceremony of swinging -the body over the fire was directly connected with the removal of the -objects of value. The swinging over the fire would be symbolic of its -destruction by fire; and this symbolic burning has the great advantage -that the objects of value are not consumed, and are available for use -another time. This is probably the real explanation of the ceremony, -but it is not the explanation given by the Todas themselves. They say -that long ago, about 400 years, a man supposed to be dead was put on -the funeral pyre, and, revived by the heat, he was found to be alive, -and was able to walk away from the funeral place. In consequence of -this, the rule was made that the body should always be swung three -times over the fire before it is finally placed thereon." [Colonel -Marshall narrates the story that a Toda who had revived from what -was thought his death-bed, has been observed parading about, very -proud and distinguished looking, wearing the finery with which he had -been bedecked for his own funeral, and which he would be permitted -to carry till he really departed this life.] As soon as the pyre was -fairly ablaze, the mourners, with the exception of some of the female -relatives, left the shola, and the men, congregating on the summit of -a neighbouring hill, invoked their god. Four men, seized, apparently -in imitation of the Kota Devadi, with divine frenzy, began to shiver -and gesticulate wildly, while running blindly to and fro with closed -eyes and shaking fists. They then began to talk in Malayalam, and offer -an explanation of an extraordinary phenomenon, which had appeared in -the form of a gigantic figure, which disappeared as suddenly as it -appeared. At the annual ceremony of walking through fire (hot ashes) -in that year, two factions arose owing to some dissension, and two sets -of ashes were used. This seems to have annoyed the gods, and those -concerned were threatened with speedy ruin. But the whole story was -very vague. The possession by some Todas of a smattering of Malayalam -is explained by the fact that, when grazing their buffaloes on the -northern and western slopes of the Nilgiris, they come in contact -with Malayalam-speaking people from the neighbouring Malabar district. - -At the funeral of a man (a leper), the corpse was placed in front of -the entrance to a circle of loose stones about a yard and a half in -diameter, which had been specially constructed for the occasion. Just -before the buffalo sacrifice, a man of the Paiki clan standing near the -head of the corpse, dug a hole in the ground with a cane, and asked -a Kenna who was standing on the other side, "Puzhut, Kenna," [51] -shall I throw the earth?--three times. To which the Kenna, answering, -replied "Puzhut"--throw the earth--thrice. The Paiki then threw some -earth three times over the corpse, and three times into the miniature -kraal. It is suggested by Dr. Rivers that the circle was made to do -duty for a buffalo pen, as the funeral was held at a place where there -was no tu (pen), from the entrance of which earth could be dug up. - -Several examples of laments relating to the virtues and life -of the deceased, which are sung or recited in the course of the -funeral ceremonies, are given by Dr. Rivers. On the occasion of -the reproduction of a lament in my phonograph, two young women were -seen to be crying bitterly. The selection of the particular lament -was unfortunate, as it had been sung at their father's funeral. The -reproduction of the recitation of a dead person's sins at a Badaga -funeral quickly restored them to a state of cheerfulness. - -The following petition to the Collector of the Nilgiris on the subject -of buffalo sacrifice may be quoted as a sign of the times, when the -Todas employ petition-writers to express their grievances:-- - -"According to our religious custom for the long period, we are bringing -forward of our killing buffaloes without any irregular way. But, -in last year, when the late Collector came to see the said place, -by that he ordered to the Todas first not to keep the buffaloes -without feeding in the kraal, and second he ordered to kill each -for every day, and to clear away the buffaloes, and not to keep the -buffaloes without food. We did our work according to his orders, and -this excellent order was an ample one. Now this ----, a chief of the -Todas, son of ----, a deceased Toda, the above man joined with the -moniagar of ---- village, joined together, and, dealing with bribes, -now they arose against us, and doing this great troubles on us, and -also, by this great trouble, one day Mr. ---- came for shooting snapes -(snipe) by that side. By chance one grazing buffalo came to him, push -him by his horns very forcely, and wounded him on his leg. By the help -of another gentleman who came with him he escaped, or he would have -die at the moment. Now the said moniagar and ---- joined together, -want to finish the funeral to his late father on the 18th instant. For -this purpose they are going to shut the buffaloes without food in the -kraal on the 18th instant at 10 o'clock. They are going to kill the -buffaloes on the 19th instant at 4 o'clock in the evening. But this -is a great sin against god. But we beg your honour this way. That is, -let them leave the buffaloes in the grazing place, and ask them to -catch and kill them at the same moment. And also your honour cannot -ordered them to keep them in the kraal without food. And, if they -will desire to kill the buffaloes in this way, these buffaloes will -come on us, and also on the other peoples one who, coming to see funs -on those day, will kill them all by his anxious. And so we the Todas -begs your honour to enquire them before the 18th, the said funeral -ceremony commencing, and not to grant the above orders to them." - -A Whit Monday at Paikara was given up to an exhibition of sports -and games, whereof the most exciting and interesting was a burlesque -representation of a Toda funeral by boys and girls. A Toda, who was -fond of his little joke, applied the term pacchai kedu (green funeral) -to the corpses of the flies entrapped by a viscous catch'em-alive-oh -on the bungalow table. To the mock funeral rites arrived a party of -youths, as from a distant mand, and crying out U, hah, in shrill -mimicry of their elders. The lad who was to play the leading part -of sacrificial buffalo, stripping off his putkuli, disappeared from -sight over the brow of a low hillock. Above this eminence his bent and -uplifted upper extremities shortly appeared as representatives of the -buffalo horns. At sight thereof, there was a wild rush of small boys -to catch him, and a mimic struggle took place, while the buffalo was -dragged, amid good-tempered scuffling, kicks, and shouting, to the -spot where the corpse should have been. This spot was, in the absence -of a pseudo-dead body or stage dummy, indicated by a group of little -girls, who had sat chatting together till the boy-beast arrived, -when they touched foreheads, and went, with due solemnity, through -the orthodox observance of mourning in couples. The buffalo was slain -by a smart tap on the back of the head with a cloth, which did duty -for an axe. As soon as the convulsive movements and twitchings of the -death struggle were over, the buffalo, without waiting for an encore, -retired behind the hillock once more, in order that the rough and -tumble fight, which was evidently the chief charm of the game, might -be repeated. The buffalo boy later on came in second in a flat race, -and he was last seen protecting us from a mischievous-looking member -of his herd, which was grazing on the main-road. Toda buffaloes, it -may be noted, are not at all popular with members of the Ootacamund -Hunt, as both horses and riders from time to time receive injuries -from their horns, when they come in collision. - -While the funeral game was in progress, the men showed off their -prowess at a game (eln), [52] corresponding to the English tip-cat, -which is epidemic at a certain season in the London bye-streets. It -is played with a bat like a broomstick, and a cylindrical piece of -wood pointed at both ends. The latter is propped up against a stone, -and struck with the bat. As it flies off the stone, it is hit to a -distance with the bat, and caught (or missed) by the out fields. - -At the Muttanad mand, we were treated to a further exhibition of -games. In one of these, called narthpimi, a flat slab of stone is -supported horizontally on two other slabs fixed perpendicularly in -the ground so as to form a narrow tunnel, through which a man can -just manage to wriggle his body with difficulty. Two men take part -in the game, one stationing himself at a distance of about thirty -yards, the other about sixty yards from the tunnel. The front man, -throwing off his mantle, runs as hard as he can to the tunnel, pursued -by the 'scratch' man, whose object is to touch the other man's feet -before he has squeezed himself through the tunnel. Another sport, -which we witnessed, consists of trial of strength with a heavy -globular stone, the object being to raise it up to the shoulder; -but a strong, well-built-man--he who was entrusted with slaying the -funeral buffalo--failed to raise it higher than the pit of the stomach, -though straining his muscles in the attempt. A splendidly made veteran -assured me that, when young and lusty, he was able to accomplish the -feat, and spoke sadly of degeneration in the physique of the younger -members of the tribe. - -Mr. Breeks mentions that the Todas play a game resembling -puss-in-the-corner, called karialapimi, which was not included in -the programme of sports got up for our benefit. Dr. Rivers writes -that "the Todas, and especially the children, often play with -mimic representations of objects from practical life. Near the -villages I have seen small artificial buffalo-pens and fireplaces -made by the children in sport." I have, on several occasions, come -across young children playing with long and short pieces of twigs -representing buffaloes and their calves, and going solemnly through -the various incidents in the daily life of these animals. Todas, -both old and young, may constantly be seen twisting flexible twigs -into representations of buffaloes' heads and horns. - -Of Toda songs, the following have been collected:-- - - - Sunshine is increasing. Mist is fast gathering. Rain may - come. Thunder roars. Clouds are gathering. - Rain is pouring. Wind and rain have combined. - Oh, powerful god, may everything prosper! - May charity increase! - May the buffaloes become pregnant! - See that the buffaloes have calves. - See that the barren women have children. - Go and tell this to the god of the land. - Keygamor, Eygamor (names of buffaloes). - Evening is approaching. The buffaloes are coming. - The calves also have returned. - The buffaloes are saluted. - The dairy-man beats the calves with his stick. - Milk has been offered to the bell. - It is growing dark. - This is a buffalo with beautiful horns. - A buffalo stupidly given away by the Badaga. - A buffalo brought to the Kandal mand. - Innerovya (name of buffalo). - Like this buffalo there is no other. - Parkur (name of a Toda). - Like him there is no man. - The sun is shining. The wind is blowing. - Rain is coming. The trees are in flower. - Tears are falling. The nose is burning. - He is coming, holding up his umbrella. - He is coming, wearing a good body-cloth. - He is coming, wearing a good under-cloth. - He (the palol) is coming, wearing a black cloth. - He is coming, holding his walking-stick of palai wood. - I have a god. What is to become of me? - I am inclined to cry, my heart being heavy. - Oh, my child! Do not cry. It is still crying. - Thuree. Thuree. See. Be quiet. - A robust bull buffalo. Ach! Ach! - A big buffalo not intended for killing. Ach! Ach! - Is leading the cow buffalo. Ah! Ah! - Two or three men are driving it. Ah! Ah! - - -Song in honour of the arrival of the Maharani-Regent of Mysore at -Ootacamund. - - - All we Todas go to her house, and dance before her. - She gives us fifteen rupees. - She comes near our women, and talks to them. - She gives cloths to us. - Next day we take milk, eight bottles in the morning, four in - the evening. - Month by month she pays us for our milk. - She goes back to Mysore, and, when she goes, we stand in a row - before her. - She gives us presents; cloths and three rupees. - The women cut their hair, and stand before her. - - -Marriage Song. - - - Boys and girls are singing. - Much money are they spending. - To the girl her father is giving five buffaloes. - The husband tells his wife that she must curl her hair. - If her hair is curled, all the people will rejoice. - The buffalo is slain, and now we must all dance. - Why are not more people here? More should come. - My buffalo is big, very big. - Go quickly and catch it. - The Todas are all there. They are standing in a row. - Who will run, and catch the buffalo first? - To him will a present of five rupees be given. - I will go and catch it first. - The Todas are all fighting. - The Todas are all feasting. - People give them rice. - The buffalo is coming. Two men run to catch it by the neck. - Ten men collect the buffaloes. They pen them in a kraal. - At one o'clock we take our food. - The buffalo is running, and I hit it on the back with a stick. - It swerves aside, but I drive it back to the path. - Night comes, and we all dance. - Next morning at ten o'clock we bring out the buffalo, and slay it. - At four in the morning we wrap rice and grain in a white cloth, - and burn it. - At eleven we cut the hair of the boys and girls. - At four in the morning the priest goes to the temple (dairy). - He lights the lamp. - At eight he milks his buffaloes. - He puts on no cloth. - He places butter and ghi before the god. - Then he grazes his buffaloes, and eats his food. - Then he puts on his cloth. - At three in the afternoon he goes again to the temple. - He kindles a fire, and lights the lamp. - He puts milk in a chatty, and churns it into butter with a cane. - He mixes water with the butter-milk, and gives it to the women - to drink. - He alone may sleep in the temple. - At four in the morning he lets out the buffaloes to graze. - At seven he milks them. - The woman's house is down the hill. - The priest must not go in unto the woman. - He may not marry. - When he is twenty, he may not enter the temple. - Another is made priest in his stead. - - -The religious institutions of the Todas, including the elaborate -dairy ritual, and their religion, are described in full detail by -Dr. Rivers. The Todas have been to some extent influenced by Hinduism, -and some visit the temples at Nanjengod in Mysore, Karamadai in -the Coimbatore district, and other shrines, whereat they worship, -present votive offerings, and pray for offspring, etc. Writing in -1872, Mr. Breeks remarked that "about Ootacamund, a few Todas have -latterly begun to imitate the religious practices of their native -neighbours. Occasionally children's foreheads are marked with the -Siva spot, and my particular friend Kinniaven, after an absence of -some days, returned with a shaven head from a visit to the temple -of Siva at Nanjengudi." A man who came to my laboratory had his hair -hanging down in long tails reaching below his shoulders. He had, he -said, let it grow long because his wife, though married five years, -had borne no child. A child had, however, recently been born, and, -as soon as the second funeral of a relation had been performed, he -was going to sacrifice his locks as a thank-offering at the Nanjengod -temple. The following extracts from my notes will serve to illustrate -the practice of marking (in some instances apparently for beauty's -sake) and shaving as carried out at the present day. - -(1) Man, aged 28. Has just performed a ceremony at the ti mand. White -curved line painted across forehead, and dots below outer ends thereof, -on glabella, and outside orbits. Smeared with white across chest, -over outer side of upper arms and left nipple, across knuckles and -lower end of left ulna, and on lobes of ears. - -(2) Man, aged 21. Painted on forehead as above. Smeared over chest -and upper eye lids. - -(3) Man, aged 35. White spot painted on forehead. - -(4) Man, aged 30. Hair of head and beard cut short owing to death -of grandfather. - -(5) Boy, aged 12. Shock head of hair, cut very short all over owing -to death of grandfather. - -(6) Girl, aged 8. Hair shaved on top, back and sides of head, and in -median strip from vertex to forehead. - -(7) Boy, aged 6. White spot painted between eyebrows. Hair shaved -on top and sides of head, and in median strip from vertex to -forehead. Hair brought forward in fringe over forehead on either side -of median strip, and hanging down back of neck. - -(8) Male child, aged 18 months. White spot painted between -eyebrows. Shaved on top and sides of head. - -Todupuzha Vellala.--For the following note, I am indebted to -Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. Besides the Nanchinad Vellalas, there are, -in Travancore, two sections of the Vellala caste, inhabiting the -mountainous Todupuzha taluk. These are the Tenkanchi and Kumbakonam -Vellalas. The former are known by the popular name of Anjuttilkar, -or the five hundred, and the latter are designated Munnutilkar, or the -three hundred, in reference to the number of families which originally -settled in the taluk. Like the Nanchinad Vellalas, they take the -title of Pillai, and, in special cases, the honorific prefix Kanakku. - -The Tenkanchi Vellalas appear to have dwelt originally in the -Tenkasi taluk of the Tinnevelly district, and to have emigrated, -as the legend goes, on account of the demand of a Vaduka ruler for -the hand of a member of their community in marriage. The Vadakkumkur -Rajas were ruling over Todupuzha at the time of their migration, -and afforded them a safe asylum. The Kumbakonam Vellalas believe -that they emigrated to Travancore about the commencement of the -Malabar era from Kumbakonam in the Tanjore district. Both divisions -speak Malayalam, but there are clear indications in their speech -that their mother-tongue was once Tamil, and they always use that -language in their ceremonial writings. The Anjuttilkar women have -adopted the dress and ornaments of the Nayars. Both sections wear -the tuft of hair in front, but the Munnutilkar women do not tie the -hair on the left side like the Nayars and Anjuttilkars, but behind -like the Pandi Vellalas. Nor do the Anjuttilkar women wear a white -dress like the Tenkanchis, but a coloured cloth, sixteen cubits in -length, in orthodox Tamil fashion. Again, while the Tenkanchi women -largely resort to the todu and other Nayar ornaments, the Kumbakonam -women are more conservative, and wear only the pampadam and melidu, -though they sometimes wear jewels, such as the nagapata tali for the -neck. Both sections are Saivites, in the sense that they abstain from -flesh and fish. - -Their principal occupation is agriculture. They worship the -two mountain deities Bhadrakali and Durga. In the Kirikkot muri -of the Karikkod property there is a temple dedicated to Siva or -Unnamalanathar, with a large amount of property attached to it. This -belongs to the Tenkanchi Vellalas, and a Malayalam Brahman performs the -priestly functions. The Kumbakonam Vellalas have their own temples, -such as the Ankalamma koil, Annamala matam, Virabhadran koil, etc., -and worship, besides the principal gods of the Hindu pantheon, such -minor deities as Virabhadran, Karuppan, Bhairavan, Mariamman, and -Muttaramman. The priests of both sections are East Coast Brahmans, -who live in the Todupuzha taluk. As their profession is regarded by -other Brahmans as degrading, they, especially in the case of the -Kumbakonam Vellalas, perform their duties stealthily. The headman -of the Kumbakonam section lives in the Periyakulam taluk of the -Madura district, and, by his order, an image of Siva is worshipped -at their homes. - -Divorce is not permitted on any ground, and, in ancient days, widow -remarriage was forbidden. There is a legend that a woman of this caste, -who was a friend of the daughter of a certain Vadakkumkur Rajah, was -so aggrieved at the news of her newly married husband's death that, -at her intercession, the Rajah issued a proclamation permitting -the remarriage of widows. If no husband has been found for a girl -before she reaches puberty, certain propitiatory rites have to be -performed, at which one of her female relations represents her. On -the fourth day of the marriage ceremony, the bride and bridegroom, -before they bathe, rub each other's bodies with oil, and, going to a -large caldron containing water, throw a gold and silver ring into it, -and pick them out three times. Inheritance of both sections is from -father to son (makkathayam). A sambandham alliance does not confer -any rite of inheritance. - -The names of both sections are such as are unknown among Nayars, -e.g., Sivalingam, Arunachalam, Chidambaram, Arumukham. The Tenkanchis -are considered to be higher in the social scale than the Kumbakonam -section, as they observe only twelve days' death pollution, whereas -the latter are under pollution for sixteen days. The Tenkanchis may -enter the temple, and, like Nayars, stand on the left side of the -inner shrine, whereas the Kumbakonam Vellalas may proceed only as far -as the balikkalpura, or out-house of the temple, and not enter the -nalambalam. Again, butter-milk is freely received by Brahmans from -the Tenkanchis, but not from members of the Kumbakonam section. While -Pandi Vellalas will not receive food from the Tenkanchis, or give -their daughters in marriage to them, the latter will not intermarry -with the Nanchinad Vellalas. - -Togata.--The Togatas are Telugu weavers, most numerous in the -Cuddapah district, who manufacture the coarsest kind of cotton -cloths, such as are worn by the poorer classes. They are generally -Vaishnavites, wear the sacred thread, and have for their priests -Vaishnava Brahmans or Satanis. They eat flesh, and their widows are -allowed to remarry. Writing concerning the Togatas in 1807, Buchanan -states [53] that "widows cannot marry again, but are not expected to -kill themselves. The Panchanga, or village astrologer, attends at -births, marriages, funerals, at the ceremonies performed in honour -of their deceased parents, and at the building of a new house, and -on each occasion gets a fee of one fanam, or eight pence. On other -occasions, when a weaver wants to pray, he calls in a Satanana, who -reads something in an unknown language, and gives the votary some -holy water, which he consecrates by pouring it on the head of a small -image that he carries about for the purpose." - -As regards their origin, some Togatas claim to be sons of Chaudesvari, -who threw some rice on to the fire, from which sprang a host of -warriors, whose descendants they are. Others give Puppandaja Rishi -as the name of their ancestor. Concerning Chaudesvari, Mr. Francis -writes as follows. [54] "Connected with the margosa tree (Melia -Azadirachta) is the worship of Chaudesvari, the goddess of the -Togata caste of weavers. She is supposed to reside in margosa trees, -and either the tree itself, or a stone representing the goddess and -placed at its foot, is worshipped by the Togatas at certain seasons, -such as the Telugu New Year Day. Apparently the other weaver castes -take no share in the ceremonies. They consist largely of animal -sacrifices. Nevertheless, a particular class of Brahmans, called -Nandavarikula Brahmans, take a prominent part in the festival. This -name Nandavarikula is derived from the village of Nandavaram in -Kurnool, and doubtless many stories are prevalent there about this -sub-division. The account given at Tadpatri, where they are fairly -numerous, is as follows. Once upon a time, a king from Southern -India went on a pilgrimage with his wife to Benares. While there, -he unwittingly incurred a nameless but heinous pollution. Horrified, -he applied to some Brahmans there to purify him, promising them half -his kingdom in return. They asked for some tangible record of this -promise, and the king called upon the goddess Chaudesvari, who had a -temple near by, to witness his oath. The purification was effected, -and he departed home. Later on the Brahmans came south, and asked for -the fulfilment of his promise. The king declared that he could not -remember having made any such undertaking. The Brahmans accordingly -went to Benares, and asked Chaudesvari to come south, and bear witness -to the king's oaths. She agreed, on the usual condition that they -should go in front, and not look back at her as she came. As happens -in other stories of the same kind, they are said to have broken the -condition. At Nandavaram they looked back, and the goddess instantly -stopped, and remained immoveable. A temple was built for her there, -and the Brahmans remained in the south, and still take part in the -worship of Chaudesvari which the Togatas inaugurate, even though she -is not one of the Hindu pantheon, and delights in animal sacrifice. At -Tadpatri other castes besides the Togatas help at the festival." - -Though Chaudesvari is the patron god of the Togatas, they also worship -Poleramma, Ellamma, Kotamma, and other minor deities. - -The original occupation of the Togatas is said to have been dyeing, -but, at the present day, owing to the depression in the hand-loom -weaving industry, a large number have taken to cultivation. - -Like many other Telugu castes, they have exogamous septs, of which -the following are examples:-- - - - Patha, old. - Kambhapu, pillar. - Nili, indigo. - Madaka, plough. - Bana, pot. - Jilakara, cummin seed. - Annam, food. - Mékala, goat. - Gopalam, alms. - Samanthi, Chrysanthemum indicum. - Gurram, horse. - Perumal, a god. - Bandari, treasurer? - Gudditi. - - -Pujaris (priests) for temple worship are always elected from the -Perumal sept, and caste messengers from the Bandari sept, if they -are represented in a settlement. Torches are generally carried, at -processions, by men of the Gudditi sept. Members of the Gurram sept -are not allowed to ride on horseback. - -The panchayat (village council) system is in vogue, but, in some -places, a headman is selected, as occasion requires. In their marriage -and funeral ceremonies, the Togatas closely follow the Telugu standard -Puranic form of ceremonial. The dead are buried in a recumbent -posture. On the last day of the death rites, the Satani gives arrack -(liquor) to the Togatas, as to the Padma Sales, in lieu of holy water -(thirtham). - -Tohala.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small -class of Oriya hill cultivators and petty traders in the Ganjam Agency. - -Tolagari.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a sub-caste -of Mutracha. In the North Arcot Manual the Tolagaris are described -as a small cultivating caste, who were formerly hunters, like the -Palayakkarans. - -Tolar (Wolf).--An exogamous sept of Halepaik. The equivalent Tolana -occurs as a sept of Moger. - -Tolkollan.--The Tolkollans or Tolans (skin people) are summed up in -the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "leather workers and dyers, and also -gymnasts and teachers of gymnastics. They are also called Vatti Kurup, -Chaya Kurup, and Vil Kurup. Their title is Kurup." The Tolkollans are -stated [55] to be "blacksmiths by caste, who abandoned their hereditary -trade for leather work, and they are chiefly employed by Mappillas. One -peculiar custom in this caste is that two or more brothers may have -one wife in common. Only those in good circumstances indulge in the -luxury of a private wife. The following information furnished by -Mr. S. Vaidyanadha Aiyar, the headmaster of the School of Commerce, -Calicut, gives some information regarding leather work in Malabar:-- - -(a) Boots and shoes of country make and English pattern. - -(b) Harness making. - -(c) Native shoes (ceruppu). These are of the special pattern peculiar -to Malabar, and are largely used by all classes of the Hindu and -Mappilla communities. The Arabs who visit this coast once a year -purchase a considerable number to take back with them. The price of a -pair varies from Rs. 1-8-0 to Rs. 5. Those with ornamental gold lace -work cost from Rs. 10 to Rs. 50. These shoes are generally used by -well-to-do Mappillas. White of egg is used to give a creaking sound to -the shoes. This work is mainly done by Tholperunkollans and Mappillas, -and the latter show more skill in finish and ornamental work. - -(d) Knife sheaths. Almost every Nayar, Tiyan and Mappilla carries -a knife about a foot in length, and there is a demand for leather -sheaths. These are made by Panans as well as by Tholperunkollans -and Mappillas. - -(e) Leather baskets are also made, and are largely used as receptacles -for carrying pepper, paddy (rice), and other grain. - -(f) Winnowing fans are made of leather, and are used in pepper and -paddy yards, etc. - -(g) Muttu ceruppu (clogs) are leather shoes with wooden soles. These -are largely used during the rainy season." - -Tollakkadan (one with a big hole in the lobes of his ears).--Taken, -at the census, 1901, as a sub-caste of Shanan, as those returning -the name, who are vendors of husked rice in Madras, used the Shanan -title Nadan. The equivalent Tollakadu was returned as a sub-division -of Konga Vellala. - -Tol Mestri.--A sub-division of Semman. - -Tondaman.--It is stated, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that the -Tondamans are "also called Sunnambukkaran (q.v.), a Tamil caste of -lime (chunam) burners found only in the Tinnevelly district. They are -said to be a branch of the Kallans who migrated to Tinnevelly from -Pudukkottai, or the Tondaman's country. Its members are now drummers -and pipers as well as lime-burners. Brahmans are their purohits, -but they are not allowed to go into Hindu temples. They will eat in -the houses of Maravans. Their title is Solagan." It is noted, in the -same report, that the Semman caste "has two sub-divisions, Tondaman -and Tol-mestri, and men of the former take wives from the latter, -but men of the latter may not marry girls of the former." Tondaman is -the family name of the Raja of Pudukkottai, a Native State surrounded -by the British districts of Tanjore, Madura, and Trichinopoly. The -Raja is the head of the Kallan caste. Copper coins, called amman kasu, -are current only within the State, and their greatest distribution is -during Navaratri or Dusserah, when they are issued to the people with -a dole of rice every day during the nine days of the festival. They -bear on one side the word "Vijaya," meaning victory, or more probably -having reference to our faithful ally Vijaya Ragunatha Tondaman, -in whose reign they were first struck, it is said in 1761, after the -surrender of Pondicherry to the British. - -Tondamandalam.--The name of a sub-division of Vellala, derived from -Tondanadu, the ancient Pallava country. - -Tonti.--The Tontis are said to be cotton-weavers of Bengal, who have -settled in Ganjam. [56] The name denotes threadmen, and the weaving -of rough white cloths is the traditional occupation of the caste. All -Tontis belong to a single gotra named after Kasyapa, one of the seven -important rishis, and the priest of Parasurama. Various bamsams or -exogamous septs, the names of some of which occur also as titles, -exist, e.g., Biswalo, Dasso, Palo, Bono, Chondo, Parimaniko, Korono, -Behara, and Mahapatro. The marriage and death ceremonies conform to -the standard Oriya type. On the fourth day of the marriage rites, a -Bhondari (barber) is presented with some beaten rice and sugar-candy -in a new earthen pot. These are sold to those who have assembled, -and the proceeds go to the Bhondari. The corpse of a dead person -is washed at the burning ground, instead of, in accordance with the -common custom among other castes, at the house. - -Toppa Tali.--A name applied to certain Vaniyans in the North Arcot -district, owing to the peculiar tali (marriage badge) which married -women wear. - -Torai.--A title of various Oriya castes. - -Toreya.--The Toreyas are a Canarese class, living chiefly in the -Tamil districts of Coimbatore and Salem. They are said to have been -originally fishermen and palanquin bearers, and the name is derived -from turai, a river ghat. Most of them are now cultivators, especially -of the betel vine (Piper betle). Those whom I examined at Coimbatore -were earning their living as betel and sugar-cane cultivators, vendors -of tobacco, bakers, cloth merchants, contractors, petty traders, -and police constables. - -By the Coimbatore Toreyas, the following endogamous divisions were -returned:-- - - - Elai, leaf. Betel cultivators. - Chunam, lime. Lime burners. - Gazul, glass bangle. The Toreya caste is said to have originated - from the bangles of Machyagandhi or Gandhavati, the daughter - of a fisherman on the Jumna. She was married to king Shantanu - of Hastinapur, who was one of the ancestors of the heroes of - the Mahabharata. - - -Many exogamous septs exist among the Toreyas, of which the following -are examples:-- - - - Belli, silver. May not wear silver toe-rings. - Naga, snake. The members of the sept, at times of marriage, - worship ant-hills, which are the home of snakes. - Alwar or Garuda. - Chinnam, gold. - Kansugaje, small bronze bells, tied to the legs when dancing. - Urukathi, a kind of knife. - Vajjira, diamond. - Vasishta, a Hindu saint. - Mogila, clouds. - - -Onne (Pterocarpus Marsupium). Do not mark their foreheads with the -juice from the trunk of this tree. - -Kuzhal, the flute played by shepherd boys and snake charmers. If the -sound thereof is heard during a meal, what remains of the food should -be thrown away. - -Rakshasa, a giant. Do not celebrate the Dipavali festival in honour -of the victory over, and death of, a rakshasa. - -Erumai, buffalo. - -The headman of the caste is called Ejaman, who has under him an -officer entitled Dalavayi. The caste messenger bears the name of -Kondikar. These three offices are hereditary. The Ejaman presides at -council meetings which are held at the temple of the caste. The eldest -member of each family is entitled to a seat on the council. Those -who come late to a meeting thereof prostrate themselves before the -assembly. Witnesses before the council have to take an oath, which -is administered by the Kondikar. He makes the witness stand within -a circle drawn on the ground, and makes him repeat the formula -"Before God and the elders assembled, with the sky above and the -earth beneath, I will state only the truth." The Kondikar then takes -up a pinch of earth, and puts it on the head of the witness. For -merely threatening to beat a person with shoes, the offender has -to feed twenty-five castemen. If he takes the shoes in his hands he -must feed fifty, and, if he actually resorts to beating with them, -he has to feed a hundred men. In addition, the culprit has to pay -a small fine, and both parties have to be purified at the temple. A -similar punishment is enforced for beating, or threatening to beat -with a broom. For adultery the guilty person is excommunicated, and -is admitted back into the caste only after the death of one of the -parties concerned. He then has to feed a large number of castemen, -or pay a money fine, and, prostrating himself before the assembly, -he is beaten with a tamarind switch. He further makes obeisance to -the Ejaman, and washes his feet. The Ejaman then purifies him by a -small piece of burning camphor in his mouth. - -When a married girl reaches puberty, she is taken to her father's -house, and her husband constructs a hut with branches of Ficus -glomerata. On the last day of her confinement therein, the hut is -pulled down, and the girl sets fire to it. The house is purified, and -the female relations go to the houses of the Ejaman and caste people, -and invite them to be present at a ceremonial. A small quantity of -turmeric paste is stuck on the doors of the houses of all who are -invited. The relations and members of the caste carry betel, and -other articles, on trays in procession through the streets. The girl -is seated on a plank, and the trays are placed in front of her. Rice -flour, fruits, betel, etc., are tied in her cloth, and she is taken -into the house. In the case of an unmarried girl, the hut is built -by her maternal uncle. - -Marriage is always celebrated at the house of the bridegroom, as there -is a legend that a Rajah belonging to the Toreya caste had a son, who -was taken to the house of his bride elect, and there murdered. The -bridegroom's father and relations go to the house of the bride, and -make presents of money, cloths, ornaments, etc. They also have to make -obeisance to, and feed five married women sumptuously. Pandals (booths) -are constructed at the houses of both the bride and bridegroom. Five -married women go, on behalf of each of the contracting parties, -to their houses, and pound rice there. On the second day, five such -women fetch water from a tank, and bathe the bride and bridegroom -respectively. The ten women then go to the potter's house, and bring -five decorated pots. Three of these are taken to a tank, and filled -with water. On the following day, the bridegroom and his sister take -the two remaining pots to the tank, and fill them with water. The five -pots are placed in the pandal, and represent the household gods. The -relations of the bridegroom take twelve kinds of ornaments, a new -cloth, flowers, etc., to the house of the Ejaman, and go with him -to the bride's house. She is then bathed, and decked with finery. A -Brahman does puja (worship) and ties on her forehead a mandaikettu or -bashingham (chaplet) made of gold leaf or tinsel. She is then carried -in procession to the house of the bridegroom. Meanwhile, the Brahman -ties a mandaikettu on the forehead of the bridegroom, who puts on the -sacred thread, and sits within the pandal, holding a katar (dagger) -in his hand, and closed in by a screen. The bride goes thrice round -this screen, and the Brahman does puja and gives advice (upadesam) -to the couple. The screen is then lowered slightly, and the bride and -bridegroom garland each other. The bride's parents place a few gingelly -(Sesamum) seeds in the hand of the bridegroom, and pour water thereon, -saying that their daughter belongs to him, and telling him to take care -of her. The tali, after being blessed by those assembled, is given by -the Brahman to the bridegroom, who ties it on the bride's neck. The -screen is then removed, and the couple sit side by side. The sacred -fire is lighted, their hands are linked together, and the ends of -their cloths tied together. They then leave the pandal, and, placing -their feet on a grindstone, look at the pole-star (Arundati). Entering -the pandal once more, they sit therein, and the elders bless them by -throwing rice coloured with turmeric over their heads. On the fourth -day, they again sit within the pandal, and cooked rice, coloured white, -red, yellow, green, and black, on five trays, and nine lighted wicks -on a tray are waved before them. Five married men and women, holding -a string, stand round them in a circle, within which is the bride's -brother with a twig of pipal (Ficus religiosa). The bridegroom places -his hands together, and small rice cakes are placed on the head, -shoulders, bend of the elbows and knees, and between the fingers of -the couple. They are then bathed, and, taking betel in their hands, -bow to the four corners of the earth. The bridegroom makes a namam -(Vaishnavite sect mark), or places vibhuti (sacred ashes) on the -twelve posts of the pandal, and the bride places a little cooked -rice and water before each post, to which camphor is burnt, and -puja done. They then start for the bride's house, but the bride's -sister meets them at the entrance thereto, and will not allow them -to go in until she has extracted a promise that their child shall -marry hers. The bride proceeds to a tank, sowing some paddy (rice) -on the way thither, and brings back a pot of water, with which she -washes her husband's hands and feet. Husband and wife then feed each -other with a small quantity of rice and milk. Their hands are then -cleaned, and the bride's brother puts a gold ring on the finger of -the bridegroom. A tray with betel leaves and areca nuts is brought, -and the bridegroom ties three handfuls thereof in his cloth. The -newly married couple then worship at the temple. On the fifth day, -they carry the earthen pots to a river, and, on their return, five -married women are worshipped and fed. Five men have to come forward -as sureties for the good behaviour of the couple, and declare before -those assembled that they will hold themselves responsible for it. In -the evening the pair go to the bride's house, and rub oil over each -other's head before bathing in turmeric water. On the following day -they repair to the house of the bridegroom. - -The corpse of a dead Toreya is placed in a pandal constructed of -cocoanut leaves and stems of the milk-hedge (Euphorbia Tirucalli). Sect -marks are placed on the foreheads of the corpse and the widow. The -son of the deceased dons the sacred thread. The funeral ceremonies -resemble, in many particulars, those of the Oddes. A mound is -piled up over the grave. A Paraiyan places a small twig of the arka -plant (Calotropis gigantea) in three corners of the grave, leaving -out the north-east corner, and the son puts a small coin on each -twig. As he goes round the grave with a water-pot and fire-brand, -his maternal uncle, who stands at the head of the grave, makes holes -in the pot. On the third, fifth, seventh, or ninth day, the widow, -dressed in new cloths, and bedecked with ornaments and flowers, is -taken to the burial-ground, with offerings of milk, ghi (clarified -butter), tender cocoanut, sandal, camphor, etc. Five small stones, -smeared with turmeric and lime, are set up at the head of the grave, -and worshipped. The widow goes thrice round the grave, and seats -herself near the head thereof. Her brother holds up her arms, and one -of her husband's male relations breaks her bangles. She breaks, and -throws her tali on the grave, with the flowers which adorn her. Her -ornaments are removed, and she is covered with a cloth, and taken to -a river, where she is rubbed with cow-dung and bathed. The son and -other relatives go to the temple with butter and other articles. A -Brahman does puja, and shuts the doors of the temple. The son, with -his back to the temple, throws a little butter on the doors, which are -then opened by the Brahman. This is done thrice. On the seventh day, -pollution is removed by sprinkling holy water, and the caste people -are fed. A widow remains in seclusion (gosha) for three months. Sradh -(memorial ceremony) is performed. - -The Toreyas worship both Siva and Vishnu, but consider Ayodhya Raman -as their special deity, and sacrifice sheep and fowls to Koriamma. - -Toreya.--A sub-division of the Badagas of the Nilgiris. - -Tota (garden).--Recorded as a sub-division of cultivating Balijas, and -an exogamous sept of Boya, Chenchu, Vada Balija (or Mila), Mutracha -and Bonthuk Savara. The equivalent Tota occurs as an exogamous sept -of Kapu and Yanadi. Tota Devaru, or garden god, is the name of an -exogamous sept of the Tigala gardeners and cultivators. - -Totakura (Amarantus gangeticus).--An exogamous sept of Kamma. - -Toththala or Tottadi.--A sub-division of Velama. - -Toti.--The Toti or Totti is one of the village communal servants. The -name has been derived from tondu, to dig, or tott, to go round, as -the Toti is the purveyor of news, and has to summon people to appear -before the village council. The functions of this useful person to the -community have been summed up as follows by a district official. [57] -"This individual has all the dirty work of the village allotted to -him. He is of the lowest caste, and hence makes no scruple of doing -any manner of work that he may be called upon to perform. The removal -and sepulture of unclaimed dead bodies, the cleansing of choultries, -rest-houses and the like, where travellers carrying infectious -diseases might have halted, and other gruesome duties are entrusted -to him. In spite of all this, the Toti is one of the most trusted of -the humbler servants of the village community. Considering his humble -status and emoluments, which average between Rs. 3 and Rs. 4 a month, -his honesty with regard to pecuniary matters is wonderful. He may -be trusted with untold wealth, as is often done when he is the sole -custodian of the revenue collections of his village to the tune of -several thousands at a time, when on their way from the collecting -officers to the Government Treasury." Testimony is borne to the -industry of the Toti in the proverb that if you work like a Toti, -you can enjoy the comforts of a king. - -In the Madras Census Report, 1891, Toti is returned as a sub-division -of Chakkiliyan. The Toti of Mysore is defined by Mr. L. Rice [58] as -a menial among the village servants, a deputy talari, who is employed -to watch the crops from the growing crop to the granary. - -Odiya Toti is a Tamil synonym for Oriya Haddis employed as scavengers -in municipalities in the Tamil country. - -Tottiyan.--In the Census Report, 1901, Mr. W. Francis writes that the -Tottiyans are "Telugu cultivators. The Tottiyans or Kambalattans of -the Tanjore district are, however, said to be vagrants, and to live -by pig-breeding, snake-charming, and begging. So are the sub-division -called Kattu Tottiyans in Tinnevelly. The headman among the Tinnevelly -Tottiyans is called the Mandai Periadanakkaran or Servaikaran. Their -marriages are not celebrated in their houses, but in pandals (booths) -of green leaves erected for the purpose on the village common. However -wealthy the couple may be, the only grain which they may eat at -the wedding festivities is either cumbu (Pennisetum typhoideum) or -horse-gram (Dolichos biflorus). The patron deities of the caste are -Jakkamma and Bommakka, two women who committed sati. The morality of -their women is loose. The custom of marrying boys to their paternal -aunt's or maternal uncle's daughter, however old she may be, also -obtains, and in such cases the bridegroom's father is said to take -upon himself the duty of begetting children to his own son. Divorce -is easy, and remarriage is freely allowed. They offer rice and -arrack (alcoholic liquor) to their ancestors. The Kattu Tottiyans -will eat jackals, rats, and the leavings of other people. Tottiya -women will not eat in the houses of Brahmans, but no explanation of -this is forthcoming. The men wear silver anklets on both legs, and -also a bracelet upon one of the upper arms, both of which practices -are uncommon, while the women wear bangles only on the left arm, -instead of on both as usual. Some of the Zamindars in Madura belong -to this caste. The caste title is Nayakkan." At the census, 1901, -Kudulukkaran was returned as a sub-caste of the Tottiyans in Madura and -Tinnevelly. The Urumikkaran, meaning those who play on the drum called -urumi, are said to be Tottiyans in Madura and Paraiyans elsewhere. - -"The Tottiyans or Kambalattans," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [59] "are -a caste of Telugu cultivators settled in the districts of Madura, -Tinnevelly, Coimbatore and Salem. They are probably the descendants -of poligars and soldiers of the Nayakkan kings of Vijayanagar, who -conquered the Madura country about the beginning of the sixteenth -century. As regards the origin of their caste, the Tottiyans say with -pride that they are the descendants of the eight thousand gopastris -(milkmaids) of Krishna--a tradition which seems to indicate that their -original occupation was connected with the rearing and keeping of -cattle. The most important sub-divisions are Kollar and Erkollar, the -Tamil form of the Telugu Golla and Yerragolla, which are now shepherd -castes, though probably they formerly had as much to do with cattle -as sheep. Another large sub-division is Kille or Killavar, which I -take to be a corruption of the Telugu kilari, a herdman. The bride -and bridegroom, too, are always seated on bullock saddles. They do -not wear the sacred thread. Most of them are Vaishnavites, some of -whom employ Brahman priests, but the majority of them are guided -by gurus of their own, called Kodangi Nayakkan. [It is noted, in -the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that caste matters used to be -settled by the Mettu Nayakkan or headman, and a Kodangi Nayakkan, -or priest, so called because he carried a drum.] Each family has its -own household deity, which appears to be a sort of representation of -departed relations, chiefly women who have burned themselves on the -funeral pile of their husbands, or have led a chaste and continent -life, or died vestals. Their girls are married after they have attained -maturity. Adultery is no crime when committed within the family -circle, but a liaison with an outsider involves expulsion from the -caste. It is said that their newly married girls are even compelled -to cohabit with their husband's near relatives. [It is further said -to be believed that ill-luck will attend any refusal to do so, and -that, so far from any disgrace attaching to them in consequence, their -priests compel them to keep up the custom, if by any chance they are -unwilling. [60]] The pongu tree (Pongamia glabra) is the sacred tree -of the caste. Suttee was formerly very common, and the remarriage -of widows is discouraged, if not actually forbidden. The dead are -generally burned. Both men and women are supposed to practice magic, -and are on that account much dreaded by the people generally. They -are especially noted for their power of curing snake-bites by means -of mystical incantations, and the original inventor of this mode -of treatment has been deified under the name Pambalamman. They are -allowed to eat flesh. The majority speak Telugu in their houses." - -The traditional story of the migration of the Tottiyans to the -Madura district is given in several of the Mackenzie manuscripts, -and is still repeated by the people of the caste. "Centuries ago, -says this legend, the Tottiyans lived to the north of the Tungabhadra -river. The Muhammadans there tried to marry their women, and make -them eat beef. So one fine night they fled southwards in a body. The -Muhammadans pursued them, and their path was blocked by a deep and -rapid river. They had just given themselves up for lost when a pongu -(Pongamia glabra) tree on either side of the stream leant forward, and, -meeting in the middle, made a bridge across it. Over this they hurried, -and, as soon as they had passed, the trees stood erect once more, -before the Mussulmans could similarly cross by them. The Tottiyans in -consequence still reverence the pongu tree, and their marriage pandals -(booths) are always made from its wood. They travelled on until they -came to the city of Vijayanagar, under whose king they took service, -and it was in the train of the Vijayanagar armies that they came to -Madura." [61] - -The Tottiyans are most numerous in the Madura and Tinnevelly districts, -and include two grades in the social scale. Of these, one consists -of those who are engaged in cultivation, and petty Zamindars. The -other is made up of those who wander about begging, and doing -menial work. Between the two classes there is neither interdining -nor intermarriage. In districts other than Madura and Tinnevelly, -the name Tottiyan is applied by Tamil-speaking castes to the Jogis, -who are beggars and pig breeders, and, like the Tottiyans, speak -Telugu. The following legend is current, to account for the division -of the Tottiyans into two sections. They once gave a girl in marriage -to a Muhammadan ruler, and all the Tottiyans followed him. A large -number went to sleep on one side of a river, while the rest crossed, -and went away. The latter are represented today by the respectable -section, and the begging class is descended from the former. To this -day the Muhammadans and Tottiyans of the Trichinopoly district are -said to address each other as if they were relations, and to be on -terms of unusual intimacy. - -In the Madura district, the Tottiyans are apparently divided into -three endogamous sections, viz., Vekkili, Thokala, and Yerrakolla, -of which the last is considered inferior to the other two. Other names -for the Vekkili section are Kambalattar, or Raja Kambalattar. In some -places, e.g., in Tinnevelly, there seem to be six divisions, Thokala, -Chilla or Silla, Kolla, Narasilla, Kanthikolla and Pala. Of these, -Pala may intermarry with Chilla, but the other four are endogamous. As -examples of exogamous septs occurring among the Yerrakollas may be -noted Chikala (broom), and Udama (lizard, Varanus), of which the -latter also occurs as an exogamous sept of the Kapus. - -In the neighbourhood of Nellakota in the Madura district, -the Yerrakollas have a group of seven septs called Revala, -Gollavirappa, Kambli-nayudi, Karadi (bear), Uduma, Chila, and -Gelipithi. Intermarriage between these is forbidden, as they are all -considered as blood-relations, and they must marry into a group of -seven other septs called Gundagala, Busala, Manni, Sukka, Alivirappa, -Sikka, and Madha. The names of these septs are remembered by a system -of mnemonics. - -In a note on the Tottiyans of the Trichinopoly district, -Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes as follows. "Three endogamous sub-divisions -exist in the caste, namely, the Erra (red) Gollas or Pedda Inti -(big family), the Nalla (black) Gollas or Chinna Inti (small family), -and the Valus, who are also called Kudukuduppai Tottiyans. The Valus -are said to be a restless class of beggars and sorcerers. The red -Gollas are, as a rule, fairer than the blacks (whence perhaps the -names). The women of the former wear white cloths, while those of -the latter do not. Again, they tie their hair in different ways, and -their ornaments differ a good deal. The red women carry no emblem -of marriage at all, while the black women wear the pottu. The reds -allow their widows to remarry, but the blacks do not. Both sections -have exogamous sections, called Kambalams--the reds fourteen, and the -blacks nine. The reds are divided, for purposes of caste discipline, -into nine nadus and the blacks into fourteen mandais. Each village is -under a headman called the Ur-Nayakan, and each nadu or mandai under a -Pattakaran. The former decide petty disputes, and the latter the more -serious cases. The Pattakaran is treated with great deference. He is -always saluted with clasped hands, ought never to look on a corpse, and -is said to be allowed to consort with any married woman of the caste." - -The Tottiyans are supposed to be one of the nine Kambalam (blanket) -castes, which, according to one version, are made up of Kappiliyans, -Anappans, Tottiyans, Kurubas, Kummaras, Parivarams, Urumikkarans, -Mangalas, and Chakkiliyans. According to another version, the nine -castes are Kappiliyan, Anappan, Tottiyan, Kolla Tottiyan, Kuruba, -Kummara, Medara, Odde, and Chakkiliyan. At tribal council-meetings, -representatives of each of the nine Kambalams should be present. But, -for the nine castes, some have substituted nine septs. The Vekkiliyans -seem to have three headmen, called Mettu Nayakan, Kodia Nayakan, and -Kambli Nayakan, of whom the first mentioned is the most important, and -acts as priest on various ceremonial occasions, such as puberty and -marriage rites, and the worship of Jakkamma and Bommakka. The Kambli -Nayakan attends to the purification of peccant or erring members of -the community, in connection with which the head of a sheep or goat -is taken into the house by the Kambli Nayakan. It is noted, in the -Gazetteer of the Madura district, that "persons charged with offences -are invited to prove their innocence by undergoing ordeals. These -are now harmless enough, such as attempting to cook rice in a pot -which has not been fired, but Turnbull says that he saw the boiling -oil ordeal in 1813 in Pudukkottai territory. Perhaps the most serious -caste offence is adultery with a man of another community. Turnbull -says that women convicted of this used to be sentenced to be killed -by Chakkiliyans, but nowadays rigid excommunication is the penalty." - -The Kambalam caste is so called because, at caste council meetings, a -kambli (blanket) is spread, on which is placed a kalasam (brass vessel) -filled with water, and containing margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves, -and decorated with flowers. Its mouth is closed by mango leaves and -a cocoanut. - -A correspondent writes to me that "the Zamindars in the western parts -of Madura, and parts of Tinnevelly, are known as Kambala Palayapat. If -a man belongs to a Zamindar's family, he is said to be of the Raja -Kambala caste. The marriage ceremony is carried out in two temporary -huts erected outside the village, one for the bridegroom, the other -for the bride. The tali is tied round the bride's neck by an elderly -female or male belonging to the family. If the marriage is contracted -with a woman of an inferior class, the bridegroom's hut is not made -use of, and he does not personally take part in the ceremony. A dagger -(kattar), or rude sword, is sent to represent him, and the tali is -tied in the presence thereof." - -In a zamindari suit, details of which are published in the Madras -Law Reports, Vol. XVII, 1894, the Judge found that the plaintiff's -mother was married to the plaintiff's father in the dagger form; -that a dagger is used by the Saptur Zamindars, who are called Kattari -Kamaya, in the case of inequality in the caste or social position of -the bride; that, though the customary rites of the Kambala caste were -also performed, yet the use of the dagger was an essential addition; -and that, though she was of a different and inferior caste to that of -the plaintiff's father, yet that did not invalidate the marriage. The -defendant's argument was that the dagger was used to represent -the Zamindar bridegroom as he did not attend in person, and that, -by his non-attendance, there could have been no joining of hands, -or other essential for constituting a valid marriage. The plaintiff -argued that the nuptial rites were duly performed, the Zamindar -being present; that the dagger was there merely as an ornament; and -that it was customary for people of the Zamindar's caste to have a -dagger paraded on the occasion of marriages. The Judge found that the -dagger was there for the purpose of indicating that the two ladies, -whom the Zamindar married, were of an inferior caste and rank. - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that, when -a Tottiyan girl attains maturity, "she is kept in a separate hut, -which is watched by a Chakkiliyan. Marriage is either infant or -adult. A man has the usual claim to his paternal aunt's daughter, -and so rigorously is this rule followed that boys of tender years are -frequently married to grown women. These latter are allowed to consort -with their husband's near relations, and the boy is held to be the -father of any children which may be born. Weddings last three days, -and involve very numerous ceremonies. They take place in a special -pandal erected in the village, on either side of which are smaller -pandals for the bride and bridegroom. Two uncommon rites are the -slaughtering of a red ram without blemish, and marking the foreheads -of the couple with its blood, and the pursuit by the bridegroom, with a -bow and arrow, of a man who pretends to flee, but is at length captured -and bound. The ram is first sprinkled with water, and, if it shivers, -this, as usual, is held to be a good omen. The bride-price is seven -kalams of kumbu (Pennisetum typhoideum), and the couple may eat only -this grain and horse-gram until the wedding is over. A bottu (marriage -badge) is tied round the bride's neck by the bridegroom's sister." - -Concerning the marriage ceremonies of the Yerrakollas, I gather that, -on the betrothal day, kumbu must be cooked. Food is given to seven -people belonging to seven different septs. They are then presented -with betel leaves and areca nuts and four annas tied in a cloth, and -the approaching marriage is announced. On the wedding day, the bride -and bridegroom are seated on planks on the marriage dais, and milk is -sprinkled over them by people of their own sex. A few hours later, -the bridegroom takes his seat in the pandal, whither the bride is -brought in the arms of her maternal uncle. She sits by the side of the -bridegroom, and the Mettu Nayakan links together the little fingers -of the contracting couple, and tells them to exchange rings. This -is the binding portion of the ceremony, and no bottu is tied round -the bride's neck. At a marriage among the Vekkiliyans, two huts are -constructed in an open space outside the village, in front of which -a pandal is erected, supported by twelve posts, and roofed with leafy -twigs of the pongu tree and Mimusops hexandra. On the following day, -the bride and bridegroom are conducted to the huts, the bride being -sometimes carried in the arms of her maternal uncle. They worship the -ancestral heroes, who are represented by new cloths folded, and placed -on a tray. The bridegroom's sister ties the bottu on the bride's neck -inside her hut, in front of which kumbu grain is scattered. Betel and -a fanam (coin) are placed in the bride's lap. On the third day the -bridegroom is dressed up, and, mounting a horse, goes, accompanied -by the marriage pots, three times round the huts. He then enters -the bride's hut, and she is carried in the arms of the cousins of -the bridegroom thrice round the huts. The contracting couple then -sit on planks, and the cousins, by order of the Mettu Nayakan, link -their little fingers together. They then enter the bridegroom's hut, -and a mock ploughing ceremony is performed. Coming out from the hut, -they take up a child, and carry it three times round the huts. This -is, it is said, done because, in former days, the Tottiyan bride and -bridegroom had to remain in the marriage huts till a child was born, -because the Mettu Nayakan was so busy that he had no time to complete -the marriage ceremony until nearly a year had elapsed. - -At a wedding among the nomad Tottiyans, a fowl is killed near -the marriage (araveni) pots, and with its blood a mark is made on -the foreheads of the bride and bridegroom on their entry into the -booths. The Vekkiliyans sacrifice a goat or sheep instead of a fowl, -and the more advanced among them substitute the breaking of a cocoanut -for the animal sacrifice. - -In connection with marriage, Mr. Hemingway writes that "the Tottiyans -very commonly marry a young boy to a grown woman, and, as among the -Konga Vellalas, the boy's father takes the duties of a husband upon -himself until the boy is grown up. Married women are allowed to bestow -their favours upon their husbands' relations, and it is said to be an -understood thing that a man should not enter his dwelling, if he sees -another's slippers placed outside as a sign that the owner of them -is with the mistress of the house. Intercourse with men of another -caste is, however, punished by expulsion, and widows and unmarried -girls who go astray are severely dealt with. Formerly, it is said, -they were killed." - -At a Tottiyan funeral, fire is carried to the burning-ground by a -Chakkiliyan, and the pyre is lighted, not by the sons, but by the -sammandhis (relations by marriage). - -The Tottiyans of the Madura district observe the worship of ancestors, -who are represented by a number of stones set up somewhere within -the village boundaries. Such places are called male. According to -Mr. Hemingway, when a member of the caste dies, some of the bones are -buried in this shed, along with a coin, and a stone is planted on the -spot. The stones are arranged in an irregular circle. The circles of -the Yerrakollas are exceedingly simple, and recall to mind those of -the Nayadis of Malabar, but without the tree. The stones are set up -in an open space close to the burning-ground. When a death occurs, -a stone is erected among the ashes of the deceased on the last day -of the funeral ceremonies (karmandhiram), and worshipped. It is -immediately transferred to the ancestral circle. The male of the -Vekkiliyan section of the Tottiyans consists of a massive central -wooden pillar, carved with male and female human figures, set up in -a cavity in a round boulder, and covered over by a conical canopy -supported on pillars. When this canopy is set in motion, the central -pillar appears to be shaking. This illusion, it is claimed, is due -to the power of the ancestral gods. All round the central pillar, -which is about ten feet high, a number of stones of different sizes -are set up. The central pillar represents Jakkamma and other remote -ancestors. The surrounding stones are the representatives of those -who have died in recent times. Like the Yerrakollas, the Vekkiliyans -erect a stone on the karmandhiram day at the spot where the body was -cremated, but, instead of transferring it at once to the ancestral -circle, they wait till the day of periodical male worship, which, being -an expensive ceremonial, may take place only once in twelve years. If -the interval is long, the number of stones representing those who -have died meanwhile may be very large. News of the approaching male -worship is sent to the neighbouring villages, and, on the appointed -day, people of all castes pour in, bringing with them several hundred -bulls. The hosts supply their guests with fodder, pots, and a liberal -allowance of sugar-cane. Refusal to bestow sugar-cane freely would -involve failure of the object of the ceremonial. After the completion -of the worship, the bulls are let loose, and the animal which reaches -the male first is decorated, and held in reverence. Its owner is -presented with cloths, money, etc. The ceremony may be compared with -that of selecting the king bull among the Kappiliyans. - -Self-cremation is said [62] to have been "habitually practiced by -Tottiya widows in the times anterior to British domination; and -great respect was always shown to the memory of such as observed the -custom. Small tombs termed thipanjankovil (fire-torch temple) were -erected in their honour on the high-roads, and at these oblations -were once a year offered to the manes of the deceased heroines. Sati -was not, however, compulsory among them, and, if a widow lived at all -times a perfectly chaste and religious life, she was honoured equally -with such as performed the rite." It is noted, in the Gazetteer of -the Madura district, that "sati was formerly very common in the caste, -and the two caste goddesses, Jakkamma and Bommayya, are deifications of -women who thus sacrificed themselves. Every four years a festival is -held in their honour, one of the chief events in which is a bullock -race. The owner of the winning animal receives a prize, and gets -the first betel and nut during the feast. The caste god is Perumal, -who is worshipped in the form of a curry-grinding stone. The story -goes that, when the Tottiyans were fleeing to the south, one of their -women found her grinding-stone so intolerably heavy that she threw -it away. It, however, re-appeared in her basket. Thrown away again, -it once more re-appeared, and she then realised that the caste god -must be accompanying them." - -"The Tottiyans," Mr. Hemingway writes, "do not recognise the -superiority of Brahmans, or employ them as priests at marriages or -funerals. They are deeply devoted to their own caste deities. Some of -these are Bommaka and Mallamma (the spirits of women who committed -sati long ago), Virakaran or Viramati (a bridegroom who was killed -in a fight with a tiger), Pattalamma (who helped them in their flight -from the north), and Malai Tambiran, the god of ancestors. Muttalamma -and Jakkamma are also found. Malai Tambiran is worshipped in the -male. The Tottiyans are known for their uncanny devotion to sorcery -and witchcraft. All of them are supposed to possess unholy powers, -especially the Nalla Gollas, and they are much dreaded by their -neighbours. They do not allow any stranger to enter their villages with -shoes on, or on horseback, or holding up an umbrella, lest their god -should be offended. It is generally believed that, if any one breaks -this rule, he will be visited with illness or some other punishment." - -The Tottiyans have attached to them a class of beggars called Pichiga -vadu, concerning whose origin the following legend is narrated. There -were, once upon a time, seven brothers and a sister belonging to the -Irrivaru exogamous sept. The brothers went on a pilgrimage to Benares, -leaving their sister behind. One day, while she was bathing, a sacred -bull (Nandi) left its sperm on her cloth, and she conceived. Her -condition was noticed by her brothers on their return, and, suspecting -her of immorality, they were about to excommunicate her. But they -discovered some cows in calf as the result of parthenogenesis, and -six of the brothers were satisfied as to the girl's innocence. The -seventh, however, required further proof. After the child was born, -it was tied to a branch of a dead chilla tree (Strychnos potatorum), -which at once burst into leaf and flower. The doubting brother became -a cripple, and his descendants are called Pichiga varu, and those of -the baby Chilla varu. - -Traivarnika (third caste men).--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, -1901, as a section of Komatis (who claim to be Vaisyas, or members -of the third caste of Manu), who follow the details of Brahmanical -customs more scrupulously than the others. They are described, in -the Vizagapatam Manual, as followers of the Ramanuja faith, who deal -chiefly in gold and silver, and ornaments made thereof. - -Triputa (Ipomæa Turpethum, Indian jalap).--A sept of Viramushti. - -Tsakala.--The Tsakalas, Sakalas, or Chakalas, who derive their name -from chaku (to wash), are the washermen of the Telugu country, and -also act as torch and palanquin bearers. In the Census Report, 1901, -Tellakula (the white class) is given as a synonym. The Rev. J. Cain -writes [63] that the "Tellakulavandlu are really washermen who, -in consequence of having obtained employment as peons (orderlies) -in Government offices, feel themselves to be superior to their -old caste people. In their own towns or villages they acknowledge -themselves to be washermen, but in other places they disclaim all -such connection." It is noted in the Kurnool Manual (1886) that, -in the Cumbum division, "they serve as palanquin-bearers, and are -always at the mercy of Government officials, and are compelled to -carry baggage for little or no wage. Some are Inamdars (landholders), -while others work for wages." - -The ordinary Tsakalas are called Bana Tsakala, in contradistinction to -the Guna or Velama Tsakala. Bana is the Telugu name for the large pot, -which the washermen use for boiling the clothes. [64] The Guna Tsakalas -are dyers. In a note on the Velamas, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes [65] -that "some say they form a sub-division of the Balijas, but this they -themselves most vehemently deny, and the Balijas derisively call them -Guni Sakalavandlu (hunchbacked washermen). The pride and jealousy of -Hindu castes was amusingly illustrated by the Velamas of Kalahasti. The -Deputy Tahsildar of that town was desired to ascertain the origin of -the name Guni Sakalavandlu, but, as soon as he asked the question, -a member of the caste lodged a complaint of defamation against him -before the District Magistrate. The nickname appears to have been -applied to them because in the northern districts some print chintz, -and, carrying their goods in a bundle on their backs, walk stooping -like a laden washerman. This derivation is more than doubtful, for, -in the Godavari district, the name is Guna Sakalavandlu, guna being -the large pot in which they dye the chintzes." - -Like other Telugu castes, the Tsakalas have exogamous septs or -intiperu, among which chimala (ant) is of common occurrence. Members -of the gummadi sept do not cultivate, or eat the fruit of Cucurbita -maxima (gummadi), and those of the magili pula gotra avoid the fruit -of Pandanus fascicularis. In like manner, sword beans (Canavalia -ensiformis) may not be eaten by those who belong to the thamballa -gotra. - -Among the sub-divisions of the caste are Reddi Bhumi (Reddi earth), -Murikinati, Pakanati (eastern country), Desa, and Golkonda. Of these, -some are also sub-divisions of other Telugu classes, as follows:-- - -Desa or Desur Balija--Kapu. - -Murikinati or Murikinadu--Kamsala, Mangala, Mala and Razu. - -Pakanati--Balija, Golla, Kamsala, Kapu, and Mala. - -Reddi Bhumi--Mala, Mangala. - -At the census, 1891, Odde was recorded as a sub-division of -the Tsakalas, and it is noted in the Vizagapatam Manual (1869) -that the Vadde or Odde Cakali wash clothes, and carry torches -in that district. The name Odde Tsakala refers to Oriya-speaking -washermen. Telugus call the Oriya country Odra or Odde desam and -Oriyas Odra or Odde Vandlu. - -Like the Tamil Vannans, the Tsakalas prepare for various castes torches -for processional or other ceremonial occasions, and the face cloth, -and paddy piled up at the head of a corpse, are their perquisite. The -Reddi Bhumi and other sub-divisions wash the clothes of all classes, -except Malas and Madigas, while the Desa and Golkonda sub-divisions -will wash for both Malas and Madigas, provided that the clothes are -steeped in water, and not handed to them, but left therein, to be taken -by the washerman. Every village has its families of washermen, who, in -return for their services, receive an allowance of grain once a year, -and may have land allotted to them. Whenever a goat or fowl has to -be sacrificed to a deity, it is the privilege of the Tsakala to cut -off the head, or wring the neck of the animal. When Kapu women go on -a visit to a distant village, they are accompanied by a Tsakala. At -a Kapu wedding, a small party of Kapus, taking with them some food -and gingelly (Sesamum) oil, proceed in procession to the house of a -Tsakala, in order to obtain from him a framework made of bamboo or -sticks, over which cotton threads (dhornam) are wound, and the Ganga -idol, which is kept in his custody. The food is presented to him, -and some rice poured into his cloth. Receiving these things, he says -that he cannot find the dhornam and idol without a torch-light, and -demands gingelly oil. This is given to him, and the Kapus return with -the Tsakala carrying the dhornam and idol to the marriage house. The -Tsakala is asked to tie the dhornam to the pandal (marriage booth) -or roof of the house, and he demands some paddy (unhusked rice) which -is heaped up on the ground. Standing thereon, he ties the dhornam. At -a Panta Kapu wedding, the Ganga idol, together with a goat and kavadi -(bamboo pole), with baskets of rice, cakes, betel leaves and areca -nuts, is carried in procession to a pond or temple. The washerman, -dressed up as a woman, heads the procession, and keeps on dancing -and singing till the destination is reached. At the conclusion of the -ceremonial, he takes charge of the idol, and goes his way. Among the -Panta Reddis of the Tamil country, the idol is taken in procession by -the washerman, who goes to every Reddi house, and receives a present -of money. At a wedding among the Idigas (Telugu toddy-drawers), the -brother of the bride is fantastically dressed, with margosa (Melia -Azadirachta) leaves in his turban, and carries a bow and arrow. This -kodangi (buffoon) is conducted in procession to the temple by a few -married women, and made to walk over cloths spread on the ground by -the village washerman. The cloth worn by a Kapu girl at the time of -her first menstrual ceremony is the perquisite of the washerwoman. - -The tribal deity of the Tsakalas is Madivalayya, in whose honour a -feast, called Mailar or Mailar Pandaga, is held in January immediately -after the Pongal festival. Small models of pots, slabs of stone such -as are used for beating the wet clothes on, and other articles used -in their work, are made in rice and flour paste. After they have been -worshipped, fruits, cooked vegetables, etc., are offered, and a sheep -or goat is sacrificed. Some of its blood is mixed with the food, of -which a little is sprinkled over the pots, stones, etc., used during -washing operations. If this ceremonial was not observed, it is believed -that the clothes, when boiling in the water pot, would catch fire, and -be ruined. The festival, which is not observed by the Desa and Golkonda -Tsakalas, lasts for five or seven days, and is a time of holiday. - -At the first menstrual ceremony, the maternal uncle of the girl has -to erect a hut made of seven different kinds of sticks, of which one -must be from a Strychnos Nux-vomica tree. The details of the marriage -ceremony are very similar to those of the Balijas and Kammas. The -distribution of pan-supari, and the tying of the dhornam to the pandal -must be carried out by an assistant headman called Gatamdar. On the -last day, a goat or sheep is sacrificed to the marriage pots. Liberal -potations of toddy are given to those who attend the wedding. - -The Tsakalas have a caste beggar called Mailari, or Patam, because -he carries a brass plate (patam) with the figure of a deity engraved -on it. He is said to be a Lingayat. - -Tsalla or Challa (butter-milk).--An exogamous sept of Mala. - -Tsanda or Chanda (tax or subscription).--An exogamous sept of Kamma -and Medara. - -Tulabharam.--In his description [66] of the Tulabharam or -Tulapurushadanam ceremony performed by the Maharajas of Travancore, -Mr. Shungoony Menon explains that the latter word is a compound -of three Sanskrit words, tula (scales), purusha (man), and danam -(gift, particularly of a religious character). And he gives the -following description of the ceremonial, for the performance of -which a Tulamandapam is erected, wherein the scales are set up, -and the weighing and other rites performed. On the eighth day -"after worshipping and making offerings, the Maharaja proceeds to -the Tulamandapam, where, in the south-east corner, he is sprinkled -with punyaham water. Then he goes to the side room, where the 'nine -grains' are sown in silver flower pots, where the acharya anoints -him with nine fresh-water kalasas. Thence the Maharaja retires to -the palace, changes clothes, wears certain jewels specially made -for the occasion, and, holding the State sword in his right hand -and the State shield in his left, he proceeds to the pagoda; and, -having presented a bull elephant at the foot of the great golden -flagstaff, and silks, gold coins, jewels and other rich offerings in -the interior, he walks round by the Sevaimandapam, and re-enters the -Tulamandapam. He walks thrice round the scales, prostrates himself -before it, bows before the priests and elderly relatives, and obtains -their sanction to perform the Tulapurushadanam. He then mounts the -western scale, holding Yama's and Surya's pratimas in his right and -left hand respectively. He sits facing to the east on a circular heavy -plank cut out of fresh jack-wood (Artocarpus integrifolia), and covered -with silk. He repeats mantras (prayers) in this position. The opposite -or eastern scale then receives the gold, both coined and in ingots, -till it not only attains equality but touches the ground, and the scale -occupied by the Maharaja rises high. The Maharaja then comes down, and, -sitting facing to the east, places the gold, the Tulupurusha pratima -and other pratimas, with flowers, sandal paste, etc., in a basin of -water, and, meditating on Brahma or the Supreme Being, he offers the -contents to Brahmans generically." Of the gold placed in the scale, -one-fourth is divided among the priests who conduct the ceremony, and -the remaining three-fourths are distributed among Brahmans. For use -in connection with the ceremony, gold coins, called tulabhara kasu, -are specially struck. They bear on one side the Malayalam legend Sri -Padmanabha, and on the other a chank shell. - -In connection with the tulabharam ceremony as performed at the temple -of Kali, the goddess of cholera and small-pox at Cranganore in the -Cochin State, Mr. T. K. Gopal Panikkar writes as follows. [67] "When -a man is taken ill of any infectious disease, his relations generally -pray to this goddess for his recovery, solemnly covenanting to perform -what goes by the name of a thulabharam ceremony. The process consists -in placing the patient in one of the scale-pans of a huge balance, -and weighing him against gold or more generally pepper (and sometimes -other substances as well) deposited in the other scale-pan. Then -this weight of the substance is offered to the goddess. This is to -be performed right in front of the goddess in the temple yard." - -In connection with weighing ceremonies, it may be noted that, at Mulki -in South Canara, there is a temple of Venkateswara, which is maintained -by Konkani Brahmans. A Konkani Brahman, who is attached to the temple, -becomes inspired almost daily between 10 and 11 A.M. immediately after -puja (worship), and people consult him. Some time ago, a rich merchant -(a Baniya from Gujarat) consulted the inspired man (Darsana) as to what -steps should be taken to enable his wife to be safely delivered. The -Darsana told him to take a vow that he would present to the god of the -temple silver, sugar-candy, and date fruits, equal in weight to that of -his wife. This he did, and his wife was delivered of a male child. The -cost of the ceremonial is said to have been five thousand rupees. - -Tulabina.--The Tulabinas are a class of cotton-cleaners, who are -scattered over the Ganjam district, and said to be more numerous in -Cuttack. It is suggested that the name is derived from tula, the beam -of a balance, and bina (or vina) a stringed musical instrument. The -apparatus used by them in cleaning cotton, which bears a fanciful -resemblance to a vina, is suspended by a rope so that it is properly -balanced, and the gut-string thereof struck with a dumb-bell shaped -implement, to set it vibrating. - -Tulasi (Ocimum sanctum, sacred basil).--A sub-division of Velama, -and gotra of Komati. The tulsi plant is planted in Hindu houses and -worshipped by women, and the wood is made into beads for rosaries. - -Tulukkar (Turks).--A Tamil name sometimes applied to Muhammadans. - -Tuluva.--Tulu, Tuluva, or Tuluvan occurs as the name of a sub-division -of the Tamil Vellalas, and of the Agasas, Billavas, Gaudas, Kumbaras, -and other classes in South Canara. The equivalent Tulumar is recorded -as a sub-caste of Mavilan, which speaks Tulu. - -Concerning the Tuluva Vellalas, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes [68] that -these are immigrants from the Tulu country, a part of the modern -district of South Canara. Mr. Nelson is of opinion that these are -the original Vellalas, who were invited to Tondamandalam after its -conquest by the Chola king Adondai Chakravarti. [69] - -Tunnaran (tailor).--An occupational sub-division of Nayar. - -Tupakala.--Tupakala or Tupaki (gun) has been recorded as an exogamous -sept of Balija, Kavarai, and Yanadi. - -Turaka.--Recorded as a sept of Kuruba. It is further a Telugu name -sometimes applied to Muhammadans. There is also a thief class, known -as Bhattu Turaka. (See Bhatrazu.) - -Turuvalar.--Recorded in the Salem Manual as a caste name, by which -some of the Vedans call themselves. "The Turuvalar are distinguished -as the Kattukudugirajati, a name derived from a custom among them -which authorizes informal temporary matrimonial arrangements." - - - - - - - -U - - -Udasi.--A few members of this Central India sect of religious -mendicants and devotees have been returned at times of census. It is -said to have been founded three hundred years ago by one Gopaldas. - -Udaiya.--Udaiya, meaning lord, is the title of many well-to-do -Lingayats and of some Jains, and Udaiya or Wodeiyar occurs as the name -of a Lingayat sub-division of the Badagas of the Niligiri hills. The -Maharajas of Mysore belong to the Wodeiyar dynasty, which was restored -after the Muhammadan usurpation of Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan. The -name of the present Maharaja is Sri Krishna Raja Wodeiyar Bahadur. - -Udaiyan.--It is noted in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "the -four Tamil castes Nattaman, Malaiman, Sudarman (or Suruthiman), and -Udaiyan are closely connected. The last is probably a title rather -than a caste, and is the usual agnomen of the Nattamans, Malaimans, -and Sudarmans, as also of the potter caste (Kusavan). Nattaman means a -man of the plains, Malaiman a man of the hills, and Sudarman one who -does good, a hero. Nattampadi is another form of Nattaman. Tradition -traces the descent of the three castes from a certain Deva Raja, -a Chera king, who had three wives, by each of whom he had a son, -and these were the ancestors of the three castes. There are other -stories, but all agree in ascribing the origin of the castes to -a single progenitor of the Chera dynasty. It seems probable that -they are descendants of the Vedar soldiers of the Kongu country, -who were induced to settle in the eastern districts of the Chera -kingdom. Additional evidence of the important position they once -held is afforded by the titles Pandariyar, Pandarattar (custodians -of the treasury), which some of them still use. Some of them again -are locally styled Poligars (Palayakkaran) by the ordinary ryots, -and the title Kavalgar is not infrequent." - -In a note on the Udaiyans, Malaiyamans, Nattamans, and Sudarmans of the -Trichinopoly district, Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes as follows. "Though, -in the Census Report, 1901, they are shown as separate castes, in this -district they are endogamous sub-divisions of one and the same caste, -namely the Udaiyans. The three sub-divisions are unanimous in saying -that they are the descendants of the three Paraiyan foster-daughters -of the poetess Auvaiyar, all of whom became the wives of the king -of Tirukkoyilur in South Arcot, a certain Daivika, who was warned -that only by marrying these women could he save his family from -disaster. The Chola, Pandya, and Chera kings were present at the -wedding, and, on their blessing the bridegroom and his brides, they -were themselves blessed by the poetess, to whom the Chera kingdom -owes its unfailing rain, the Chola country its rice fields, and the -Pandyan realm its cotton. The poorness of the last blessing is due to -the fact that the Pandya king was slow to offer his good wishes. The -three sub-divisions eat together, and recognise the tie of a common -descent, but do not intermarry. The section called Arisakkara -Nattaman is looked down upon by the rest, and may not intermarry -with any of them. All have well-defined exogamous sub-divisions, -called kanis, derived from places where their different ancestors -are supposed to have lived, e.g., Kolattur, Kannanur, Ariyalur. The -Udaiyans put on sacred threads at marriages and funerals, and some -of them have recently begun to wear them always. They are generally -cultivators, and, with the exception of the Sudarmans, who are -supposed to have a turn for crime, are law-abiding citizens. One -section of the Sudarmans, the Muppans of Kapistalam in Tanjore, -have a bad reputation for criminality. A curious practice is that, -before arranging a marriage, it is customary for the bride's party to -go to the bridegroom's house, to dine with him, and test his health -by seeing how much he can eat. They allow a boy, whose suit for the -hand of a girl within certain degrees of relationship is refused by -her parents, to marry the girl, notwithstanding, by tying a tali -(marriage emblem) round her neck. They also permit the betrothal -of infants, the form observed being to present the child with a new -cloth and a mat, and to apply sacred ashes to its forehead. At their -funerals, the mourning party has to chew some rice and spit it out -on the return from the burning-ground, and, on the sixteenth day, -the widow is made to worship a light, and to touch a salt pot. The -Nattaman women do not, as a rule, cover their breasts. The lobes of -their ears are very distended, and they tattoo their chins and cheeks -in the Paraiyan fashion. This is supposed to be in recollection of -their origin. The Malaiyaman women wear their tali on a golden wire -instead of on a thread." - -"The Udaiyans," Mr. Francis writes, [70] are a caste, which is -specially numerous in South Arcot. Most of them are cultivators, and -in Kallakurchi many are also money-lenders on a large scale. They -adopt numerous different titles in an indiscriminate way, and four -brothers have been known to call themselves respectively Nayak, Pillai, -Mudali, and Udaiyan. They have three sub-divisions--Malaiyaman, -Nattaman, and Sudarman--which all admit that they are descended -from one common stock, will usually dine together, but do not -intermarry. Some of the caste, however, are now turning vegetarians, -and these will not only not eat with the others, but will not let -their girls marry them. They do not, nevertheless, object to their -sons taking brides from the meat-eating classes, and thus provide -an interesting, if small, instance of the (on this coast) uncommon -practice of hypergamy. In all general matters the ways of the three -sub-divisions are similar. Sudarmans are uncommon in this district, -and are stated to be chiefly found in Trichinopoly and Tanjore. The -Udaiyans say that the three groups are the descendants of a king -who once ruled at Tirukkoyilur, the first of whom took the hilly -part of his father's country, and so was called Malaiyaman; the -second the level tracts, whence his name Nattaman, and the third was -the scholar of the family, and learned in the holy books (srutas), -and so was called Sudarman. These Udaiyans are the caste from which -were drawn some of the kavalgars (watchmen) who, in pre-British days, -were appointed to perform police duties, and keep the country clear -of thieves; and some of the descendants of these men, who are known -to their neighbours as poligars, and still have considerable local -influence, are even now to be met with. The connection of the members -of the caste with the Vepur (criminal) Paraiyans, which is of course -confined to the less reputable sections among them, seems to have had -its origin in the days when they were still head kavalgars, and these -Paraiyans were their talaiyaris, entrusted, under their orders, with -police duties in the different villages. It now consists in acting as -receivers of the property these people steal, and in protecting them -in diverse ways--finding and feeing a vakil (law pleader) for their -defence, for instance--when they are in trouble with the police. It -is commonly declared that their relations are sometimes of a closer -nature, and that the wives of Veppur Paraiyans who are in enforced -retirement are cared for by the Udaiyans. To this is popularly -attributed the undoubted fact that these Paraiyans are often much -fairer in complexion than other members of that caste." - -The village of Mangalam in the South Arcot district is "chiefly -interesting on account of its being the only village in the -district where buffalo sacrifices on any scale are still regularly -made. Buffaloes are dedicated to the Kali shrine in Mangalam even -by persons in the Salem, Tanjore and Trichinopoly districts, and the -village is commonly known as Maduvetti Mangalam, or buffalo-sacrificing -Mangalam. When a man or any of his belongings gets seriously sick, -he consecrates an animal to this shrine, and, if the illness ends -favourably, it is sent to its fate at the temple on the date of the -annual sacrifice (May-June). When the buffalo is dedicated, a piece -of saffron-coloured cloth, in which is placed some small coin and -a cadjan (palm) leaf containing an announcement of the dedication, -is tied to its horns, and it is allowed to roam wherever it likes -through the fields. On the day of the sacrifice, fourteen of the -best of the animals which have been dedicated and brought to the -temple are selected, and seven of them are tied to an equal number -of stone posts in front of the goddess' shrine. The pujari (priest), -who is an Udaiyan by caste, then walks down the line, and beheads -them one after the other. The goddess is next taken round on a car, -and, on her return to the temple, the other seven buffaloes are -similarly killed. The animals which are not selected are sold, and -the proceeds paid into the temple treasury. There are two images in -the temple, one of Kali, and the other, which is placed at the back -of the shrine, of Mangalayachi. The latter goddess does not approve -of animal sacrifices, and, while the above ceremonies are proceeding, -a blanket is hung in front of her so that she may not see them." [71] - -It is noted by Bishop Whitehead that, a few years ago, an untoward -event occurred in connection with a Pidari festival at a village in the -Trichinopoly district. "The festival had commenced, and the pujari had -tied the kapu (cord dyed with turmeric) on his wrist, when a dispute -arose between the trustees of the shrine, which caused the festival -to be stopped. The dispute could not be settled, and the festival was -suspended for three years, and, during all that time, there could be -no marriages among the Udaya caste, while the poor pujari, with the -kapu on his wrist, had to remain the whole of the three years in the -temple, not daring to go out lest Pidari in her wrath should slay him." - -It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that "the Nattamans -say they originally settled in South Arcot, and then spread to Tanjore -and Trichinopoly, and finally to Madura, and this theory is supported -by the fact that they have fifteen exogamous sub-divisions called -kanis or fields, which are all named after villages (e.g., Ariyalur, -Puththur) in the first three of these districts. A man has a right -to marry the daughter of his father's sister, and, if she is given -to another man, the father's sister has to return to her father or -brother the dowry which she received at the time of her marriage, -and this is given to the man who had the claim upon the girl. The -same custom occurs among the Kuravans and the Kallans. The eldest -son in each family has to be named after the god of the village which -gives its name to the kani or sept to which the family belongs, and -the child is usually taken to that village to be named. Marriage is -infant or adult. Widow marriage is forbidden. Brahmans are employed -for ceremonies, but these are not received on terms of equality by -other Brahmans. Both cremation and burial are practised. Vellalas will -eat with Nattamans. The caste title is Udaiyan." Another title is -Nayinar, which is also used by Pallis and Jains. There is a proverb -"Nattumuththinal Nayinar", i.e., when the Nattaman ripens, he is a -Nayinar. At the census, 1901, some Nattamans returned themselves as -Natramiludaiyan, meaning the repository of chaste Tamil; and Ur-Udaiyan -(lord of a village) was given as their caste name. Nattaman also -occurs as a sub-division of the Pallis. - -Under the name Nattamadi, the Nattamans are described in the Tanjore -Manual as "peasant population. Some are ryotwari land-holders in -their own right and possess large estates. The word is derived from -nattam, village, and is used in three forms, Nattamakkal, Nattamar, -and Nattamadi. A considerable proportion are converts to the Roman -Catholic religion, and, in the neighbourhood of Vallam, there are -very few who profess any other faith." In the Madura Manual, the -Nattambadiyans are further described as being "usually respectable -cultivators. They are said to have emigrated into the Madura country -not more than about eight years ago. They are an interesting class of -Tamils, inasmuch as very many of them have adopted the Roman Catholic -faith under the leadership of the Jesuit missionaries. They are said to -be a fine race physically; finer even than the Vellalans. They are also -called Udaiyans, and tradition says that they came from the Toreiyur -nadu or district in Tanjore, from a village called Udeiyapaleiyam. They -are chiefly resident in the great zamindaris, and contrast favourably -with the Maravans, being very orderly, frugal, and industrious." - -I am informed that Nattaman women will do cooly work and carry food -for their husbands when at work in the fields, but that Malaiman -women will not do so. - -The Sudarmans are described, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, -as "cultivators chiefly found in the districts of Tanjore and -Trichinopoly. They are imitating the Brahmans and Vellalas in -their social customs, and some of them have left off eating meat, -with the idea of raising themselves in general estimation; but they -nevertheless eat in the houses of Kallans and Idaiyans. Their title -is Muppan." Some Sudarmans, I am told, have become Agamudaiyans. - -Uddari.--A synonym for the village Taliyari. - -Uddu (Phaseolus Mungo).--An exogamous sept of Kappiliyan. - -Udhdhandra.--A title conferred by Zamindars on some Kurumos. - -Uduma.--Uduma or Udumala, meaning the lizard Varanus, has been recorded -as an exogamous sept of Boya, Kapu, Tottiyan, and Yanadi. - -Ugrani.--A village servant in South Canara, appointed to watch -the store-rooms (ugrana), e.g., the village granary, treasury, or -bhuta-sthana. In 1907, the powers of village policeman were conferred -on the Ugrani, who now wears a brass badge on his arm, with the words -Village Police in the vernacular engraved on it. It is the duty of -the Ugrani to report the following to the village magistrate:-- - -1. The commission of grave crimes, such as theft, house-breaking, -robbery, dacoity, accidental deaths, suicides, etc. - -2. The existence of disputes in connection with landed property, -likely to give occasion to any fight or rioting. - -3. The arrival of Fakirs, Bairagis, or other strangers in the village. - -4. The arrival or residence in the village of any person whom the -villagers suspect to be a bad character. - -5. The commission of mischief in respect of any public property, such -as roads, road avenues, bridges, cattle pounds, Government trees on -unreserved lands, etc. - -Uliyakaran.--A synonym, denoting menial servant, of Parivaram. - -Ulladan.--It is recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, -that "the Ullatans and Nayatis are found in the low country, as well -as on the hills. At a remote period, certain Ullata families from -the plains settled themselves at Talpurakkotta near Sabarimala, and -even to-day pilgrims to Sabarimala consider this place as sacred. In -the low country, the offerings to the same deities as the Ullatans -worship are offered by the Valans. Hence the Ullatans were called by -them Kochchuvalans. The place near Sabarimala where they once dwelt is -known as Kochuvalakkuti, or the cottage of the Kochchuvalan. Most of -these Ullatans have left this place for fear of wild beasts, and are -now straying in the woods with no fixed abode. It is said that they -are the descendants from a Nambutiri woman, who, on being proclaimed -an outcast, said Ullatana, meaning that (the offence for which she -was ostracised) is true. [According to another derivation, the name -is derived from ull, within, and otunnu, runs, and means one who runs -away into the forest at the sight of a member of any of the higher -castes.] They are good hunters, and experts in the collection of wax -and other forest produce. A curious marriage custom, prevalent among -them, is thus related by Dr. Day. 'A large round building is made -of leaves, and inside this the bride is ensconced. All the eligible -young men of the village then assemble, and form a ring round this -hut. At a short distance sits the girl's father or the nearest male -relative with tom-tom in his hands, and a few more musical instruments -complete the scene. Presently the music begins. The young men, each -armed with a bamboo, commence dancing round the hut, into which each of -them thrusts his stick. This continues about an hour, when the owner -of whichever bamboo she seizes becomes the fortunate husband of the -concealed bride. A feast then follows.' [72] They subsist chiefly on -fruits, wild yams, and other forest products, and eke out a wretched -existence. When armed with guns, they make excellent sportsmen." - -It is noted by the Rev. S. Mateer [73] that the Ulladans "subsist -chiefly on wild yams, arrowroot, and other esculents, which they find -in the jungle, and for the grubbing up of which they are generally -armed with a long pointed staff. They also further enjoy the fruits -of the chase, and are adepts in the use of the bow and arrow. The -arrow they use has an iron spear-head, and an Ulladan has been known -to cut a wriggling cobra in half at the first shot. They were claimed -as the property of celebrated hill temples, or great proprietors, who -exacted service of them, and sometimes sold their services to Nairs, -Syrians, and others. A few Ulladans in the low country say they or -their fathers were stolen in childhood, and brought down as slaves." - -At Kottayam in Travancore, I came across a party of Ulladans carrying -cross-bows. These were said to be used for catching fish in rivers, -lagoons, and tanks. The arrow is between two and three feet in length, -and has an iron hook at one end. Attached to it is a thin but strong -string, one end of which is tied to the hook, while the other end -passes through a small hole in the wooden part of the arrow, and is -fastened to the cross-bar of the bow. This string is about thirty feet -in length, and serves not only to drag the captured fish out of the -water, and land it, but also to prevent the arrow from being lost. The -origin of the cross-bow, which I have not found in the possession of -any other tribe, puzzled me until the word Firingi was mentioned in -connection with it. The use of this word would seem to indicate that -the cross-bow is a survival from the days of the Portuguese on the -west coast, Firingi (a Frank) or Parangi being used by Natives for -European or Portuguese. - -For the following note on the Ulladans of the Cochin State, I -am indebted to Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna Iyer. [74] "Their huts -are situated in the forest of the plains, by the side of paddy -(rice) flats, or in cocoanut gardens remote from those of the -members of the higher castes. Only Christian Moplahs are found in -the neighbourhood. Their huts are erected on short bamboo posts, -the roof and four sides of which are covered with plaited cocoanut -leaves. A bamboo framework, of the same leaves, serves the purpose of -a door. A few plaited cocoanut leaves, and a mat of their own weaving, -form the only furniture, and serve as beds for them at night. Their -vessels in domestic use consist of a few earthen pots for cooking and -keeping water in, and a few shallow earthen dishes, from which they -drink water, and take their food. Some large pieces of the bark of the -areca palm, containing salt, chillies, etc., were also seen by me. What -little they possess as food and clothing is placed in small baskets -suspended from the framework of the roof by means of wooden hooks. - -"The caste assembly consists of the elderly members of the caste. There -is a headman, who is called Muppan, and he has an assistant who -is known as Ponamban. The headman has to preside at all marriage -and funeral ceremonies, and to decide all disputes connected with -the caste. The caste assembly meets chiefly to deal with cases of -immorality. The guilty parties are summoned before the assembly. The -headman, who presides, inquires into the matter, and, in the event -of the accused parties confessing their guilt, they are taken before -His Highness the Raja, who is informed of the circumstances. The male -culprit is sometimes beaten or fined. The woman is given some water -or the milk of a green cocoanut, and this is supposed to set her free -from all sin. When a fine is imposed, it is sometimes spent on the -purchase of toddy, which is shared among the castemen present. The -headman gets a few puthans (Cochin coins) for his trouble. - -"In religion, the Ulladans are pure animists or demon worshippers. All -cases of sickness, and other calamities, are attributed to the -malignant influence of demons, whom it is necessary to propitiate. They -worship Kappiri, Thikutti, and Chathan, all of whom are represented -by a few stones placed under a thatched roof called kottil. Offerings -of rice flour, sheep, fowls, toddy, rice, cocoanuts and plantains, -are given on Fridays in the month of Kanni (September-October). One -of the castemen acts as Velichapad (oracle), and speaks as if by -inspiration. He also casts out demons from the bodies of women who are -believed to be influenced by them. When he resumes his former self, -he takes half the offerings to himself, allowing the other half for -distribution among the bystanders. They also worship the spirits of -the departed members of their families, who, they think, sometimes -appear to them in dreams, and ask them for whatever they want. They -believe that, in the event of their neglecting to give what is asked, -these spirits will cause serious calamity to their family. - -"The Ulladans generally bury their dead in special places called -chotala, but some of them bury the corpse a few yards away from their -huts. The young are buried deep in the ground, while the old ones are -buried not so deep. The dead body is placed on a new piece of cloth -spread on a bamboo bier, which is carried by the relatives to the -grave-yard. The castemen of the neighbourhood, including the relations -and friends of the deceased, accompany the bier to the burial-ground, -and return home after bathing. The members of the family fast for -the night. They observe pollution for fifteen days, and, on the -morning of the sixteenth day, the Thalippan (barber priest) comes -and cleans the huts and its surrounding, and sprinkles cow-dung mixed -with water on the members of the family as they return from bathing, -in order that they may be freed from pollution. They entertain their -castemen on that day. It is a custom among the Ulladans, Pulayas, -and other low classes, that, when they are invited to a feast, -they bring with them some rice, curry stuffs, toddy, or a few annas -to meet the expenses of the feast. Very often the above articles -are obtained as a gift from the charitably disposed members of the -higher castes. At the end of the year, a similar feast is given to -the castemen. Among the Ulladans, the nephew is the chief mourner, -for he usually succeeds to the property of the dead, and proves his -right of ownership by acting as the chief mourner. - -"The Ulladans on the sea-coast make boats, and cut timber. Their -brethren in the interior gather honey, and collect minor forest -produce, and sell it to contractors. During the agricultural season, -they engage in every kind of agricultural work, such as ploughing, -sowing, transplanting, reaping, etc. They also graze the cattle of -the farmers. They get a few annas worth of paddy (unhusked rice) -for their labour. For most of the months in the year they are in -a half-starving condition, and resort to eating wild roots, and -animals, which they can get hold of (e.g., rats, tortoises, fish, -or crocodiles). They know where rats are to be found. They thrust -a long stick into their holes, moving it so violently as to kill -them there, or forcing them to come out, when they catch and kill -them. Very often in the rural parts, both men and women are found -with long poles ready to be thrust into any holes there may be by -the side of a fence, or where bamboos are growing luxuriantly. They -also catch crocodiles. They place the carcase of a fowl, sheep, or -other animal, on the bank of a canal, or by the side of a tank where -crocodiles are to be found. Into it is thrust a pointed piece of iron, -fastened to a long cord. When a crocodile comes out of the water to -eat it, or tries to get away with it, the piece of iron is fixed -firmly into its mouth, upon which the Ulladans, who are watching, -approach and kill it with their clubs and knives. They catch fish -by means of bait, and by poisoning the water. They are also very -skilful in spearing fish swimming near the surface. They are more -trackers of game than hunters, and very often accompany Moplahs, who -go out hunting to provide themselves with meat of all kinds for feasts -during their weddings. The Ulladans are engaged only as beaters. For -this service, they are given meals during the wedding, in addition -to three annas worth of paddy for each beater. They are armed with -clubs, and seldom go with dogs, fearing that they may drive away the -game. When any animal is killed in hunting, the right side of the -back of the animal goes to the Government. It is given to the Forest -Officer, who auctions it, and the money obtained is sent to the taluk -treasury. The left side of the back goes to the member of the party -who shoots the animal. He also gets the face with the tongue. The -headman among the Ulladans also gets a share. The remainder of the -carcase is equally divided among the members who have formed the -party. Should any dispute arise regarding the division of the game, -the man who shoots the animal is entrusted with the settlement of the -dispute, and his decision is final. In cases where the hunting party -is organised by the Moplahs, the Ulladans get wages and meals for their -trouble. In places where elephant pits are dug, hunting is forbidden. - -"As regards their social status, the Ulladans, like the Nayadis, -form the Chandalas of the plains. Their approach to within a radius -of sixty-four feet pollutes Brahmans, and all higher castes, including -the Sudras (Nayars). The Ulladans cannot walk along the public roads, -or come to the bazaars. Nor can they approach the precincts of any town -or locality where the members of higher castes reside. The Pulayas -and Parayas profess to be polluted by them. It is curious to note -that the Ullada women consider it degrading to go to work like the -Pulaya woman. They say that their husbands have to provide for them." - -Ulli (onions or garlic).--A sub-division of the Tigala -market-gardeners. The equivalent Ullipoyala occurs as an exogamous -sept of Golla, and Ulligadda as a sept of Boya and Korava. - -Ulumban.--It is recorded in the Gazetteer of Malabar that "an -endogamous sub-caste (of Nayars) of foreign origin are the Ulumbans or -cowherds. According to one tradition, they were originally immigrants -from Dvaraka (Guzerat). Their original occupation still survives in the -privileges of supplying ghee (clarified butter) for the abhishegam or -libation at the great annual festival at the jungle shrine of Kottiyur, -and of supplying butter-milk to the Tiruvangad temple at Tellicherry, -which are exercised by families of this caste; and in the general -privilege of offering milk in any temple without previous ablution." - -Uluvala (seeds of horse-gram: Dolichos biflorus).--An exogamous sept -of Boya and Jogi. - -Ungara.--Ungara and Ungarala, meaning rings, have been recorded as -exogamous septs of Balija and Kuruba. - -Unittiri.--Unittiri, or Unyatiri, meaning, it is said, venerable boy, -has been recorded as a sub-division of Samantam. Unnittan appears, -in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a title of Nayars, and is -said to be derived from unni, small, tan, a title of dignity. - -Unnekankana.--A sub-division of Kurubas, who tie a woollen thread -(unne kankana) round the wrist at times of marriage. - -Unni.--For the following note on the Unnis of Travancore, I am indebted -to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. The word Unni, whatever its significance may -have been of old, at present forms the common title of four castes of -the Ambalavasi group, whose manners and custom differ considerably in -their details. They are known, respectively, as Pushpakans, Brahmanis, -Tiyattunnis, and Nattu Pattars, their social precedence being in this -order. Pushpakan comes from pushpa, which in Sanskrit means either -a flower or menses. Brahmanis, more vulgarly known as Pappinis, -are so named because they perform some of the priestly functions of -the Brahmans for the Sudra population of Travancore. Tiyattunnis, -also known as Taiyampatis in British Malabar, are so called from the -peculiar religious service they perform in some Hindu temples. Nattu -Pattars are also known as Pattar Unnis and Karappuram Unnis. Unni means -a child, and is used as an honorific term to denote the male children -of a Nambutiri's household. The reason why these Ambalavasi castes came -to be so called was that they were looked upon as more respectable than -the Nayars, by whom the term must doubtless have been made use of at -first. The Pushpakans are said to be divided into three classes, namely -Pushpakans, Nambiassans, and Puppallis. The first section live only -as far south as Evur in Central Travancore, and are called Nambiyars -in the north. The Nambiyassans live in Cochin and North Travancore, -while the Puppallis are found only towards the south. There are -no sub-divisions among the Brahmanis and Karappuramunnis. But the -Tiyattunnis are divided into two classes, namely the Tiyatinambiyans -of the north, who are generally employed in the temples of Sastha, -and Tiyattunnis proper, who perform a similar function in the shrines -of Bhadrakali. Women are also known as Atovarammamar and Kovillammamar. - -Pushpakans are said to have arisen out of the union of a Brahman -woman in her menses with her husband. Parasurama set them apart, -and gave them the occupation of making garlands in the temples of -Malabar. Though this derivation is given in the Keralamahatmya, it may -be more easily believed that Pushpakan is derived from the occupation -of working in flowers. Puppalli, at any rate, is thus derived, and, -as Palli signifies anything sacred, the caste name arose from the -occupation of preparing garlands for deities. Nambiyassans, called -also Nambiyars and Nambis, must have been, as also the Puppallis -and Brahmanis, one with the Pushpakans. In some places, Nambiyassans -are known to have kept gymnasia and military training schools. The -Brahmanis must have undergone some degree of degradation because -of the religious songs which they sang during the marriages of the -Nayars, while those who did not take part therein became, as it were, -a separate sept. Another tradition, accounting for the origin of the -caste, is that, as in primitive ages early marriages prevailed among -the Malayala Brahmans, the family of the Nambutiri who first married -his daughter after puberty was excommunicated, and gave origin to -the Pushpakas. This is untrue, as, in Vedic times, adult marriage -was the rule, and the Nambutiris in this respect have been known -to follow a more primitive custom than the Brahmans of the east -coast. The Tiyattunnis are said to be the descendants of a Bhuta -or demon directed by Siva to sing songs in praise of Bhadrakali, -and appease her anger after the murder of Darika. They must from -the first have formed a distinct section of the Ambalavasis. The -Karappuram Unnis are supposed to have been elevated to their present -status by Cheraman Perumal, one of the rulers of ancient Kerala, as, -though belonging to the Sudra caste, they were obliged on one occasion -to perform Brahmanical service for him. Perumal is believed to have -permitted them to take the title of Unni, and call themselves Pattar, -by which name East Coast Brahmans are known in Malabar. Thus they came -to own the three names Nattu Pattar, Pattar Unni, and Karappuram Unni, -Karappuram or Shertallay being the territory where the sept received -the above-mentioned social elevation from their sovereign. Even now, -many of them reside in the taluks of Ambalapuzha and Shertallay. - -The house of a Pushpaka is variously known as pushpakam, pumatum, -or padodakam, the last signifying a place where the water falls -from the feet of the deity, on account of its close proximity to the -temple, where the daily avocation of the Pushpaka lies. The houses -of the Tiyattunnis and Nattu Pattars are only known by the name of -bhavanam. As in the case of the Brahmans, the Pushpanis and Brahmanis -cover their bodies with a piece of cloth, carry an umbrella, and are -accompanied by Nayar servant-maids when they go out in public. The -women have one more fold in their dress than the Nambutiris. The -neck ornament of women is the cherutali-kuttam, and the ear ornament -the katila. Bell-metal bangles are worn round the wrists. Female -Tiyattunnis and Nattu Pattars do not wear the last, and are generally -unaccompanied by Nayar servant-maids when they go out. - -Pushpakans are believed to be the most fitting caste for the -preparation of flower garlands to be used in temples. They -also assist in the preparation of the materials for the daily -offering. Nambiyassans were instructors in arms in days of old, and -kalari or gymnasia are owned by them even at the present day. Their -punyaha, or purificatory ceremony after pollution, is performed by -Pushpakans. Brahmani women sing religious songs on the occasion of -marriage among all castes from Kshatriyas to Nayars. In Kumaranallur -and other Bhagavati shrines, women are employed to sing propitiatory -songs, while the men make garlands, sweep the floor of the inner -court-yard and plinth, clean the temple vessels, and carry the lamp -when images are taken round in procession. It is only the first of -these temple services that the Pushpakas do, and their women never -go out to sing on marriage occasions. The word Tiyattu or Teyyatu -is said to be a corruption of Daivamattu, or dancing to please the -deity. According to one tradition, they were degraded from Pushpakas -for undertaking service in the temples. In more orthodox times, -tiyattu could be performed only in temples and Brahman houses, but -now Sudras also share the privilege of inviting the Tiyattunnis to -their homes for this purpose, though the ceremony cannot be performed -in their houses without a previous punyaha. The rite is extremely -popular when epidemic disease prevails. Ganapati and Bhadrakali -are, as a preliminary measure, worshipped, to the accompaniment of -musical instruments. As this has to be done in the noon, it is called -uchchappattu, or noon-day song. In the evening, an image of Bhadrakali -is drawn on the ground with powders of five colours, white, yellow, -black, green and red. At night, songs are sung in praise of that -deity by the Tiyattunni and his followers. A member of the troupe -then plays the part of Bhadrakali in the act of murdering the demon -Darika, and, in conclusion, waves a torch before the inmates of the -house, to ward off the evil eye, which is the most important item -in the whole ceremony. The torch is believed to be given by Siva, -who is worshipped before the light is waved. - -The Karappuram Unnis, unlike the other septs of their class, are -mostly agriculturists. The Unnis are all Smartas, but a partiality for -Bhadrakali is manifested by the Tiyattunnis and Brahmanis. All social -matters among the Unnis are superintended by Nambutiri Brahmans, -but, in all that directly touches the social well-being, their own -headmen are the judges. Before entering a Pushpaka's house for the -observation of any ceremony, the Nambutiris insist upon the performance -of punyaha. Though the superiority of Ilayatus is acknowledged, -they are never employed by the Pushpakas for priestly functions. The -Ilayatus are believed to have once been the priests of the Nattu -Pattars, though at the present time learned men from their own sept -are employed for this purpose. The punyaha is, however, performed -through the agency of Nambutiris. The priests of the Nambiyassans, -Tiyattunnis, and Brahmanis are Ilayatus. - -Adult marriage prevails, twelve being the earliest age of a girl when -she ceases to be single. On the evening of the day before the wedding, -the bride has a ceremonial bath, and performs the ceremony of growing -a jasmine shoot, the flowers of which she should cull and present as -an offering to the deity. On the marriage day, the bridegroom's party -arrives in procession at the house of the bride, who awaits them with -her face covered, and holding a brass mirror and garland of flowers -in her hands. Her veil is removed, and the contracting couple gaze at -each other. At the auspicious hour their hands are joined, and other -items of the marriage rites carried out. In connection with a Pushpaka -marriage, ammana attam or tossing of metal balls, kaikottikali or -the circular dance, and yatrakali are among the amusements indulged -in. Divorce was common among the Pushpakas in bygone days, but, at -the present time, the marriage tie is usually permanent, and it is -only after the first husband's death that cloths may be received from -a Malayala Brahman in token of sambandham (alliance). The Brahmanis, -however, have not given up the practice of divorce. Nambiyassans, -Puppallis, Pattar Unnis, and Brahmanis follow the marumakkattayam -system of inheritance (through the female line), while the Pushpakas -and Tiyattunnis are makkattayis, and follow the law of inheritance -from father to son. The offspring of a Brahmani by a Pushpaka woman -are regarded as issue in a makkattayam family. As is the custom among -the Nambutiris, only the eldest son marries, the other sons remaining -as snatakas, and contracting alliances with Nayar women. The Illam -Nayars, however, do not give their daughters to the Unnis. - -The jatakarma, though not strictly proper, is observed in modern -days. The namakarana takes place, along with the annaprasana, in the -sixth month after birth. The chaula is performed in the third year, -though, among the Nattu Pattars, it is a preliminary ceremony before -upanayana. The proper time for the performance of the upanayana is -between the eighth and sixteenth year. Samavartana takes place on -the fourteenth day after upanayana. Pollution lasts for only ten -days among the Tiyattunnis, whereas the Brahmanis observe twelve, -and the Nattu Pattars thirteen days' pollution. Ten gayatris (hymns) -are allowed to be recited thrice daily. - -The Pushpakas are the highest of the thread-wearing sections of the -Ambalavasis, according to their traditional origin as well as their -religious and social practices. The Pattar Unnis are the lowest, -and are only a step higher than the Kurukkals. Consecrated water -and flowers are not given to them directly by the temple priest, but -they may stand on the right side of the stone steps leading to the -inner shrine. This is the rule with all Ambalavasi divisions. Other -Ambalavasis do not receive food from the Unnis. These sections of -the Unnis which have Ilayatus for their priests accept food from -them. As the Pushpakas proper employ only Nambutiris for purificatory -purposes, the latter freely cook food in their houses, as in those -of the Muttatus. - -It is recorded by Mr. Logan [75] that the Tiyattunnis or Tiyadis (ti, -fire; attam, play) are "a class of pseudo-Brahmans in Malabar, who -derive their name from the ceremony of jumping through fire before -temples." Mr. Subramani Aiyar writes, in this connection, that "I do -not think Mr. Logan is quite right when he describes the service of -the Tiyattunnis as jumping through fire. It is dancing with lighted -wicks in the hands, to exorcise the genius representing the evil eye, -or as a propitiatory service in temples. It answers to the pallippanna -and kolantullal of the Kaniyans. A figure of Bhadrakali is drawn on the -ground with powders of different colours, and the chief incidents in -the incarnate life of the deity are recited by the Tiyattunnis. After -this, some cocoanuts are broken in two, and lighted wicks are then -placed before the presiding deity if done in a temple as a propitiatory -service, or before any particular individual or individuals, if the -object is to free him or them from the effect of the evil eye." - -Uppalavar (salt workers).--A synonym of Alavan. - -Uppara.--For the following note, I am mainly indebted to -Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. Uppiliyan, Uppara, Uppara or Uppaliga, -are different names for a class of people, who followed the same -professional occupation, the manufacture of salt (uppu), in various -parts of Southern India. The Uppiliyans live in the Tamil country, -and speak Tamil; the Upparas in the Telugu country, and speak Telugu; -while the Upparas inhabit the Mysore province and the districts -bordering thereon, and speak Canarese. The Upparas are described by -Mr. H. A. Stuart [76] as "a caste of tank-diggers and earth-workers, -corresponding to the Uppiliyans of the Tamil districts. They resemble -greatly the Oddes (Voddas or Wudders) in appearance, customs, -and manner of earning a living. Their traditional occupation is, -as the name implies, manufacturing earth-salt. They profess to be -Saivites and Vaishnavites, but practically worship village deities, -e.g., Sunkalamma, Timmappa, and Jambulamma." It is possible that the -Uppiliyans, Upparas, and Upparas were originally a homogeneous caste, -the members of which, in course of time, migrated to different parts -of the country, and adopted the language of the locality in which -they settled. The causes, which may have led to the breaking up of -the caste, are not far to seek. The original occupation thereof, -according to the legendary story of its origin, was tank, channel, -and well digging. Southern India depended in days gone by, as at the -present time, mainly on its agricultural produce, and people were -required, then as now, to secure, conserve, and distribute the water, -which was essential for agricultural prosperity. Inscriptions, such -as those quoted by Mr. V. Venkayya, [77] bear testimony to the energy -displayed by former rulers in Southern India in having tanks, wells, -and irrigation channels constructed. Uppiliyans, Upparas or Upparas, -are, at the present day, found all over the Madras Presidency, from -Ganjam in the north to Tinnevelley in the south. From early times -they seem to have, in addition to the work already indicated, been -engaged in bricklaying, house-building, the construction of forts, -and every kind of earth-work. - -Writing concerning the Telugu Upparas at the beginning of the -nineteenth century, Buchanan states [78] that "their proper occupation -is the building of mud walls, especially those of forts." A very -important occupation of these people was the manufacture of earth-salt -and saltpetre, of which the latter was an important ingredient in the -manufacture of gunpowder. "Throughout India," Dr. G. Oppert writes, -[79] "saltpetre is found, and the Hindus are well acquainted with all -its properties; it is even commonly prescribed as a medicine. India -was famous for the exportation of saltpetre, and is so. The Dutch, -when in India, traded especially in this article." - -The Uppiliyans say that they are descended from a man who was created -to provide salt for the table of their god, but lost the favour -of the deity because his wife bartered the salt for some glass -bangles. In his wrath he put his wife into the oven to kill her, -but she escaped through a hole in the back. As evidence of the truth -of the story, they point to the facts that their women wear no glass -bangles, and that their ovens always have a hole in them. The caste -further traces its descent from a mythical individual, named Sagara, -to whom is ascribed the digging of the Bay of Bengal. His story is -narrated in the Vishnu Purana, [80] and is briefly as follows. Sagara -was son of Bahu, who was overrun by the Haihayas and Talajanghas, -and consequently retired to the forest, where, near the hermitage of -Muni Aurva, one of his queens conceived. A rival queen poisoned her, -so as to prevent her from being delivered of the child. Meanwhile, -Bahu waxed old, and his pregnant wife prepared to ascend the funeral -pyre with him. But the Muni forbade her, saying that she was going -to be the mother of an universal emperor. She accordingly desisted -from the desperate act, and a splendid boy was born, and the poison -expelled along with him. The Muni, on this account, gave him the -name of Sagara, meaning with poison. As he grew up, the boy came -to know of the troubles of his father, and resolved to recover -his kingdom. He put to death nearly the whole of the Haihayas, -and made the others acknowledge his suzerainty. He had two wives, -by one of whom he had a son named Asamanja, and by the other sixty -thousand sons. He subsequently performed the asvamedha or sacrifice -of a horse, which was guarded by his sons. The animal was, however, -carried off by some one into a chasm in the earth. Sagara commanded his -sons to search for the steed, and they traced him by the impressions -of the hoofs to the chasm, which he had entered. They proceeded to -enlarge it, and dug downwards, each for a league. Coming to Patala, -they saw the horse wandering freely about, and at no great distance -from it was Kapila Rishi, sitting in meditation. Exclaiming "This is -the villain who has maliciously interrupted our sacrifice, and stolen -the horse, kill him, kill him," they ran towards him with uplifted -weapons. The Rishi raised his eyes, and for an instant looked upon -them, and they became reduced to ashes by the sacred flame that -darted from him. On learning of the death of his sons, Sagara sent -Amsumat, the son of Asamanja, to secure the animal. He went by the -deep path which his father and uncles had dug, and, arriving at the -place where Kapila was, propitiated him with an obeisance. The Rishi -gave him the horse, to be delivered to his father, and in conferring -the boon which Amsumat prayed for, said that his grandson would bring -down the divine Ganges, whose "waters shall wash the bones and ashes -of thy grandfather's sons," and raise them to swarga. Sagara then -completed his sacrifice, and, in affectionate memory of his sons, -called the chasm which they had dug Sagara. This is still the name -of the ocean, and especially of the Bay of Bengal at the mouth of the -Ganges, which, in accordance with the boon of Kapila, was brought down -to earth by Amsumat's grandson Bhagiratha, from whom it received the -name of Bhagirathi, which it retains to this day. Such is the story -of the origin of the caste, members of which often call it Sagara -kula, or the family of Sagara. As his sons excavated the ocean, so -they dig tanks, channels, wells, etc. In the Mysore Census Reports, -the Upparas are said to be called "Uppara in the eastern, Uppaliga in -the southern, and Melu (west) Sakkre in the western districts. [Some -explain that they work in salt, which is more essential than sugar, -and that Mel Sakkare means superior sugar.] This caste is divided into -the Telugu and Karnataka sub-divisions. The latter make earth-salt, -while the former work as bricklayers and builders. The well-to-do -section of the caste further undertake public works on contract, -and some of them are good architects of ordinary Hindu houses, -which do not call for much scientific precision. There are also -agriculturists and labourers among them." In the Madras Presidency, at -the present day, some members of the caste are well and tank diggers, -house-builders or bricklayers; others are agricultural labourers, -or village servants. A few are earth-work contractors, or, as at -Muthialpet near Conjeeveram, yarn dyers. Some are in the service of -Government as police constables. The women are very hard-working, -and help their husbands at their work. To this fact is said to be -due the high rate at which the bride-price is fixed. The well-kept -roads of the city of Madras are the work of a colony of Upparas, -who have settled there. The following curious custom is recorded by -the Rev. J. Cain in a note [81] on the tank-diggers of the Godavari -district. "A disturbance in a little camp of tank-diggers confirmed a -statement which I heard at Masulipatam as to the manner in which the -tank-diggers divide their wages. They had been repairing the bank of a -tank, and been paid for their work, and, in apportioning the shares of -each labourer, a bitter dispute arose because one of the women had not -received what she deemed her fair amount. On enquiry, it turned out -that she was in an interesting condition, and therefore could claim -not only her own, but also a share for the expected child. This had -been overlooked, and, when she asserted her right to a double portion, -those who had already received their money objected to part with any, -although they acknowledged that the claim was fair and just." - -By the Madras Salt Act, 1889, it is enacted that any person who-- - -(a) removes any salt without or in excess of the permits necessary -by this Act; or - -(b) except for agricultural or building purposes, excavates, collects -or possesses salt-earth in any local area where it is contraband -salt; or - -(c) manufactures contraband salt in any other way than by excavating -or collecting salt-earth; or - -(d) purchases, obtains, possesses, sells or weighs contraband salt -other than salt-earth, knowing or having reason to believe it to be -contraband; or - -(e) refines saltpetre without such license as is prescribed by the -Act; or - -(f) attempts to commit, or within the meaning of the Indian Penal -Code abets the commission of any of the above acts, - -shall on conviction be punishable for every such offence with -imprisonment for a term not exceeding six months, or with fine not -exceeding five hundred rupees, or with both. - -It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that "at the -time when the Company came into possession of the district, the salt -consumed in it was of two kinds, namely, the earth-salt manufactured -from saline soils by men of the Uppara caste, and the marine salt -made on the west coast. The latter was imported by the Lambadis and -Korachas, who brought it up the ghats by means of large droves of -pack-bullocks. The earth-salt was made in what were known as modas, -which were peculiar to the Ceded Districts, and were especially -common in Bellary. A heap of earth was piled up, and on the top of -it were hollowed out one or more circular basins, some five feet -in diameter and two feet deep. From the bottom of these basins, -channels lined with chunam (lime) ran down to one or more reservoirs -similarly lined. Salt-earth was collected in the places where it -effloresced naturally in the dry months, and taken to the moda on -pack-buffaloes. It was thrown into the basins, and then a quantity -of water was poured upon it. The brine so obtained flowed through the -channels at the bottom of the basins into the reservoirs. From these -it was baled with chatties (pots) into a set of masonry evaporating -pans, carefully levelled and plastered with chunam, where it was -left to be converted into salt by solar evaporation. Each lot of -salt-earth, which was thus lixiviated, was taken from the basins and -thrown outside them, and this process constantly repeated gradually -raised the level of the moda and the basins, which were perpetually -being re-made on the top of it. Some of the modas gradually grew -to be as much as twenty feet in height. When they became too high -for the buffaloes to carry the salt-earth up to their summits with -comfort, they were abandoned, and others started elsewhere. The -earth-salt made in this manner was neither so good nor so strong -as marine salt, but it was much used by the poorer classes and for -cattle, and thus interfered with the profits of the Government salt -monopoly, which was established in 1805. As early as 1806, therefore, -it was proposed to prohibit its manufacture. The chief arguments -against any such step were that it would inflict hardship upon the -Upparas who made the salt, and upon the poorer classes who consumed -it, and, for the next three quarters of a century, a wearisome -correspondence dragged on regarding the course which it would be -proper to pursue. In 1873, Mr. G. Thornhill, Member of the Board of -Revenue, visited the Ceded Districts, to see how matters stood. He -reported that it was not possible to check the competition of the -earth-salt with the Government marine salt by imposing an excise -duty, as the modas were numerous and scattered. For similar reasons, -and also because all the Upparas were very poor, a license-tax was -out of the question. At the same time he calculated that the loss to -Government due to the system was from eight to ten lakhs annually, and, -seeing that Government salt was obtainable in Bellary as cheaply as -in other inland districts, he recommended that the industry should be -gradually suppressed. Government agreed, and ordered that the opening -of new modas should be prohibited, and that those in existence should -be licensed, with reference to their productive capacity, at rates to -increase by annual increments until 1879, when the full duty leviable -on sea-salt should be imposed on their entire produce. These measures, -though they checked the manufacture, failed to entirely protect the -revenue, and, in 1876, the Madras Salt Commission and Board of Revenue -concurred in recommending that the manufacture of earth-salt should -be at once and entirely suppressed. The Government of India agreed, -and in 1880 orders were given that the modas should all be destroyed, -reasonable compensation being paid to their owners. The manufacture -of earth-salt in the district is now entirely a thing of the past, -though in many places the remains of the old modas may still be -seen. Some of the Upparas, however, still go annually to the Nizam's -Dominions in the dry season, and make earth-salt by the old methods -for sale there. Apparently they agree with the Nizam's Government -to pay a certain fee, one-fourth of which is paid in advance, -for the privilege. If the season is sufficiently dry, they make a -small profit, but if, on the other hand, it is wet, manufacture is -impossible, and they lose the amount of the fee, and their labour as -well." A good deal of saltpetre is still made by members of the caste -in various parts of the Madras Presidency by lixiviating the alkaline -efflorescence of the earth. For this purpose, licenses are obtained -annually from the Salt Department. Crude saltpetre is sold for manure -on coffee estates, and also used in the manufacture of fireworks. - -Speaking different languages, and living in different parts of the -country, the Uppiliyans, Upparas, and Upparas do not intermarry, -though, where they are found close together, they interdine. - -The caste recognises the authority of its headmen, who are called -Periyathanakaran, Ejaman, etc., and are assisted in some places, -for example Madras, by a Jatibidda (son of the caste), who does -the duties of caste peon or messenger, summoning members to a caste -council-meeting, and so on. The usual punishments inflicted by a caste -council are excommunication, fine, and the giving of a caste dinner. I -am informed that, among the Canarese Upparas, a woman found guilty -of adultery is punished as follows. A lock of her hair is cut off, -and she is bathed in cold water, and made to drink a little cow-dung -water. She is then taken to the temple, where the pujari (priest) -sprinkles holy water over her head. A fine is paid by her family. A -man, who is proved guilty of a similar offence, has one side of -his moustache and one of his eyebrows shaved off, and the hair of -his head is removed in three parallel lines. Seven small booths are -constructed of straw, and set on fire. Through this the man has to -pass. He is then plunged into a tank, and, after bathing therein, -he is sprinkled with holy water. I am told that a woman has also to -go through the fire ordeal. - -Girls are married either before or after puberty, but usually -after. Among the Uppiliyans and Upparas, it is customary for a man -to claim his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. The ceremonies in -connection with marriage vary in accordance with the locality. Amongst -the Uppiliyans of Madura, the tali (marriage badge) is usually tied to -the bride's neck by a special woman, resident in her village, called -Sirkari. In some places it is tied, as among some other Tamil castes, -by the bridegroom's sister. Among the Telugu and Canarese sections, -it is tied by the bridegroom himself. By the Upparas of South Canara, -the dhare marriage rite is performed, in which the father of the bride -pours water from a vessel over the united hands of the contracting -couple. I am told that, among some Canarese Upparas, the bridegroom's -head is shaved, and, after bathing, he puts on a double brass wire -corresponding to the sacred thread of the Brahmans, which he wears -for five days. Among the Telugu Upparas there are two sub-divisions, -which are called, according to the amount of the bride-price, Yedu -(seven) Madala and Padaharu (sixteen) Madala, a mada being equal to -two rupees. Some say that mada refers to the modas (heaps of earth) -used in former times. At a marriage among some Uppiliyans, it is -customary for the bride and bridegroom to sit inside a wall made of -piled up water pots, with the ends of their cloths tied together, -while some of the women present pour water from the pots over their -heads. The remarriage of widows is permitted, and I gather that, -among the Upparas, a widow may only marry a widower, and vice versâ. - -In a note on the Uppiliyans of the Trichinopoly district, -Mr. F. R. Hemingway states that "some of the marriage ceremonies are -peculiar. They allow an unborn boy to be betrothed to his unborn -cousin. The bride has to be asked in marriage a number of times, -before consent is given, lest it be thought that she is yielding -too easily. The marriage is performed at her house, lest it should -be thought that her parents are forcing her on the bridegroom. The -caste does not use the marriage pole or paligai pots. Instead of the -usual turmeric threads, the wrists of the contracting couple are -tied together with wool. A curious custom among the Tamil section -is that, at the beginning of the ceremonies, both on the first and -second day, three matrons wash their faces in turmeric water, and -the bride and bridegroom are bathed with the water used by them. They -also have unusual observances connected with a girl's attainment of -maturity. A husband may not look into his bride's eyes until this -occurs. When she has at length attained maturity, the husband comes -to his bride's house with a sheep and some vegetables, and kills the -former. His brother-in-law then marks his forehead with the sheep's -blood. The husband eats some plantain and milk, and spits it out at his -bride, who is made to stand behind a screen. If the girl has attained -maturity before her marriage, the Tamil section of the caste make her -walk over seven wooden hoops on the wedding day. The husband has to -give his formal consent to the ceremony, and a washerman has to be -present. The Telugus perform this rite on the last day of the girl's -first menstrual period, and her maternal uncle has to be present. The -Uppiliyans allow the remarriage of widows and divorced women. A man -may not shave until he marries a virgin, and, if he does not do so, -he has to remain unshaved all his life." - -The dead are, as a rule, buried. Among the Uppiliyans, who occupy a -higher social position than the Canarese and Telugu sections, death -pollution is observed for seven days. Among the Upparas, the period -of pollution is sixteen days. - -Concerning the death ceremonies, Mr. Hemingway writes as -follows. "Widows of the Tamil section never remove their tali, but -leave it till it drops off of itself. When a man dies, his widow -is made to pretend he is still alive, and bathes him with oil, and -puts garlands on him. If a man is to be buried, the chief mourner -pretends to dig the grave. The karumantaram, or final death ceremony, -of the Tamil section consists merely in taking some milk to an erukka -(Calotropis gigantea) shrub on the sixteenth evening, just before the -jackals begin to howl. They pour it over the shrub with the help of -a barber, saying 'Go to Swarga (the abode of Indra), and make your -way to Kailasam (heaven).'" - -Some members of the caste are Vaishnavites, and others Saivites. In -some places, the former are branded by their gurus, who are Vaishnava -Brahmans. They also worship various village deities, which vary -according to the place of residence. In the Census Report, 1891, -the worship of Sunkalamma, Jambulamma, and Timmappa is noted. - -It is stated by Mr. Hemingway that "the Uppiliyans have a caste -god, named Karuvandaraya Bommadeva. He has no temple, but all the -Uppiliyans in a village join in offering him an annual sacrifice in Tai -(January-February), before the earth is scraped for the first time in -the season for making saltpetre. They use avaram (Cassia auriculata) -flowers and river sand in this worship. They also have three special -caste goddesses, called Tippanjal, who are supposed to be women who -committed sati. They have also Brahman gurus, who visit them every -year, and bless their salt pits." - -Concerning the caste organisation of the Uppiliyans, Mr. Hemingway -writes that "when a complaint of a caste offence is made, notice is -sent to the Pattakkaran (headman), and to the whole Uppiliyan community -in the neighbourhood, notifying the accusation and the provisional -expulsion of the accused. A second notice summons the community to -a panchayat (council), which is presided over by at least two or -three Pattakkarans, the caste god being represented by some avaram -flowers, a pot of water, and margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves. If -acquitted, the accused is made to touch the water pot in token of his -innocence. If he is convicted, both he and the complainant are fined, -the latter for the purification of his house, if it has been polluted -by the offence. The purification is performed by a man of the Marudur -Nadu called Rettai Vilakkukaran (man of two lights), who eats a meal -in the polluted house, with his hands held behind his back." - -It was recently noted that the Upparas are, as a rule, uneducated, and -their ignorance of the three R's often leads to bitter disputes among -themselves and with their employers in disbursing their wages. Some -years ago, one of the Madras Missions opened a school for the benefit -of this backward caste. In 1906, the Hindu Educational Mission of -Madras started a night and day school, Upparapalaiyam Arya Pathasala, -in the Upparapalaiyam quarter of Madras. - -There is a Telugu proverb to the effect that one is ruined both ways, -like an Uppara who has turned Sanyasi (ascetic), in reference to -the fact that he neither follows his ancestral occupation, nor is -tolerated in his new calling. The usual caste title is Chetti. - -Uppara occurs as a synonym of Kusa Holeya. - -Uppu (salt).--A sub-division of Balijas and Koravas, who trade in -salt, which they carry about the country in panniers on donkeys or -bullocks. It is also an occupational sub-division of Komati. The -equivalent Uppa is an exogamous sept of Kelasi. Uppukottei occurs as -a division of Maravan, Upputholuvaru (salt-carriers) as an exogamous -sept of Odde, and Uppiri (salt-earth) as a sept of Kuruba. - -Urali.--In the Madras Census Report, 1891, the Uralis are described as -"a caste of agricultural labourers found chiefly in the districts -of Madura and Trichinopoly. The word Urali means a ruler of a -village. Like the Ambalakkarans, they trace their descent from -one Mutturaja, and the only sub-division returned by any number -is Mutracha. They also assert that they were formerly employed as -soldiers. In the Wynad there is a section of Kurumbas called Urali -Kurumbas, and it is not improbable that these Uralis of the Tamil -country are an offshoot of the great Kurumba race." The Uralis are -further summed up in the same report, as "agricultural labourers in -Coimbatore, Trichinopoly, and Madura. There seems to be some connection -between the Uralis and the Ambalakkarans or Muttiriyans. Muttiriyan -is a sub-division of both Urali and Ambalakkaran, and both of these -are found in the same districts. Perhaps the Uralis are an offshoot -of the Tamil Valaiyans, which by change of occupation has transformed -itself into a distinct caste (see Ambalakkaran). The caste is split up -into a number of sub-divisions, called after the name of the tract or -nadu in Trichinopoly which each inhabits. To get back into the caste, -an excommunicated man has to kill a sheep or goat before the elders, -and mark his forehead with the blood. He then gives a feast to the -assembly, and puts part of the food on the roof of his house. If -the crows eat this, he is received back into the caste. [Brahmans -always put out portions of the sraddha offerings in the same way, -and judge whether they are acceptable or not by noting if the crows -eat them or not.] Marriage is infant or adult. A man detected in -an intrigue with an unmarried woman is fined, and has to marry her, -and at the wedding his waist string is tied round her neck instead -of a tali. The well-to-do people of the caste employ Brahmans as -priests, but others content themselves with their own elders. Widows -and divorced women may marry again. The dead are either burned or -buried. The richer members of the caste perform sraddha (memorial -service for the dead). They drink alcohol, and eat fowls, mutton, -pork, fish, rats, etc. In social position they come below the Idaiyans, -Tottiyans, and Kallans. Their title is Kavandan." - -For the following note on the Uralis of the Trichinopoly district, I am -indebted to Mr. F. R. Hemingway. "They say that they were originally -Kshatriyas living in 'Alipuram near Oudh,' and left that place in -search of adventure, or in consequence of disputes at home, leaving -their wives behind them, and finally settled in the south, where they -married serving women (pulukkachis). They say that they belong to -the Mutturaja Kuttam, a phrase they cannot explain, and protest that -the Ambalakkarans, who make a similar claim, have no ground for so -doing. They seem to eat with no other caste on equal terms, but will, -of course, accept separate meals from Vellalans. They are split into -seven nadus, which are in effect endogamous sub-divisions. These are -called after villages in the country inhabited by the caste, namely, -Vadaseri, Pilluru, Sengudi, Kadavangudi or Virali, Talakka, Paluvinji -or Magali, and Marungi. The members of the first three of these nadus -are called Vadaseri Uralis, and those of the other four Nattu-simai -Uralis, Kunduva-nattu-tokkadus, or Nandutindis. All of them will -mess together. They say that the nadus were originally intended -to facilitate the decision of caste disputes, and they are still -the unit of self-government. Each nadu has a headman, who exercises -supreme control over the villages included within it. The Uralis also -have a number of exogamous septs called karais by the Vadaseris and -kaniyacchis by the Nattu-simais, which are called after the names of -places. They are generally cultivators, but are said sometimes to be -given to crime. They wear the sacred thread on occasions of marriages -and funerals. The women can be recognised by their dress, the kusavam -being spread out behind, and a characteristic pencil-shaped ornament -(kuchu) being suspended from the neck. Some of their marriage and -funeral customs are peculiar. Among the Nattu-simais, the betrothal is -ratified by the maternal uncle of each of the pair solemnly measuring -out three measures of paddy (rice) in the presence of the other party -at their house. At their funerals, the bier is not brought into the -village, but left outside, and the corpse is carried to it. Among -the Vadaseris, while preparations are being made for the removal of -the body, a Paraiyan woman performs a dance. Among the Nattu-simais -this is done on the Ettu day. On the second day after the funeral, -the relatives of the deceased dip their toes in a mortar full of -cow-dung water placed in front of his house, and put sacred ashes -on the head. The karumantaram, or final death ceremony, is only -performed by the rich. It can take place at any time after the third -day. The Ettu ceremony is similarly performed at any time after the -third day, and is attended with a curious ritual. Both sections of -the caste erect a booth, in which three plantain trees are planted, -and the chief mourner and his cousins stand there all day to receive -the condolences of their friends. From this point the practice of the -two sections differs in small points of detail. Among the Vadaseris, -the friends come one by one, and are asked by the chief mourner, -"Will you embrace, or will you strike your forehead?" In reply, the -friend either closes the open hand of the chief mourner with his own -as a form of embrace, or flings himself on the ground in the booth, -and weeps. Each visitor then goes to a meeting of the nadu which -is being held outside the village, and a Paraiyan and three Uralis -inform the headman who have visited the booth and who have not, and -ask if it may be removed. Permission being given, the plantains are -cut down, and the woman-folk wail round a chembu (vessel) placed -there. All then proceed to the nadu meeting, where a turban is -put on a Paraiyan, a dancing-girl and a Pandaram, and the Paraiyan -(called Nattu Samban) beats his drum, and pronounces a blessing on -the nadu. Finally all repair to the house of the deceased, where the -headman puts three handfuls of kambu (millet) into the cloth of his -wife or some other member of the family, and throws a mortar on the -ground. Punishments for caste offences take some curious forms. A -margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaf is put on the house of anyone who is -excommunicated. If a man seduces a girl of the caste, an enquiry is -held, and the pair are married. The waist-string of the man is tied -round the neck of the woman, and a Tottiyan is called in to take away -the pollution which they and their relatives have incurred. They are -taken to a tank (pond), where 108 holes have been made by the Tottiyan, -and are made to bathe in every hole, sprinkling the water over their -heads. A sheep is then killed by a Tottiyan and a Chakkiliyan, its -head is buried, and the couple and their relatives are made to walk -over the spot. The blood of the animal is then smeared on their -foreheads, and they all have to bathe again. They are next given -cow's urine to drink, and then once more bathe. After that they are -given milk, and are made to prostrate themselves before the panchayat -(council). Finally they have to give a feast to the panchayat, at which -a part of the food is offered to the crows, and the purification is -not complete till the birds have partaken thereof. The Uralis are -fond of shikar (hunting). On the Sivaratri night, sacrifices are -offered to their family gods, and, on the following day, all the men -of the village go out hunting. They have a head shikari (huntsman), -called Kavettaikaran, who receives every animal which is killed, -cuts off its head, and breaks its legs. The head is given to the man -who killed the animal, and the rest is shared among the castemen." - -Of the Uralis who inhabit the hill country of Travancore, the following -account is given in the Travancore Census report, 1901. "The Uralis -are a class of hill tribes resident in the Cardamom Hills. They are -chiefly found in the tracts known as Kunnanat, Velampan, Kurakkanat, -Mannukat, Kalanat, and Periyur. The headman of the Uralis in each -of these areas is called a Kanikkaran. Tradition tells us that they -were the dependents of the kings of Madura, and that their duty was -to hold umbrellas in times of State processions. In ancient times, -many of the parts now included in the Todupuzha taluk belonged to -the kingdom of Madura. Once, when the king came to Neriyamangalam, -the ancestors of these Uralis are said to have accompanied him, -and to have been left there to rule (ali) that locally (ur). The -males dress like the low-country people, with cloths about four -cubits long extending from the hip to the knee. Another cloth, about -one or two cubits in length, is put over the back, one end of which -passes under their right arm and the other over the shoulder, both -meeting in front over the chest, where they are tied together in a -peculiar knot by folding the extremities, thus forming a bag wherein to -contain their wayside necessaries. Females wear two pieces of cloth, -nine and two and a half cubits in length respectively, and folded in -the middle. The larger is the lower garment, and the smaller upper -garment is worn with two ends tied around the neck. Males wear brass -finger and toe-rings, sometimes of silver. Some adorn their necks -with wreaths of beads, from fifteen to thirty in number. Females wear -ear-ornaments known as katumani, which are rings of metal wire, four -or five in number. Males generally allow their hair to grow, the face -alone being now and then shaven. The Uralis eat rice for six months -of the year, and subsist on roots, fruits, and other forest produce -during the remaining half. A large portion of the paddy (rice) that -the Uralis gather by cultivation goes to the low country in exchange -for clothing and salt. The flesh of most animals is eaten, but the -elephant and buffalo are held in such great respect that no Urali ever -ventures to hurt them. Even the approach of the buffalo is religiously -avoided. They begin to fell forest trees in Dhanu (December-January), -and seeds are sown by the end of Metam (April-May). They have -only a katti, which is a kind of chopping knife, for purposes of -ploughing. After cultivation they change their abodes. They put up -huts in the vicinity of the cultivated areas, and use bamboo and -reeds as materials. After leaving the old, and before putting up the -new hut, they live for several days in caves or under trees. They are -very good watchmen, and take great care in putting up fences, weeding, -and protecting cultivation from wild animals. They make excellent mats -of reed. They are clever huntsmen, and are passionately attached to -their hunting dogs. They hoard their grains in wicker baskets called -virivallam. They possess copper and brass vessels, mortar, chopping -knives, sickles, spades, flint and steel. A man after marriage lives -with his wife, apart from his parents. Pollution of a very aggravated -kind is observed during the menstrual and puerperal periods. On these -occasions a separate matam (hut), called the pattu-pandal, is put up -at a distance from the dwelling hut. Here the woman stays for three -days. After bathing on the fourth day, she shifts to another matam -still nearer, and stays there for one or two days. On the seventh day -she rejoins the family. In cases of confinement, twelve days are spent -in the remotest hut, and five days in the nearer one. But for another -period of twenty days the woman is not permitted to touch any one in -the house, or even the roofing of the hut. During these days food is -prepared by others, and given to her. The water in which those who are -confined, and those who are in their menses bathe, is considered to be -defiled beyond remedy. Hence, for bathing purposes some secluded and -out-of-the-way pool, called pattuvellam, is selected. Uralis coming -to the low country hesitate to drink water, on the score that it might -be thus polluted. When the woman delivers herself of her first child, -her husband observes three days' pollution, but none for subsequent -confinements. On all such occasions, the maternal relations of the -woman have to observe five days' pollution. On the eighteenth day after -birth, the eldest member of the family names the child, and bores the -ear. The head of the child is shaved as soon as it is able to walk, -and a tuft of hair is left in front. The corpses of the Uralis are not -burnt, but buried at a sufficient distance from the house. A new cloth -is put into the grave by each relative. After filling in the grave, -they erect a shed over it, within which the chopping knife of the -deceased, a quantity of boiled rice, and some chewing materials (betel -and nuts) are placed. After the lapse of seven years, an offering -of food and drink is made to the departed soul. Death pollution -lasts for sixteen days. The Uralis address their father as appan, -and maternal uncle as achchan. Marumakkathayam is the prevailing -form of inheritance (in the female line). Marriage is settled by the -parents. There is no tali symbol to indicate the wedded state. After -the marriage is settled, the girl is merely sent to the pandal or -hut of the husband. The Uralis intermarry with the Ulladans, and in -rare cases with Muduvans. Remarriage is permitted. An Urali, wishing -to get married into a particular family, has to wed into the family -a girl belonging to his own. The Uralis have a fine ear for music, -and sing many songs in the night before going to bed. Like the Kanis -(Kanikars), they resort to enchantments called cheppuka and chattuka -for the cure of diseases. Their would-be sorcerers have to leave the -community, and wander alone in the forest for a number of months. They -are said to then get into a trance, when their forefathers appear -before them as maidens, and teach them the mystic arts. The Uralis -bear their loads only on the back, and never on the head. They never -go to distant places without their chopping knife. They are good -forest guides." The Uralis are stated by the Rev. S. Mateer [82] -to practice polyandry like the Todas. - -Urali is further a synonym of the Tandans of Travancore, in reference, -it is said, to their having been guardians of villages (ur) in former -times. It is also the title of the headman of the Kuravas of Travancore -and a synonym of the Kolayans of Malabar. - -Urali.--The Uralis, who form the subject of the present note, -dwell at an altitude of 1,800 feet in the jungles of Dimbhum in the -Coimbatore district, where a forest bungalow, situated on a breezy -ridge overlooking the plains, formed a convenient centre from which -to study both Uralis and the more primitive Sholagas. - -The Uralis are familiar with the Badagas, who have a settlement -not many miles distant; the Todas, who occasionally migrate across -the adjacent Nilgiri frontier in search of grazing land for their -buffaloes; and the Kurumbas and Irulas, who inhabit the lower slopes -of the Nilgiris, which run down to Coimbatore. With the civilised -world they are acquainted, as they carry loads to the plains, and run -down to market at the town of Sathyamangalam, which is only seventeen -miles distant from Dimbhum. Like the Nilgiri Badagas, they are clad -in turban, and long flowing body-cloth, white (when new), or striped -with red and blue. The hair is worn long and unkempt, or shaved á -la Hindu with kudimi in mimicry of the more civilised classes. A man -was introduced to us as an expert mimic of the note of the paroquet, -peacock, jungle-fowl and other forest birds; and a small party -improvised, in front of the bungalow, a bird trap cleverly constructed -out of stones, an iron plate from the camp kitchen, bamboo, and rope -made on the spot from the bark of Ficus Tsiela. The making of fire -with flint and steel is fast disappearing in favour of safety matches. - -The Uralis say that they are men of seven kulams (i.e., having seven -posts to the marriage booth), and are children of Billayya, while -they describe the Sholagas as men of five kulams and children of -Karayya. They call themselves Uralis or Irulas, and, when questioned, -say that, as Billayya and Karayya are brothers, they may also be called -Sholagas. But there is no intermarriage between Uralis and Sholagas, -though members of the two tribes sometimes interdine. According -to another legend, the Uralis and Sholagas are both descended from -Karayan, and the Sivacharis (Lingayats) from Billaya or Madheswaram -(see Sholaga). They speak a patois of mixed Tamil and Canarese, and -have a number of exogamous septs, the meaning of the names of which is -not clear. They indulge in a large repertoire of nicknames, for the -most part of a personal nature, such as donkey-legged, big-navelled, -pot-bellied, hare-lipped, hairy like a bear or the tail of a mungoose, -toothless, lying, brought up on butter-milk. One man was named Kothe -Kallan (kotha, a stone), because he was born on a rock near Kotagiri. - -The majority of the tribe earn a modest livelihood by collecting minor -forest produce, such as myrabolams, wax and honey, and poles for use -as primitive breaks for country carts during the ascent of the ghat -road. These poles are tied to the carts by ropes, and trail behind on -the ground, so that, when the cart stops, the backward course of the -wheels is arrested. Some till the soil, and cultivate various kinds -of food-grains. Others are sheep and cattle owners. A few families -possess land, which is given free of rent by the Forest Department, -on condition that they work for the department whenever their services -are required. As a class they are not inclined to do hard work, and -they appear to get into the clutches of money-lending Chettis. Their -staple food is ragi (Eleusine Coracana). But they eat also sheep, -fowls, goat, deer, pigeons and doves, black monkeys, wild boar, -hare, hedgehogs, paroquets, quails and partridges, jungle-fowl, -woodcock, woodpeckers, and other denizens of the jungle. A man who -was asked whether they eat beef, cats, toads, bears, or white monkeys, -expectorated violently at the mention of each, and the suggestion of -the first three produced the most explosive oral demonstration. - -Tribal disputes are referred to a headman, called Yejamana, who must -belong to the exogamous sept called Sambe, and whose appointment is an -hereditary one. To assist him, three others, belonging to the Kalkatti, -Kolkara and Kurinanga septs, whose hereditary titles are Pattagara, -Gouda and Kolkara, are appointed. The Kolkara has to invite people to -the panchayat (tribal council), collect the fines inflicted, and be -present on the occasion of marriages. A woman who, after marriage, -refuses to live with her husband, is punished thus. She is tied to -a tree, and the Kolkaran empties the contents of a hornet or wasp's -nest at her feet. After a few minutes the woman is questioned, and, -if she agrees to live with her husband, she must, in token of assent, -lick a mark made on his back by the Kolkara with fowl's excrement, -saying "You are my husband. In future I shall not quarrel with you, -and will obey you." Even after this ordeal has been gone through, -a woman may, on payment of a fine, leave her husband in favour of -another man of the tribe. - -When a girl reaches puberty, she is anointed, decorated with jewelry, -and made to occupy a separate hut for seven days, during which time two -young girls keep her company. On the eighth day, all three bathe in a -pond or stream, and return in their wet clothes to the girl's home, -where they sit on a pestle placed in front of the door. A plantain -leaf is then placed in front of them, on which cooked rice and curry -are spread. A child, aged about eight or nine months, is set in the -girl's lap, and she feeds the infant with a small quantity of rice, -of which she herself swallows a few mouthfuls. Those assembled then -sit down to a meal, at the conclusion of which they wash their hands -in a dish, and the girl throws the water away. The feast concluded, -the spot is sprinkled with cowdung water, and cleaned up by the girl. - -Marriage is either infant or adult, but, as a rule, the latter. The -match-making is carried out by the boy's parents, who, with his -other relations, pay two visits, one with and one without the boy, -to the parents of the girl. At the first visit a present of ragi, -and at the second of plantains, rice, and millet pudding is made. The -party must be received with due respect, which is shown by taking -hold of the walking-sticks of the guests on arrival, and receiving -them on a mat spread inside the house. The customary form of salute -is touching the feet with both hands, and raising them, with palms -opposed, to the forehead. Before taking their seats, the guests -salute a vessel of water, which is placed on the mat, surrounded by -betel leaves and nuts. A flower is placed on the top of the stone or -figure which represents the tribal goddess, and, after puja (worship) -has been done to it, it is addressed in the words "Oh, Swami! drop -the flower to the right if the marriage is going to be propitious, -and to the left if otherwise." Should the flower remain on the image, -without falling either way, it is greeted as a very happy omen. On -the occasion of the betrothal ceremony, if the bridegroom's party, -on their way to the bride's village, have to cross a stream, running -or dry, the bridegroom is not allowed to walk across it, but must -be carried over on the back of his maternal uncle. As they approach -the bride's home, they are met by the Kolkara and two other men, to -whom the Kolkara, after receiving the walking-sticks of the guests, -hands them over. Failure to do so would be an act of discourtesy, -and regarded as an insult to be wiped out by a heavy fine. When the -procession arrives at the house, entrance into the marriage booth -is prevented by a stick held across it by people of the bride's -village. A mock struggle takes place, during which turmeric water -is thrown by both sides, and an entrance into the house is finally -effected. After a meal has been partaken of, the bridal party proceed -to the village of the bridegroom, where the bride and bridegroom -are lodged in separate houses. In front of the bridegroom's house -a booth, supported by twelve posts arranged in four rows, has been -erected. The two pillars nearest the entrance to the house are -called murthi kamba. Into the holes made for the reception of these, -after a cocoanut has been broken, ghi (clarified butter), milk, and -a few copper coins are placed. The bridal pair, after an oil bath, -are led to the booth, decorated with jewels and wearing new cloths, -and made to sit on a plank. A cocoanut is broken, and they salute a -vessel placed on a plate. The bridal party then adjourn to a pond or -stream, and do puja to their god. On the return thence the bridal -couple must be accompanied by their maternal uncles, who should -keep on dancing, while cocoanuts are broken in front of them till -the house is reached. The contracting parties then again sit on -the plank with their little fingers linked, while the bride money -(theravu) is paid to the father-in-law, and the milk money (pal -kuli) to the mother-in-law. The tali (a golden disc) is then tied -on to the bride's neck by some female relation of the bridegroom, -and the bride and bridegroom, after saluting those assembled, enter -the house, where the young wife is at once told to cook some rice, -of which she and her husband partake from the same leaf plate. - -There exists, among the Uralis, a kind of informal union called -kuduvali. A man and woman will, by mutual agreement, elope into -the jungle, and live there together, till they are discovered and -brought back by their relations. A panchayat (council) is held, -and they are recognised as man and wife if the bride money and fine -inflicted are paid. Failure to pay up would render them liable to -excommunication. To celebrate the event, a feast must be given by -the man; and, if he should die without having fed the community, any -children born to him are considered as illegitimate. In such a case, -the widow or her near relatives are asked to give food to at least -a few before the corpse is removed, so as to legitimatise the children. - -The Uralis bury their dead, and the death ceremonies are, to a -certain extent, copied from those of the Badagas. As soon as a member -of the tribe dies, the corpse is anointed, washed, and dressed in -new clothes and turban. On the face three silver coins are stuck, -viz.:--a rupee on the forehead, and a quarter rupee outside each -eye. When all have assembled for the funeral, the corpse is brought -out and placed under a car (teru) of six storeys, made of bamboo and -sticks, covered with coloured cloths and flags, and having at the top -a kalasa (brass vessel) and umbrella. To the accompaniment of a band -a dance takes place around the car, and the procession then moves on -to the burial-ground, where a cow buffalo is brought near the car, -and a little milk drawn and poured three times into the mouth of the -corpse. A cow and one or two calves are taken round the car, and the -calves presented to the sister of the deceased. The car is then broken -up, after the decorations have been stripped off. The corpse is buried -either on the spot, or taken away to distant Nirgundi, and buried -there. On the eighth day after the funeral or return from Nirgundi, -the eldest son of the deceased has his head shaved, and, together -with his brother's wife, fasts. If the funeral has been at Nirgundi, -the son, accompanied by his relations, proceeds thither after tying -some cooked rice in a cloth. On arrival, he offers this to all the -memorial stones in the burial-ground (goppamane), and erects a stone, -which he has brought with him, in memory of the deceased. He then -anoints all the stones with ghi, which is contained in a green bamboo -measure. He collects the rice, which has been offered, and one of the -party, becoming inspired, gives vent to oracular declarations as to -the season's prospects, the future of the bereaved family, etc. The -collected rice is regarded as sacred, and is partaken of by all. Each -sept has its own goppamane, which is a rectangular space with mud -walls on three sides. In cases in which the corpse has been buried -close to the village, the grave is marked by a file of stones. Two -or three years afterwards, the body is exhumed, and the bones are -collected, and placed in front of the house of the deceased. All the -relations weep, and the son conveys the bones to Nirgundi, where he -buries them. On the eighth day he revisits the spot, and erects a -stone with the ceremonial already described. - -The Uralis worship a variety of minor deities, and sacrifice sheep -and goats to Palrayan. They observe two annual festivals, viz.:--(a) -Thai nombu, when the whole house is cleaned, and margosa (Melia -Azadirachta) twigs and spikes of Achyranthes aspera are tied together, -and placed in front of the house over the roof, or stuck into the roof -overhanging the entrance. A sumptuous repast is partaken of. This -ceremonial takes place in the month Thai (December-January). (b) -In the month Vyasi (March-April) a large trough is placed close to -a well, and filled with a mixture of salt and water. The cattle, -decorated with leaves and flowers, are brought, one by one, to the -trough, and made to drink the salt water. - -Uril Parisha.--A class of Mussad. - -Uru.--Ur, Uru, meaning village, is the name of a division of Bedar, -Boya, Golla, Korava, Kuruba, Madiga, and Odde. The Bedars and Boyas are -divided into two main divisions, Uru or those who dwell in villages, -and Myasa (grass-land or forest people) who live away from villages. In -like manner, the Uru Oddes are those who have abandoned a nomad life, -and settled in villages. Among some of the Tamil cultivating classes, -the headman is known as the Ur Goundan. - -Ur-Udaiyan (lord of a village).--A synonym of Nattaman. - -Urukathi (a kind of knife).--An exogamous sept of Toreva. - -Urukkaran, a class of Muhammadan pilots and sailors in the Laccadive -islands. (See Mappilla.) - -Urumikkaran.--The Urumikkarans, or those who play on the drum (urumi), -are said [83] to be "Tottiyans in Madura, and Parayans elsewhere." The -Kappiliyans say that they migrated with the Urumikkarans from the -banks of the Tungabadra river, because the Tottiyans tried to ravish -their women. At a Kappiliyan wedding, a Urumikkaran must be present -at the distribution of betel on the second day, and at the final -death ceremonies a Urumikkaran must also be present. - -Usira (usirika, Phyllanthus Emblica).--A sept of Komati. - -Utla.--Utla or Utlavadu has been recorded as an occupational sub-caste -of Yerukala, and an exogamous sept of Boya and Padma Sale. The name -is derived from utlam, a hanging receptacle for pots, made of palmyra -fibre, which some Yerukalas make and sell. [84] - -Uttareni (Achyranthes aspera).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Uyyala (a swing).--An exogamous sept of Mala, Mutracha, and -Yerukala. During the marriage ceremonies of Brahmans and some -non-Brahman castes, the bride and bridegroom are seated in a swing -within the marriage booth, and songs called uyyala patalu (swing songs) -are sung by women to the accompaniment of music. - - - - - - - -V - - -Vada.--On the coast of Ganjam and Vizagapatam, the sea fishermen -are either Vadas or Jalaris, both of which are Telugu castes. The -fishing operations are carried on by the men, and the fish are sold -by the women in markets and villages. Various Oriya castes, e.g., -Kevuto, Kondra, Tiyoro, etc., are employed as fishermen, but only in -fresh-water. The Vadas seem to be a section of the Palles, with whom -they will interdine and intermarry. They call themselves Vada Balijas, -though they have no claim to be regarded as Balijas. Sometimes they -are called Kalasis by Oriya people. - -Socially the Vadas occupy a low position. Their language is a corrupt -and vulgar form of Telugu. The men wear a conical palm leaf cap, such -as is worn by the Pattanavan fishermen in the Tamil country. In the -presence of a superior, they remove their loin-cloth and place it round -their neck and shoulders as a mark of respect. Among many other castes, -this would, on the contrary, be regarded as an act of impertinence. - -Like other Telugu castes, the Vadas have exogamous intiperus, some -of which seem to be peculiar to them, e.g., Mailapilli, Ganupilli, -Sodupilli, Davulupilli. Other intiperus are such as are common to many -Telugu castes. The caste headmen are entitled Kularaju and Pilla, -and the appointments are apparently held by members of particular -septs. At Chatrapur, for example, they belong to the Mailapilli and -Vanka septs. There is also a caste servant styled Samayanodu. The -headmen seem to have more power among the Vadas than among other -Telugu castes, and all kinds of caste matters are referred to them -for disposal. They receive a fee for every marriage, and arrange -various details in connection with the wedding ceremonial. This is -based on the Telugu type, with a few variations. When a young man's -relations proceed to the house of the girl whom it is proposed that he -should marry, the elders of her family offer water in a brass vessel -to their guests, if they approve of the match. During the marriage -rites, the bride and bridegroom sit within a pandal (booth), and the -men of the bridegroom's party exhibit to those assembled betel leaf, -areca nuts, oil, turmeric paste, etc., in which no foreign matter, -such as fragments of paper, rags, etc., must be found. If they are -discovered, a fine is inflicted. - -There is exhibited in the Madras Museum a collection of clay figures, -such as are worshipped by fishermen on the Ganjam coast, concerning -which Mr. H. D'A. C. Reilly writes to me as follows. "I am sending -you specimens of the chief gods worshipped by the fishermen. The -Tahsildar of Berhampur got them made by the potter and carpenter, -who usually make such figures for the Gopalpur fishermen. I have found -fishermen's shrines at several places. Separate families appear to have -separate shrines, some consisting of large chatties (earthen pots), -occasionally ornamented, and turned upside down, with an opening -on one side. Others are made of brick and chunam (lime). All that I -have seen had their opening towards the sea. Two classes of figures -are placed in these shrines, viz., clay figures of gods, which are -worshipped before fishing expeditions, and when there is danger from a -particular disease which they prevent; and wooden figures of deceased -relations, which are quite as imaginative as the clay figures. Figures -of gods and relations are placed in the same family shrine. There are -hundreds of gods to choose from, and the selection appears to be a -matter of family taste and tradition. The figures, which I have sent, -were made by a potter at Venkatarayapalle, and painted by a carpenter -at Uppulapathi, both villages near Gopalpur. The Tahsildar tells -me that, when he was inspecting them at the Gopalpur travellers' -bungalow, sixty or seventy fisher people came and worshipped them, -and at first objected to their gods being taken away. He pacified -them by telling them that it was because the Government had heard of -their devotion to their gods that they wanted to have some of them -in Madras." The collection of clay figures includes the following:-- - -Bengali Babu wears a hat, and rides on a black horse. He blesses the -fishermen, secures large hauls of fish for them, and guards them -against danger when out fishing. It has been observed that "this -affinity between the Ganjam fishermen and the Bengali Babu, resulting -in the apotheosis of the latter, is certainly a striking manifestation -of the catholicity of hero-worship, and it would be interesting to -have the origin of this particular form of it, to know how long, -and for what reasons the conception of protection has appealed to the -followers of the piscatory industry. It was Sir George Campbell, the -Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, who compelled his Bengali officials, -much against their inclination, to cultivate the art of equitation." - -Samalamma wears a red skirt and green coat, and protects the fishermen -from fever. - -Rajamma, a female figure, with a sword in her right hand, riding on -a black elephant. She blesses barren women with children, and favours -her devotees with big catches when they go out fishing. - -Yerenamma, riding on a white horse, with a sword in her right hand. She -protects fishermen from drowning, and from being caught by big fish. - -Bhagirathamma, riding on an elephant, and having eight or twelve -hands. She helps fishermen when fishing at night, and protects them -against cholera, dysentery, and other intestinal disorders. - -Nukalamma wears a red jacket and green skirt, and protects the fishing -community against small-pox. - -Orusandi Ammavaru prevents the boats from being sunk or damaged. - -Bhagadevi rides on a tiger, and protects the community from cholera. - -Veyyi Kannula Ammavaru, or goddess of a thousand eyes, represented -by a pot pierced with holes, in which a gingelly (Sesamum) oil light -is burnt. She attends to the general welfare of the fisher folk. - -The chief sea goddess of the Vadas seems to be Orusandiamma, whose -image must be made out of the wood of the nim (Melia Azadirachta) -tree. She is supposed to have four arms. Many of the pot temples -set up on the sea-shore are her shrines. On no account should she -be provoked, lest the fishing boat should be upset. She is regarded -as constantly roaming over the sea in a boat at night. Associated -with her is a male deity, named Ramasondi, who is her brother. His -vahanam (vehicle) is an elephant. Orusandi is worshipped separately -by each family. At the time of worship, flowers, two cloths, a fowl, -a goat, and a bottle of toddy or arrack, are carried in procession -to the sea-shore. Before the procession starts, people collect in -front of the house of the person who is doing the puja (worship), -and tie him and the goat to a long post set up in front thereof. A -toy boat is placed before the post, and Ramasondi is invoked by a -person called Mannaru, who becomes inspired by the entrance of the -deity into him. A fowl is sacrificed, and, with the boat on his head, -the Mannaru proceeds towards the shore. Orusandi is then invoked, -but does not come so easily as Ramasondi. Repeated invocations -are necessary before some one becomes inspired. The goat, post, -and a pot shrine for the goddess are taken to the shore. A small -platform is erected there, on which the shrine, smeared with chunam -(lime), is placed, and in it the image is deposited. Worship is then -performed, and the goat sacrificed if it crawls along on all fours -and shivers. If it does not do so, another goat is substituted for -it. As every family sets up its own pot shrine, the number of these -is considerable, and they extend over several furlongs. - -The sea goddess Marulupolamma is housed in a small shed made of date -palm leaves. A goddess who is very much feared, and worshipped at the -burial-ground, is Bulokamma. Her worship is carried out at noon or -midnight. She is represented by a pot, of which the neck is removed. In -the sides of the pot four holes are made, into each of which a twig -is inserted. The ends of the twigs are tied together with thread, so -that they represent a miniature pandal (booth). The pot is carried -by a Mannaru, dressed up like a woman in black and white cloths, -together with another pot representing Enuga Sakthi. The former -is carried in the bend of the left elbow, and the latter on the -head. The pots are accompanied in procession to the burial-ground, -and on the way thither some one becomes inspired, and narrates the -following legend:--"I am Bulokasakthi. Ages ago I was in an egg, -of which the upper half became the sky and the lower half the earth, -and was released. The moon was the mark on my forehead, and the sun -was my mirror. Seven gadhis (a measure of time) after my birth, -a west wind arose. By that time I had grown into an adult woman, -and so I embraced the wind, which impregnated me, and, after nine -gadhis, Brahma was born. He grew into a young man, and I asked him to -embrace me, but he refused, and, as a curse, I caused him to become a -stone. Vishnu underwent the same fate, but Siva promised to satisfy -me, if I gave him my third eye, shoulder-bag, and cane. This I did, -and lost my power. Then all the water disappeared, and I was covered -with mud. Siva again caused water to appear, and of it I took three -handfuls, and threw them over my body. The third handful consumed -me, and reduced me to ashes. From these were created Sarasvati, -Parvati, and Bulokamma. I am that Bulokamma. I asked a favour of -Siva. He made me remain within this earth, and, drawing three lines, -said that I should not come out, and should receive offerings of -fowls and goats." At this stage, a chicken is given to the Mannaru, -who bites, and kills it. At the burial-ground worship is performed, -and a goat sacrificed. The goddess being confined within the earth, -no shrine is erected to her, and she is not represented by an image. A -small pandal is erected, and the pot placed near it. - -The goddess Kalimukkamma is represented by a paper or wooden mask -painted black, with protruding tongue. With her is associated her -brother Baithari. She is believed to be one of the sisters created -by Brahma from his face at the request of Iswara, the others being -Polamma, Maridipoli, Kothapoli, Jungapoli, Nukapoli, Runjamma, and -Kundamma. The shrine of Kalimukkamma is a low hut made of straw. At -the time of worship to her, a Mannaru, dressed up as a woman, puts on -the mask, and thus represents her. A stone slab, containing a figure -of Kalimukkamma, is carried by a woman. She is the only goddess who -may be represented by a stone. To her pigs are offered. - -Peddamma or Polamma is represented by a wooden effigy. Along with -her, Maridiamma is also worshipped. The offerings to Peddamma -consist of a goat or sheep, and a pot of milk. A pig is sacrificed -to Maridiamma. When the people proceed in procession to the place of -worship, a toy cart is tied to the person representing Maridiamma, -and some one must carry a toy boat. At a distance from the house, -the cart is detached, and a pig is killed by an abdominal incision. - -Samalamma is a mild goddess, with vegetarian propensities, to whom -animal food must not be offered. She is associated with the aforesaid -Bengali Babu riding on a horse. Her image may only be carried by -young girls, and grown-up women may not touch it. - -Of the Sakthis worshipped by the Vadas, the chief is Koralu Sakthi. The -man who performs the worship is tied to a country cart, to which a -central stake, and a stake at each corner are attached. Dressed up in -female attire, he drags the cart, with which he makes three rounds. A -chicken is then impaled on each of the corner stakes, and a pig on -the central stake. - -In former times, the images of the deities were made in clay, but it -has been found by experience that wooden images are more durable, -and do not require to be replaced so often. Along with the images -of gods and goddesses, the Vadas place figures representing deceased -relatives, after the peddadinam (final death ceremony). - -The Mannarus are very important individuals, for not only do they -perform worship, but are consulted on many points. If a man does not -secure good catches of fish, he goes to the Mannaru, to ascertain the -cause of his bad luck. The Mannaru holds in his hand a string, to which -a stone is tied, and invokes various gods and goddesses by name. Every -time a name is mentioned, the stone either swings to and fro like -a pendulum, or performs a circular movement. If the former occurs, -it is a sign that the deity whose name has been pronounced is the -cause of the misfortune, and must be propitiated in a suitable manner. - -Vadakkupurattu.--A synonym, meaning belonging to the north side of -the temple, of Marans in Travancore. - -Vadra.--Vadra, Vadrangi, or Vadla is a name of a sub-division of Telugu -Kamsalas, the professional calling of which is carpentering. It is -noted, in the Gazetteer of Tanjore, that "wood-carving of a very -fair quality is done at several places in the Tanjore district by -a class of workmen called car carpenters, from the fact that their -skill is generally exercised in carving images on temple cars. They -are found at Tanjore, Mannargudi, Tiruvadaturai and Tiruvadi, and -perhaps elsewhere. The workmen at the last-named place are Vaddis. The -Vaddis of the Godavari district are also found to do wood-carving, -sometimes with great skill." - -Vadugan.--At the census, 1891, 180,884 individuals were returned as -Vadugan, which is described as meaning "a native of the northern or -Telugu country, but in ordinary usage it refers to the Balijas." I -find, however, that 56,380 Vadugars have returned their sub-division -as Kammavar or Kammas, and that the term has been used to denote many -Telugu castes. At the census, 1901, the number of people returning -themselves as Vadugan dropped to 95,924, and the name is defined by -the Census Superintendent as a "linguistic term meaning a Telugu man, -wrongly returned as a caste name by Kammas, Kapus and Balijas in the -Tamil districts." In the Salem Manual, Vaduga is noted as including -all who speak Telugu in the Tamil districts, e.g., Odde, Bestha, etc. - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that "of the same -social standing as the Kammalans are the Vadugans (northerners), -a makkattayam caste of foreigners found in Palghat and the adjoining -part of Waluvanad. They are divided into two exogamous classes, one of -which is regarded as inferior to the other, and performs purificatory -ceremonies for the caste. They cut their hair close all over the head, -and have no kudumis (hair knot)." - -It is noted by Mr. L. Moore [85] that "Xavier, writing in 1542 to -1544, makes frequent references to men whom he calls Badages, who are -said to have been collectors of royal taxes, and to have grievously -oppressed Xavier's converts among the fishermen of Travancore." [86] -Dr. Caldwell, alluding to Xavier's letters, says [87] that these -Badages were no doubt Vadages or men from the North, and is of -opinion that a Jesuit writer of the time who called them Nayars -was mistaken, and that they were really Nayakans from Madura. I -believe, however, that the Jesuit rightly called them Nayars, -for I find that Father Organtino, writing in 1568, speaks of these -Badages as people from Narasinga, a kingdom north of Madura, lying -close to Bishnaghur. Bishnaghur is, of course, Vijayanagar, and the -kingdom of Narasinga was the name frequently given by the Portuguese -to Vijayanagar. There is a considerable amount of evidence to show -that the Nayars of Malabar are closely connected by origin with the -Nayakans of Vijayanagar." (See Nayar.) - -Vadugayan (Telugu shepherd).--A Tamil synonym for Golla. - -Vagiri or Vagirivala.--See Kuruvikkaran. - -Vagiti (doorway or court-yard).--An exogamous sept of Jogi. - -Vaguniyan.--See Vayani. - -Vaidyan.--Vaidyon or Baidya, meaning physician or medicine-man, occurs -as a title of Kshaurakas, Billavas, and Pulluvans, and, at times of -census, has been returned as an occupational sub-division of Paraiyans. - -Village physicians are known as Vaidyans, and may belong to any caste, -high or low. The Vaidyan diagnoses all diseases by feeling the pulse, -and, after doing this for a sufficiently long time, remarks that there -is an excess of vatham, pitham, ushnam, and so on. His stock phrases -are vatham, pitham, ushnam, sleshmam, karakam, megham or meham, -saithyam, etc. Orthodox men and women do not allow the Vaidyan to -feel the pulse by direct contact of the fingers, and a silk cloth -is placed on the patient's wrist. The pulse of males is felt with -the right hand, and that of females with the left. Some Vaidyans -crack the finger and wrist-joints before they proceed to feel the -pulse. Some are general practitioners, and others specialists in the -treatment of fever, piles, jaundice, syphilis, rheumatism, and other -diseases. The specialists are generally hereditary practitioners. In -the treatment of cases, the Vaidyan prescribes powders and pills, -and a decoction or infusion (kashayam) of various drugs which can -easily be obtained at the village drug-shop, or with the help of the -village herbalist. Among these are ginger, pepper, Abies Webbiana, -Acorus calamus, nim (Melia Azadirachta), or Andrographis paniculata -sticks, Alpinia Galanga, etc. If the medicine has to be taken for a -long time, the drugs are compounded together in the form of a lehyam, -e.g., bilvadi, kushpanda, and purnadi lehyam. Some Vaidyans prepare -powders (basmam), such as swarna (gold) basmam, pavala (coral powder) -basmam, or sankha (chank shell powder) basmam. Special pills (mathre), -prepared at considerable cost, are sometimes kept by Vaidyans, and -passed on from generation to generation as heirlooms. Such pills -are usually intended for well-known specific diseases. These pills -are used in very minute quantities, and consequently last for a long -time. A drop of honey or butter is placed on a slab of sandstone, on -which the pill is rubbed. The honey or butter is then administered to -the patient. A standing rule of the Vaidyan is to keep his patient on -a very low diet, such as rice gruel without salt. His usual saying is -"Langanam paramoushadam," i.e., fasting is an excellent medicine. A -well-known treatment in cases of jaundice is the drinking of curds, -in which twigs of Phyllanthus Niruri have been well mashed. - -In a very interesting note [88] on couching of the lens as practiced -by native practitioners, Major R. H. Elliot, I.M.S., writes as -follows. "The ignorance and stupidity of the ryot (villager) is so -great that he will not very infrequently try one eye in an English -hospital, and one in a Vaithyan's hands. It is a very common thing for -a native patient to deny ever having visited a native doctor, when he -first comes to hospital. After the other eye has been successfully -operated on, he will sometimes own up to the fact.... Here in the -south, there appear to be two classes of operators, the resident men -who live for long periods in one bazaar, and the travellers who move -continuously from place to place. Both are Mahomedans. The former -appear to get somewhat better results than the latter, and are spoken -of as 'men of experience.' The latter seem never to stop long in one -place. They collect a number of victims, operate on them, and then -move on before their sins can find them out. Both kinds of operators -seem to be innocent of any attempt at securing asepsis or antisepsis; -they use a dirty needle or a sharp wooden skewer; no anæsthetic is -employed; a bandage is kept on for ten days, and counter-irritation -is freely resorted to, to combat iritis, etc. Many of the victims -are ashamed to come to a European hospital after the failure of their -hopes. It has been said that, if the Vaithyan did not get good results, -he would be dropped, and the practice would die out. This remark can -only have come from one who knew nothing of the Indian character, or -the crass ignorance of the lower classes of the people. It is hard -for those who have not lived and worked among them to realise how -easily the ryot falls a dupe to impudent self-advertisement. He is a -simple kindly person, whose implicit trust in confident self-assertion -will bring him to grief for many another generation. The vision of -these poor unfortunate people sitting down in a dusty bazaar to -let an ignorant charlatan thrust a dirty needle into their blind -eyes has evoked the indignation of the English surgeon from the -time of our first occupation of the country. Side by side with a -well-equipped English hospital, which turns out its ninety odd per -cent. of useful vision, there sits in the neighbouring bazaar even -to-day the charlatan, whose fee is fixed at anything from 3d. to 8 -shillings, plus, in every case, a fowl or other animal. The latter is -ostensibly for sacrificial purposes, but I understand ends uniformly -in the Vaithyan's curry-pot. Weirdest, perhaps, of all the Vaithyan's -methods is the use of the saffron-coloured rag, with which pus is wiped -away from the patient's inflamed eye. On this colour, the pus, etc., -cannot be seen, and therefore all is well. It is the fabled ostrich -again, only this time in real life, with vital interests at stake." - -It is noted [89] in connection with the various classes of Nambutiri -Brahmans that "the Vaidyans or physicians, known as Mussads, are to -study the medical science, and to practice the same. As the profession -of a doctor necessitates the performance of surgical operations -entailing the shedding of blood, the Mussads are considered as -slightly degraded." - -Further information concerning native medicine-men will be found in -the articles on Kusavans and Mandulas. - -Vaikhanasa.--Followers of the Rishi Vaikhanasa. They are Archaka -Brahman priests in the Telugu country. - -Vairavan Kovil.--An exogamous section or kovil (temple) of Nattukottai -Chetti. - -Vairavi.--The equivalent of Bairagi or Vairagi. Recorded, in the Madras -Census Report, 1901, as "a sub-caste of Pandaram. They are found -only in the Tinnevelly district, where they are measurers of grain, -and pujaris in village temples." In the Madura district, Vairavis -are members of the Melakkaran caste, who officiate as servants at -the temples of the Nattukottai Chettis. - -Vaisya.--Vaisya is the third of the traditional castes of Manu. "It -is," Mr. Francis writes, [90] "doubtful whether there are any true -Dravidian Vaisyas, but some of the Dravidian trading castes (with -the title Chetti), notably the Komatis, are treated as Vaisyas by -the Brahmans, though the latter do not admit their right to perform -the religious ceremonies which are restricted by the Vedas to the -twice-born, and require them to follow only the Puranic rites. The -Muttans (trading caste in Malabar) formerly claimed to be Nayars, -but recently they have gone further, and some of them have returned -themselves as Vaisyas, and added the Vaisya title of Gupta to their -names. They do not, however, wear the sacred thread or perform -any Vedic rites, and Nayars consider themselves polluted by their -touch." Some Vellalas and Nattukottai Chettis describe themselves -as being Bhu (earth) Vaisyas, and some Gollas claim to be regarded -as Go(cow) Vaisyas. [90] Some Ganigas and Nagartas call themselves -Dharmasivachar Vaisyas, [91] and, like the Canarese Ganigas -(oil-pressers), the Tamil oil-pressers (Vaniyan) claim to rank -as Vaisyas. Vaisya Brahman is noted [92] as being a curious hybrid -name, by which the Konkani Vanis (traders) style themselves. A small -colony of "Baniyans," who call themselves Jain Vaisyas, is said -[93] to have settled in Native Cochin. Vaisya is recorded as the -caste of various title-holders, whose title is Chetti or Chettiyar, -in the Madras Quarterly Civil List. - -Vajjira (diamond).--An exogamous sept of Toreya. - -Vakkaliga.--See Okkiliyan. - -Valagadava.--An occupational name for various classes in South -Canara, e.g., Sappaligas, Mogilis, and Patramelas, who are engaged -as musicians. - -Valai (net).--The name, said to indicate those who hunt with nets, of a -section of Paraiyans. The Ambalakkarans, who are also called Valaiyans, -claim that, when Siva's ring was swallowed by a fish in the Ganges, -one of their ancestors invented the first net made in the world. - -Valaiyal.--A sub-division of Kavarai, i.e., the Tamil equivalent of -Gazula (glass bangle) Balija. - -Valaiyan.--The Valaiyans are described, in the Manual of Madura -district (1868), as "a low and debased class. Their name is supposed -to be derived from valai, a net, and to have been given to them from -their being constantly employed in netting game in the jungles. Many -of them still live by the net; some catch fish; some smelt iron. Many -are engaged in cultivation, as bearers of burdens, and in ordinary -cooly work. The tradition that a Valaiya woman was the mother of -the Vallambans seems to show that the Valaiyans must be one of the -most ancient castes in the country." In the Tanjore Manual they are -described as "inhabitants of the country inland who live by snaring -birds, and fishing in fresh waters. They engage also in agricultural -labour and cooly work, such as carrying loads, husking paddy (rice), -and cutting and selling fire-wood. They are a poor and degraded -class." The Valaiyans are expert at making cunningly devised traps -for catching rats and jungle fowl. They have "a comical fairy-tale -of the origin of the war, which still goes on between them and the -rat tribe. It relates how the chiefs of the rats met in conclave, -and devised the various means for arranging and harassing the enemy, -which they still practice with such effect." [94] The Valaiyans say -that they were once the friends of Siva, but were degraded for the -sin of eating rats and frogs. - -In the Census Report, 1901, the Valaiyans are described as "a shikari -(hunting) caste in Madura and Tanjore. In the latter the names -Ambalakaran, Servaikaran, Vedan, Siviyan, and Kuruvikkaran are -indiscriminately applied to the caste." There is some connection -between Ambalakarans, Muttiriyans, Mutrachas, Uralis, Vedans, -Valaiyans, and Vettuvans, but in what it exactly consists remains -to be ascertained. It seems likely that all of them are descended -from one common parent stock. Ambalakarans claim to be descended -from Kannappa Nayanar, one of the sixty-three Saivite saints, who -was a Vedan or hunter by caste. In Tanjore the Valaiyans declare -themselves to have a similar origin, and in that district Ambalakaran -and Muttiriyan seem to be synonymous with Valaiyan. Moreover, the -statistics of the distribution of the Valaiyans show that they are -numerous in the districts where Ambalakarans are few, and vice versâ, -which looks as though certain sections had taken to calling themselves -Ambalakarans. The upper sections of the Ambalakarans style themselves -Pillai, which is a title properly belonging to Vellalas, but the others -are usually called Muppan in Tanjore, and Ambalakaran, Muttiriyan, -and Servaikaran in Trichinopoly. The usual title of the Valaiyans, -so far as I can gather, is Muppan, but some style themselves Servai -and Ambalakaran." - -The Madura Valaiyans are said [95] to be "less brahmanised than those -in Tanjore, the latter employing Brahmans as priests, forbidding -the marriage of widows, occasionally burning their dead, and being -particular what they eat. But they still cling to the worship of all -the usual village gods and goddesses." In some places, it is said, -[96] the Valaiyans will eat almost anything, including rats, cats, -frogs and squirrels. - -Like the Pallans and Paraiyans, the Valaiyans, in some places, live -in streets of their own, or in settlements outside the villages. At -times of census, they have returned a large number of sub-divisions, -of which the following may be cited as examples:-- - - - Monathinni. Those who eat the vermin of the soil. - Pasikatti (pasi, glass bead). - Saragu, withered leaves. - Vanniyan. Synonym of the Palli caste. - Vellamputtu, white-ant hill. - - -In some places the Saruku or Saragu Valaiyans have exogamous kilais -or septs, which, as among the Maravans and Kallans, run in the female -line. Brothers and sisters belong to the same kilai as that of their -mother and maternal uncle, and not of their father. - -It is stated, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that "the -Valaiyans are grouped into four endogamous sub-divisions, namely, -Vahni, Valattu, Karadi, and Kangu. The last of these is again -divided into Pasikatti, those who use a bead necklet instead of a -tali (as a marriage badge), and Karaikatti, those whose women wear -horsehair necklaces like the Kallans. The caste title is Muppan. Caste -matters are settled by a headman called the Kambliyan (blanket man), -who lives at Aruppukottai, and comes round in state to any village -which requires his services, seated on a horse, and accompanied by -servants who hold an umbrella over his head and fan him. He holds -his court seated on a blanket. The fines imposed go in equal shares -to the aramanai (literally palace, i.e., to the headman himself), -and to the oramanai, that is, the caste people. - -It is noted by Mr. F. R. Hemingway that "the Valaiyans of -the Trichinopoly district say that they have eight endogamous -sub-divisions, namely, Sarahu (or Saragu), Ettarai Koppu, Tanambanadu -or Valuvadi, Nadunattu or Asal, Kurumba, Vanniya, Ambunadu, -and Punal. Some of these are similar to those of the Kallans and -Ambalakarans." - -In the Gazetteer of the Tanjore district, it is recorded that the -Valaiyans are said to possess "endogamous sub-divisions called Vedan, -Sulundukkaran and Ambalakkaran. The members of the first are said to -be hunters, those of the second torch-bearers, and those of the last -cultivators. They are a low caste, are refused admittance into the -temples, and pollute a Vellalan by touch. Their occupations are chiefly -cultivation of a low order, cooly work, and hunting. They are also said -to be addicted to crime, being employed by Kallans as their tools." - -Adult marriage is the rule, and the consent of the maternal uncle is -necessary. Remarriage of widows is freely permitted. At the marriage -ceremony, the bridegroom's sister takes up the tali (marriage badge), -and, after showing it to those assembled, ties it tightly round the -neck of the bride. To tie it loosely so that the tali string touches -the collar-bone would be considered a breach of custom, and the woman -who tied it would be fined. The tali-tying ceremony always takes -place at night, and the bridegroom's sister performs it, as, if it -was tied by the bridegroom, it could not be removed on his death, and -replaced if his widow wished to marry again. Marriages generally take -place from January to May, and consummation should not be effected -till the end of the month Adi, lest the first child should be born -in the month of Chithre, which would be very inauspicious. There -are two Tamil proverbs to the effect that "the girl should remain in -her mother's house during Adi," and "if a child is born in Chithre, -it is ruinous to the house of the mother-in-law." - -In the Gazetteer of the Madura district, it is stated that "at -weddings, the bridegroom's sister ties the tali, and then hurries the -bride off to her brother's house, where he is waiting. When a girl -attains maturity, she is made to live for a fortnight in a temporary -hut, which she afterwards burns down. While she is there, the little -girls of the caste meet outside it, and sing a song illustrative of -the charms of womanhood, and its power of alleviating the unhappy -lot of the bachelor. Two of the verses say:-- - - - What of the hair of a man? - It is twisted, and matted, and a burden. - What of the tresses of a woman? - They are as flowers in a garland, and a glory. - - What of the life of a man? - It is that of the dog at the palace gate. - What of the days of a woman? - They are like the gently waving leaves in a festoon. - - -"Divorce is readily permitted on the usual payments, and divorcées -and widows may remarry. A married woman who goes astray is brought -before the Kambliyan, who delivers a homily, and then orders the man's -waist-string to be tied round her neck. This legitimatises any children -they may have." The Valaiyans of Pattukkottai in the Tanjore district -say that intimacy between a man and woman before marriage is tolerated, -and that the children of such a union are regarded as members of the -caste, and permitted to intermarry with others, provided the parents -pay a nominal penalty imposed by the caste council. - -In connection with the Valaiyans of the Trichinopoly district, -Mr. Hemingway writes that "they recognise three forms of marriage, -the most usual of which consists in the bridegroom's party going to the -girl's house with three marakkals of rice and a cock on an auspicious -day, and in both parties having a feast there. Sometimes the young -man's sister goes to the girl's house, ties a tali round her neck, and -takes her away. The ordinary form of marriage, called big marriage, -is sometimes used with variations, but the Valaiyans do not like it, -and say that the two other forms result in more prolific unions. They -tolerate unchastity before marriage, and allow parties to marry even -after several children have been born, the marriage legitimatising -them. They permit remarriage of widows and divorced women. Women -convicted of immorality are garlanded with erukku (Calotropis gigantea) -flowers, and made to carry a basket of mud round the village. Men -who too frequently offend in this respect are made to sit with their -toes tied to the neck by a creeper. When a woman is divorced, her -male children go to the husband, and she is allowed to keep the girls." - -The tribal gods of the Valaiyans are Singa Pidari (Aiyanar) and -Padinettampadi Karuppan. Once a year, on the day after the new-moon -in the month Masi (February to March), the Valaiyans assemble to -worship the deity. Early in the morning they proceed to the Aiyanar -temple, and, after doing homage to the god, go off to the forest to -hunt hares and other small game. On their return they are met by the -Valaiyan matrons carrying coloured water or rice (alam), garlands of -flowers, betel leaves and areca nuts. The alam is waved over the men, -some of whom become inspired and are garlanded. While they are under -inspiration, the mothers appeal to them to name their babies. The -products of the chase are taken to the house of the headman and -distributed. At a festival, at which Mr. K. Rangachari was present, -at about ten o'clock in the morning all the Valaiya men, women, and -children, dressed up in holiday attire, swarmed out of their huts, -and proceeded to a neighbouring grove. The men and boys each carried -a throwing stick, or a digging stick tipped with iron. On arrival at -the grove, they stood in a row, facing east, and, throwing down their -sticks, saluted them, and prostrated themselves before them. Then all -took up their sticks, and some played on reed pipes. Some of the women -brought garlands of flowers, and placed them round the necks of four -men, who for a time stood holding in their hands their sticks, of which -the ends were stuck in the ground. After a time they began to shiver, -move quickly about, and kick those around them. Under the influence of -their inspiration, they exhibited remarkable physical strength, and -five or six men could not hold them. Calling various people by name, -they expressed a hope that they would respect the gods, worship them, -and offer to them pongal (boiled rice) and animal sacrifices. The -women brought their babies to them to be named. In some places, the -naming of infants is performed at the Aiyanar temple by any one who -is under the influence of inspiration. Failing such a one, several -flowers, each with a name attached to it, are thrown in front of -the idol. A boy, or the pujari (priest) picks up one of the flowers, -and the infant receives the name which is connected with it. - -The Valaiyans are devoted to devil worship, and, at Orattanadu in -the Tanjore district, every Valaiyan backyard is said to contain -an odiyan (Odina Wodier) tree, in which the devil is supposed to -live. [97] It is noted by Mr. W. Francis [98] that "certain of the -Valaiyans who live at Ammayanayakkanur are the hereditary pujaris to -the gods of the Sirumalai hills. Some of these deities are uncommon, -and one of them, Papparayan, is said to be the spirit of a Brahman -astrologer whose monsoon forecast was falsified by events, and who, -filled with a shame rare in unsuccessful weather prophets, threw -himself off a high point on the range." - -According to Mr. Hemingway, the Valaiyans have a special caste god, -named Muttal Ravuttan, who is the spirit of a dead Muhammadan, about -whom nothing seems to be known. - -The dead are as a rule buried with rites similar to those of the -Kallans and Agamudaiyans. The final death ceremonies (karmandhiram) -are performed on the sixteenth day. On the night of the previous day, -a vessel filled with water is placed on the spot where the deceased -breathed his last, and two cocoanuts, with the pores ('eyes') open, -are deposited near it. On the following morning, all proceed to -a grove or tank (pond). The eldest son, or other celebrant, after -shaving and bathing, marks out a square space on the ground, and, -placing a few dry twigs of Ficus religiosa and Ficus bengalensis -therein, sets fire to them. Presents of rice and other food-stuffs -are given to beggars and others. The ceremony closes with the son -and sapindas, who have to observe pollution, placing new cloths on -their heads. Mr. Francis records that, at the funeral ceremonies, -"the relations go three times round a basket of grain placed under -a pandal (booth), beating their breasts and singing:-- - - - For us the kanji (rice gruel): kailasam (the abode of Siva) - for thee; - Rice for us; for thee Svargalokam, - - -and then wind turbans round the head of the deceased's heir, in -recognition of his new position as chief of the family. When a -woman loses her husband, she goes three times round the village -mandai (common), with a pot of water on her shoulder. After each -of the first two journeys, the barber makes a hole in the pot, and -at the end of the third he hurls down the vessel, and cries out an -adjuration to the departed spirit to leave the widow and children in -peace." It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Tanjore district, that -"one of the funeral ceremonies is peculiar, though it is paralleled -by practices among the Paraiyans and Karaiyans. When the heir departs -to the burning-ground on the second day, a mortar is placed near the -outer door of his house, and a lamp is lit inside. On his return, -he has to upset the mortar, and worship the light." - -Valan.--For the following note on the Valan and Katal Arayan fishing -castes of the Cochin State, I am indebted to Mr. L. K. Anantha -Krishna Aiyar. - -The name Valan is derived from vala, meaning fish in a tank. Some -consider the word to be another form of Valayan, which signifies -a person who throws a net for fishing. According to the tradition -and current belief of these people, they were brought to Kerala by -Parasurama for plying boats and conveying passengers across the rivers -and backwaters on the west coast. Another tradition is that the Valans -were Arayans, and they became a separate caste only after one of the -Perumals had selected some of their families for boat service, and -conferred on them special privileges. They even now pride themselves -that their caste is one of remote antiquity, and that Vedavyasa, -the author of the Puranas, and Guha, who rendered the boat service -to the divine Rama, Sita, and Lakshmana, across the Ganges in the -course of their exile to the forest, were among the caste-men. - -There are no sub-divisions in the caste, but the members thereof are -said to belong to four exogamous illams (houses of Nambutiris), namely, -Alayakad, Ennalu, Vaisyagiriam, and Vazhapally, which correspond to -the gotras of the Brahmans, or to four clans, the members of each -of which are perhaps descended from a common ancestor. According -to a tradition current among them, they were once attached to the -four Nambutiri illams above mentioned for service of some kind, -and were even the descendants of the members of the illams, but -were doomed to the present state of degradation on account of some -misconduct. Evidently, the story is looked up to to elevate themselves -in social status. I am inclined to believe that they must have been -the Atiyars (slaves) of the four aforesaid Brahman families, owing -a kind of allegiance (nambikooru) like the Kanakkans to the Chittur -Manakkal Nambutripad in Perumanam of the Trichur taluk. Even now, -these Brahman families are held in great respect by the Valans, who, -when afflicted with family calamities, visit the respective illams -with presents of a few packets of betel leaves and a few annas, to -receive the blessings of their Brahman masters, which, according to -their belief, may tend to avert them. - -The low sandy tract of land on each side of the backwater is the -abode of these fishermen. In some places, more especially south of -Cranganore, their houses are dotted along the banks of the backwater, -often nearly hidden by cocoanut trees, while at intervals the white -picturesque fronts of numerous Roman Catholic and Romo-Syrian churches -are perceived. These houses are in fact mere flimsy huts, a few of -which, occupied by the members of several families, may be seen huddled -together in the same compound abounding in a growth of cocoanut trees, -with hardly enough space to dry their fish and nets. In the majority -of cases, the compounds belong to jenmis (landlords), who lease them -out either rent-free or on nominal rent, and who often are so kind -as to allow them some cocoanuts for their consumption, and leaves -sufficient to thatch their houses. About ten per cent. of their houses -are built of wood and stones, while a large majority of them are made -of mud or bamboo framework, and hardly spacious enough to accommodate -the members of the family during the summer months. Cooking is done -outside the house, and very few take rest inside after hard work, for -their compounds are shady and breezy, and they may be seen basking in -the sun after midnight toil, or drying the nets or fish. Their utensils -are few, consisting of earthen vessels and enamel dishes, and their -furniture of a few wooden planks and coarse mats to serve as beds. - -The girls of the Valans are married both before and after puberty, but -the tali-kettu kalyanam (tali-tying marriage) is indispensable before -they come of age, as otherwise they and their parents are put out of -caste. Both for the tali-tying ceremony and for the real marriage, the -bride and bridegroom must be of different illams or gotras. In regard -to the former, as soon as an auspicious day is fixed, the girl's party -visit the Aravan with a present of six annas and eight pies, and a -few packets of betel leaves, when he gives his permission, and issues -an order to the Ponamban, his subordinate of the kadavu (village), -to see that the ceremony is properly conducted. The Ponamban, -the bridegroom and his party, go to the house of the bride. At the -appointed hour, the Ponambans and the castemen of the two kadavus -assemble after depositing six annas and eight pies in recognition of -the presence of the Aravan, and the tali is handed over by the priest -to the bridegroom, who ties it round the neck of the bride amidst the -joyous shouts of the multitude assembled. The ceremony always takes -place at night, and the festivities generally last for two days. It -must be understood that the tali tier is not necessarily the husband -of the girl, but is merely the pseudo-bridegroom or pseudo-husband, -who is sent away with two pieces of cloth and a few annas at the -termination of the ceremony. Should he, however, wish to have the girl -as his wife, he should, at his own expense, provide her with a tali, -a wedding dress, and a few rupees as the price of the bride. Generally -it is the maternal uncle of the girl who provides her with the first -two at the time of the ceremony. - -The actual marriage is more ceremonial in its nature. The maternal -uncle, or the father of a young Valan who wishes to marry, first visits -the girl, and, if he approves of the match for his nephew or son, the -astrologer is consulted so as to ensure that the horoscopes agree. If -astrology does not stand in the way, they forthwith proceed to the -girl's house, where they are well entertained. The bride's parents -and relatives return the visit at the bridegroom's house, where they -are likewise treated to a feast. The two parties then decide on a -day for the formal declaration of the proposed union. On that day, -a Valan from the bridegroom's village, seven to nine elders, and the -Ponamban under whom the bride is, meet, and, in the presence of those -assembled, a Valan from each party deposits on a plank four annas and a -few betel leaves in token of enangu mattam or exchange of co-castemen -from each party for the due fulfilment of the contract thus publicly -entered into. Then they fix the date of the marriage, and retire from -the bride's house. On the appointed day, the bridegroom's party proceed -to the bride's house with two pieces of cloth, a rupee or a rupee and a -half, rice, packets of betel leaves, etc. The bride is already dressed -and adorned in her best, and one piece of cloth, rice and money, are -paid to her mother as the price of the bride. After a feast, the bridal -party go to the bridegroom's house, which is entered at an auspicious -hour. They are received at the gate with a lamp and a vessel of water, -a small quantity of which is sprinkled on the married couple. They -are welcomed by the seniors of the house and seated together, when -sweets are given, and the bride is formally declared to be a member -of the bridegroom's family. The ceremony closes with a feast, the -expenses in connection with which are the same on both sides. - -A man may marry more than one wife, but no woman may enter into -conjugal relations with more than one man. A widow may, with the -consent of her parents, enter into wedlock with any member of her caste -except her brothers-in-law, in which case her children by her first -husband will be looked after by the members of his family. Divorce -is effected by either party making an application to the Aravan, -who has to be presented with from twelve annas to six rupees and a -half according to the means of the applicant. The Aravan, in token of -dissolution, issues a letter to the members of the particular village -to which the applicant belongs, and, on the declaration of the same, -he or she has to pay to his or her village castemen four annas. - -When a Valan girl comes of age, she is lodged in a room of the house, -and is under pollution for four days. She is bathed on the fourth day, -and the castemen and women of the neighbourhood, with the relatives -and friends, are treated to a sumptuous dinner. There is a curious -custom called theralikka, i.e., causing the girl to attain maturity, -which consists in placing her in seclusion in a separate room, and -proclaiming that she has come of age. Under such circumstances, the -caste-women of the neighbourhood, with the washerwoman, assemble at the -house of the girl, when the latter pours a small quantity of gingelly -(Sesamum) oil on her head, and rubs her body with turmeric powder, -after which she is proclaimed as having attained puberty. She is -bathed, and lodged in a separate room as before, and the four days' -pollution is observed. This custom, which exists also among other -castes, is now being abandoned by a large majority of the community. - -In respect of inheritance, the Valans follow a system, which partakes -of the character of succession from father to son, and from maternal -uncle to nephew. The self-acquired property is generally divided -equally between brothers and sons, while the ancestral property, -if any, goes to the brothers. The great majority of the Valans are -mere day-labourers, and the property usually consists of a few tools, -implements, or other equipments of their calling. - -The Valans, like other castes, have their tribal organisation, and -their headman (Aravan or Aravar) is appointed by thitturam or writ -issued by His Highness the Raja. The Aravan appoints other social -heads, called Ponamban, one, two, or three of whom are stationed -at each desam (village) or kadavu. Before the development of -the Government authority and the establishment of administrative -departments, the Aravans wielded great influence and authority, -as they still do to a limited extent, not only in matters social, -but also in civil and criminal disputes between members of the -community. For all social functions, matrimonial, funeral, etc., -their permission has to be obtained and paid for. The members of the -community have to visit their headman, with presents of betel leaves, -money, and sometimes rice and paddy (unhusked rice). The headman -generally directs the proper conduct of all ceremonies by writs issued -to the Ponambans under him. The Ponambans also are entitled to small -perquisites on ceremonial occasions. The appointment of Aravan, though -not virtually hereditary, passes at his death to the next qualified -senior member of his family, who may be his brother, son, or nephew, -but this rule has been violated by the appointment of a person from -a different family. The Aravan has the honour of receiving from His -Highness the Raja a present of two cloths at the Onam festival, six -annas and eight pies on the Athachamayam day, and a similar sum for -the Vishu. At his death, the ruler of the State sends a piece of silk -cloth, a piece of sandal-wood, and about ten rupees, for defraying -the expenses of the funeral ceremonies. - -The Valans profess Hinduism, and Siva, Vishnu, and the heroes of the -Hindu Puranas are all worshipped. Like other castes, they entertain -special reverence for Bhagavathi, who is propitiated with offerings -of rice-flour, toddy, green cocoanuts, plantain fruits, and fowls, -on Tuesdays and Fridays. A grand festival, called Kumbhom Bharani -(cock festival), is held in the middle of March, when Nayars and -low caste men offer up cocks to Bhagavathi, beseeching immunity from -diseases during the ensuing year. In fact, people from all parts of -Malabar, Cochin, and Travancore, attend the festival, and the whole -country near the line of march rings with shouts of "Nada, nada" -(walk or march) of the pilgrims to Cranganore, the holy residence of -the goddess. In their passage up to the shrine, the cry of "Nada, -nada" is varied by unmeasured abuse of the goddess. The abusive -language, it is believed, is acceptable to her, and, on arrival at -the shrine, they desecrate it in every conceivable manner, in the -belief that this too is acceptable. They throw stones and filth, -howling volleys of abuse at the shrine. The chief of the Arayan caste, -Koolimuttah Arayan, has the privilege of being the first to be present -on the occasion. The image in the temple is said to have been recently -introduced. There is a door in the temple which is apparently of stone, -fixed in a half-opened position. A tradition, believed by Hindus and -Christians, is attached to this, which asserts that St. Thomas and -Bhagavathi held a discussion at Palliport about the respective merits -of the Christian and Hindu religions. The argument became heated, -and Bhagavathi, considering it best to cease further discussion, -decamped, and, jumping across the Cranganore river, made straight for -the temple. St. Thomas, not to be outdone, rapidly gave chase, and, -just as the deity got inside the door, the saint reached its outside, -and, setting his foot between it and the door-post, prevented its -closure. There they both stood until the door turned to stone, one -not allowing its being opened, and the other its being shut. - -Another important festival, which is held at Cranganore, is the Makara -Vilakku, which falls on the first of Makaram (about the 15th January), -during the night of which there is a good deal of illumination both -in and round the temple. A procession of ten or twelve elephants, -all fully decorated, goes round it several times, accompanied by -drums and instrumental music. - -Chourimala Iyappan or Sastha, a sylvan deity, whose abode is Chourimala -in Travancore, is a favourite deity of the Valans. In addition, they -worship the demi-gods or demons Kallachan Muri and Kochu Mallan, who -are ever disposed to do them harm, and who are therefore propitiated -with offerings of fowls. They have a patron, who is also worshipped -at Cranganore. The spirits of their ancestors are also held in great -veneration by these people, and are propitiated with offerings on -the new moon and Sankranthi days of Karkadakam, Thulam, and Makaram. - -The most important festivals observed by the Valans in common with -other castes are Mandalam Vilakku, Sivarathri, Vishu, Onam, and Desara. - -Mandalam Vilakku takes place during the last seven days of Mandalam -(November to December). During this festival the Valans enjoy -themselves with music and drum-beating during the day. At night, -some of them, developing hysterical fits, profess to be oracles, -with demons such as Gandharva, Yakshi, or Bhagavathi, dwelling in -their bodies in their incorporeal forms. Consultations are held as -to future events, and their advice is thankfully received and acted -upon. Sacrifices of sheep, fowls, green cocoanuts, and plantain fruits -are offered to the demons believed to be residing within, and are -afterwards liberally distributed among the castemen and others present. - -The Sivarathri festival comes on the last day of Magha. The whole day -and night are devoted to the worship of Siva, and the Valans, like -other castes, go to Alvai, bathe in the river, and keep awake during -the night, reading the Siva Purana and reciting his names. Early on -the following morning, they bathe, and make offerings of rice balls -to the spirits of the ancestors before returning home. - -The Valans have no temples of their own, but, on all important -occasions, worship the deities of the temples of the higher castes, -standing at a long distance from the outer walls of the sacred -edifice. On important religious occasions, Embrans are invited to -perform the Kalasam ceremony, for which they are liberally rewarded. A -kalasam is a pot, which is filled with water. Mango leaves and dharba -grass are placed in it. Vedic hymns are repeated, with one end of the -grass in the water, and the other in the hand. Water thus sanctified -is used for bathing the image. From a comparison of the religion of the -Valans with that of allied castes, it may be safely said that they were -animists, but have rapidly imbibed the higher forms of worship. They -are becoming more and more literate, and this helps the study of the -religious works. There are some among them, who compose Vanchipattu -(songs sung while rowing) with plots from their Puranic studies. - -The Valans either burn or bury their dead. The chief mourner is -either the son or nephew of the dead person, and he performs the death -ceremonies as directed by the priest (Chithayan), who attends wearing -a new cloth, turban, and the sacred thread. The ceremonies commence -on the second, fifth, or seventh day, when the chief mourner, bathing -early in the morning, offers pinda bali (offerings of rice balls) -to the spirit of the deceased. This is continued till the thirteenth -day, when the nearest relatives get shaved. On the fifteenth day, -the castemen of the locality, the friends and relatives, are treated -to a grand dinner, and, on the sixteenth day, another offering (mana -pindam) is made to the spirit of the departed, and thrown into the -backwater close by. Every day during the ceremonies, a vessel full -of rice is given to the priest, who also receives ten rupees for his -services. If the death ceremonies are not properly performed, the -ghost of the deceased is believed to haunt the house. An astrologer -is then consulted, and his advice is invariably followed. What is -called Samhara Homam (sacred fire) is kept up, and an image of the -dead man in silver or gold is purified by the recitation of holy -mantrams. Another purificatory ceremony is performed, after which -the image is handed over to a priest at the temple, with a rupee or -two. This done, the death ceremonies are performed. - -The ears of Valan girls are, as among some other castes, pierced -when they are a year old, or even less, and a small quill, a piece -of cotton thread, or a bit of wood, is inserted into the hole. The -wound is gradually healed by the application of cocoanut oil. A piece -of lead is then inserted in the hole, which is gradually enlarged by -means of a piece of plantain, cocoanut, or palmyra leaf rolled up. - -The Valans are expert rowers, and possess the special privilege of -rowing from Thripunathura the boat of His Highness the Raja for his -installation at the Cochin palace, when the Aravan, with sword in hand, -has to stand in front of him in the boat. Further, on the occasion -of any journey of the Raja along the backwaters on occasions of -State functions, such as a visit of the Governor of Madras, or other -dignitary, the headman leads the way as an escort in a snake-boat -rowed with paddles, and has to supply the requisite number of men -for rowing the boats of the high official and his retinue. - -The Katal Arayans, or sea Arayans, who are also called Katakkoti, -are lower in status than the Valans, and, like them, live along the -coast. They were of great service to the Portuguese and the Dutch in -their palmy days, acting as boatmen in transhipping their commodities -and supplying them with fish. The Katal Arayans were, in former times, -owing to their social degradation, precluded from travelling along the -public roads. This disability was, during the days of the Portuguese -supremacy, taken advantage of by the Roman Catholic missionaries, -who turned their attention to the conversion of these poor fishermen, -a large number of whom were thus elevated in the social scale. The -Katal Arayans are sea fishermen. On the death of a prince of Malabar, -all fishing is temporarily prohibited, and only renewed after three -days, when the spirit of the departed is supposed to have had time -enough to choose its abode without molestation. - -Among their own community, the Katal Arayans distinguish themselves by -four distinct appellations, viz., Sankhan, Bharatan, Amukkuvan, and -Mukkuvan. Of these, Amukkuvans do priestly functions. The castemen -belong to four septs or illams, namely, Kattotillam, Karotillam, -Chempotillam, and Ponnotillam. - -Katal Arayan girls are married both before and after puberty. The -tali-tying ceremony, which is compulsory in the case of Valan girls -before they come of age, is put off, and takes place along with the -real marriage. The preliminary negotiations and settlements thereof -are substantially the same as those prevailing among the Valans. The -auspicious hour for marriage is between three and eight in the morning, -and, on the previous evening, the bridegroom and his party arrive at -the house of the bride, where they are welcomed and treated to a grand -feast, after which the guests, along with the bride and bridegroom -seated somewhat apart, in a pandal tastefully decorated and brightly -illuminated, are entertained with songs of the Velan (washerman) -and his wife alluding to the marriage of Sita or Parvathi, in the -belief that they will bring about a happy conjugal union. These are -continued till sunrise, when the priest hands over the marriage badge -to the bridegroom, who ties it round the neck of the bride. The songs -are again continued for an hour or two, after which poli begins. The -guests who have assembled contribute a rupee, eight annas, or four -annas, according to their means, which go towards the remuneration of -the priest, songsters, and drummers. The guests are again sumptuously -entertained at twelve o'clock, after which the bridegroom and his -party return with the bride to his house. At the time of departure, -or nearly an hour before it, the bridegroom ties a few rupees or a -sovereign to a corner of the bride's body-cloth, probably to induce -her to accompany him. Just then, the bride-price, which is 101 puthans, -or Rs. 5-12-4, is paid to her parents. The bridal party is entertained -at the bridegroom's house, where, at an auspicious hour, the newly -married couple are seated together, and served with a few pieces of -plantain fruits and some milk, when the bride is formally declared to -be a member of her husband's family. If a girl attains maturity after -her marriage, she is secluded for a period of eleven days. She bathes -on the first, fourth, seventh, and eleventh days, and, on the last -day the caste people are entertained with a grand feast, the expenses -connected with which are met by the husband. The Katal Arayans rarely -have more than one wife. A widow may, a year after the death of her -husband, enter into conjugal relations with any member of the caste, -except her brother-in-law. Succession is in the male line. - -The Katal Arayans have headmen (Aravans), whose duties are the -same as those of the headmen of the Valans. When the senior male or -female member of the ruling family dies, the Aravan has the special -privilege of being the first successor to the masnad with his tirumul -kazcha (nuzzer), which consists of a small quantity of salt packed -in a plantain leaf with rope and a Venetian ducat or other gold -coin. During the period of mourning, visits of condolence from durbar -officials and sthanis or noblemen are received only after the Aravan's -visit. When the Bhagavathi temple of Cranganore is defiled during -the cock festival, Koolimutteth Aravan has the special privilege of -entering the temple in preference to other castemen. - -The Katal Arayans profess Hinduism, and their modes of worship, -and other religious observances, are the same as those of the -Velans. The dead are either burnt or buried. The period of death -pollution is eleven days, and the agnates are freed from it by a bath -on the eleventh day. On the twelfth day, the castemen of the village, -including the relatives and friends, are treated to a grand feast. The -son, who is the chief mourner, observes the diksha, or vow by which he -does not shave, for a year. He performs the sradha (memorial service) -every year in honour of the dead. - -Some of the methods of catching fish at Cochin are thus described by -Dr. Francis Day. [99] "Cast nets are employed from the shore, by a -number of fishermen, who station themselves either in the early morning -or in the afternoon, along the coast from 50 to 100 yards apart. They -keep a careful watch on the water, and, on perceiving a fish rise -sufficiently near the land, rush down and attempt to throw their nets -over it. This is not done as in Europe by twisting the net round and -round the head until it has acquired the necessary impetus, and then -throwing it; but by the person twirling himself and the net round and -round at the same time, and then casting it. He not infrequently gets -knocked over by a wave. When fish are caught, they are buried in the -sand, to prevent their tainting. In the wide inland rivers, fishermen -employ cast nets in the following manner. Each man is in a boat, which -is propelled by a boy with a bamboo. The fisherman has a cast net, -and a small empty cocoanut shell. This last he throws into the river, -about twenty yards before the boat, and it comes down with a splash, -said to be done to scare away the crocodiles. As the boat approaches -the place where the cocoanut shell was thrown, the man casts his net -around the spot. This method is only for obtaining small fish, and -as many as fifteen boats at a time are to be seen thus employed in -one place, one following the other in rapid succession, some trying -the centre, others the sides of the river. - -"Double rows of long bamboos, firmly fixed in the mud, are placed -at intervals across the backwater, and on these nets are fixed at -the flood tide, so that fish which have entered are unable to return -to the sea. Numbers of very large ones are occasionally captured in -this way. A species of Chinese nets is also used along the river's -banks. They are about 16 feet square, suspended by bamboos from each -corner, and let down like buckets into the water, and then after a -few minutes drawn up again. A piece of string, to which are attached -portions of the white leaves of the cocoanut tree, is tied at short -intervals along the ebb side of the net, which effectually prevents -fish from going that way. A plan somewhat analogous is employed on a -small scale for catching crabs. A net three feet square is supported -at the four corners by two pieces of stick fastened crosswise. From -the centre of these sticks where they cross is a string to pull it -up by or let it down, and a piece of meat is tied to the middle of -the net inside. This is let down from a wharf, left under water for a -few minutes, and then pulled up. Crabs coming to feed are thus caught. - -"Fishing with a line is seldom attempted in the deep sea, excepting -for sharks, rays, and other large fish. The hooks employed are of two -descriptions, the roughest, although perhaps the strongest, being of -native manufacture; the others are of English make, denominated China -hooks. The hook is fastened to a species of fibre called thumboo, -said to be derived from a seaweed, but more probably from one of the -species of palms. The lines are either hemp, cotton, or the fibre of -the talipot palm (Caryota urens), which is obtained by maceration. In -Europe they are called Indian gut. - -"Trolling from the shore at the river's mouth is only carried on -of a morning or evening, during the winter months of the year, when -the sea is smooth. The line is from 80 to 100 yards in length, and -held wound round the left hand; the hook is fastened to the line by a -brass wire, and the bait is a live fish. The fisherman, after giving -the line an impetus by twirling it round and round his head, throws -it with great precision from 50 to 60 yards. A man is always close by -with a cast net, catching baits, which he sells for one quarter of an -anna each. This mode of fishing is very exciting sport, but is very -uncertain in its results, and therefore usually carried on by coolies -either before their day's work has commenced, or after its termination. - -"Fishing with a bait continues all day long in Cochin during the -monsoon months, when work is almost at a standstill, and five or -six persons may be perceived at each jetty, busily engaged in this -occupation. The Bagrus tribe is then plentiful, and, as it bites -readily, large numbers are captured. - -"Fishing in small boats appears at times to be a dangerous occupation; -the small canoe only steadied by the paddle of one man seated in -it looks as if it must every minute be swamped. Very large fish are -sometimes caught in this way. Should one be hooked too large for the -fisherman to manage, the man in the next boat comes to his assistance, -and receives a quarter of the fish for his trouble. This is carried -on all through the year, and the size of some of the Bagri is enormous. - -"Fish are shot in various ways, by a Chittagong bamboo, which is a -hollow tube, down which the arrow is propelled by the marksman's -mouth. This mode is sometimes very remunerative, and is followed -by persons who quietly sneak along the shores, either of sluggish -streams or of the backwater. Sometimes they climb up into trees, -and there await a good shot. Or, during the monsoon, the sportsman -quietly seats himself near some narrow channel that passes from one -wide piece of water into another, and watches for his prey. Other -fishermen shoot with bows and arrows, and again others with cross-bows, -the iron arrow or bolt of which is attached by a line to the bow, to -prevent its being lost. But netting fish, catching them with hooks, -or shooting them with arrows, are not the only means employed for -their capture. Bamboo labyrinths, bamboo baskets, and even men's -hands alone, are called into use. - -"Persons fish for crabs in shallow brackish water, provided with -baskets like those employed in Europe for catching eels, but open at -both ends. The fishermen walk about in the mud, and, when they feel a -fish move, endeavour to cover it with the larger end of the basket, -which is forced down some distance into the mud, and the hand is -then passed downward through the upper extremity, and the fish taken -out. Another plan of catching them by the hand is by having two lines -to which white cocoanut leaves are attached tied to the fisherman's -two great toes, from which they diverge; the other end of each being -held by another man a good way off, and some distance apart. On these -lines being shaken, the fish become frightened, and, strange as it may -appear, cluster for protection around the man's feet, who is able to -stoop down, and catch them with his hands, by watching his opportunity. - -"Bamboo labyrinths are common all along the backwater, in which a good -many fish, especially eels and crabs, are captured. These labyrinths -are formed of a screen of split bamboos, passing perpendicularly out -of the water, and leading into a larger baited chamber. A dead cat is -often employed as a bait for crabs. A string is attached to its body, -and, after it has been in the water some days, it is pulled up with -these crustacea adherent to it. Persons are often surprised at crabs -being considered unwholesome, but their astonishment would cease, -if they were aware what extremely unclean feeders they are. - -"Fish are obtained from the inland rivers by poisoning them, but -this can only be done when the water is low. A dam is thrown across -a certain portion, and the poison placed within it. It generally -consists of Cocculus indicus (berries) pounded with rice; croton oil -seeds, etc." - -Valangai.--Valangai, Valangan, Valangamattan, or Balagai, meaning those -who belong to the right-hand faction, has, at times of census, been -returned as a sub-division, synonym or title of Deva-dasis, Holeyas, -Nokkans, Panisavans, Paraiyans, and Saliyans. Some Deva-dasis have -returned themselves as belonging to the left-hand (idangai) faction. - -Valayakara Chetti.--A Tamil synonym of Gazula Balijas who sell glass -bangles. The equivalent Vala Chetti is also recorded. - -Valekara.--A Badaga form of Billekara or belted peon. The word -frequently occurs in Badaga ballads. Taluk peons on the Nilgiris are -called Valekaras. - -Vali Sugriva.--A synonym of the Lambadis, who claim descent from Vali -and Sugriva, the two monkey chiefs of the Ramayana. - -Valinchiyan.--See Velakkattalavan. - -Valiyatan (valiya, great, tan, a title of dignity).--Recorded, in -the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a title of Nayar. - -Vallabarayan.--A title of Occhan. - -Vallamban.--The Vallambans are a small Tamil cultivating class -living in the Tanjore, Trichinopoly, and Madura districts. They are -said [100] to be "the offspring of a Vellalan and a Valaiya woman, -now a small and insignificant caste of cultivators. Some of them -assert that their ancestors were the lords of the soil, for whose -sole benefit the Vellalans used to carry on cultivation. Tradition -makes the Vellambans to have joined the Kallans in attacking and -driving away the Vellalans. It is customary among the Vallambans, when -demising land, to refer to the fact of their being descendants of the -Vallambans who lost Vallam, i.e., the Vallama nadu in Tanjore, their -proper country." Some Vallambans claim to be flesh-eating Vellalas, -or to be superior to Kallans and Maravans by reason of their Vellala -ancestry. They call themselves Vallamtotta Vellalas, or the Vellalas -who lost Vallam, and say that they were Vellalas of Vallam in the -Tanjore district, who left their native place in a time of famine. - -Portions of the Madura and Tanjore districts are divided into areas -known as nadus, in each of which a certain caste, called the Nattar, -is the predominant factor. For example, the Vallambans and Kallans -are called the Nattars of the Palaya nadu in the Sivaganga zemindari -of the Madura district. In dealing with the tribal affairs of the -various castes inhabiting a particular nadu, the lead is taken by the -Nattars, by whom certain privileges are enjoyed, as for example in the -distribution to them, after the Brahman and zamindar, of the flowers -and sacred ashes used in temple worship. For the purposes of caste -council meetings the Vallambans collect together representatives from -fourteen nadus, as they consider that the council should be composed -of delegates from a head village and its branches, generally thirteen -in number. - -It is noted by Mr. F. R. Hemingway that the Vallambans "speak of -five sub-divisions, namely, Chenjinadu, Amaravatinadu, Palayanadu, -Melnadu, and Kilnadu. The Mel and Kilnadu people intermarry, but -are distinguishable by the fact that the former have moustaches, -and the latter have not. The women dress like the Nattukottai -Chettis. Tattooing is not allowed, and those who practice it are -expelled from the caste. The men generally have no title, but some who -enjoy State service inams call themselves Ambalakaran. The Melnadu -people have no exogamous divisions, though they observe the rule -about Kovil Pangolis. The Kilnadus have exogamous kilais, karais, -and pattams." As examples of exogamous septs, the following may be -cited:--Solangal (Chola), Pandiangal (Pandyan), Nariangal (jackal), -and Piliyangal (tiger). - -The headman of the Vallambans is referred to generally as the -Servaikaran. The headman of a group of nadus is entitled Nattuservai, -while the headman of a village is known as Ur Servai, or simply Servai. - -Marriage is celebrated between adults, and the remarriage of widows -is not objected to. It is stated [101] that "the maternal uncle's -or paternal aunt's daughter is claimed as a matter of right by a -boy, so that a boy of ten may be wedded to a mature woman of twenty -or twenty-five years, if she happens to be unmarried and without -issue. Any elderly male member of the boy's family--his elder -brother, uncle, or even his father--will have intercourse with her, -and beget children, which the boy, when he comes of age, will accept -as his own, and legitimatise." This system of marriage, in which -there is a marked disparity in the ages of the contracting couple, -is referred to in the proverb: "The tali should be tied at least by -a log of wood." The marriage rites are as a rule non-Brahmanical, -but in some well-to-do families the services of a Brahman purohit -are enlisted. The presence of the Umbalakaran or caste headman at a -marriage is essential. On the wedding day the contracting couple offer, -at their homes, manaipongal (boiled rice), and the alangu ceremony is -performed by waving coloured rice round them, or touching the knees, -shoulders, and head with cakes, and throwing them over the head. The -wrist-threads, consisting of a piece of old cloth dyed with turmeric, -are tied on by the maternal uncle. Cooked rice and vegetables are -placed in front of the marriage dais, and offered to the gods. Four -betel leaves are given to the bridegroom, who goes round the dais, -and salutes the four cardinal points of the compass by pouring water -from a leaf. He then sits down on a plank on the dais, and hands the -tali (marriage badge) to his sister. Taking the tali, she proceeds -to the bride's house, where the bride, after performing the alangu -ceremony, is awaiting her arrival. On reaching the house, she asks -for the bride's presents, and one of her brothers replies that such -a piece of land, naming one, is given as a dowry. The bridegroom's -sister then removes the string of black and gold beads, such as is -worn before marriage, from the bride's neck, and replaces it by the -tali. The conch shell should be blown by women or children during -the performance of manaipongal, and when the tali is tied. The bride -is conveyed to the house of the bridegroom, and sits with him on the -dais while the relations make presents to them. - -The messenger who conveys the news of a death in the community is -a Paraiyan. The corpse is placed within a pandal (booth) supported -on four posts, which is erected in front of the house. Some paddy -(unhusked rice) is poured from a winnow on to the ground, and rice -is thrown over the face of the corpse. On the second day rice, -and other articles of food, are carried by a barber to the spot -where the corpse has been buried or burnt. If the latter course -has been adopted, the barber picks out some of the remains of the -bones, and hands them to the son of the deceased. On the third day, -the widow goes round the pandal three times, and, entering within -it, removes her tali string, and new clothes are thrown over her -neck. On the sixteenth day the final death ceremonies (karmandhiram) -are performed. A feast is given, and new cloths are tied on the heads -of those under pollution. Pollution lasts for thirty days. - -The Vallambans profess to be Saivaites, but they consider Periya -Nayaki of Velangkudi as their tribal goddess, and each nadu has its own -special deity, such as Vembu Aiyanar, Nelliyandi Aiyanar, etc. In some -places the tribal deity is worshipped on a Tuesday at a festival called -Sevvai (Tuesday). On this day pots containing fermented rice liquor, -which must have been made by the caste people and not purchased, -are taken to the place of worship. On a Friday, those families which -are to take part in the festival allow a quantity of paddy (rice) to -germinate by soaking it in water, and on the following Tuesday flower -spikes of the palmyra palm are added to the malted rice liquor in the -pots. The pots of ordinary families may be placed in their houses, -but those of the Umbalakarans and Servaikarans must be taken to the -temple as representing the deity. Into these pots the flower spikes -should be placed by some respected elder of the community. A week -later, a small quantity of rice liquor is poured into other pots, -which are carried by women to the temple car, round which they go -three times. They then throw the liquor into a tank or pond. The pots -of the Umbalakaran and Servaikaran must be carried by young virgins, -or grown-up women who are not under menstrual pollution. One of the -women who carries these pots usually becomes possessed by the village -deity. At the time of the festival, cradles, horses, human figures, -elephants, etc., made by the potter, are brought to the temple as -votive offerings to the god. - -Valli Ammai Kuttam.--A synonym of the Koravas, meaning followers of -Valli Ammai, the wife of the God Subrahmanya, whom they claim to have -been a Korava woman. - -Vallodi.--The name denotes a settlement in the Valluvanad taluk of -Malabar, and has been returned as a sub-division of Nayar and Samantan, -to which the Raja of Valluvanad belongs. - -Valluvan.--The Valluvans are summed up by Mr. H. A. Stuart [102] -as being "the priests of the Paraiyans and Pallans. Tiruvalluvar, -the famous Tamil poet, author of the Kural, belonged to this caste, -which is usually regarded as a sub-division of Paraiyans. It appears -that the Valluvans were priests to the Pallava kings before the -introduction of the Brahmans, and even for some time after it. [103] -In an unpublished Vatteluttu inscription, believed to be of the ninth -century, the following sentence occurs 'Sri Velluvam Puvanavan, the -Uvac'chan (Oc'chan) of this temple, will employ daily six men for -doing the temple service.' Again, the Valluvans must have formerly -held a position at least equal to that of the Vellalas, if the story -that Tiruvalluva Nayanar married a Vellala girl is true. [104] He -is said to have "refused to acknowledge the distinctions of caste, -and succeeded in obtaining a Vellala woman as his wife, from whom a -section of the Valluvans say it has its descent. As their ancestor -amused himself in the intervals between his studies by weaving, -they employ themselves in mending torn linen, but chiefly live by -astrology, and by acting as priests of Paraiyans, and officiating at -their funerals and marriages, though some refuse to take part in the -former inauspicious ceremony, and leave the duty to those whom they -consider impure Valluvans called Paraiya Tadas. Another section of the -Valluvans is called Alvar Dasari or Tavadadhari (those who wear the -necklace of tulsi beads). Both Saivites and Vaishnavites eat together, -but do not intermarry. Unlike Paraiyans, they forbid remarriage of -widows and even polygamy, and all males above twelve wear the sacred -thread." According to one account, the Valluvans are the descendants of -an alliance between a Brahman sage and a Paraiyan woman, whose children -complained to their father of their lowly position. He blessed them, -and told them that they would become very clever astrologers, and, -in consequence, much respected. At the Travancore census, 1901, the -Valluvans were defined as a sub-division of the Pulayas, for whom -they perform priestly functions. - -"Both men and women are employed as astrologers and doctors, and are -often consulted by all classes of people. In many villages they have -the privilege of receiving from each ryot a handful of grain during -the harvest time." [105] Of three Valluvans, whom I interviewed at -Coimbatore, one, with a flowing white beard, had a lingam wrapped up -in a pink cloth round the neck, and a charm tied in a pink cloth round -the right upper arm. Another, with a black beard, had a salmon-coloured -turban. The third was wearing a discarded British soldier's tunic. All -wore necklaces of rudraksha (Elæocarpus Ganitrus) beads, and their -foreheads were smeared with oblong patches of sandal paste. Each of -them had a collection of panchangams, or calendars for determining -auspicious dates, and a bundle of palm leaf strips (ulla mudyan) -inscribed with slokas for astrological purposes. Their professional -duties included writing charms for sick people, preparing horoscopes, -and making forecasts of good or evil by means of cabalistic squares -marked on the ground. Some Valluvans would have us believe that -those who officiate as priests are not true Valluvans, and that the -true Valluvan, who carries out the duties of an astrologer, will not -perform priestly functions for the Paraiyans. - -The most important sub-divisions of the Valluvans, returned at times of -census, are Paraiyan, Tavidadari, and Tiruvalluvan. From information -supplied to me, I gather that there are two main divisions, called -Arupathu Katchi (sixty house section) and Narpathu Katchi (forty house -section). The former are supposed to be descendants of Nandi Gurukkal, -and take his name as their gotra. The gotra of the latter is Sidambara -Sayichya Ayyamgar. Sidambara, or Chidambaram, is the site of one of -the most sacred Siva temples. The sub-division Alvar claims descent -from Tiruppan Alvar, one of the twelve Vaishnava saints. In the -Tanjore district, the Valluvans have exogamous septs or pattaperu, -named after persons, e.g., Marulipichan, Govindazhvan, etc. - -The Valluvans include in their ranks both Vaishnavites and -Saivites. The majority of the latter, both males and females, wear the -lingam. The affairs of the community are adjusted by a caste council -and there are, in most places, two hereditary officers called Kolkaran -and Kanakkan. - -At the betrothal ceremony the bride's money (pariyam), betel, jewels, -flowers, and fruit, are placed in the future bride's lap. The money -ranges from seven to ten rupees if the bridegroom's village is on the -same side of a river as the bride's, and from ten to twenty rupees if -it is on the other side. A small sum of money, called uramurai kattu -(money paid to relations) and panda varisai (money paid in the pandal), -is also paid by the bridegroom's party for a feast of toddy to the -relations. This is the proper time for settling caste disputes by the -village council. On the wedding day, the milk-post, consisting of a -green bamboo pole, is set up, and a number of pots, brought from the -potter's house, are placed near it. On the dais are set four lamps, -viz., an ordinary brass lamp, kudavilakku (pot light), alankara vilakku -(ornamental light), and paligai vilakku (seedling light). The bride and -bridegroom bring some sand, spread it on the floor near the dais, and -place seven leaves on it. Cotton threads, dyed with turmeric, are tied -to the pots and the milk-post. On the leaves are set cakes and rice, -and the contracting couple worship the pots and the family gods. The -Valluvan priest repeats a jumble of corrupt Sanskrit, and ties the -kankanams (threads) on their wrists. They are then led into the house, -and garlanded with jasmine or Nerium flowers. The pots are arranged on -the dais, and the sand is spread thereon close to the milk-post. Into -one of the pots the female relations put grain seedlings, and -four other pots are filled with water by the bridegroom's party. A -small quantity of the seedlings is usually wrapped up in a cloth, -and placed over the seedling pot. Next morning the bundle is untied, -and examined, to see if the seedlings are in good condition. If they -are so, the bride is considered a worthy one; if not, the bride is -either bad, or will die prematurely. The usual nalagu ceremony is next -performed, bride and bridegroom being anointed with oil, and smeared -with Phaseolus Mungo paste. This is followed by the offering of food -on eleven leaves to the ancestors and house gods. Towards evening, the -dais is got ready for its occupation by the bridal couple, two planks -being placed on it, and covered with cloths lent by a washerman. The -couple, sitting on the planks, exchange betel and paddy nine or twelve -times, and rice twenty-seven times. The priest kindles the sacred fire -(homam), and pours some ghi (clarified butter) into it from a mango -leaf. The bridegroom is asked whether he sees Arundati (the pole-star) -thrice, and replies in the affirmative. The tali is shown the sky, -smoked over burning camphor, and placed on a tray together with a -rupee. After being blessed by those present, it is tied round the -neck of the bride by the bridegroom, who has his right leg on her -lap. On the second day there is a procession through the village, -and, on the following day, the wrist-threads are removed. - -In some places, the Valluvans, at their marriages, like the Pallis -and some other castes, use the pandamutti, or pile of pots reaching -to the top of the pandal. - -The Saivite lingam wearers bury their dead in a sitting posture in -a niche excavated in the side of the grave. After death has set in, -a cocoanut is broken, and camphor burnt. The corpse is washed by -relations, who bring nine pots of water for the purpose. The lingam -is tied on to the head, and a cloth bundle, containing a rupee, seven -bilva (Ægle Marmelos) leaves, nine twigs of the tulsi (Ocimum sanctum), -and nine Leucas aspera flowers, to the right arm. The corpse is carried -to the grave on a car surmounted by five brass vessels. The grave is -purified by the sprinkling of cow's urine and cow-dung water before the -corpse is lowered into it. On the way to the burial-ground, the priest -keeps on chanting various songs, such as "This is Kailasa. This is -Kailasa thillai (Chidambaram). Our request is this. Nallia Mutthan -of the Nandidarma gotra died on Thursday in the month Thai in -the year Subakruthu. He must enter the fourth stage (sayichyam), -passing through Salokam, Samipa, and Sarupa. He crosses the rivers -of stones, of thorns, of fire, and of snakes, holding the tail of -the bull Nandi. To enable him to reach heaven safely, we pound rice, -and put lights of rice." The priest receives a fee for his services, -which he places before an image made on the grave after it has been -filled in. The money is usually spent in making a sacred bull, lingam, -or stone slab, to place on the grave. On the third day after death, -the female relatives of the deceased pour milk within the house into -a vessel, which is taken by the male relatives to the burial-ground, -and offered at the grave, which is cleaned. A small platform, made -of mud, and composed of several tiers, decreasing in size from below -upwards, is erected thereon, and surmounted by a lingam. At the north -and south corners of this platform, a bull and paradesi (mendicant) -made of mud are placed, and at each corner leaves are laid, on which -the offerings in the form of rice, fruits, vegetables, etc., are -laid. The final death ceremonies are celebrated on the seventeenth -day. A pandal (booth) is set up, and closed in with cloths. Within -it are placed a pot and five pestles and mortars, to which threads -are tied. Five married women, taking hold of the pestles, pound some -rice contained in the pot, and with the flour make a lamp, which is -placed on a tray. The eldest son of the deceased goes, with the lamp -on his head, to an enclosure having an entrance at the four cardinal -points. The enclosure is either a permanent one with mud walls, or -temporary one made out of mats. Within the enclosure, five pots are -set up in the centre, and four at each side. The pots are cleansed -by washing them with the urine of cows of five different colours, -red, white, black, grey, and spotted. Near the pots the articles -required for puja (worship) are placed, and the officiating priest -sits near them. The enclosure is supposed to represent heaven, and the -entrances are the gates leading thereto, before which food is placed on -leaves. The eldest son, with the lamp, stands at the eastern entrance, -while Siva is worshipped. The priest then repeats certain stanzas, -of which the following is the substance. "You who come like Siddars -(attendants in the abode of Siva) at midnight, muttering Siva's name, -why do you come near Sivapadam? I will pierce you with my trident. Get -away. Let these be taken to yamapuri, or hell." Then Siva and Parvati, -hearing the noise, ask "Oh! sons, who are you that keep on saying Hara, -Hara? Give out truly your names and nativity." To which the reply is -given "Oh! Lord, I am a devotee of that Being who graced Markandeya, -and am a Virasaiva by faith. I have come to enter heaven. We have -all led pure lives, and have performed acts of charity. So it is not -just that we should be prevented from entering. Men who ill-treat -their parents, or superiors, those addicted to all kinds of vice, -blasphemers, murderers, perverts from their own faith and priests, -and other such people, are driven to hell by the southern gate." At -this stage, a thread is passed round the enclosure. The son, still -bearing the lamp, goes from the eastern entrance past the south and -western entrances, and, breaking the thread, goes into the enclosure -through the northern entrance. The Nandikol (hereditary village -official) then ties a cloth first round the head of the eldest son, -and afterwards round the heads of the other sons and agnates. - -The Valluvans abstain from eating beef. Though they mix freely with -the Paraiyans, they will not eat with them, and never live in the -Paraiyan quarter. - -The Valluvans are sometimes called Pandaram or Valluva Pandaram. In -some places, the priests of the Valluvans are Vellala Pandarams. - -Valluvan.--A small inferior caste of fishermen and boatmen in -Malabar. [106] - -Valmika.--Valmika or Valmiki is a name assumed by the Boyas and Paidis, -who claim to be descended from Valmiki, the author of the Ramayana, who -did penance for so long in one spot that a white-ant hill (valmikam) -grew up round him. In a note before me, Valmiki is referred to as -the Spenser of India. In the North Arcot Manual, Valmikulu, as a -synonym of the Vedans, is made to mean those who live on the products -of ant-hills. - -Val Nambi.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "a -synonym for Mussad. Nambi is a title of Brahmans, and val means a -sword. The tradition is that the name arose from the ancestors of -the caste having lost some of the privileges of the Vedic Brahmans -owing to their having served as soldiers when Malabar was ruled by -the Brahmans prior to the days of the Perumals." - -Valuvadi.--The Valuvadis are returned, in the Madras Census Report, -1901, as cultivators in the Pudukottai State. I am informed that the -Valuvadis are a section of the Valaiyan caste, to which the Zamindar -of Nagaram belongs. The name Valuvadi was originally a title of -respect, appended to the name of the Nagaram Zamindars. The name -of the present Zamindar is Balasubramanya Valuvadiar. Thirty years -ago there is said to have been no Valuvadi caste. Some Valaiyans -in prosperous circumstances, and others who became relatives of the -Nagaram Zamindar by marriage, have changed their caste name, to show -that they are superior in social status to the rest of the community. - -Vamme.--A gotra of Janappans, the members of which abstain from eating -the fish called bombadai, because, when some of their ancestors went -to fetch water in the marriage pot, they found a number of this fish -in the water contained in the pot. - -Vana Palli.--A name, meaning forest Palli, assumed by some Irulas in -South Arcot. - -Vandikkaran.--An occupational name for Nayars who work as cartmen -(vandi, cart) for carrying fuel. - -Vandula or Vandi Raja.--A sub-division of Bhatrazu, named after one -Vandi, who is said to have been a herald at the marriage of Siva. - -Vangu (cave).--A sub-division of Irula. - -Vani.--"The Vanis or Bandekars," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [107] "have -been wrongly classified in the census returns (1891) as oil-pressers; -they are in reality traders. They are said to have come from Goa, -and they speak Konkani. Their spiritual guru is the head of the -Kumbakonam math." In the Census Report, 1901, it is noted that Vani, -meaning literally a trader, is a Konkani-speaking trading caste, of -which Bandekara is a synonym. "They ape the Brahmanical customs, and -call themselves by the curious hybrid name of Vaisya Brahmans." Hari -Chetti has been returned as a further synonym. - -Vaniyan.--The Vaniyans are, Mr. Francis writes, [108] "oil-pressers -among the Tamils, corresponding to the Telugu Gandlas, Canarese -Ganigas, Malabar Chakkans, and Oriya Tellis. For some obscure reason, -Manu classed oil-pressing as a base occupation, and all followers -of the calling are held in small esteem, and, in Tinnevelly, they -are not allowed to enter the temples. In consequence, however, of -their services in lighting the temples (in token of which all of them, -except the Malabar Vaniyans and Chakkans, wear the sacred thread), they -are earning a high position, and some of them use the sonorous title -of Joti Nagarattar (dwellers in the city of light) and Tiru-vilakku -Nagarattar (dwellers in the city of holy lamps). They employ Brahmans -as priests, practice infant marriage, and prohibit widow marriage, -usually burn their dead, and decline to eat in the houses of any -caste below Brahmans. However, even the washermen decline to eat with -them. Like the Gandlas they have two sub-divisions, Ottai-sekkan and -Irattai-sekkan, who use respectively one bullock and two bullocks in -their mills. Oddly enough, the former belong to the right-hand faction, -and the latter to the left. Their usual title is Chetti. The name -Vanuvan has been assumed by Vaniyans, who have left their traditional -occupation, and taken to the grain and other trades." - -"The word Vanijyam," Mr. H. A. Stuart informs us, [109] "signifies -trade, and trade in oil, as well as its manufacture, is the usual -employment of this caste, who assert that they are Vaisyas, and -claim the Vaisya-Apuranam as their holy book. They are said to have -assumed the thread only within the last fifty or sixty years, and are -reputed to be the result of a yagam (sacrifice by fire) performed by a -saint called Vakkuna Maharishi. The caste contains four sub-divisions -called Kamakshiamma, Visalakshiamma, Ac'chu-tali, and Toppa-tali, the -two first referring to the goddesses principally worshipped by each, -and the two last to the peculiar kinds of talis, or marriage tokens, -worn by their women. They have the same customs as the Beri Chettis, -but are not particular in observing the rule which forbids the eating -of flesh. A bastard branch of the Vaniyas is called the Pillai Kuttam, -which is said to have sprung from the concubine of a Vaniyan, who -lived many years ago. The members of this class are never found except -where Vaniyans live, and are supposed to have a right to be fed and -clothed by them. Should this be refused, they utter the most terrible -curse, and, in this manner, eventually intimidate the uncharitable -into giving them alms." In the Census Report, 1891, Mr. Stuart writes -further that the Vaniyans "were formerly called Sekkan (oil-mill man), -and it is curious that the oil-mongers alone came to be called Vaniyan -or trader. They have returned 126 sub-divisions, of which only one, -Ilai Vaniyan, is numerically important. One sub-division is Iranderudu, -or two bullocks, which refers to the use of two bullocks in working -the mill. This separation of those who use two bullocks from those -who employ only one is found in nearly every oil-pressing caste in -India. The Vaniyans of Malabar resemble the Nayars in their customs -and habits, and neither wear the sacred thread, nor employ Brahmans -as priests. In North Malabar, Nayars are polluted by their touch, but -in the south, where they are called Vattakadans, they have succeeded -in forcing themselves into the ranks of the Nayar community. A large -number of them returned Nayar as their main caste." In this connection, -Mr. Francis states [110] that followers of the calling of oil-pressers -(Chakkans) are "known as Vattakadans in South Malabar, and as Vaniyans -in North Malabar; but the former are the higher in social status, the -Nayars being polluted by the touch of the Vaniyans and Chakkans but -not by that of the Vattakadans. Chakkans and Vaniyans may not enter -Brahman temples. Their customs and manners are similar to those of -the Nayars, who will not, however, marry their women." - -Of the Vaniyans of Cochin, it is stated in the Cochin Census Report, -1901, that "they are Vaisyas, and wear the sacred thread. In regard -to marriage, inheritance, ceremonies, dress, ornaments, etc., there -is practically no difference between them and the Konkanis. But, as -they do not altogether abstain from meat and spirituous liquors, they -are not allowed free access to the houses of Konkanis, nor are they -permitted to touch their tanks and wells. They are Saivites. They -have their own priests, who are called Panditars. They observe -birth and death pollution for ten days, and are like Brahmans in -this respect. They are mostly petty merchants and shop-keepers. Some -can read and write Malayalam, but they are very backward in English -education." - -The oils expressed by the Vaniyans are said to be "gingelly (Sesamum -indicum), cocoanut, iluppei (Bassia longifolia), pinnei (Calophyllum -inophyllum), and ground-nut (Arachis hypogæa). According to the -sastras the crushing of gingelly seeds, and the sale of gingelly oil, -are sinful acts, and no one, who does not belong to the Vaniyan class, -will either express or sell gingelly oil." [111] - -When a Vaniyan dies a bachelor, a post-mortem mock ceremony is -performed as by the Ganigas, and the corpse is married to the arka -plant (Calotropis gigantea), and decorated with a wreath made of the -flowers thereof. - -Vankayala (brinjal or egg plant: Solanum Melongena).--An exogamous sept -of Golla. The fruit is eaten by Natives, and, stuffed with minced meat, -is a common article of Anglo-Indian dietary. - -Vanki (armlet).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Vannan.--The Vannans are washermen in the Tamil and Malayalam -countries. The name Vannan is, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [112] -"derived from vannam, beauty. There is a tradition that they are -descendants of the mythological hero Virabadra, who was ordered -by Siva to wash the clothes of all men, as an expiation of the sin -of putting many people to death in Daksha's Yaga. Hence the Tamil -washermen are frequently called Virabadran. Having to purify all -the filthy linen of the villagers, they are naturally regarded as -a low, unclean class of Sudras, and are always poor. They add to -their income by hiring out the clothes of their customers to funeral -parties, who lay them on the ground before the pall-bearers, so that -these may not step upon the ground, and by letting them out on the -sly to persons wishing to use them without having to purchase for -themselves. In social standing the Vannans are placed next below the -barbers. They profess to be Saivites in the southern districts, and -Vaishnavites in the north. The marriage of girls generally takes place -after puberty. Widow remarriage is permitted among some, if not all, -sub-divisions. Divorce may be obtained by either party at pleasure on -payment of double the bride-price, which is usually Rs. 10-8-0. They -are flesh-eaters, and drink liquor. The dead are either burned or -buried. The Pothara (or Podora) Vannans are of inferior status, because -they wash only for Paraiyans, Pallans, and other inferior castes." - -It is noted, in the Madura Manual, that those who have seen the -abominable substances, which it is the lot of the Vannans to make -clean, cannot feel any surprise at the contempt with which their -occupation is regarded. In the Tanjore Manual, it is recorded that, -in the rural parts of the district, the Vannans are not allowed to -enter the house of a Brahman or a Vellala; clothes washed by them -not being worn or mixed up with other clothes in the house until they -have undergone another wash by a caste man. - -It is on record that, on one occasion, a party of Europeans, when out -shooting, met a funeral procession on its way to the burial-ground. The -bier was draped in many folds of clean cloth, which one of the party -recognised by the initials as one of his bed-sheets. Another identified -as his sheet the cloth on which the corpse was lying. He cut off the -corner with the initials, and a few days later the sheet was returned -by the washerman, who pretended ignorance of the mutilation, and gave -as an explanation that it must have been done, in his absence, by one -of his assistants. On another occasion, a European met an Eurasian, -in a village not far from his bungalow, wearing a suit of clothes -exactly similar to his own, and, on close examination, found they -were his. They had been newly washed and dressed. - -The most important divisions numerically returned by Vannans at times -of census are Pandiyan, Peru (big), Tamil, and Vaduga (northerner). It -is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that Vannan "is -rather an occupational term than a caste title, and, besides the Pandya -Vannans or Vannans proper, includes the Vaduga Vannans or Tsakalas -of the Telugu country, and the Palla, Pudara, and Tulukka Vannans, -who wash for the Pallans, Paraiyans, and Musalmans respectively. The -Pandya Vannans have a headman called the Periya Manishan (big man). A -man can claim the hand of his paternal aunt's daughter. At weddings, -the bridegroom's sister ties the tali (marriage badge). Nambis -officiate. Divorce is freely allowed to either party on payment -of twice the bride-price, and divorcées may marry again. The caste -god is Gurunathan, in whose temples the pujari (priest) is usually -a Vannan. The dead are generally burnt, and, on the sixteenth day, -the house is purified from pollution by a Nambi." - -Some Vannans have assumed the name Irkuli Vellala, and Rajakan -and Kattavaraya vamsam have also been recorded as synonyms of the -caste name. - -The Vannans of Malabar are also called Mannan or Bannan. They are, -Mr. Francis writes, [113] "a low class of Malabar washermen, who wash -only for the polluting castes, and for the higher castes when they -are under pollution following births, deaths, etc. It is believed -by the higher castes that such pollution can only be removed by -wearing clothes washed by Mannans, though at other times these cause -pollution to them. The washing is generally done by the women, and the -men are exorcists, devil-dancers and physicians, even to the higher -castes. Their women are midwives, like those of the Velakkatalavan -and Velan castes. This caste should not be confused with the Mannan -hill tribe of Travancore." - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that "the Mannans, -a makkattayam caste of South Malabar, apparently identical with the -marumakkattayam Vannans of the north, are a caste of washermen; and -their services are indispensable to the higher castes in certain -purificatory ceremonies when they have to present clean cloths -(mattu). They are also devil-dancers and tailors. They practice -fraternal polyandry in the south. Mannans are divided into two -endogamous classes, Peru-mannans (peru, great), and Tinda-mannans -(tinda, pollution); and, in Walavanad, into four endogamous classes -called Choppan, Peru-mannan, Punnekadan, and Puliyakkodam. The -Tinda-mannan and Puliyakkodam divisions perform the purificatory -sprinklings for the others." - -The services of the Mannan, Mr. T. K. Gopal Panikkar writes, [114] -"are in requisition at the Nayar Thirandukalianam ceremonies on the -attainment of puberty by a girl, when they sing ballads, and have -to bring, for the girl's use, the mattu or sacred dress. Then, -on occasions of death pollution, they have a similar duty to -perform. Among the Nayars, on the fourth, or rarely the third day -after the menses, the woman has to use, during her bath, clothes -supplied by Mannan females. The same duty they have to perform -during the confinement of Nayar females. All the dirty cloths and -bed sheets used, these Mannan females have to wash." Mr. S. Appadorai -Iyer informs us that those Mannans who are employed by the Kammalan, -or artisan class, as barbers, are not admitted into the Mannan caste, -which follows the more honourable profession of washing clothes. The -Mannans perform certain ceremonies in connection with Mundian, -the deity who is responsible for the weal or woe of cattle; and, -at Puram festivals, carry the vengida koda or prosperity umbrella, -composed of many tiers of red, green, orange, black and white cloth, -supported on a long bamboo pole, before the goddess. - -It is recorded by Bishop Whitehead [115] that, in various places in -Malabar, there are temples in honour of Bhagavati, at which the pujaris -(priests) are of the Vannan caste. "There is an annual feast called -gurusi tarpanam (giving to the guru) about March, when the hot weather -begins, and the people are at leisure. Its object is to appease the -wrath of the goddess. During the festival, the pujari sits in the -courtyard outside the temple, thickly garlanded with red flowers, -and with red kunkuma marks on his forehead. Goats and fowls are then -brought to him by the devotees, and he kills them with one blow of -the large sacrificial sword or chopper. It is thought auspicious for -the head to be severed at one blow, and, apparently, pujaris who are -skilful in decapitation are much in request. When the head is cut -off, the pujari takes the carcase, and holds it over a large copper -vessel partly filled with water, turmeric, kunkuma, and a little rice, -and lets the blood flow into it. When all the animals are killed, the -pujari bails out the blood and water on the ground, uttering mantrams -(sacred lines or verses) the while. The people stand a little way -off. When the vessel is nearly empty, the pujari turns it upside -down as a sign that the ceremony is ended. During these proceedings, -a number of Vannans, dressed in fantastic costumes, dance three times -round the temple. During the festival, processions are held round the -various houses, and special swords with a curved hook at the end, -called palli val (great or honourable sword), are carried by the -worshippers. These swords are worshipped during the Dusserah festival -in October, and, in some shrines, they form the only emblem of the -deity. The Tiyans have small shrines in their own gardens sacred -to the family deity, which may be Bhagavati, or some demon, or the -spirit of an ancestor. Once a year, Vannans come dressed in fancy -costume, with crowns on their heads, and dance round the courtyard -to the sound of music and tom-toms, while a Tiyan priest presents the -family offerings, uncooked rice and young cocoanuts, with camphor and -incense, and then rice fried with sugar and ghi (clarified butter)." - -In an account of the Tiyans, Mr. Logan writes [116] that "this -caste is much given to devil-charming, or devil-driving as it is -often called. The washermen (Vannan) are the high priests of this -superstition, and with chants, ringing cymbals, magic figures, and -waving lights, they drive out evil spirits from their votaries of -this caste at certain epochs in their married lives. One ceremony -in particular, called teyyattam--a corrupt form of Deva and attam, -that is, playing at gods--takes place occasionally in the fifth month -of pregnancy. A leafy arbour is constructed, and in front of it is -placed a terrible figure of Chamundi, the queen of the demons, made -of rice flour, turmeric powder, and charcoal powder. A party of not -less than eighteen washermen is organized to represent the demons and -furies--Kuttichattan (a mischievous imp), and many others. On being -invoked, these demons bound on to the stage in pairs, dance, caper, -jump, roar, fight, and drench each other with saffron (turmeric) -water. Their capers and exertions gradually work up their excitement, -until they are veritably possessed of the devil. At this juncture, -fowls and animals are sometimes thrown to them, to appease their -fury. These they attack with their teeth, and kill and tear as -a tiger does his prey. After about twenty minutes the convulsions -cease, the demon or spirit declares its pleasure, and, much fatigued, -retires to give place to others; and thus the whole night is spent, -with much tom-tomming and noise and shouting, making it impossible, -for Europeans at least, to sleep within earshot of the din." - -Vannattan.--A synonym of Veluttedan, the caste of washermen, who wash -for Nayars and higher castes. - -Vanni Kula Kshatriya.--A synonym of the Pallis, who claim to belong -to the fire race of Kshatriyas. - -Vanniyan.--A synonym of Palli. The name further occurs as a -sub-division of Ambalakaran and Valaiyan. Some Maravans also are -known as Vanniyan or Vannikutti. Ten (honey) Vanniyan is the name -adopted by some Irulas in the South Arcot district. - -Vantari.--See Telaga. - -Vanuvan.--A name assumed by Vaniyans who have abandoned their -hereditary occupation of oil-pressing, and taken to trade in grain -and other articles. - -Varakurup.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a title -of Malayalam Paravans. - -Varige (millet).--An exogamous sept of Kapu. - -Variyar.--For the following note on the Variyar section of the -Ambalavasis, I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. The name is -believed to be derived from Parasava, which, according to Yajnavalkya -and other law-givers, is the name given to the son of a Brahman -begotten on a Sudra woman, and suggests the fact that the Variyar -is no Brahman, though the blood of the latter may course through -his veins, and though such marriages were regarded as sacraments -in early days. This is the derivation given by Pachumuttalu in -his Keralaviseshamahatmya, who adds that the chief occupation -of the Variyars is to sweep the floor of the temples. In some of -the Asauchavidhis (works on pollution) of Kerala, the commentator -explains the word Parasava as Variya. Many Variyars add the title -Parasava to their name, when writing in Sanskrit. Some derive the -word from varija or one born of water, in accordance with a tradition -that Parasurama created from water a class of persons for special -service in temples, and to take the place of Sudras, who, being -meat-eaters, were ineligible for the same. Others again, like the -late Professor Sundaram Pillay, would take Variyar as being derived -from varuka, to sweep. Recently, some ingenuity has been displayed -in splitting the word into two words, giving it a meaning equivalent -to pseudo-Aryan. The title Asan, or teacher, is possessed by certain -families, whose members have held the hereditary position of tutors in -noblemen's houses. In mediæval times, many Variyar families received -royal edicts, conferring upon them the privileges of being tutors -and astrologers. These special rights are even now possessed by them. - -The following legend is narrated concerning the origin of the -Variyars. A Sudra woman removed a bone from within a temple -in obedience to the wish of certain Brahman priests, and was -excommunicated from her caste. The priests, on hearing this, were -anxious to better her condition, and made her the progenitor of a -class of Ambalavasis or temple servants, who were afterwards known -as Variyars. According to another legend, the corpse of a Maran, -which was found inside a Nambutiri's house, was promptly removed by -certain Nayars, who on that account were raised in the social scale, -and organised into a separate caste called Variyar. There is a still -further tradition that, in the Treta Yuga, a Sudra woman had five -sons, the first of whom became the progenitor of the Tiyatunnis, -and the second that of Variyars. A fourth account is given in the -Keralamahatmya. A young Brahman girl was married to an aged man. Not -confident in unaided human effort, under circumstances such as hers, -she devoted a portion of her time daily to preparing flower garlands -for the deity of the nearest temple, and conceived. But the Brahman -welcomed the little stranger by getting the mother thrown out of -caste. Her garlands could no longer be accepted, but, nothing daunted, -she worked as usual, and made a mental offering of the garlands she -prepared, which, through an unseen agency, became visible on the person -of the deity. Though the people were struck with shame at their unkind -treatment of the innocent girl, they were not prepared to take her -back. The Variyan caste was accordingly constituted, and her child -was brought up by the Azhancheri Tambrakkal, and accommodated in the -padippura or out-house at the entrance gate. In the Pasupata Tantra, -the Variyars are called Kailasavasins, or those who live in Kailas, -as they are supposed to be specially devoted to the worship of -Siva. Kailasa is the abode of Siva, whither the blessed go after death. - -The Variyars of Travancore are divided into four groups, -called Onattukara, Venattukara, Ilayetattunad (or Ilayathu), and -Tekkumkur. The Venattukaras have the privilege of interdining with the -Onattukaras, and having their ceremonies performed by priests from that -group. But the ceremonies of the Onattukaras appear to be performed -without the Venattukaras being admitted into their midst. The third -and fourth groups take food in the houses of the first and second, -though the reverse seldom happens. The Variyars in British Malabar -are divided into several other groups. - -The Variyars are generally well-read, especially in Sanskrit, make -excellent astrologers, and are also medical practitioners. A Variyar's -house is called variyam, as the Pisharati's is known as pisharam. - -Married women have the hair-knot on the left side of the head, -like Nayar ladies. They cover the breast with a folded cloth, and -never wear a bodice or other innovations in the matter of dress. The -marriage ornament is called matra, and is in the shape of a maddalam -or drum. Other neck ornaments are called entram and kuzhal. The todu, -or ornament of Nayar women, is worn in the ear-lobes. Women mark -their foreheads, like Nambutiri ladies, with sandal paste. - -The Variyars, Pushpakans, and Pisharatis, are said to constitute -the three original garland-making castes of Malabar, appointed by -Parasurama. At the present day, in all the important temples, except -in South Travancore, where Kurukkals perform that function, garlands -can only be prepared by one of these castes. The technical occupation -of a Variyar in a temple is called kazhakam, which is probably derived -from the Dravidian root kazhaku, to cleanse. Kazhakam is of two kinds, -viz., malakkazhakam or garland-making service, and talikkazhakam -or sweeping service, of which the former is more dignified than the -latter. Under the generic term kazhakar are included making flower -garlands for the temple, preparing materials for the offering of food, -sweeping the beli offering, carrying lights and holding umbrellas when -the god is carried in procession, having the custody of the temple -jewels, etc. The Variyar is at the beck and call of the temple priest, -and has to do sundry little services from morning till evening. He is -remunerated with some of the cooked food, after it has been offered to -the deity. The Variyars are to Saivite temples what the Pisharatis are -to Vaishnavite temples. Their prayers are prominently addressed only -to Siva, but they also worship Vishnu, Subramanya, Sasta, Ganesa, and -Bhadrakali. Their chief amusement is the farce called Kuttappathakam, -the hero of which is one Vankala Nikkan, and the heroine Naityar. An -Ilayatu is the stage-manager, and a Pisharati the actor. Parangotan -is the buffoon, and Mappa his wife. In the eighteenth century, a -grand festival lasting over twenty-eight days, called mamangam, was -celebrated in British Malabar. The above characters are represented -as proceeding to this festival, which came off once in twelve years -on the Magha asterism in the month of Magha, and is hence popularly -called Mahamagha. - -The Variyar caste is governed in all matters by the Nambutiri Brahmans, -but they have their own priests. The Ilayatus believe that they were -the preceptors of all the Ambalavasi castes in former times, but -were dislodged from that position owing to most of them employing -priests from among their own caste men. Even at the present day, -Ilayatus are known to express their displeasure when they are asked -to drink water from a Variyar's well. As, however, consecrated water -from the Nambutiris is taken to a Variyar for its purification, they -entertain no scruples about cooking their food there, provided they -carry with them the aupasana fire. - -Inheritance among the Variyars of Cochin and British Malabar is in -the female line (marumakkathayam). Among the Variyars of Travancore, -chiefly these belonging to the Onattukara section, a kind of qualified -makkathayam prevails, in accordance with which both sons and daughters -have an equal right to inherit ancestral property. The eldest male -member is entitled to the management of the estate in all undivided -families. Partition, however, is largely followed in practice. - -The tali-kettu ceremony of the Variyars generally takes place before -a girl reaches puberty, and, in the case of boys, after the ceremony -of Sivadiksha has been performed, that is between the twelfth and -sixteenth years. If the marriage is in the kudi-vaippu form, or, -in other words, if there is an intention on the part of both parties -to treat the marital alliance as permanent, no separate sambandham -need be celebrated afterwards; and, in all cases where marriages are -celebrated between members of the same section, the kudi-vaippu form -is in vogue. If a girl is unmarried when she reaches puberty, she is -not permitted to take part in any religious ceremonies, or enter any -temple until she is married. The first item of a Variyar's marriage is -ayani-unu, when the bridegroom, decked in new clothes and ornaments, -dines sumptuously with his relations. He then goes in procession -to the bride's house, and, after bathing, puts on clothes touched -by the bride. After this some prayers are recited, and a sacrifice -is offered. The bride is then brought to the marriage hall, and, all -the Brahmanical rites are strictly observed. After sunset, some grass -and a leopard's skin are placed on the floor on which white cloth is -spread. The bridegroom, who is seated on the northern side, worships -Ganapati, after which the couple take their seats on the cloth bed -spread on the floor. Lights are then waved in front of them. This -ceremony is known as dikshavirikkuka. In the kudi-vaippu form of -marriage, the bride is taken to the house of the bridegroom, where -the dikshavirippu is observed. Otherwise the marital rite becomes -a mere tali-kattu ceremony, and the girl, when she comes of age, -may receive clothes in token of conjugal connection with another -person. When the first husband dies, clothes may be received from -another Variyar, or a Brahman, whose wife the woman becomes. - -Most of the ceremonies observed by Malayali Brahmans are also performed -by the Variyars, the vratas and upanayana being among those which -are omitted. Sivadiksha, as already indicated, is observed between -the twelfth and sixteenth years. The festival lasts for four days, -though the religious rites are over on the first day. At an auspicious -hour, the priest and the Variyar youth put on the tattu dress, or -dress worn for ceremonial purposes, and worship a pot full of water -with incense and flowers, the contents of which are then poured by the -priest over the youth. The priest and a Maran then perform the tonsure, -and the youth bathes. Some Nambutiris are then engaged to perform the -purificatory rite, after which the Variyar wears the tattu as well as -an upper cloth, marks his forehead with ashes and sandal paste, and -decorates himself with jewels, rudraksha (Elæocarpus Ganitrus) beads, -and flowers. Alms are received by the young Variyar from his mother, -and he takes seven steps in a northerly direction which symbolise his -pilgrimage to Benares. It is only after the performance of this rite -that the Variyar is believed to become a grihastha (married person, -as opposed to a bachelor). The funeral rites of the caste have been -elaborated in many places. Death pollution lasts for twelve days, -and the sanchayana (milk ceremony) is observed on the seventh or -ninth day. Anniversary ceremonies are celebrated in memory of close -relations, and others are propitiated by the performance of sradh, -and the feeding of a Variyar on a new-moon day. - -In an account of a royal wedding in Travancore in 1906, I read that -"a number of Variyars left the thevarathu koikal, or palace where -worship is performed, for a compound (garden) close by to bring -an areca palm. It is supposed that they do this task under divine -inspiration and guidance. One man is given a small rod by the Potti or -priest in the palace, and, after receiving this, he dances forward, -followed by his comrades, and all wend their way to a compound about -a furlong away. On reaching the spot, they uproot a big areca palm -without the use of any implement of iron, and take it away to the -thevarathu koikal without its touching the ground, to the accompaniment -of music. They then plant it in front of the portico, and do some puja -(worship) after the manner of Brahmans. The function is comparable to -the dhwajarohanam, or hoisting of the flag during temple utsavams. The -Variyars dance round the tree, singing songs, and performing puja. A -piece of white cloth is tied to the top of the tree, to serve as a -flag, and a lamp is lighted, and placed at the foot of the tree." - -The Variyars are described, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, as "a caste -whose traditional duty is to sweep the temple precincts (varuga). At -the present day, some members of the caste are important land-owners or -petty chieftains, occupying a very high social position. They generally -follow the marumakkatayam principle, but they have also a form of -marriage called Kudivekkal similar to the Brahman Sarvasvadhanam, -by which the wife is adopted as a member of the family into which -she marries, and her children also belong to it. The Variyar's names -and ceremonies indicate Sivaite proclivities, just as those of the -Pisharodi are tinged with Vishnavism. The Variyar's house is called -a Variyam, and his woman-folk Varassiars. This class is perhaps the -most progressive among the Ambalavasis, some of its members having -received a Western education and entered the learned professions." - -Varugu Bhatta.--A mendicant class, which begs from Perikes. - -Varuna.--Some Pattanavan fishermen have adopted the name of Varunakula -Vellala or Varunakula Mudali after Varuna the god of the waters. - -Vasa (new).--A sub-division of Kurubas, who are said to weave only -white blankets. - -Vasishta.--A Brahmanical gotra adopted by Khatris and -Toreyas. Vasishta, one of the seven great Rishis, was the son of -Mitra and Varuna, whose quarrels with Viswamitra are narrated in -the Ramayana. - -Vastra.--One division of the Koragas is called Vastra, meaning -cloths such as are used as a shroud for a corpse, which were given to -them as an act of charity, the wearing of new cloths by them being -prohibited. Vastrala (cloth) further occurs as an exogamous sept of -the Karna Sale and Devanga weavers. - -Vattakadan.--Recorded as a sub-division of Nayar, the occupation of -which is expressing oil, chiefly for use in temples. Mr. F. Fawcett -writes [117] that, in North Malabar, he has frequently been told by -Nayars of the superior classes that they do not admit the Vattakadans -to be Nayars. According to them, the Vattakadans have adopted the -honorary affix Nayar to their names quite recently. In the Madras -Census Report, 1891, Vattakadan is stated to be a synonym of Vaniyan; -and in the report, 1901, this name is said to mean a Native of -Vattakad, and to be given to the Chakkans. - -Vatte (camel).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Vatti.--Vatti or Vattikurup has been recorded at times of census as a -sub-division of Nayar, and a synonym of Kavutiyan and Tolkollan. Vatti -is said to mean one who prays for happiness. - -Vayani.--The Vayanis, Vayinis, Vaguniyans, or Pavinis, are a section of -Madigas, the members of which play on a single-stringed mandoline, and -go about from village to village, singing the praises of the village -goddesses. Each Vayani has his recognised beat. He plays a prominent -part in the celebration of the annual festival of the village goddess, -and receives a sacred thread (kappu), which is usually tied to his -mandoline, before the commencement of the festival. He regards himself -as superior in social position to ordinary Madigas, with whom he will -not marry. The name Vayani is said to be a corruption of varnane, -meaning to describe. In some localities, e.g., the Chingleput district, -the Vayani enjoys mirasi rights in connection with land. - -Vedan.--The Vedans are described by Mr. H. A. Stuart, in the -North Arcot Manual, as having been "formerly hunters and soldiers, -and it is this caste which furnished a considerable and valuable -contingent to the early Hindu kings, and later to the armies of -Hyder and Tippoo. They are supposed by some to be the remnants of the -earliest inhabitants of the peninsula, and identical with the Veddahs -of Ceylon. They are also called Valmikulu, which means those who live -on the products of ant-hills (valmikum)." It is noted, in the Census -Report, 1891, that the two castes Bedar (or Boya) and Vedan were, -"through a misapprehension of instructions, treated as identical in -the tabulation papers. The two words are, no doubt, etymologically -identical, the one being Canarese and the other Tamil, but the -castes are quite distinct." It may be noted that the name Valmika -or Valmiki is assumed by the Boyas, who claim descent from Valmiki, -the author of the Ramayana, who did penance for so long in one spot -that a white-ant hill grew up round him. - -In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the Vedans are described as "a -Tamil-speaking labouring and hunting caste, the members of which -were formerly soldiers, and subsequently dacoits. The name means a -hunter, and is loosely applied to the Irulas in some places (e.g., -Chingleput). There is some connection between the Vedans and Tamil -Vettuvans, but its precise nature is not clear. The Vettuvans now -consider themselves superior to the Vedans, and are even taking to -calling themselves Vettuva Vellalas. Marriage (among the Vedans) -is either infant or adult. Widows may marry their late husband's -brother or agnates. Some employ Brahmans as priests. They either burn -or bury their dead. They claim descent from Kannappa Nayanar, one of -the sixty-three Saivite saints. Ambalakarans also claim to be descended -from Kannappa Nayanar. In Tanjore, the Valaiyans declare themselves to -have a similar origin. The title of the Vedans is Nayakkan." In the -Madura Manual, the Vedans are described as a very low caste, who get -their living in the jungles. They are not numerous now. They appear -to have been naked savages not very long ago, and their civilisation -is far from complete. They are held in the greatest contempt by -men of all classes. They are described further, in the Coimbatore -Manual, as "a very degraded, poor tribe, living by basket-making, -snaring small game, and so on. They speak a low Canarese, and are -as simple as savage. The delight of a party at the gift of a rupee -is something curious." In the Salem district some Vedans are said -[118] to be "known by the caste name Tiruvalar, who are distinguished -as the Kattukudugirajati, a name derived from a custom among them, -which authorises temporary matrimonial arrangements." - -The following story in connection with bears and Vedans is worthy of -being placed on record. The bears are said to collect ripe wood-apples -(Feronia elephantum) during the season, and store them in the -forest. After a small quantity has been collected, they remove the rind -of the fruits, and heap together all the pulp. They then bring honey -and petals of sweet-smelling flowers, put them on the heap of pulp, -and thresh them with their feet and with sticks in their hands. When -the whole has become a consistent mass, they feed on it. The Vedan, who -knows the season, is said to drive off the bears by shooting at them, -and rob them of their feast, which is sold as karadi panchamritham, -or bear delicacy made of five ingredients. - -The Vedars of Travancore are summed up by the Rev. S. Mateer [119] -as "living in jungle clearings or working in the rice fields, and -formerly sold and bought as slaves. They have to wander about in -seasons of scarcity in search of wild yams, which they boil and eat -on the spot, and are thorough gluttons, eating all they can get at -any time, then suffering want for days. Polygamy is common, as men -are not required to provide for the support of their wives. Some, -who have been converted to Christianity, show wonderful and rapid -improvement in moral character, civilisation and diligence." - -For the following note on the Mala (hill) Vedans of Travancore, I -am indebted to Mrs. J. W. Evans. [120] "They live in wretched huts -amid the rice-flats at the foot of the hills, and are employed by -farmers to guard the crops from the ravages of wild beasts. The upper -incisor teeth of both men and women are filed to a sharp point, like -crocodile's fangs. One ugly old man, Tiruvatiran by name (the name of -a star), had the four teeth very slightly filed. On being pressed for -the reason why he had not conformed to Mala Vedar fashion, he grinned, -and said 'What beauty I was born with is enough for me.' Probably -the operation had been more painful than he could bear, or, may be, -he could not afford to pay the five betel leaves and areca nuts, -which are the customary fee of the filer. Any man may perform the -operation. A curved bill-hook, with serrated edge, is the instrument -used. On being asked whether they had any tradition about the custom -of tooth-filing, they replied that it was to distinguish their caste, -and the god Chattan would be angry if they neglected the custom. It -may be noted that tooth-filing is also practiced by the jungle Kadirs -(q.v.). Both males and females wore a cotton loin-cloth, mellowed by -wear and weather to a subtle greenish hue. Red and blue necklaces, -interstrung with sections of the chank shell (Turbinella rapa) adorned -the necks and chests. One woman was of special interest. Her neck -and breasts were literally concealed by a medley of beads, shells, -brass bells, and two common iron keys--these last, she said, for -ornament. Around her hips, over her cloth, hung several rows of -small bones of pig and sambar (Cervus unicolor). The Mala Vedans -find these bones in the jungle. An aged priest said that he used -to perform devil-dancing, but was now too stiff to dance, and had -to labour like the younger men. The Mala Vedans apparently possess -no temples or shrines, but Hindus permit them to offer money at the -Hindu shrines from a distance, at times of sudden sickness or during -other seasons of panic. Their god Chattan, or Sattan, has no fixed -abode, but, where the Mala Vedans are, there is he in the midst of -them. They bury their dead in a recumbent posture, near the hut of the -deceased. The Mala Vedans practice the primitive method of kindling -fire by the friction of wood (also practiced by the Kanakars), and, -like the Kanakars, they eat the black monkey. Their implements are -bill-hooks, and bows and arrows. They weave grass baskets, which are -slung to their girdles, and contain betel, etc." - -The more important measurements of twenty-five Mala Vedans examined -by myself were-- - - - Max. Min. Average. - - Stature (cm.) 163.8 140.8 154.2 - Cephalic index 80.9 68.8 73.4 - Nasal index 102.6 71.1 85.0 - - -The figures show that, like other primitive jungle tribes in Southern -India, the Mala Vedans are short of stature, dolichocephalic, -and platyrhine. - -The following menstrual ceremony has been described [121] as occurring -among the Vedans of Travancore. "The wife at menstruation is secluded -for five days in a hut a quarter of a mile from her home, which is -also used by her at childbirth. The next five days are passed in a -second hut, half way between the first and her house. On the ninth -day her husband holds a feast, sprinkles his floor with wine, and -invites his friends to a spread of rice and palm wine. Until this -evening, he has not dared to eat anything but roots, for fear of -being killed by the devil. On the tenth day he must leave his house, -to which he may not return until the women, his and her sister have -bathed his wife, escorted her home, and eaten rice together. For four -days after his return, however, he may not eat rice in his own house, -or have connection with his wife." - -Vedunollu.--A gotra of Ganigas, members of which may not cut Nyctanthes -Arbor-tristis. The flowers thereof are much used in Hindu worship, -as the plant is supposed to have been brought from heaven by Krishna -for his wife Satyabhama. - -Veginadu.--A sub-division of Komatis, who belong to the Vegi or Vengi -country, the former name of part of the modern Kistna district. The -Vegina Komatis are said to have entered the fire-pits with the caste -goddess Kanyakamma. - -Vekkali Puli (cruel-legged tiger).--An exogamous section of Kallan. - -Vel (lance).--A sub-division of Malayalam Paraiyans, and an exogamous -sept or sub-division of Kanikars in Travancore. Velanmar (spearmen) -occurs as a name for the hill tribes of Travancore. - -Velakkattalavan.--Velakkattalavan or Vilakkattalavan is stated in the -Travancore Census Report, 1901, to indicate chieftains among barbers, -and to be the name for members of families, from which persons -are selected to shave kings or nobles. In the Madras Census Report, -1891, Velakkattalavan is said to be "the name in South Malabar of the -caste that shaves Nayars and higher castes. The same man is called -in North Malabar Valinchiyan, Navidan, or Nasiyan. In dress and -habits the caste resembles Nayars, and they call themselves Nayars in -the south. Many returned their main caste as Nayar. The females of -this caste frequently act as midwives to Nayars. In North Malabar, -the Valinchiyan and Nasiyan follow the Nayar system of inheritance, -whereas the Navidan has inheritance in the male line; but, even amongst -the latter, tali-kettu and sambandham are performed separately by -different bridegrooms. In South Malabar the caste generally follows -descent in the male line, but in some places the other system is also -found." Sudra Kavutiyan is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, -1901, as a synonym of Velakkatalavan. - -Velama.--The Velamas, or, as they are sometimes called, Yelamas, -are a caste of agriculturists, who dwell in the Telugu country and -Ganjam. Concerning them Mr. H. A. Stuart writes as follows. [122] -"Who the Velamas were it seems difficult to decide. Some say they form -a sub-division of the Balijas, but this they themselves most vehemently -deny, and the Balijas derisively call them Guna Sakala (or Tsakala) -vandlu (hunch-backed washermen). The pride and jealousy of Hindu -castes was amusingly illustrated by the Velamas of Kalahasti. The -Deputy Tahsildar of that town was desired to ascertain the origin of -the name Guni Sakalavandlu, but, as soon as he asked the question, a -member of the caste lodged a complaint of defamation against him before -the District Magistrate. The nickname appears to have been applied -to them, because, in the northern districts, some print chintzes, -and, carrying their goods in a bundle on their backs, walk stooping -like a laden washerman. This derivation is more than doubtful, for, -in the Godavari district, the name is Guna Sakalavandlu, guna being -the big pot in which they dye the chintzes. Some Velamas say that -they belong to the Kammas, but divided from them in consequence of -a difference of opinion on the subject of gosha, most Velama females -being now kept in seclusion. [In the Kurnool Manual it is noted that -the Velama women are supposed to be gosha, but, owing to poverty, the -rule is not strictly observed.] Both Kammas and Velamas, before they -divided, are said to have adopted gosha from the Muhammadans, but, -finding that they were thus handicapped in their competition with -other cultivating castes, it was proposed that the original custom -of their ancestors should be reverted to. Those who agreed signed a -bond, which, being upon palm leaf, was called kamma, and from it they -took this name. The dissentients retained gosha, and were therefore -called outsiders or Velamas. This does not, however, explain what -the original name of the caste was, and the truth of the story is -doubtful. Since this dispute, the Velamas have themselves had a split -on the subject of gosha, those who have thrown it off being called Adi -or original Velamas, and the others Padma Velamas. The Velamas seem -to have come south with the Vijayanagara kings, and to have been made -Menkavalgars, from which position some rose to be Poligars. Now they -are chiefly the hangers-on of poligars or cultivators. To distinguish -them from the Vellalas in the southern taluks, they call themselves -Telugu Vellalas, but it seems very improbable that the Velamas and -Vellalas ever had any connection with one another. They are styled -Naidus." [The Velamas style themselves Telugu Vellalas, not because -of any connection between the two castes, but because they are at the -top of the Telugu castes as the Vellalas are of the Tamil castes. For -the same reason, Vellalas are sometimes called Arava (Tamil) Velamalu.] - -The most important sub-divisions returned by the Velamas at the -census, 1891, were Kapu, Koppala, Padma, Ponneti, and Yanadi. "It -is," the Census Superintendent writes, "curious to find the Yanadi -sub-division so strongly represented, for there is at the present -day a wide gulf between Velamas and Yanadis" (a Telugu forest -tribe). In the Vizagapatam Manual, a class of cultivators called -Yanadulu is referred to; and, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, -it is recorded that entries under the name Yanati "were clubbed with -Yanadi; but it has since been reported that, in Bissam-Acuttack taluk -of the Vizagapatam Agency, there is a separate caste called Yanati -or Yeneti Dora which is distinct from Yanadi." It would appear that, -as in the south, the Velamas call themselves Telugu Vellalas, so in -the north they call themselves Yanatis. - -Concerning the Guna Velamas, the Rev. J. Cain writes [123] that "in -years gone by, members of this class, who were desirous of getting -married, had to arrange and pay the expenses of two of the Palli -(fisherman) caste, but now it is regarded as sufficient to hang up a -net in the house during the time of the marriage ceremony." The custom -had its origin in a legend that, generations ago, when all the members -of the caste were in danger of being swept off the face of the earth -by some of their enemies, the Pallis came to the rescue with their -boats, and carried all the Guna Velamas to a place of safety. The -Guna Velamas, Mr. Cain continues, were "formerly regarded as quite -an inferior caste, but, as many members of it have been educated in -Anglo-Vernacular schools, they have found their way into almost every -department and risen in the social scale. Their caste occupation is -that of dyeing cloth, which they dip into large pots (gunas). The term -Guna Tsakala is one of reproach, and they much prefer being called -Velamalu to the great disgust of the Raca (Raja) Velamalu." To the -Raca Velama section belong, among other wealthy land-owners, the -Rajas of Bobbili, Venkatagiri, Pittapur, and Nuzvid. At the annual -Samasthanam meeting, in 1906, the Maharaja of Bobbili announced that -"none of the Velamavaru were working in any of the offices at the time -when I first came to Bobbili. There were then a small number acting -as mere supervisors without clerical work. Only from the commencement -of my administration these people have been gradually taken into the -office, and induced to read at the High School." - -For the following note on the Velamas who have settled in the -Vizagapatam district, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The -following sub-divisions of the caste may be noted:-- - -(1) Pedda or Padma found chiefly in the Bobbili taluk. Those composing -it are said to be the descendants of the military followers and -dependents of Pedda Rajudu, the founder of the Bobbili family, who -received a territorial grant in 1652 from Sher Muhammad Khan, the -Moghul Fauzdar of Chicacole. It is to this sub-division that Orme -refers, when he says [124] that they "esteem themselves the highest -blood of Native Indians, next to the Brahmans, equal to the Rajpoots, -and support their pre-eminence by the haughtiest observances, insomuch -that the breath of a different religion, and even of the meaner -Indians, requires ablution; their women never transfer themselves to a -second, but burn with the husband of their virginity." The remarriage -of widows is forbidden, and women remain gosha (in seclusion), -and wear gold or silver bangles on both wrists, unlike those of the -Koppala section. The title of members of this sub-division is Dora. - -(2) Kamma Velama found chiefly in the Kistna district, from which -some families are said to have emigrated in company with the early -Rajas of Vizianagram. They are met with almost solely in the town of -Vizianagram. The remarriage of widows is permitted, but females are -gosha. The title is Nayudu. - -(3) Koppala, or Toththala, who do not shave their heads, but tie -the hair in a knot (koppu) on the top of the head. They are divided -into sections, e.g., Naga (cobra), Sankha (chank shell, Turbinella -rapa), Tulasi (Ocimum sanctum), and Tabelu (tortoise). These -have no significance so far as marriage is concerned. They are -further divided into exogamous septs, or intiperulu, of which the -following are examples:--Nalla (black), Doddi (court-yard, cattle-pen -or sheep-fold), Reddi (synonym of Kapu). The custom of menarikam, -by which a man marries his maternal uncle's daughter, is observed. A -Brahman officiates at marriages. Widows are permitted to remarry seven -times, and, by an unusual custom, an elder brother is allowed to marry -the widow of his younger brother. Women wear on the right wrist a -solid silver bangle called ghatti kadiyam, and on the left wrist two -bangles called sandelu, between which are black glass bangles, which -are broken when a woman becomes a widow. The titles of members of this -sub-division are Anna, Ayya, and, when they become prosperous, Nayudu. - -In a note on the Velamas of the Godavari district, Mr. F. R. Hemingway -writes that they "admit that they always arrange for a Mala couple -to marry, before they have a marriage in their own houses, and that -they provide the necessary funds for the Mala marriage. They explain -the custom by a story to the effect that a Mala once allowed a Velama -to sacrifice him in order to obtain a hidden treasure, and they say -that this custom is observed out of gratitude for the discovery of -the treasure which resulted. The Rev. J. Cain gives [125] a similar -custom among the Velamas of Bhadrachalam in the Godavari district, -only in this case it is a Palli (fisherman) who has to be married." - -There is, a correspondent informs me, a regular gradation in the -social scale among the Velamas, Kammas, and Kapus, as follows:-- - - - Velama Dora = Velama Esquire. - Kamma Varu = Mr. Kamma. - Kapu. - - -A complaint was once made on the ground that, in a pattah (title-deed), -a man was called Kamma, and not Kamma Varu. - -It is noted by Mr. H. G. Prendergast [126] that the custom of sending -a sword to represent an unavoidably absent bridegroom at a wedding -is not uncommon among the Telugu Razus and Velamas. - -Velampan (rope-dancer).--Possibly a name for the Koravas of Malabar, -who perform feats on the tight-rope. - -Velan.--As a diminutive form of Vellala, Velan occurs as a title -assumed by some Kusavans. Velan is also recorded as a title of -Paraiyans in Travancore. (See Panan.) - -For the following note on the Velans of the Cochin State, I am indebted -to Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna Iyer. [127] - -The Velans, like the Panans, are a caste of devil-dancers, sorcerers -and quack doctors, and are, in the northern parts of the State, called -Perumannans or Mannans (washermen). My informant, a Perumannan at -Trichur, told me that their castemen south of the Karuvannur bridge, -about ten miles south of Trichur, are called Velans, and that they -neither interdine nor intermarry, because they give mattu (a washed -cloth) to carpenters to free them from pollution. The Mannans, who -give the mattu to Izhuvans, do not give it to Kammalans (artisan -classes), who are superior to them in social status. The Velans at -Ernakulam, Cochin, and other places, are said to belong to eight -illams. A similar division into illams exists among the Perumannans -of the Trichur taluk. The Perumannans of the Chittur taluk have no -knowledge of this illam division existing among them. - -The following story was given regarding the origin of the Velans and -Mannans. Once upon a time, when Parameswara and his wife Parvati were -amusing themselves, the latter chanced to make an elephant with earth, -which was accidentally trodden on by the former, whence arose a man who -stood bowing before them. He was called the Mannan because he came out -of man (earth), and to him was assigned his present occupation. This -tradition is referred to in the songs which are sung on the fourth -day of a girl's first menses, when she takes a ceremonial bath to -free her from pollution. - -The Velans are found all over the southern parts of the State, as -their brethren are in the northern parts. They live in thatched huts -in cocoanut gardens, while the Mannans occupy similar dwellings in -small compounds either of their own, or of some landlord whose tenant -they may be. - -When a girl attains puberty, she is at once bathed, and located in a -room in the hut. Her period of seclusion is four days. On the morning -of the fourth day, she is seated in a pandal (booth) put up in front -of the hut, and made to hold in her hand a leafy vessel filled with -rice, a few annas and a lighted wick, when a few of the castemen -sing songs connected with puberty till so late as one or two o'clock, -when the girl is bathed. After this, the castemen and women who are -invited are feasted along with the girl, who is neatly dressed and -adorned in her best. Again the girl takes her seat in the pandal -and the tunes begin, and are continued till seven or eight o'clock -next morning, when the ceremony comes to an end. The songsters are -remunerated with three paras of paddy (unhusked rice), twenty-eight -cocoanuts, thirteen annas and four pies, and two pieces of cloth. The -songs are in some families postponed till the sixteenth day, or to -the day of the girl's marriage. Very poor people dispense with them -altogether. The following is a translation of one of the songs. - -One day a girl and her friends were playing merrily on the banks of -a river, when one of them noticed some blood on her dress. They took -her home, and her parents believed it to have been caused by some -wound, but on enquiry knew that their daughter was in her menses. The -daughter asked her mother as to what she did with the cloth she wore -during her menses, when she was told that she bathed and came home, -leaving it on a branch of a mango tree. On further enquiry, she knew -that the goddess Ganga purified herself by a bath, leaving her cloth -in the river; that the goddess earth buried it in earth; and that -Panchali returned home after a bath, leaving her dress on a branch of -a banyan tree. Unwilling to lose her dress, the girl went to the god -Parameswara, and implored his aid to get somebody to have her cloth -washed. When muttering a mantram (prayer), he sprinkled some water, -a few drops of which went up and became stars, and from a few more, -which fell on the leaves of a banyan tree, there came out a man, -to whom was assigned the task of washing the cloths of the women in -their courses, wearing which alone the women are purified by a bath. - -When a young man of the Velan caste has attained the marriageable -age, his father and maternal uncle select a suitable girl as a wife, -after a proper examination and agreement of their horoscopes. The -preliminaries are arranged in the hut of the girl, and a portion of -the bride's price, fifteen fanams, is paid. The auspicious day for the -wedding is fixed, and the number of guests that should attend it is -determined. The wedding is celebrated at the girl's hut, in front of -which a shed is put up. The ceremony generally takes place at night. A -few hours before it, the bridegroom and his party arrive at the bride's -hut, where they are welcomed, and seated on mats spread on the floor -in the pandal (shed). At the auspicious hour, when the relatives on -both sides and the castemen are assembled, the bridegroom's enangan -(relation by marriage) hands over a metal plate containing the wedding -suit, the bride's price, and a few packets of betel leaves and nuts -to the bride's enangan, who takes everything except the cloth to -be given to the bride's mother, and returns the plate to the same -man. The bridegroom's sister dresses the bride in the new cloth, and -takes her to the pandal, to seat her along with the bridegroom, and to -serve one or two spoonfuls of milk and a few pieces of plantain fruit, -when the bride is formally declared to be the wife of the young man and -a member of his family. The guests assembled are treated to a feast, -after which they are served with betel leaves, nuts, and tobacco. The -rest of the night is spent in merry songs and dancing. The songs refer -to the marriage of Sita, the wife of Rama, of Subhadra, wife of Arjuna, -and of Panchali, wife of the Pandavas. Next morning, the bride's party -is treated to rice kanji (gruel) at eight o'clock, and to a sumptuous -meal at twelve o'clock, after which they repair to the bridegroom's -hut, accompanied by the bride, her parents and relations, all of -whom receive a welcome. The formalities are gone through here also, -and the bride's party is feasted. On the fourth morning, the newly -married couple bathe and dress themselves neatly, to worship the deity -at the local temple. After dinner they go to the bride's hut, where -they spend a week or two, after which the bridegroom returns to his -hut with his wife. It is now that the bride receives a few ornaments, -a metal dish for taking meals, a lamp, and a few metal utensils, which -vary according to the circumstances of her parents. Henceforward, the -husband and wife live with the parents of the former in their family. - -Among the Mannans of the northern parts of the State, the following -marriage customs are found to prevail. The bridegroom's father, -his maternal uncle, enangan, and the third or middle man, conjointly -select the girl after due examination and agreement of horoscopes. The -preliminaries are arranged as before, and the day for the wedding is -determined. At the auspicious moment on the wedding day, when the -relatives on both sides and the castemen are assembled at the shed -in front of the bride's hut, the bridegroom's father takes up a metal -plate containing the wedding dress, the bride's price (twelve fanams), -and a few bundles of betel leaves, nuts and tobacco, and repeats a -formula, of which the substance runs thus. "A lighted lamp is placed -in the shed. Four mats are spread round it in the direction of east, -west, north and south. A metal plate, containing rice, flowers and -betel leaves, is placed in front of the lamp, and the elderly members -of the caste and the relatives on both sides are assembled. According -to the traditional custom of the caste, the young man's father, -maternal uncle, enangan, and the middle man conjointly selected the -girl after satisfying themselves with due agreement of horoscopes, -and ascertaining the illams and kriyams on both sides. They have -negotiated for the girl, and settled the day on which the marriage is -to take place. In token of this, they have taken meals in the bride's -family. The claims of the girl for two pieces of cloth for the Onam -festival, two fanams or nine annas for Thiruwatira (a festival in -Dhanu, i.e., December-January), and Vishu, are satisfied, and she is -by the young man taken to the village festival. They have now come -for the celebration of the wedding. There have been times when he -has heard of 101 fanams as the price of the bride, and has seen 51 -fanams as the price of the same, but it is now 21 fanams. It thus -varies, and may be increased or diminished according to the will, -pleasure, and means of the parties. With four fanams as the price -of the bride and eight fanams for ornaments, and with the bundles -of betel leaves, nuts, and the wedding dress in a metal plate, may -I, ye elderly members, give it to the girl's parents?" "Shall I," -answers the girl's father, "accept it?" Receiving it, he gives it -to his brother-in-law, who gives it to the enangan, and he takes -everything in it except the wedding suit, which he hands over to the -bridegroom's enangan, who gives it to the bridegroom's sister, to have -the bride dressed in it. The other portions of the ceremony are the -same as those described above. In Palghat and the Chittur taluk, the -following declaration is made. "According to the customary traditions -of the caste, when a young man of one locality comes to tame a girl -of another locality, and takes her as his wife, ye elderly members -assembled here, may these four bundles of betel leaves, four measures -of rice, two pieces of cloth, and ten fanams be given to the bride's -parents?" "Shall these be accepted?" says the bride's enangan. When -the bride accompanies the bridegroom to his hut, the following formal -statement is made. "Thrash thou mayst, but not with a stick. Thou -mayst not accuse her of bad conduct. Thou mayst not cut off her ears, -breasts, nose and tufts of hair. Thou mayst not take her to a tank -(to bathe), or to a temple (for swearing). Thou mayst keep and protect -her as long as thou wantest. When thou dost not want her, give her -maintenance, and take back the children, for they are thine own." - -Polygamy is not prohibited, but is rarely practiced by the Velans and -Mannans. They are very poor, and find it difficult to support their -wives and children born in a single married life. Want of children, -bodily defect or incurable disease, or want of additional hands for -work, may sometimes induce them to take more than one wife. Polyandry -does not prevail among the Velans, but is common among the Mannans -of the northern parts of the State. A Velan woman who loses her -husband may marry another of her caste, if she likes, a year after her -husband's death. The formalities of the wedding consist in the husband -giving two pieces of cloth to the woman who wishes to enter into -wedlock with him. After this she forfeits all claim on the property -of her former husband. Among the Mannans, a widow may marry any one of -her brothers-in-law. A woman committing adultery with a member of her -own caste is well thrashed. One who disposes of herself to a member of -a lower caste is sent out of caste. She may then become a Christian -or Muhammadan convert. If an unmarried young woman becomes pregnant, -and this is known to her castemen, they convene a meeting, and find -out the secret lover, whom they compel to take her as his wife. Very -often they are both fined, and the fine is spent on toddy. Both among -the Velans and Mannans, divorce is easy. A man who does not like his -wife has only to take her to her original home and give charge of -her to her parents, informing them of the circumstances which have -induced him to adopt such a course. A woman who does not like her -husband may relinquish him, and join her parents. In both cases, -the woman is at liberty to marry again. - -When a woman is pregnant, the ceremony of pulikuti (drinking of -tamarind juice) is performed for her during the ninth month at the -hut of her husband. The juice is extracted from tamarind (Tamarindus -indica), kotapuli (Garcinia Cambogia), nerinjampuli (Hibiscus -surattensis) and the leaves of ambazhampuli (Spondias mangifera). A -large branch of ambazhampuli is stuck in the ground in the central -courtyard, near which the pregnant woman is seated. The husband gives -her three small spoonfuls, and then seven times with her cherutali -(neck ornament) dipped in the juice. Among the washermen, the woman's -brother gives it three times to her. Should her sister-in-law give it -in a small vessel, she has a claim to two pieces of cloth. After this, -a quarter measure of gingelly (Sesamum) oil is poured upon her head, -to be rubbed all over her body, and she bathes, using Acacia Intsia -as soap. Those of her relatives and the castemen who are invited -are sumptuously fed. Some of them crack jokes by asking the pregnant -woman to promise her baby son or daughter to theirs when grown up. All -bless her for a safe delivery and healthy child. - -A woman who is about to become a mother is lodged in a separate room -for her delivery, attended by her mother and one or two grown-up women, -who act as midwives. The period of pollution is fifteen days. For -the first three days the woman is given a dose of dried ginger mixed -with palmyra (Borassus flabellifer) jaggery (crude sugar), and for -the next three days a mixture of garlic and jaggery. Her diet during -the first three days is rice kanji with scrapings of cocoanut, which -are believed to help the formation of the mother's milk. For the next -three days, the juice of kotapuli (Garcinia Cambogia), cumin seeds, -and kotal urikki (Achyranthes aspera), and of the leaves of muringa -(Moringa pterygosperma) is given, after which, for a few more days, -a dose of the flesh of fowl mixed with mustard, cumin seeds and uluva -(Trigonella foenum-græcum) boiled in gingelly oil is taken. She bathes -in water boiled with medicinal herbs on the fourth, seventh, ninth, -eleventh, and sixteenth days. On the morning of the sixteenth day, -her enangathi (enangan's wife) cleans her room with water mixed with -cow-dung, and sweeps the compound. Wearing a mattu (washed cloth) -brought by a washerman, she bathes to be freed from pollution. She -may now enter the hut, and mingle with the rest of the family. - -Among Velans and Mannans, the sons inherit the property of their -fathers, but they are very poor, and have little or nothing to inherit. - -Velans and Mannans practice magic and sorcery. All diseases that -flesh is heir to are, in the opinion of these people, caused by -malignant demons, and they profess to cure, with the aid of their -mantrams and amulets, people suffering from maladies. The muttering -of the following mantram, and throwing of bhasmam (holy ashes), -in propitiation of the small-pox demon is believed to effect a cure. - -(1) Om, Oh! thou, Pallyamma, mother with tusk-like teeth, that in -demoniacal form appearest on the burning ground called omkara, with -burning piles flaming around, with one breast on one of thy shoulders, -and playing with the other as with a ball, with thy tongue stretched -out and wound round thy head, with grass, beans, and pepper in thy -left hand, with gingelly seeds and chama grains in thy right hand, -that scatterest and sowest broadcast the seeds of small-pox; Oh! let -the seeds that thou hast sown, and those that thou hast not sown, -dry up inside, and get charred outside. Be thou as if intoxicated -with joy! Protect thou, protect thou! - -(2) Malign influence of birds on children. - -Oh! thou round-eyed, short Karinkali with big ears, born from the -third incessantly burning eye of Siva, come, come and be in possession. - -If this mantram be muttered sixteen times, and bhasmam thrown over -the body of a child, the operator breathing violently the while, -a cure will be effected. If the mantram be muttered in a vessel of -water the same number of times, and the child bathed in it, the cure -will be equally effective. - -(3) To cure fits and fever. - -Oh! thou swine-faced mother, thou catchest hold of my enemy, coming -charging me, by the neck with thy tusks thrust into his body; draggest -him on the ground, and standest slowly chewing and eating, thrusting -thy tusks, rubbing again, and wearing down his body, chewing once -more and again; thou, mother that controllest 41,448 demons presiding -over all kinds of maladies, seventy-two Bhiravans, eighteen kinds of -epileptic fits (korka), twelve kinds of muyalis and all other kinds -of illness, as also Kandakaranans (demons with bell-shaped ears), -be under my possession so long as I serve thee. - -This mantram should be repeated sixteen times, with bhasmam thrown -on the body of the patient. - -(4) Oh! Bhadrakali, thou hast drunk the full cup. Oh! thou that holdest -the sword of royalty in thy right hand, and that half sittest on a high -seat. Place under control, as I am piously uttering the mantrams to -serve thee, all demons, namely Yakshi, Gandharvan, Poomalagandharvan, -Chutali, Nirali, Nilankari, Chuzali, and many others who cause all -kinds of illness that flesh is heir to. Oh! holy mother, Bhadrakali, -I vow by my preceptor. - -(5) For devil driving. - -Oh! thou, Karinkutti (black dwarf) of Vedapuram in Vellanad, that -pluckest the fruits of the right hand branch of the strychnine tree -(Strychnos Nux-vomica), and keepest toddy in its shell, drinking the -blood of the black domestic fowl, drumming and keeping time on the -rind of the fruit, filling and blowing thy pipe or horn through the -nose. Oh! thou primeval black dwarf, so long as I utter the proper -mantrams, I beg thee to cause such demons as would not dance to dance, -and others to jump and drive them out. Oh! thou, Karinkutti, come, -come, and enable me to succeed in my attempts. - -(6) Oh! thou goddess with face. Oh! thou with face like that of a bear, -and thou, a hunter. I utter thy mantrams and meditate upon thee, and -therefore request thee to tread upon my enemies, burst open their -bodies to drink their blood, and yawn to take complete rest; drive -out such demons as cause convulsions of the body both from within -and without, and all kinds of fever. Scatter them as dust. I swear -by thee and my preceptor. Swahah. - -(7) For the evil eye. - -Salutations to thee, Oh! God. Even as the moon wanes in its brightness -at the sight of the sun, even as the bird chakora (Eraya) disappears -at the sight of the moon; even as the great Vasuki (king of serpents) -vanishes at the sight of chakora; even as the poison vanishes from -his head; so may the potency of his evil eye with thy aid vanish. - -(8) To cause delay in the occurrence of menses. - -Salutation to thee, Oh! Mars (the son of the goddess Earth). - -If this mantram is muttered on a thread dyed yellow with turmeric, -and if the thread be placed on both the palms joined together, and if -the number of days to which the occurrence of the menses should be -delayed be thought of, the postponement will be procured by wearing -it either round the neck or the loins. The thread with a ring attached -to it, and worn round the neck is equally effective. - -(9) To prevent cows from giving milk. - -Om, Koss, dry up the liquid, kindly present me with thy gracious -aspect. Oh! thou with the great sword in thy hands, the great -trident, dry up the cow's udder even as a tiger, I swear by thee and -my preceptor. - -(10) To cause cows to give milk. - -Even as the swelling on the holy feet of Mahadeva due to the bite -of a crocodile has subsided and gone down, so go down. I swear by -my preceptor. - -(11) To remove a thorn from the sole of the foot. - -When Parameswara and Parvathi started on their hunting expedition, -a thorn entered the foot of her lady-ship. It was doubted whether it -was the thorn of a bamboo, an ant, or a strychnine tree. Even so may -this poison cease to hurt, Oh! Lord. I swear by my preceptor. - -(12) To effect metamorphosis. - -Take the head of a dog and burn it, and plant on it vellakutti -plant. Burn camphor and frankincense, and adore it. Then pluck the -root. Mix it with the milk of a dog and the bones of a cat. A mark -made with the mixture on the forehead will enable any person to assume -the figure of any animal he thinks of. - -(13) Before a stick of the Malankara plant, worship with a lighted -wick and incense. Then chant the Sakti mantram 101 times, and mutter -the mantram to give life at the bottom. Watch carefully which way -the stick inclines. Proceed to the south of the stick, and pluck the -whiskers of a live tiger, and make with them a ball of the veerali -silk, string it with silk, and enclose it within the ear. Stand on -the palms of the hand to attain the disguise of a tiger, and, with -the stick in hand, think of a cat, white bull, or other animal. Then -you will, in the eyes of others, appear as such. - -(14) Take the nest of a crow from a margosa tree, and bury it at the -cremation ground. Then throw it into the house of your enemy. The -house will soon take fire. - -(15) Take the ashes of the burial-ground on which an ass has been -rolling on a Saturday or Sunday, and put it in the house of your -enemy. The members of the family will soon quit the house, or a severe -illness will attack them. - -The Velans and Mannans are animists, and worship demoniacal gods, -such as Chandan, Mundian, Kandakaranan, Karinkutti, and Chathan. All -of them are separately represented by stones located underneath a -tree in the corners of their compounds. Offerings of sheep, fowls, -plantain fruits, cocoanuts, parched rice and beaten rice, are made to -them on the tenth of Dhanu (last week in December), on a Tuesday in -Makaram (January-February), and on Kumbham Bharani (second asterism -in March-April). They also adore the goddess Bhagavathi and the -spirits of their departed ancestors, who are believed to exercise -their influence in their families for good or evil. Sometimes, when -they go to Cranganore to worship the goddess there, they visit the -senior male members of the local Nayar, Kammalan and Izhuvan families -to take leave of them, when they are given a few annas with which -they purchase fowls, etc., to be given as offerings to the local -goddess. Wooden or metal images, representing the spirits of their -ancestors, are located in a room of their huts, and worshipped with -offerings on New Moon and Sankranti nights. - -The Velans and Mannans either burn or bury the dead. The son is the -chief mourner who performs the funeral rites, and the nephews and -brothers take part in them. Their priests are known as Kurup, and -they preside at the ceremonies. Death pollution lasts for sixteen -days, and on the morning of the sixteenth day the hut of the dead -person is well swept and cleansed by sprinkling water mixed with -cowdung. The members of the family, dressed in the mattu (a washed -cloth worn before bathing) brought by the washerman, bathe to be free -from pollution. The castemen, including their friends and relations, -are invited and feasted. A similar funeral feast is also held at the -end of the year. - -The chief occupation of the Velans and Mannans is the giving of -mattu to Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Anthalarajatis, Nayars, Kammalans -and Izhuvans, for wearing before going to bathe on the day on which -they are freed from pollution. A girl or woman in her courses on -the morning of the fourth day, a woman in confinement on the fifth, -ninth, eleventh and sixteenth days, and all the members of a family -under death pollution on the sixteenth day, have to use it. They -bathe wearing the washed cloth, and return it as soon as the bath is -over. It may either belong to the washerman, or have been previously -given to him by the members of the family. He gets an anna or a -measure of paddy for his service to a woman in her menses, and a -para of paddy or six annas for birth and death pollutions. The Velans -give the mattu to all the castes above mentioned, while the Mannans -refuse to give it to the Kammalans, and thereby profess themselves to -be superior in status to them. They wash clothes to dress the idols -in some of the high caste temples. Their washing consists in first -plunging the dirty cloths in water mixed with cowdung, and beating -them on a stone by the side of a tank (pond), canal or river, and -again immersing them in water mixed with wood ashes or charamannu, -after which they are exposed to steam for a few hours, and again beaten -on the stone, slightly moistening in water now and then, until they -are quite clean. They are then dried in the sun, and again moistened -with a solution of starch and indigo, when they are exposed to the -air to dry. When dry, they are folded, and beaten with a heavy club, -so as to be like those ironed. The Velans of the Cranganore, Cochin, -and Kanayannur taluks, climb cocoanut trees to pluck cocoanuts, -and get about eight to ten annas for every hundred trees they go -up. They make umbrellas. Some among them practice magic and sorcery, -and some are quack doctors, who treat sickly children. Some are now -engaged in agricultural operations, while a few make beds, pillows, -and coats. There are also a few of them in every village who are -songsters, and whose services are availed of on certain ceremonial -occasions, namely, on the bathing day of a girl in her first menses, -on the wedding night, and when religious ceremonies are performed, and -sacrifices offered to their gods. Some are experts in drum-beating, -and are invited by low caste people of the rural parts. The Mannans -also follow the same occupations. - -The Velans and Mannans eat at the hands of all castes above them, -namely, Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Nayars, and Izhuvans. The former take -food from Kammalans, while the latter abstain from so doing. They do -not eat the food prepared by Kaniyans, Panans, Vilkurups, or other -castes of equal or inferior status. They have to stand at a distance -of twenty-four feet from Brahmans. They have their own barbers, and -are their own washermen. They stand far away from the outer wall -of the temples of high castes. They are not allowed to take water -from the wells of high caste Sudras, nor are they allowed to live in -their midst. - -The following note on the Velans of Travancore has been furnished by -Mr. N. Subramani Iyer. - -The word Velan has been derived from vel a spear, and also from vela -work. The usual title of the Velans is Panikkan. They are believed -to be divided into four classes, viz., Bharata Velan, Vaha Velan, -Pana Velan, and Manna Velan. While the last of these sections, in -addition to their traditional occupation, are washermen and climbers -of areca palm trees, the Pana Velans take sawing as a supplementary -employment. Some of the members of the first and second classes are -also physicians. This classification is gradually going out of vogue. - -The Velans are said traditionally to have been descended from Siva, -who, on one occasion, is believed to have removed the evil effects of -the sorcery of demons upon Vishnu by means of exorcism. As this kind -of injury began to increase among men, a man and woman were created -by this deity, to prevent its dire consequences. In the Keralolpatti, -this caste is mentioned as Velakkuruppu. But at present the Puranadis, -who are the barbers and priests of this class, are known by this -name. A Puranadi means one who stands outside, and is not admitted -as of equal rank with the Velans proper. The Puranadis are not -washermen. Commensal relations exist only between the male members -of the Velans and Puranitis (Puranadi females). - -The Velans perform a number of useful services in the body politic of -Malabar. In the Keralolpatti their duty is said to be the nursing of -women in their confinement. In the Kerala-Visesha-Mahatmya, exorcism, -climbing of trees, and washing clothes, are mentioned as their -occupations. There are various kinds of exorcism, the chief being Velan -Tullal and Velan Pravarti. The former is a kind of masque performed by -the Velans for warding off the effects of the evil eye, and preventing -the injurious influences of demons and spirits. Atavi is a peculiar -female divinity worshipped by the caste, by whose help these feats are -believed to be performed in the main. She, and a host of minor gods and -goddesses, are represented by them, and a dance commences. After it is -over, all the characters receive presents. Velan Pravarti, or Otuka, -may either last for eleven days, or may be finished on a minor scale -within three days, and in emergent cases even in one day. A Puranadi -acts as buffoon, and serves the purpose of a domestic servant on -the occasion. This is called Pallipana when performed in temples, -Pallipperu when in palaces, and Velan Pravarti or Satru-eduppu in -the case of ordinary people. This is also done with a view to prevent -the effect of the evil eye. On the first day, a person representing -the enchanted man or woman is placed in a temporary shed built for -the purpose, and lights are waved before him. On the third day, a -pit is dug, and a cock sacrificed. On the fourth day, the Pattata -Bali, or human sacrifice, takes place. A person is thrown into a -pit which is covered with a plank of wood, upon which sacrifices are -offered. The buried person soon resuscitates himself, and, advancing -as if possessed, explains the cause of the disease or calamity. On -the eighth day, figures of snakes, in gold or silver, are enclosed -in small copper vessels, and milk and fruit are offered to them. On -the ninth day, the Velans worship the lords of the eight directions, -with Brahma or the creator in the midst of them. On the tenth day, -there is much festivity and amusement, and the Mahabharata is sung -in a condensed form. The chief of the Velans becomes possessed, and -prays that, as the Pandavas emerged safely from the sorcery of the -Kauravas, the person affected by the calamity may escape unhurt. On -the last day, animals are sacrificed at the four corners of the -compound surrounding the house. No special rite is performed on the -first day, but the Ituvanabali, Kuzhibali, Pattatabali, Kitangubali, -Patalabali, Sarakutabali, Pithabali, Azhibali, Digbali, and Kumpubali, -are respectively observed during the remaining ten days. The Pana, -of which rite the breaking of cocoanuts is the most important item, -completes this long ceremony. It was once supposed that the Bharata -Velans exorcised spirits in the homes of high caste Hindus, the same -work being done among the middle classes by the Vaha Velans, and -among the low by the Manna Velans. This rule does not hold good at -the present day. The Velans are also engaged in the event of bad crops. - -Besides standing thirty-two feet apart from Hindu temples, and -worshipping the divinities therein, the Velans erect small sanctuaries -for Siva within their own compounds, called Kuriyala. They worship -this deity in preference to others, and offer tender cocoanuts, fried -rice, sugar, and plantain fruits to him on the Uttradam day in the -month of August. - -Velanati (foreign).--A sub-division of Kapus, and other Telugu castes, -and of Telugu Brahmans. - -Velanga (wood apple: Feronia elephantum).--An exogamous sept of -Muka Dora. - -Velichchapad.--Of the Velichchapads, or oracles, of Malabar, the -following account is given by Mr. F. Fawcett. [128] "Far away in -rural Malabar, I witnessed the ceremony in which the Velichchapad -exhibited his quality. It was in the neighbourhood of a Nayar house, -to which thronged all the neighbours (Nayars), men and women, boys -and girls. The ceremony lasts about an hour. The Nayar said it was -the custom in his family to have it done once a year, but could give -no account of how the custom originated; most probably in a vow, -some ancestor having vowed that, if such or such benefit be received, -he would for ever after have an annual performance of this ceremony -in his house. It involved some expenditure, as the Velichchapad had -to be paid, and the neighbours had to be fed. Somewhere about the -middle of the little courtyard, always as clean as a dinner table, -the Velichchapad placed a lamp (of the Malabar pattern) having a -lighted wick, a kalasam (brass vessel), some flowers, camphor, saffron -(turmeric) and other paraphernalia. Bhagavati was the deity invoked, -and the business involved offering flowers, and waving a lighted wick -round the kalasam. The Velichchapad's movements became quicker, and, -suddenly seizing his sword (nandakam), he ran round the courtyard -(against the sun, as sailors say) shouting wildly. He is under the -influence of the deity who has been introduced into him, and he gives -oracular utterances to the deity's commands. What he said I know not, -and no one else seemed to know or care in the least, much interested -though they were in the performance. As he ran, every now and then -he cut his forehead with the sword, pressing it against the skin -and sawing vertically up and down. The blood streamed all over his -face. Presently he became wilder and wilder, and whizzed round the -lamp, bending forward towards the kalasam. Evidently some deity, -some spirit was present here, and spoke through the mouth of the -Velichchapad. This, I think, undoubtedly represents the belief of -all who were present. When he had done whizzing round the kalasam, -he soon became a normal being, and stood before my camera. The -fee for the self-inflicted laceration is one rupee, some rice, -etc. I saw the Velichchapad about three days afterwards, going to -perform elsewhere. The wound on his forehead had healed. The careful -observer can always identify a Velichchapad by the triangular patch -over the forehead, where the hair will not grow, and where the skin -is somewhat indurated." - -Veliveyabadina Razu.--The name, denoting Razus who were thrown out, -of a class said to be descended from Razus who were excommunicated -from their caste. [129] - -Veliyam.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a title -of Nayars. In the same report Veliyattu is described as synonymous -with Pulikkappanikkan, a sub-division of Nayar. - -Vellaikaran (white man).--A Tamil name for European. - -Vellala.--"The Vellalas," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [130] "are -the great farmer caste of the Tamil country, and they are strongly -represented in every Tamil district. The word Vellalan is derived from -vellanmai [vellam, water, anmai, management?] meaning cultivation, -tillage. Dr. Oppert [131] considers Vellalan to be etymologically -connected with Pallan, Palli, etc., the word meaning the lord of -the Vallas or Pallas. The story of their origin is as follows. Many -thousands of years ago, when the inhabitants of the world were rude -and ignorant of agriculture, a severe drought fell upon the land, and -the people prayed to Bhudevi, the goddess of the earth, for aid. She -pitied them, and produced from her body a man carrying a plough, -who showed them how to till the soil and support themselves. His -offsprings are the Vellalas, who aspire to belong to the Vaisya -caste, since that includes Govaisyas, Bhuvaisyas, and Dhanavaisyas -(shepherds, cultivators and merchants). A few, therefore, constantly -wear the sacred thread, but most put it on only during marriages or -funerals as a mark of the sacred nature of the ceremony." - -The traditional story of the origin of the Vellalas is given as -follows in the Baramahal Records. [132] "In ancient days, when the -God Paramesvaradu and his consort the goddess Parvati Devi resided -on the top of Kailasa Parvata or mount of paradise, they one day -retired to amuse themselves in private, and by chance Visvakarma, the -architect of the Devatas or gods, intruded on their privacy, which -enraged them, and they said to him that, since he had the audacity -to intrude on their retirement, they would cause an enemy of his to -be born in the Bhuloka or earthly world, who should punish him for -his temerity. Visvakarma requested they would inform him in what -part of the Bhuloka or earthly world he would be born, and further -added that, if he knew the birth place, he would annihilate him with -a single blow. The divine pair replied that the person would spring -up into existence from the bowels of the earth on the banks of the -Ganga river. On this, Visvakarma took his sword, mounted his aerial -car, and flew through the regions of ether to the banks of the Ganga -river, where he anxiously waited the birth of his enemy. One day -Visvakarma observed the ground to crack near him, and a kiritam or -royal diadem appeared issuing out of the bowels of the earth, which -Visvakarma mistook for the head of his adversary, and made a cut at -it with his sword, but only struck off the kiritam. In the meantime, -the person came completely out of the earth, with a bald pate, -holding in his hand a golden ploughshare, and his neck encircled -with garlands of flowers. The angry Visvakarma instantly laid hold -on him, when the Gods Brahma, Vishnu and Siva, and the supporters -of the eight corners of the universe, appeared in all their glory, -and interceded for the earth-born personage, and said to Visvakarma -thou didst vow that thou wouldst annihilate him with a single blow, -which vow thou hast not performed; therefore with what justice hast -thou a second time laid violent hands on him? Since thou didst not -succeed in thy first attempt, it is but equitable that thou shouldst -now spare him. At the intercession and remonstrance of the gods, -Visvakarma quitted his hold, and a peace was concluded between him and -his enemy on the following stipulation, viz., that the pancha jati, -or five castes of silversmiths, carpenters, ironsmiths, stone-cutters, -and braziers, who were the sons of Visvakarma, should be subservient to -the earth-born person. The deities bestowed on the person these three -names. First Bhumi Palakudu or saviour of the earth, because he was -produced by her. Second, Ganga kulam or descendant of the river Ganga, -by reason of having been brought forth on her banks. Third, Murdaka -Palakudu or protector of the plough, alluding to his being born with -a ploughshare in his hand, and they likewise ordained that, as he had -lost his diadem, he should not be eligible to sovereignty, but that he -and his descendants should till the ground with this privilege, that -a person of the caste should put the crown on the king's head at the -coronation. They next invested him with the yegnopavitam or string, -and, in order that he might propagate his caste, they gave him in -marriage the daughters of the gods Indra and Kubera. At this time, -the god Siva was mounted on a white bullock, and the god Dharmaraja -on a white buffalo, which they gave him to plough the ground, and from -which circumstance the caste became surnamed Vellal Warus or those who -plough with white bullocks. After the nuptials, the deities departed -to their celestial abodes. Murdaka Palakulu had fifty-four sons by the -daughter of the god Indra, and fifty-two by the daughter of the god -Kubera, whom he married to the one hundred and six daughters of Nala -Kubarudu, the son of Kubera, and his sons-in-law made the following -agreement with him, viz., that thirty-five of them should be called -Bhumi Palakulu, and should till the ground; thirty-five of them named -Vellal Shetti, and their occupation be traffic; and thirty-five of -them named Govu Shetlu, and their employment breeding and feeding -of cattle. They gave the remaining one the choice of three orders, -but he would not have any connexion with any of them, from whence -they surnamed him Agmurdi or the alien. The Agmurdi had born to him -two thousand five hundred children, and became a separate caste, -assuming the appellation of Agmurdi Vellal Waru. The other brothers -had twelve thousand children, who intermarried, and lived together -as one caste, though their occupations were different.... During the -reign of Krishna Rayalu, whose capital was the city of Vijayanagaram or -city of victory, a person of the Vellal caste, named Umbhi or Amultan -Mudaliyar, was appointed sarvadhikari or prime minister, who had a -samprati or secretary of the caste of Gollavaru or cowherds, whose name -was Venayaterthapalli. It so happened that a set of Bhagavata Sevar, -or strolling players, came to the city, and one night acted a play -in the presence of Krishna Rayalu and his court. In one of the acts, -a player appeared in the garb and character of a female cowherd, and, -by mimicking the actions and manners of that caste, afforded great -diversion both to the Raja and his courtiers. But no person seemed -to be so much pleased as the prime minister, which being perceived by -his secretary, he determined on making him pay dear for his mirth by -turning the Vellal caste into ridicule, and thus hurt his pride, and -take revenge for the pleasure he expressed at seeing the follies of -the cowherd caste exposed. For that purpose, he requested the players, -when they acted another play, to dress themselves up in the habit of a -female of the Vellal caste. This scheme came to the ears of the prime -minister, who, being a proud man, was sadly vexed at the trick, and -resolved on preventing its being carried into execution; but, having -none of his own caste present to assist him, and not knowing well how -to put a stop to the business, he got into his palanquin, and went to a -Canardha Shetti or headman of the right-hand caste, informed him of the -circumstance, and begged his advice and assistance. The Shetti replied -'Formerly the left-hand caste had influence enough with Government to -get an order issued forbidding the right-hand caste to cultivate or -traffic; therefore, when we quarrel again, do you contrive to prevent -the ryots of the Vellal caste from cultivating the ground, so that -the public revenue will fall short, and Government will be obliged to -grant us our own terms; and I will save you from the disgrace that is -intended to be put on you. The prime minister agreed to the proposal, -and went home. At night, when the players were coming to the royal -presence to act, and one of them had on the habit of a female of the -Vellal caste, the Canardha Shetti cut off his head, and saved the -honour of the prime minister. The death of the player being reported -to the Raja Krishna Rayalu, he enquired into the affair, and finding -how matters stood, he directed the prime minister and his secretary to -be more circumspect in their conduct, and not to carry their enmity -to such lengths.' Since that time, the Vellal castes have always -assisted the right-hand against the left-hand castes." (See Kammalan.) - -At the time of the census, 1871, some Vellalas claimed that they had -been seriously injured in reputation, and handled with great injustice, -in being classed as Sudras by the Municipal Commissioners of Madras -in the classification of Hindus under the four great divisions of -Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, and Sudras. In their petition it -was stated that "we shall first proceed to show that the Vellalas -do come exactly within the most authoritative definition given of -Vysias, and then point out that they do not come within the like -definition of Sudras. First then to the definition of Vysia, Manu, -the paramount authority upon these matters, says in paragraph 90 -of his Institutes:--'To keep herds of cattle, to bestow largesses, -to sacrifice, to read the scripture, to carry on trade, to lend at -interest, and to cultivate land, are prescribed or permitted to a -Vysia.'" In the course of the petition, the Vellalas observed that "it -is impossible to imagine that the Vellalas, a race of agriculturists -and traders, should have had to render menial service to the three -higher classes; for the very idea of service is, as it needs must -be, revolting to the Vellala, whose profession teaches him perfect -independence, and dependence, if it be, upon the sovereign alone -for the protection of his proper interests. Hence a Vellala cannot -be of the Sudra or servile class. Besides, that the Vellalas are -recognised as a respectable body of the community will also appear -from the following. There was a ceremony called tulabharam (weighing -in scales) observed by the ancient kings of, at some part of their -lives, distributing in charity to the most deserving gold and silver -equal to the weight of their persons; and tradition alleges that, when -the kings of Tanjore performed this ceremony, the right to weigh the -king's person was accorded to the Vellalan Chettis. This shows that -the Vellalas have been recognised as a respectable body of mercantile -men in charge of weights and measures (Manu 30, chap. 9). So also, -in the Halasya Puranam of Madura, it is said that, when the King -Somasundara Pandien, who was supposed to be the very incarnation -of Siva, had to be crowned, there arose a contention as to who was -to put the crown on his head. After much discussion, it was agreed -that one of the Vellalas, who formed the strength of the community -(note the fact that Manu says that Vysia came from the thighs of -the Supreme Deity, which, as an allegory, is interpreted to mean the -strength of the State) should be appointed to perform that part of the -ceremony. Also, in Kamban's Ramayana, written 1,000 and odd years ago, -it is said that the priest Vasista handed the crown to a Vellala, -who placed it upon great Rama's head." - -In 'The Tamils eighteen hundred years ago,' Mr. V. Kanakasabhai -writes that "among the pure Tamils, the class most honoured was -the Arivar or Sages. Next in rank to the Arivar were the Ulavar -or farmers. The Arivars were ascetics, but, of the men living in -society, the farmers occupied the highest position. They formed the -nobility, or the landed aristocracy, of the country. They were also -called Vellalar, 'lords of the flood,' or 'Karalar,' 'lords of the -clouds,' titles expressive of their skill in controlling floods, -and in storing water for agricultural purposes. The Chera, Chola and -Pandyan Kings, and most of the petty chiefs of Tamilakam, belonged to -the tribe of Vellalas. The poor families of Vellalas who owned small -estates were generally spoken of as the Veelkudi-Uluvar or 'the fallen -Vellalas,' implying thereby that the rest of the Vellalas were wealthy -land-holders. When Karikal the Great defeated the Aruvalar, and annexed -their territory to his kingdom, he distributed the conquered lands -among Vellala chiefs. [133] The descendants of some of these chiefs -are to this day in possession of their lands, which they hold as petty -zamindars under the British Government. [134] The Vellala families who -conquered Vadukam, or the modern Telugu country, were called Velamas, -and the great zamindars there still belong to the Velama caste. In the -Canarese country, the Vellalas founded the Bellal dynasty, which ruled -that country for several centuries. The Vellalas were also called the -Gangakula or Gangavamsa, because they derived their descent from the -great and powerful tribe named Gangvida, which inhabited the valley -of the Ganges, as mentioned by Pliny and Ptolemy. A portion of Mysore -which was peopled mostly by Vellalas was called Gangavadi in the tenth -and eleventh centuries of the Christian era. Another dynasty of kings -of this tribe, who ruled Orissa in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, -was known as the Gangavamsa.... In the earliest Tamil grammar extant, -which was composed by a Brahman named Tholkappiyan, in the first -or second century B.C., frequent allusions are made to the Arivar -or Sages. But, in the chapter in which he describes the classes of -society, the author omits all mention of the Arivar, and places the -Brahmins who wear the sacred thread as the first caste. The kings, -he says, very guardedly, and not warriors, form the second caste, as -if the three kings Chera, Chola and Pandy could form a caste; all who -live by trade belong to the third caste. He does not say that either -the kings or the merchants wear the sacred thread. Then he singles -out the Vellalas, and states that they have no other calling than the -cultivation of the soil. Here he does not say that the Vellalas are -Sudras, but indirectly implies that the ordinary Vellalas should be -reckoned as Sudras, and that those Vellalas who were kings should -be honoured as Kshatriyas. This is the first attempt made by the -Brahmins to bring the Tamils under their caste system. But, in the -absence of the Kshatriya, Vaisya, and Sudra castes in Tamilakam, they -could not possibly succeed; and to this day the Vellala does not take -meals at the hands of a Padaiyadchi, who calls himself a Kshatriya, -or a merchant who passes for a Vaisya." In speculating on the origin -of the Vellalas, Mr. J. H. Nelson [135] states that "tradition -uniformly declares them to be the descendants of foreign immigrants, -who were introduced by the Pandyas: and it appears to be extremely -probable that they are, and that an extensive Vellala immigration took -place at a rather remote period, perhaps a little before or after the -colonization of the Tonda-mandala by Adondai Chakravarti. The Vellalas -speak a pure dialect of Tamil, and no other language. I have not heard -of anything extraordinary in the customs prevailing among them, or -of any peculiarities pointing to a non-Tamil origin.... With regard -to the assertion so commonly made that the Pandyas belonged to the -Vellala caste, it is observable that tradition is at issue with it, -and declares that the Pandyas proper were Kshatriyas: but they were -accustomed to marry wives of inferior castes as well as and in addition -to wives of their own caste; and some of their descendants born of the -inferior and irregularly married wives were Vellalans, and, after the -death of Kun or Sundara Pandya, formed a new dynasty, known as that -of the pseudo-Pandyas. Tradition also says that Arya Nayaga Muthali, -the great general of the sixteenth century, was dissuaded by his family -priest from making himself a king on the ground that he was a Vellalan, -and no Vellalan ought to be a king. And, looking at all the facts of -the case, it is somewhat difficult to avoid coming to the conclusion -that the reason assigned for his not assuming the crown was the true -one. This, however, is a question, the settlement of which requires -great antiquarian learning: and it must be settled hereafter." - -In the Madras Census Report, 1871, the Vellalas are described -as "a peace-loving, frugal, and industrious people, and, in the -cultivation of rice, betel, tobacco, etc., have perhaps no equals -in the world. They will not condescend to work of a degrading -nature. Some are well educated, and employed in Government service, -and as clerks, merchants, shop-keepers, etc., but the greater part -of them are the peasant proprietors of the soil, and confine their -attention to cultivation." In the Madura Manual, it is recorded that -"most Vellalans support themselves by husbandry, which, according -to native ideas, is their only proper means of livelihood. But they -will not touch the plough, if they can help it, and ordinarily they -do everything by means of hired servants and predial slaves. In the -Sathaga of Narayanan may be found a description of their duties and -position in society, of which the following translation appears -in Taylor's work, the Oriental MSS. The Vellalans, by the effect -of their ploughing (or cultivation), maintain the prayers of the -Brahmans, the strength of kings, the profits of merchants, the -welfare of all. Charity, donations, the enjoyments of domestic life, -and connubial happiness, homage to the gods, the Sastras, the Vedas, -the Puranas, and all other books, truth, reputation, renown, the very -being of the gods, things of good report or integrity, the good order -of castes, and (manual) skill, all these things come to pass by the -merit (or efficacy) of the Vellalan's plough. Those Vellalans who -are not farmers, husbandmen, or gardeners, are employed in various -ways more or less respectable; but none of them will condescend -to do work of a degrading nature. Some of them are merchants, some -shop-keepers, some Government servants, some sepoys, some domestic -servants, some clerks, and so forth." In the Tanjore Manual, it is -stated that "many Vellalars are found in the Government service, more -especially as karnams or village accountants. As accountants they -are unsurpassed, and the facility with which, in by-gone days, they -used to write on cadjan or palmyra leaves with iron styles, and pick -up any information on any given points from a mass of these leaves, -by lamp-light no less than by daylight, was most remarkable. Running -by the side of the Tahsildar's (native revenue officer) palanquin, -they could write to dictation, and even make arithmetical calculations -with strictest accuracy. In religious observances, they are more strict -than the generality of Brahmans; they abstain from both intoxicating -liquors and flesh meat." In the Coimbatore Manual, the Vellalas are -summed up as "truly the backbone of the district. It is they who, -by their industry and frugality, create and develop wealth, support -the administration, and find the money for imperial and district -demands. As their own proverb says:--The Vellalar's goad is the -ruler's sceptre. The bulk of them call themselves Goundans." In the -Salem Manual, the Vellala is described as "frugal and saving to the -extreme; his hard-working wife knows no finery, and the Vellalichi, -(Vellala woman) willingly wears for the whole year the one blue cloth, -which is all that the domestic economy of the house allows her. If she -gets wet, it must dry on her; and, if she would wash her sole garment, -half is unwrapped to be operated upon, which in its turn relieves the -other half, that is then and there similarly hammered against some -stone by the side of the village tank (pond), or on the bank of the -neighbouring stream. Their food is the cheapest of the 'dry' grains -which they happen to cultivate that year, and not even the village -feasts can draw the money out of a Vellalar's clutches. It is all -expended on his land, if the policy of the revenue administration -of the country be liberal, and the acts of Government such as to -give confidence to the ryots or husbandmen; otherwise their hoarded -gains are buried. The new moon, or some high holiday, may perhaps -see the head of the house enjoy a platter of rice and a little -meat, but such extravagance is rare." The Vellalas are summed up by -'A Native,' [136] as being "found in almost every station of life, -from the labourer in the fields to the petty zamindar (landholder); -from the owner of plantations to the cooly who works at coffee-picking; -from the Deputy Collector to the peon in his office." It is recorded, -in the Census Report, 1871, that a Vellala had passed the M.A. degree -examination of the Madras University. The occupations of the Vellalas -whom I examined in Madras were as follows:-- - - - Cart-driver. - Bricklayer. - Cooly. - Varnisher. - Painter. - Watchman. - Cultivator. - Gardener. - Compositor. - Railway fireman. - Peon. - Student. - - -In an excellent summary of the Vellalas [137] Mr. W. Francis writes -as follows. "By general consent, the first place in social esteem -among the Tamil Sudra castes is awarded to them. To give detailed -descriptions of the varying customs of a caste which numbers, as -this does, over two and a quarter millions, and is found all over -the Presidency, is unnecessary, but the internal construction of the -caste, its self-contained and distinct sub-divisions, and the methods -by which its numbers are enhanced by accretions from other castes, -are so typical of the corresponding characteristics of the Madras -castes, that it seems to be worth while to set them out shortly. - -"The caste is first of all split up into four main divisions, -named after the tract of country in which the ancestors of each -originally resided. These are (1) Tondamandalam, or the dwellers in -the Pallava country, the present Chingleput and North Arcot districts, -the titles of which division are Mudali, Reddi and Nainar; (2) Soliya -(or Sozhia), or men of the Chola country, the Tanjore and Trichinopoly -districts of the present day, the members of which are called Pillai; -(3) Pandya, the inhabitants of the Pandyan Kingdom of Madura and -Tinnevelly, which division also uses the title of Pillai; and (4) -Konga, or those who resided in the Konga country, which corresponded -to Coimbatore and Salem, the men of which are called Kavandans. The -members of all these four main territorial divisions resemble one -another in their essential customs. Marriage is either infant or -adult, the Puranic wedding ceremonies are followed, and (except among -the Konga Vellalas) Brahmans officiate. They all burn their dead, -observe fifteen days' pollution, and perform the karumantaram ceremony -to remove the pollution on the sixteenth day. There are no marked -occupational differences amongst them, most of them being cultivators -or traders. Each division contains both Vaishnavites and Saivites, and -(contrary to the rule among the Brahmans) differences of sect are not -of themselves any bar to intermarriage. Each division has Pandarams, -or priests, recruited from among its members, who officiate at funerals -and minor ceremonies, and some of these wear the sacred thread, while -other Vellalas only wear it at funerals. All Vellalas perform sraddhas -(memorial services), and observe the ceremony of invoking their -ancestors on the Mahalaya days (a piece of ritual which is confined -to the twice-born and the higher classes of Sudras); all of them -decline to drink alcohol or to eat in the houses of any but Brahmans; -and all of them may dine together. Yet no member of any of these four -main divisions may marry into another, and, moreover, each of them -is split into sub-divisions (having generally a territorial origin), -the members of which again may not intermarry. Thus Tondamandalam -are sub-divided into the Tuluvas, who are supposed to have come from -the Tulu country; the Poonamallee (or Pundamalli) Vellalas, so called -from the town of that name near Madras; and the Kondaikattis (those -who tie their hair in a knot without shaving it). None of these three -will intermarry. The Soliya Vellalas are sub-divided into the Vellan -Chettis, meaning the Vellala merchants (who are again further split -up into three or four other territorial divisions); the Kodikkals -(betel-garden), who grow the betel-vine; and the Kanakkilinattar, or -inhabitants of Kanakkilinadu. These three similarly may not intermarry, -but the last is such a small unit, and girls in it are getting so -scarce, that its members are now going to other sub-divisions for -their brides. The Pandya Vellalas are sub-divided into the Karkattas -or Karaikatus, who, notwithstanding the legends about their origin, -are probably a territorial sub-division named from a place called -Karaikadu; the Nangudis and Panjais, the origin of whom is not clear; -the Arumburs and Sirukudis, so called from villages of those names -in the Pandya country; the Agamudaiyans, who are probably recruits -from the caste of that name; the Nirpusis, meaning the wearers of the -sacred ashes; and the Kottai Vellalas or fort Vellalas. These last -are a small sub-division, the members of which live in Srivaikuntam -fort (in Tinnevelly), and observe the strictest gosha (seclusion -of females). Though they are, as has been seen, a sub-division of -a caste, yet their objection to marry outside their own circle is -so strong that, though they are fast dying out because there are so -few girls among them, they decline to go to the other sub-divisions -for brides. [See Kottai Vellala.] The Kongas are sub-divided into the -Sendalais (red-headed men), Paditalais (leaders of armies), Vellikkai -(the silver hands), Pavalamkatti (wearers of coral), Malaiyadi (foot -of the hills), Tollakadu (ears with big holes), Attangarais (river -bank), and others, the origin of none of which is clearly known, -but the members of which never intermarry. In addition to all these -divisions and sub-divisions of the Vellala caste proper, there are -nowadays many groups which really belong to quite distinct castes, -but which call themselves Vellalas, and pretend that they belong to -that caste, although in origin they had no connection with it. These -nominally cannot intermarry with any of the genuine Vellalas, -but the caste is so widely diffused that it cannot protect itself -against these invasions, and, after a few generations, the origin of -the new recruits is forgotten, and they have no difficulty in passing -themselves off as real members of the community. The same thing occurs -among the Nayars in Malabar. It may be imagined what a mixture of -blood arises from this practice, and how puzzling the variations in -the cranial measurements of Vellalas taken at random are likely to -become. Instances of members of other castes who have assumed the -name and position of the Vellalas are the Vettuva Vellalas, who are -really Vettuvans; the Puluva Vellalas, who are only Puluvans; the -Illam Vellalas, who are Panikkans; the Karaiturai (lord of the shore) -Vellalas, who are Karaiyans; the Karukamattai (palmyra leaf-stem) -Vellalas, who are Shanans; the Gazulu (bangle) Vellalas, who are -Balijas; the Guha (Rama's boat-man) Vellalas, who are Sembadavans; and -the Irkuli Vellalas, who are Vannans. The children of dancing-girls -also often call themselves Mudali, and claim in time to be Vellalas; -and even Paraiyans assume the title Pillai, and trust to its eventually -enabling them to pass themselves off as members of the caste." The -name Acchu Vellala has been assumed by some Karaiyans, and Pattanavans -call themselves Varunakula Vellala or Varunakula Mudali, after Varuna, -the god of the waters. At times of census, many hill Malayalis return -themselves as Vellalas, in accordance with their tradition that they -are Vellalas who migrated to the hills. Some thieving Koravas style -themselves Aghambadiar Vellala or Pillai, and have to some extent -adopted the dress and manners of the Vellalas. [138] In Travancore, -to which State some Vellalas have migrated, males of the Deva-dasi -(dancing-girl) caste sometimes call themselves Nanchinad -Vellalas. There is a Tamil proverb to the effect that a Kallan may come -to be a Maravan. By respectability he may develop into an Agamudaiyan, -and, by slow degrees, become a Vellala. According to another proverb, -the Vellalas are compared to the brinjal (Solanum Melongena) fruit, -which will mix palatably with anything. - -The account of the divisions and sub-divisions of the Vellalas recorded -above may be supplemented from various sources:-- - -1. Arampukutti, or Arambukatti (those who tie flower-buds). According -to Mr. J. A. Boyle, [139] the name indicates Vellalas with wreaths of -the aram flower, which is one of the decorations of Siva. They are, -he writes, "a tribal group established in a series of villages in -the Ramnad territory. The family tradition runs that they emigrated -five centuries ago from the Tondamandalam, and that the migration was -made in devendra vimanam or covered cars; and this form of vehicle -is invariably used in marriage ceremonies for the conveyance of the -bride and bridegroom round the village. The women never wear a cloth -above the waist, but go absolutely bare on breast and shoulders. The -two rivers which bound this district on the north and south are rigid -limits to the travels of the women, who are on no pretext allowed -to cross them. It is said that, if they make vows to the deity of a -celebrated temple in Tanjore, they have to perform their pilgrimage -to the temple in the most perfect secrecy, and that, if detected, -they are fined. Intermarriage is prohibited 'beyond the rivers.' It -is, with the men, a tradition never to eat the salt of the Sirkar -(Government), or take any service under Government." - -2. Chetti. The members of the Vellalan subdivision of Chetti are "said -to be pure Vellalas, who have taken the title of Chetti. In ancient -times, they had the prerogative of weighing the person of kings on -occasion of the Tulabharam ceremony. (See Tulabharam.) They were, -in fact, the trading class of the Tamil nation in the south. But, -after the immigration of the more skilful Telugu Komatis and other -mercantile classes, the hereditary occupation of the Vellan Chettis -gradually declined, and consequently they were obliged to follow -different professions. The renowned poet Pattanattar is said to have -belonged to this caste." [140] - -3. Karaikkat or Karkatta. The name is said to mean Vellalas who -saved or protected the clouds, or waiters for rain. Their original -profession is said to have been rain-making. Their mythological origin -is as follows. - -"In old times, a quarrel happened between the Raja of Pandya desa and -the god Devendra, and things went to such lengths that the angry god -commanded the clouds not to send down any rain on Pandya desa, so that -the inhabitants were sorely distressed by the severe drought, and laid -their complaints before the Raja, who flew into a rage, marched his -army against Devendra, defeated him in battle, seized on the clouds and -put them in prison, in consequence of which not a drop of rain fell on -any part of the Bhuloka or earthly world, which threw the people into -a great consternation, and the whole with one accord addressed their -prayers to Devendra, the god of the firmament, and beseeched him to -relieve them from their present distress. Devendra sent an ambassador -to the Raja of Pandya desa, and requested that he would release the -clouds, but he refused to do it unless they gave security for their -future good behaviour, and likewise promise that they would never again -withhold the rain from falling in due season on his kingdom. At this -juncture, the Vellal caste of Pandya desa became security for the -clouds, and, from that circumstance, were surnamed Karakava Vellal -Waru, or redeemers of the clouds." [141] In an interesting account -of the Karaikat Vellalas of the Palni hills by Lieutenant Ward -in 1824, [142] it is recorded that "their ceremonies, it is said, -are performed by Pandarams, although Brahmans usually officiate as -priests in their temples. They associate freely with the Kunnavans, -and can eat food dressed by them, as also the latter can eat food -dressed by a Karakat Vellalan. But, if a Kunnavan is invited to the -house of a Karakat Vellalan, he must not touch the cooking utensils, -or enter the cooking-room. Wives are accustomed, it is supposed, to -grant the last favor to their husband's relations. Adultery outside -the husband's family entails expulsion from caste, but the punishment -is practically not very severe, inasmuch as a Kunnavan can always -be found ready to afford protection and a home to the divorcée. A -man who disgraces himself by an illicit connection with a woman of -a lower caste than his own is punished in a similar manner. Formerly -the punishment was in either case death." It is recorded [143] that -"in 1824 the Karakat Vellalas were accustomed to purchase and keep -predial slaves of the Poleiya caste, giving thirty fanams for a male, -and fifty for a female. The latter was held to be the more valuable, -as being likely to produce children for the benefit of her owner." It -is said that, among the Karaikkat Vellalas, a peculiar ceremony, -called vilakkidu kalyanam, or the auspicious ceremony of lighting the -light, is performed for girls in the seventh or ninth year or later, -but before marriage. The ceremony consists in worshipping Ganesa -and the Sun at the house of the girls' parents. Her maternal uncle -gives her a necklace of gold beads and coral, and a new cloth. All the -relations, who are invited to be present, make gifts to the girl. The -women of this section wear this ornament, which is called kodachimani -(hooked jewel), even after marriage. - -4. Kondaikatti. Said [144] to consider themselves as the highest and -proudest of the Vellalas, because, during the Nabob's Government, -they were employed in the public service. They are extremely strict -in their customs, not allowing their women to travel by any public -conveyance, and punishing adultery with the utmost severity. - -Kondaikatti literally means one who ties his hair in a knob on the top -of his head, but the name is sometimes derived from kondai, a crown, -in connection with the following legend. A quarrel arose between -the Komatis and Vellalas, as to which of them should be considered -Vaisyas. They appeared before the king, who, being unable to decide the -point at issue, gave each party five thousand rupees, and told them -to return after trading for five years. The Vellalas spent one-fifth -of the sum which they received in cultivating land, while the Komatis -spent the whole sum in trading. At the end of the allotted time, the -Vellalas had a bumper crop of sugar-cane, and all the canes contained -pearls. The Komatis showed only a small profit. The king was so pleased -with the Vellalas, that he bestowed on them the right to crown kings. - -5. Kumbakonam. Vellalas, who migrated from Kumbakonam in the Tanjore -district to Travancore. - -6. Kummidichatti. Recorded, in the Manual of the North Arcot district, -as a sub-division, regarded as low in position, which carried the pot -(chatti) of fire at Vellala funerals. It is said that, in default of -Kummidichattis, ordinary Vellalas now have to carry their own fire -at funerals. - -7. Nangudi or Savalai Pillaimar. (See Nangudi.) - -8. Tendisai (southern country). They are found in the Coimbatore -district, and it has been suggested that they are only a branch of -the Konga Vellalas. - -9. Tenkanchi. Vellalas, who migrated from Tenkasi in the Tinnevelly -district to Travancore. (See Todupuzha Vellala.) - -10. Tuluva. Immigrants from the Tulu country, a part of the modern -district of South Canara. Mr. Nelson [145] is of opinion that these -are the original Vellalas, who were invited to Tondamandalam after -its conquest by the Chola King Adondai Chakravarti. They are now -found in all the Tamil districts, but are most numerous in North -and South Arcot and Chingleput. It is noted, in Carr's "Descriptive -and historical papers relating to the Seven Pagodas," that "Adondai -chiefly distinguished Kanchipuram (Conjeeveram) and Tripati as his -place of residence or capital. The era of Adondai is not higher up than -the seventh century of our reckoning. He is said to have brought the -Brahmans from Sri Sailam in Telingana, and certainly attracted a large -colony of Sudra Vellalas, or agriculturists, from Tuluva or northern -Canara." At Conjeeveram, there are a Nattar and a Desayi, whose -authority, in olden times, extended over the whole Presidency. The -Nattar must be a Tuluva Vellala, and the Desai a Ralla Balija. The -two offices conjointly are known as the Nadu Desam. The authority -of these officers has in great measure ceased, but some still go -to the Nadu Desam for appeal. For purposes of caste organisation, -Conjeeveram is regarded as the head-quarters. All sections of the -Tondamandalam Vellalas are divided into twenty-four kottams and -seventy-nine nadus. The latter are subject to the former. - -The following legendary account of the Tondamandalam Vellalas is -given in the Baramahal Records. "During the reign of a certain Raja of -Choladesa, a kingdom supposed to have comprised the present provinces -south of the river Kaveri, the countries between the Kistna and -Kaveri were quite a wilderness, in which many families of the Kurbavar -caste or shepherds resided here and there in villages surrounded by -mud walls. On a time, the Raja came forth into the wilds to take the -diversion of hunting, and, in traversing the woods, he came to a place -in the vicinity of the present town of Conjeeveram in the Kingdom -of Arcot, where he met with a Naga Kanya or celestial nymph, fell in -love with her, and asked her to yield to his embraces. She replied, -'If I consent to your proposal, and bear you a son, will you make him -your successor in the kingdom?' He rejoined 'I will,' and she asked -him who should witness his promise. He answered 'the earth and sky,' -but she said that two witnesses were not sufficient, and that there -must be a third. There happened to be a tree called adhonda near them, -and the Raja replied 'Let the fruit of this adhonda tree be the third -witness.' When she was satisfied respecting the witnesses, she granted -the Raja his desires, and, after he had remained with her a short time, -he took his leave, and returned to his metropolis, and, in a little -while, abdicated his throne in favour of his eldest son, who managed -the affairs of the kingdom. To return to the Naga Kanya, she conceived -and brought forth a son, who remained with her three or four years, -and then visited the different Rishis or hermits who resided in the -forest, and learnt from them to use the sword, the bow and arrow, -and the art of war, and obtained from them a knowledge of the whole -circle of sciences. By this time he had attained the age of sixteen -years, and, coming to his mother, he requested her to tell him who was -his father. She answered 'Thy father is the Chola Raja.' He replied -'I will go to him, but who is to bear witness to the truth of your -assertion?' She rejoined 'The earth, sky, and the fruit of the adhonda -tree are witness to what I have told you.' The son plucked one of the -berries of the adhonda tree, hung it by a string to his neck, took -his sword and other weapons, and set out for his father's capital. He -one day took an opportunity of accompanying some of the nobles to the -darbar, and called out to the old Raja 'Behold your son.' The Raja -replied 'I know nothing of thee;' upon which the young man repeated -everything which his mother had told him, but it had no effect on -the Raja. When the son found that his father was determined not to -acknowledge him he challenged him to single combat, but the Raja, not -thinking it proper to accept a challenge from a rash youth, demanded -if he had any witnesses to prove his claim. He answered 'The earth and -sky, and the fruit of the adhonda tree, which I wear suspended from my -neck, are witnesses to the truth of my assertion.' This circumstance -brought the old occurrence to the Raja's recollection, and he owned -his son, and told him that, as he had already abdicated the throne, -he trusted he would not insist upon the fulfilling of the promise -which had been made to his mother, but consent to live in a private -station under the dominion of his elder half-brother. The young man -nobly replied 'I with pleasure waive the performance of your promise, -but point out to me your enemy, and assist me with some troops, -and I will conquer a kingdom for myself.' The Raja gave him an army, -and directed him to subdue the Kurubavaru or shepherds, to clear the -woods, and to form himself a kingdom between the rivers Kistna and -Kaveri. He accordingly advanced into the wilderness, and, without -meeting much opposition, soon subjected the Kurubavaru, who, knowing -nothing of cultivation or sinking of tanks or watering the country -from the rivers, and the conqueror wishing to introduce agriculture -among them, he was obliged to repair to his father, and make known -his difficulties. The Raja was much pleased with the enterprising -spirit of his son, conferred on him the title of Adhonda Chakra, -wrote and permitted him to take with him such of the Vellala caste -as chose to emigrate. The young Raja held out great encouragement, -and got a number of adventurers of that caste to accompany him back, -to whom he gave large grants of waste land, and told them to pitch upon -such spots of ground as met with their approbation, and they fixed upon -the forts, districts, and villages belonging to the Kurubavaru caste, -which consisted of twenty-four forts, eighty-one districts, and one -thousand and nine hundred villages. This country was formerly named -Dandaka Aranya. Dandaka is the name of a famous Rakshasa or Giant, -who is mentioned in the Ramayana, and Aranya signifies a wilderness. It -was also called Dhuntra Nadu, or the middle country, and the new Raja -named it Dhanda Mandalam, or country of the tree dhonda, alluding -to the fruit of the adhonda or dhonda tree, which bore testimony to -his descent. The emigrants of the Vellala caste surnamed themselves -Dhonda Mandala Vellala varu, and are now corruptly called Tondamandala -Vellala varu." - -In connection with the sub-divisions of the Vellalas, Mr. Hemingway, -in a note on the Vellalas of the Trichinopoly district, gives some -still further information. "The Kondaikattis are so-called from -the peculiar way in which they used to wear their hair--a custom no -longer observed. They are split into two sections, called Melnadu -and Kilnadu (westerns and easterns). The Dakshinattans (south country -men) are immigrants from Tinnevelly. The members of the Karaikkattar -sub-division in the Udaiyarpalaiyam taluk are rather looked down -on by other Vellalans as being a mixed race, and are also somewhat -contemptuously called Yeruttu-mattu (pack-bullocks), because, in -their professional calling, they formerly used pack-bullocks. They -have a curious custom by which a girl's maternal uncle ties a tali -(marriage badge) round her neck when she is seven or eight years -old. The Panjukkara Chettis live in the Udaiyarpalaiyam taluk. The -name is an occupational one, and denotes cotton-men, but they are not -at the present day connected with the cotton trade. The Solapuram -(or Cholapuram) Chettis are apparently called after the village -of that name in the Kumbakonam taluk of Tanjore. The Solias (or -Cholias) are numerous and ubiquitous. They are generally regarded -as of doubtful descent, since parvenus, who wish to be considered -Vellalans, usually claim to belong to this sub-division. The more -respectable Pandarams, the Thambirans who own temples and matams, and -the Oduvar or Adi Saival, belong to the Sozhia section. The Uttunattu -sub-division is local in origin. Its head-quarters is the country round -Uttatur. The members thereof are the special devotees of the Siva of -that place. The Arunattus (six nadus) are also called Mottai (shaved) -Vellalans, apparently because they always shave their moustache, -and wear only a very small kudumi (hair-knot). Some of their customs -are unlike those of the rest of the caste. They have exogamous septs, -their widows always dress in white and wear no ornaments (a rule not -universally observed in any other sub-division), they never marry -their sister's daughter, and their wives wear the tali (marriage -badge), like the Panta Reddis, on a golden thread. Of their six nadus, -three of which are supposed to have been located on each side of the -Aiyar river, only two are now recognised. These are the Serkudi nadu -in Namakkal taluk and the Omandur nadu of Musiri. The Yelur (seven -villages) Vellalas are very few and far between. There is a small -colony of Tuluvas, engaged in dyeing, at Illuppur. The Malaikandas -are only found near the Ratnagiri hill in the Kulittalai taluk. They -take their name from the fact that they are required to look at the -Ratnagiri hill when they get up in the morning. They are devotees -of the god there. The Kaniyalans (landowners) are scarce, but widely -distributed, since the man who carries the pot of blood, when animals -are sacrificed at festivals to the village goddesses, must belong to -this sub-division. The Kodikkal Vellalans are so-called from their -occupation of betel cultivation, which they still pursue largely." - -The Konga Vellalas differ so strikingly from the rest in many of their -customs that a separate account of them is given. (See Konga Vellala.) - -It is noted by Mr. Hemingway that some Vellalas "observe a curious -custom (derived from Brahmans) with regard to marriage, which is not -unknown among other communities. A man marrying a second wife after -the death of his first has to marry a plantain tree, and cut it down -before tying the tali, and, in the case of a third marriage, a man -has to tie a tali first to the erukkan (arka: Calotropis gigantea) -plant. The idea is that second and fourth wives do not prosper, -and the tree and the plant are accordingly made to take their places." - -A peculiar ceremony, called Sevvai (Tuesday) Pillayar, is performed -by some Vellala women. It is also called Avvai Nonbu, because the -Tamil poetess observed it. The ceremony takes place twice in the -year, on a Tuesday in the months of Thai (February-March) and Audi -(August-September). It is held at midnight, and no males, even babies -in arms, may be present at it, or eat the cakes which are offered. A -certain number of women club together, and provide the necessary rice, -which is measured on the back of the hand, or in a measure similar to -those used by Madras milk-sellers, in which the bottom is fixed high up -in the cylinder. At the house where the ceremony is to be performed the -rice is pounded into flour, and mixed with leaves of Pongamia glabra -and margosa (Melia Azadirachta). The mixture is then made into cakes, -some flat, and some conical, to represent Pillayar (Ganesa). Flowers, -fruits, betel, turmeric, combs, kunkumam (red powder), and other -articles required in connection with the Pillayar worship, are also -taken to the room in which the rites are performed. Of these it has -been impossible to gather an account, as the women refused to describe -them, lest ruin should fall on their families. Some say that, during -the ceremony, the women are stark-naked. - -In an account of an annual ceremony at Trichinopoly in connection -with the festival of Kulumai Amman, who is the guardian deity against -epidemics, Bishop Whitehead records [146] that "a very fat pujari -(priest) of the Vellala caste is lifted up above the vast crowd on -the arms of two men. Some two thousand kids are then sacrificed, one -after the other. The blood of the first eight or nine is collected -in a large silver vessel holding about a quart, and handed up to -the pujari, who drinks it. Then, as the throat of each kid is cut, -the animal is handed up to him, and he sucks, or pretends to suck -the blood out of the carcase." - -Of proverbs relating to the Vellalas, the following may be cited:-- - -Agriculture is no agriculture, unless it is performed by the Vellalas. - -The Vellala ruined himself by gaudy dress; the courtesan ruined -herself by coquetry and affectation. - -Of all the sections of the Sudras, the Vellala is foremost; and, -of all the thefts committed in the world, those of the Kallans are -most notorious. - -Though you may face an evil star, never oppose a Vellala. - -Though apparently the Vellala will not ruin you, the palm leaf, -on which he writes about you, will certainly ruin you for ever. - -In the Madras Census Report, 1891, Vellala is recorded as a caste -of Jains. In this connection, it is noted by Mr. Hemingway that the -Nainans or Nayinars (q.v.) and the Karaikkattans of the Udaiyarpalaiyam -taluk are thought to be descended from Jains who were converted to -the Hindu faith. - -Vellan Chetti.--A name, denoting Vellala merchant, taken by some -Vellalas. - -Velli (silver).--See Belli. - -Velnati.--A sub-division of Kapu, named after the old Velnadu division -of the Telugu country. - -Veloma.--Defined as "one of the two classes of Sudras, viz., Anuloma -and Veloma. The term Veloma is applied to those born of a lower caste -male and higher caste female." - -Veluttedan.--The Veluttedan is defined in the Madras Census Report, -1891, as "the washerman of the Nayars and higher castes in Malabar. He -calls himself a Nayar, and, in many cases, was returned as of that -main caste, but these have been separated in abstraction. The caste -is called Vannattan in North Malabar. The Veluttedans follow the -marumakkatayam law of inheritance in the north, and makkatayam in the -south. They have tali-kettu and sambandham separately. Their dress -and habits are the same as those of Nayars." In the Madras Census -Report, 1901, Bannata is given as a Canarese synonym for the caste -name. In the Travancore and Cochin Census Reports, 1901, Veluttetan -and Veluthedan are given respectively as an occupational title and -sub-division of Nayars. - -For the following note on the Veluttedans of Travancore, I am indebted -to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. The name is believed to signify a place -where clothes are bleached. In the early Settlement Records the -designation recorded is Ayavu, in all probability an old synonym for -washing. The South Travancore Veluttedans are said to be divided into -two endogamous septs, Paravur and Attingal, with four exogamous septs -in each; but these distinctions may be said to have now lost their -vigour and force. There is a current tradition that once upon a time -a Brahman was washing cloths for a friend, and was on that account -thrown out of caste by Parasurama. The occupation of the Veluttedans -is washing cloths for all high-caste Hindus down to the Sudras, in -which profession, for neatness and purity at any rate, if not for -promptitude, they stand above the Vannans and Chayakkarans of the -east coast, both of whom have now entered the field in competition -with them, and, at least in the most civilised parts of the State, -not entirely without success. In no case do the castemen receive -cloths from classes lower in social rank than the Sudras, and this -is pointed to with pride as one of the causes which keep them in -their present elevated scale. It need hardly be said that, in their -traditional occupation, the Veluttedans are largely and materially -assisted by their females, the Veluttedathis. They do not live in a -group together, but are conveniently scattered about, so as to avoid -competition one with another. Their main profession is, in many cases, -supplemented by agriculture. There are absolutely no educated men -among them, and, as long as machine-laundries are not introduced -into the country, they have no reason to abandon the profession of -their forefathers in pursuit of alien ones. In the matter of food -and drink, as also in their dress and ornaments, they resemble the -Nayars. Clothes, it may be mentioned, are never bought by Veluttedans, -as they are always in possession, though temporarily, of other peoples' -apparel. Tattooing prevails only in South Travancore. They cannot enter -Brahmanical shrines, but are permitted to stand outside the talakkal -or stone-paved walk round the inner sanctuary, by which the image is -taken in daily procession. Besides standing here and worshipping the -higher Hindu deities, they also engage in the propitiation of the -minor village deities. There are two headmen in each village, who -punish social delinquents, and preside over caste ceremonials. On the -twenty-eighth day after the birth of a child, the name-giving ceremony -is performed, and a thread is tied round the infant's neck. Those -who can afford it celebrate the first food-giving. The tali-tying -and sambandham ceremonies are performed separately, just like -Nayars. The former is known as muhurtham or auspicious occasion. The -marriage badge is called unta minnu or puliyilla minnu. The details -of the marriage ceremony do not differ from those of the Nayars. The -ayani unu, bhutakkalam, appam poli, and avaltitti are all important -items, and, at least in South Travancore, seldom failed to be gone -through. In poor families the mother, without any formal ceremonial, -ties the tali of the girl before she is twelve years old, after an -oblation of cooked food to the rising sun. This is called Bhagavan -tali, or god's marriage ornament. Freedom of divorce and remarriage -exist. The pulikuti (tamarind) is an indispensable ceremonial, to be -gone through by a pregnant woman. Inheritance devolves in the female -line (marumakkattayam). The clothes washed by Veluttedans are used by -Nambutiri Brahmans, without previous washing as on the east coast, for -all religious purposes; and clothes polluted by a member of a low caste -are purified by the Veluttedan sprinkling ashes and water over them. - -Vemu (margosa or nim: Melia Azadirachta).--An exogamous sept of -Muka Dora. - -Vengai Puli (cruel-handed tiger).--An exogamous section of Kallan. - -Veralu Iche Kapulu or Velu Iche Kapulu (those who dedicate their -fingers).--See Morasu. - -Veshya (Sansk: Beshya).--A name denoting prostitute, applied to -dancing-girls. - -Vetagiri.--A Tamil class found in the Chingleput district. The members -thereof are employed in hunting, cultivation, and the manufacture of -wild date baskets. Their title is Nayakan. - -Vettaikaran (hunter).--An occupational name of Boyas, Irulas, and -Koravas, returned at times of census. - -Vettile (betel vine: Piper Betle).--A kothu or tree of Kondaiyamkotti -Maravans. - -Vettiyan.--Vettiyan is the name applied to one of the officials of -a Tamil Paraiyan settlement, who is also called Toti or Thotti. The -former title is said to be more respectful as an appellation than -the latter, but this is a distinction without a difference. [147] -The name Vettiyan is said to be equivalent to Bittiyan (bitti, for -nothing), or one who does service, e.g., collecting grass, firewood, -etc., without remuneration. Toti is derived from thott, to go round, -as he is the purveyor of news, and has to summon people to appear -before the village tribunal, or from tondu, to dig. - -The duties of the Vettiyan are multifarious. He it is who goes round -the rice fields, and diverts the water-courses to the various fields, -according to the rights of the ryots (agriculturists). The Vettiyan -beats the drum for public notices and ceremonies. As a servant of -Government, he has to carry the revenue which has been collected to -the treasury. He is sometimes entrusted with large sums of money, and -has never been known to abscond with it. It is said that the Village -Munsiff will trust the Vettiyan, but not the Taliari, who is never -sent alone with money. The Vettiyan is in charge of the burial ground, -and those who repair thither have to pay him for his services. He is -also the grave-digger, and officiates when a Paraiyan corpse is burnt -or buried. Hence the Tamil proverb against meddling in what ought -to be left to some one else:--"Let the Vettiyan and corpse struggle -together." At a Paraiyan funeral, the Vettiyan, in some places, carries -the pot of fire to the grave. To bring down rain, some of the lower -classes, instead of addressing their prayers to the rain-god Varuna, -try to induce a spirit or devata named Kodumpavi (wicked one) to send -her paramour Sukra to the affected area. The belief seems to be that -Sukra goes away to his concubine for about six months, and, if he does -not return, drought ensues. The ceremony consists in making a huge -figure of Kodumpavi in clay, which is placed on a cart, and dragged -through the streets for seven to ten days. On the last day, the final -death ceremonies of the figure are celebrated. It is disfigured, -especially in those parts which are usually concealed. Vettiyans, -who have been shaved, accompany the figure, and perform the funeral -ceremonies. This procedure is believed to put Kodumpavi to shame, -and to get her to induce Sukra to return and stay the drought. - -At Paraiyan marriages certain pots are worshipped, and it is, in some -places, the Vettiyan who says "The sun, the moon, the pots, and the -owner of the girl have come to the marriage booth. So make haste, -and fill the pots with water." - -The office of the Vettiyan village official is hereditary, and the -holder of it is entitled to some respect among his brethren, and to -certain emoluments in kind, e.g., grain at the harvest season. There -is a proverb that "whatever may be the wealth of the lord who comes -to rule over him, his duty of supplying him with a bundle of grass -is not to cease." This relates to the demands which were, and perhaps -are still, made on him in rural parts of the country. In some places, -lands, called Vettiyan Maniyam, are given rent-free to Vettiyans. - -The Vettiyan is said to possess the right of removing dead cattle from -villages, and in return to supply leather for agricultural purposes. He -is further said to make drum heads and tom-toms from raw hides. [148] - -The Vettiyans belong to the right-hand section during disputes between -the right and left hand factions. - -Vettuvan.--The Tamil Vettuvans are described, in the Madras Census -Report, 1901, as "an agricultural and hunting caste, found mainly in -Salem, Coimbatore, and Madura. The name means 'a hunter.' They are -probably of the same stock as the Vedans, though the exact connection -is not clear, but they now consider themselves superior to that caste, -and are even taking to calling themselves Vettuva Vellalas. Tradition -says that the Konga kings invited Vettuvans from the Chola and Pandya -countries to assist them against the Keralas. Another story says that -the caste helped the Chola king Aditya Varma to conquer the Kongu -country during the latter part of the ninth century. In paragraph 538 -of the Census Report, 1891, reference is made to the belief that the -Vedans are identical with the Veddahs of Ceylon. In connection with -this supposition, it is reported that the Vettuvans worship a goddess -called Kandi-Amman, which may possibly mean 'the goddess of Kandy' (in -Ceylon). Of the endogamous sections into which the caste is divided, -the most numerically important are Venganchi, Kilangu (root), Pasari, -Viragu (firewood), Pannadai (sheath of the cocoanut leaf), and Villi -(bow). They have their own barbers, who seem also to form a separate -sub-division, and are called Vettuva Ambattans or Navidans, both of -which words mean barber. They are said to refuse to serve any one -lower than a Konga Vellala. Nominally they are Hindus, but they are -said to worship the seven Kannimars, or aboriginal goddesses, to whom -the Irulas also pay homage. They eat meat and drink alcohol, though -some of those who are endeavouring to increase their social repute -are taking to vegetarianism. Widow marriage is forbidden. They either -burn or bury the dead, but no ceremonies are performed for deceased -ancestors. Their customs are thus a curious mixture of those followed -by high castes and low ones. Their ordinary title is Kavandan." - -Of the Malayalam Vettuvans, who live in Malabar and the southern -portion of the South Canara district, it is recorded, in the Madras -Census Report, 1901, that they are "agricultural serfs, shikaris -(hunters), and collectors of forest produce, who live in the Malabar -jungles. They have two endogamous sub-divisions, called Kodi and -Peringala. The former keep their hair long, and their women wear a -cloth. The latter have top-knots, and their women dress in leaves, -which they wear only round their waists, and renew daily. The latter -are an unclean set of people, who live in rude bamboo and reed huts, -and will eat anything down to carrion. Yet they consider themselves -superior to Cherumans and Pulaiyans, and are careful not to be -polluted by them. This same name is also borne by a class of masons -and salt-workers in the low country in Malabar." - -The Malabar Vettuvans are said to have a fantastic legend, showing that -they were not originally as low as they are at the present day in the -social scale. "It is related that one of their tribe went and asked a -high-caste Nayar to give him a daughter in marriage. The Nayar offered -to do so on condition that the whole tribe would come to his place -and dance on berries, each one who fell to be shot with arrows. The -tribe foolishly agreed to the condition, and went and danced, with the -result that, as each one tripped and fell, he or she was mercilessly -shot dead with arrows. A little girl who survived this treatment was -secretly rescued, and taken away by a compassionate Nayar, who married -her into his family. From this union, the present day Vettuvans affirm -their origin is to be traced. Up to this day they hold the caste of -that particular Nayar in very great veneration." [149] The costume of -these Vettuvans has been described as follows. [150] "The men wear a -short loin-cloth, secured round the waist by a belt which is also used -as a sling during hunting expeditions. They also wear brass ear-rings, -and grow a bit of moustache, and a little stumpy beard. The dress of -the women consists of three clusters of long leaves, suspended from -the waist and tied on by a cheap girdle. According to a tribal legend, -when, in the morning of time, costumes were being distributed by the -deity to the various races of the earth, the Vettuva women, being -asked to choose between a costume which needed to be changed daily, -and one which needed to be changed only yearly, readily expressed -a preference for the former, and the deity, considering this an -unpardonable piece of vanity, decreed that thenceforth the women -should dress in leaves gathered fresh every morning. Whenever it is -suggested to them that they should adopt some more lasting apparel, -the Vettuva women answer that they are carrying out the mandate of -the deity, and can abandon their present dress only if the deity -appears in person, and sanctions a change." - -On the occasion of a recent visit of the Governor of Madras to South -Canara, a party of Vettuvans was paraded before him. One of the men -was wearing an aluminium coronation medal, and, on being asked by the -Collector who had given it to him, he folded his arms obsequiously, -and replied 'My Tamburan' (landlord). - -In a recent note on the leaf-wearing Vettuvans, it is stated that -"they believe that the sun travels, after it has set, through a hole -in the bowels of the earth, and emerges at morning in the east. The -way they calculate time is interesting. A Vettuvan says that his -children were born when his master sowed paddy (rice) on such and -such hills. They are a very truthful lot, of good moral character, -the chastity of their womankind being held very sacred." - -The Malabar Vettuvans are summed up by Mr. T. K. Gopal Panikkar [151] -as being "not exactly slaves, but their social position justifies their -classification amongst the slave races. They live on the cocoanut -plantations of the Nairs, and other well-to-do classes. They lead a -hand-to-hand existence on the wages which they obtain for hedging and -fencing cocoanut plantations, plucking cocoanuts, tilling, and other -allied work. They live, with their wives and children, and sometimes -other relations as well, in houses small but more decent-looking -than the mere huts of the other lower classes. In point of caste -restrictions they are certainly better circumstanced; and their -daily contact with the higher classes in the ordinary concerns -of life affords them greater facilities for increased knowledge -and civilisation than their brother citizens of the slave races -enjoy. They are much addicted to toddy-drinking, but their principal -food is rice. Their condition is never so intolerably wretched as that -of the other classes. They are sometimes employed by cultivators for -agricultural purposes. Their females occupy themselves in the fields -during the harvest season, but they also make thatch for houses of -cocoanut leaves woven after a set model during the thatching season -about December or January. Their males wear ear-rings of brass, and -their females adorn themselves with nose, finger, and neck ornaments -of brass or beads. The one piece of cloth supplied annually by the -masters, to whose plantations they are attached, forms the dress both -for males and females, which they tie round their waists. They do -not eat carrion, but are exceedingly fond of fish, the flesh of the -civet, and the rat, and of some other animals not generally eaten by -other classes. They observe death pollution like the higher classes -of Malabar, and the period of observance varies according to the -particular class or caste, to which their masters belong. For instance, -if they belong to a Nair's plantation, such period is fifteen days, -and, if to a Brahmin's, it is ten days; Nairs and Brahmins observing -pollution for these periods respectively. The priests who officiate -at their ceremonials are selected from among their own tribesmen or -Enangers, whose express recognition is necessary to give validity -to the performance of the ceremony. Their marriage customs are very -like those of the Tiyyars, excepting that the feasting and revelry -are not so pompous in their case. Like the Nairs, they retain the -front knot. The only offences of general occurrence among them are -petty cases of theft of cocoanuts, plantains, areca nuts, and roots -of common occurrence. The Vettuvans believe in a Supreme Creator, -whom they name and invoke as Paduchathampuram, i.e., the king who -created us. Likewise, they believe in certain evil deities, to whom -they make offerings at particular times of the year. They are not, -like the other classes, distinguished by loyalty to their masters, -but are a very ungrateful sect, and their very name, viz., Nambu -Vettuvan, has passed into a bye-word for ingratitude of all kinds." - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that "the Vettuvans of -Chirakkal taluk are a low caste of jungle cultivators and basket -makers, distinguished by the survival amongst their women of the -custom of dressing in leaves, their only clothing being a kind -of double fan-shaped apron of leaves tied round the waist with a -rolled cloth. They live in huts made of split bamboo and thatched -with elephant grass, called kudumbus. The Vettuvans are divided -into fourteen illams, which seem to be named after the house names -of the janmis (landlords) whom they serve. Their headmen, who are -appointed by their janmis, are called Kiran, or sometimes Parakutti -(drummer). Amongst the Vettuvans, when labour begins, the woman is put -in a hole dug in a corner of the hut, and left there alone with some -water till the cry of the child is heard." For the following note on -the Vettuvans of the Cochin State, I am indebted to Mr. L. K. Anantha -Krishna Aiyar. [152] - -"The Vettuvans are also called Vettuva Pulayas. They are pure -agricultural labourers, taking part in every kind of work connected -with agriculture, such as ploughing, sowing, weeding, transplanting, -pumping water, and reaping. They are more day labourers. The males -get two edangazhis of paddy (hardly worth 2 annas), and the females -an edangazhi and a half. In times of scarcity, they find it difficult -to support themselves. - -"When an unmarried woman becomes pregnant, her parents, as soon as -they become aware of the fact, inform their local headman (Kanakkan -or Kuruppan), who convenes a meeting of the elderly members of -the community for the purpose of summoning the secret lover, and -prosecuting the necessary enquiries. In the event of the confession -of the charge, he is asked to marry her. The matter does not end -there. They go to the local Thandan, and relate to him the incident, -who thereupon gives him water in a vessel (kindi vellam). The woman -is asked to drink this as well as some cow-dunged water, and is then -made to let flow a few drops of blood from the body. After this he -says 'dhosham thirnu' (free from guilt). Should, however, the lover -be unwilling to marry her, he is thrashed and placed under a ban. If -they are related to each other, they are both turned out of caste. The -woman who is freed from guilt can marry again. The Thandan gets as -his perquisite four annas out of the fine imposed, four packets of -betel leaf, eight areca nuts, and three tobacco leaves. Their headman -also has a share of the fine, etc. The balance which then remains is -spent on toddy, and beaten rice for those assembled. - -"The Vettuvans profess the lower forms of Hinduism. Their chief gods -are Chevva, Chathan, Karinkutti, Parakutti, Kappiri and Kandakaranan, -and also Namburi Thamburan. They give regular offerings to them, -lest the gods should become angry, and cause serious calamities to the -members of their families. Images of gods are made of bell-metal, and -worshipped in their huts. The deceased ancestors are also worshipped -as gods, to whom are given a different kind of offerings. Toddy is -an indispensable item in their offerings to them. In Ooragam and -its neighbourhood, when I took my notes on the Vettuvans, I was told -that there was no tree-tapping, and that toddy brought to them for -sale was largely adulterated with water, and very costly. Their -gods were very angry, for they were not satisfied with it. They -caused fever, deafness, blindness, and other disorders. They worship -Kali also. Kumbhom Bharani is an important festival to them. On the -morning of this day, tunes are played in honour of the goddess. There -are special songs called Thottampattu. Sacrifices are offered to the -deity very early. A puja (worship) is also performed for the sword, -anklets, and bells worn round the loins, all placed in front of the -deity, and songs are again sung. One of them turns a Velichchapad -(oracle), who speaks as if by inspiration. Wearing the above ornaments, -they go to a temple, in front of which they empty out on a mat a few -paras of paddy, and again play and sing. - -"The funeral ceremonies of the Vettuvans are somewhat elaborate. When -a member of the caste breathes his last, his relations, friends, -and other castemen of the kara (settlement) are all informed of -the event. They attend, and take part in the obsequies. The dead -body is bathed, and dressed in a piece of new cloth. Some gold, -rubbed on a stone in water, is poured into his mouth by his sons -and daughters. Karuvanguka, or Gurutvam Vanguka, is an important -ceremony performed by his sons and daughters. It consists in taking -sixteen small bits of plantain leaves, with some rice on each, and -placing them on the forehead, neck, chest, loins, thighs, hands, -legs, feet, etc., washing the last two, and collecting the water, -which is taken in by the members junior to him in the family. After -this, the dead body is placed on the bier, which is carried by four -persons to the grave. The nearest relatives of the family, four in -number, called Bhedakars, with a mundu (cloth) tied round their heads, -walk in front of the procession. The grave is dug, and a new cloth -is spread, and the corpse laid on it. It is filled in with layers of -earth and stones, to prevent dogs and jackals from disturbing the -dead body. All those who have accompanied the chief mourner bathe, -and return home. The members of the family fast for the night. The -eldest son, who is the chief mourner, bathes in the early morning, -and offers the pinda bali (offering of rice) to the spirit of the -departed for fifteen days. On the seventh day, the chief mourner, -and the Enangan, go to the graveyard, and level the slightly raised -part of the grave. A piece of stone, kept near the foot, is taken, -and placed on a leaf. Some toddy, arrack (alcoholic liquor) and water -of the tender cocoanut, are poured over it as offerings. By some -magic, the spirit is supposed to be living in it. It is brought home, -and placed in a cocoanut shell containing oil mixed with turmeric, -and kept outside the hut until the pollution is over. The pollution -lasts for fifteen days, and on the night of the fifteenth day -they fast. On the morning of the sixteenth day, all the castemen -of the kara who are invited bring with them rice, curry-stuffs, -and toddy. Rubbing themselves with oil, they all go to bathe, after -which the Enangan sprinkles cowdunged water, to show that they are -freed from pollution. The stone is also purified by a dip in water, -and then brought home. Those who have assembled are fed, and then -depart. The chief mourner, who has to perform the diksha, does not -shave for a year, bathes in the early morning, and offers the bali -before going to work. This he continues for a year, at the end of -which he gets himself shaved, and celebrates a feast called masam -in honour of the departed. The stone, representing the deceased, is -placed on a seat in a conspicuous part of the hut. An image of wood or -copper sometimes takes its place. It is thenceforward worshipped, and -believed to watch over the welfare of the family. Regular offerings -are given to it on Karkadagom and Thulam Sankranthi, Onam, Vishu, -and the festival day of the local temple. - -"The castes below the Vettuvans are Pulayan, Nayadi, and Ullatan. They -consider themselves superior to Pulayas, and are careful not to be -polluted by them. A Vettuvan who is polluted by a Nayadi or Ulladan -fasts for seven days, subsisting on water, tender cocoanuts, and -toddy. On the eighth day he bathes, and takes his regular meals. As the -Vettuvans are Chandalars, any distance less than sixty-four feet will -pollute the higher castes. They stand at a distance of twenty-four feet -from Kammalar. Nayadis and Ullatans stand far from them. Owing to their -disabilities and low wages, many turn either Christians or Muhammadans, -and work for wages of two and a half to three annas a day." - -There is a class of people in Malabar called Vettan or Vettuvan, which -must not be confused with the jungle Vettuvan. These people were, it -is said, [153] "once salt-makers, and are now masons, earth-workers, -and quarrymen. They are said to be divided into two classes, the -marumakkattayam (with inheritance in the female line) regarded as -indigenous to Malabar, and the makkattayam (with inheritance from -father to son), said to be immigrants from the south." - -Vibhaka Gunta.--Recorded in the Madras Census Report as "a low class of -wandering beggars; clubbed with Mala." Some Malas in the Vizagapatam -district possess gunta manyams, or petty fields, and supplement their -income by begging. - -Vignesvara.--A synonym for the elephant god Ganesa, which occurs as -a gotra of Nagaralu. The equivalent Vinayaka is a gotra of Medara. - -Vilkurup.--The Vilkuruppu or Vilkollakuruppu are the priests and -barbers of the Malayalam Kammalans, and also makers of umbrellas -and bows (vil) and arrows. In former times they supplied the latter -articles for the Malabar Infantry. Malabar and Travancore are, par -excellence, the home of the palm-leaf umbrella, which still holds -its own against umbrellas of European manufacture, which were, in -1904-1905, imported into India to the value of Rs. 18,95,064. A native -policeman, protecting himself from the sun with a long-handled palm -umbrella, is a common object in towns and villages on the west coast. - -Concerning the Vilkurups of the Cochin State, Mr. L. K. Anantha -Krishna Aiyar writes as follows. [154] "In former times, their -occupations were training low caste men to arms and athletic feats, -to use sticks in fighting, and also to the use of bows and arrows, and -pial school teaching. In these days of civilisation, their services -are no longer required for these purposes, and they are employed -in shampooing, umbrella making, and quarrying laterite stones for -building purposes. In Nayar families, during tali-tying ceremonies, -they have to give a bow and a few arrows. During the Onam festival -also, they have to give a bow and arrows to every Nayar house, for -which they get some paddy (rice), curry stuffs, a cocoanut, and some -oil. When they are called in for shampooing, three oils are well -boiled, and cooled. The patient lies on a plank, oil is poured over -him, and every part of his body is well shampooed, and afterwards -he is bathed in water boiled with medicinal herbs. The Vilkurups -eat at the hands of Brahmans, Nayars, Izhuvans, and Kammalans, but -abstain from taking the food of barbers, washermen, Panans, Kaniyans, -and other low castes. They have to stand at a distance of thirty-two -feet from Brahmans and Nayars. Pulayans and Parayans have to stand at a -great distance. They live in localities occupied by the Izhuvans. They -cannot approach the Brahman temples, but have to stand far away from -the outer wall. They are their own barbers and washermen." - -Villasan (bowmen).--A synonym of Malayalam Kammalans, who formerly -had to supply bows and arrows for the Travancore army. - -Villi.--Villi (bow) or Villiyan (bowmen) has been recorded as a synonym -of the Irulas of Chingleput. Villi also occurs as a sub-division of -Vettuvan, a hunting caste of the Tamil country. - -Villu Vedan (huntsmen using bows).--A synonym of Eravallar. - -Vilyakara.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "a -sub-caste of Servegara or Kotegara." Vilyakara, Valekara and Olekara -are names indicating the occupation of a servant under Government or -a private individual. - -Vinka (white-ant: Termites).--An exogamous sept of Jatapu. - -Vipravinodi.--In a note on the Vipravinodis, Mr. C. Hayavadana -Rao writes that they are said to be the descendants of a Brahman -by a Lingayat woman. They are Lingayats, and are called Vipravinodi -because they perform acrobatic feats before Vipras, or Brahmans. They -generally travel about the country with their wives and children. One -of their favourite feats is throwing up three stone or wooden balls -in the air, and catching them, or rolling them over various parts -of the body. When they perform before a mixed audience, they call -themselves Naravidya varu, which is said to be an abbreviated form of -Narulu Mechche Vidyalu Chese varu, or those who perform feats which -men praise. The dead are buried in a sitting posture. - -Virabhadra.--A synonym of the Tamil washermen (Vannan), whose patron -deity is Virabhadra, from whom they claim descent. - -Viragu (firewood).--A sub-division of Vettuvan. - -Virakudiyan.--A synonym of Panisavans, who are engaged in blowing -the conch shell on ceremonial occasions. - -Virala (heroes).--An exogamous sept of Golla and Kapu. - -Vira Magali (a god).--An exogamous section of Kallan. - -Viramushti.--For the following account of the Viramushtis in the -Vizagapatam district, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. - -They are Lingayats, but do not, as a rule, wear the lingam, as it -is the custom to postpone initiation until death, when the linga is -tied on the corpse by a Jangam before it is buried. Those who are -initiated during life wear the linga suspended from the neck. The -Viramushtis seem to have several sub-divisions, e.g., Naga Mallika -(Rhinacanthus communis), the roots of which are believed to cure -snake-bite, Puccha Kaya (Citrullus Colocynthis), Triputa (Ipomoea -Turpethum), and Ramadosa (Cucumis Melo). - -Girls are married before or after puberty. The menarikam custom, -according to which a man should marry his maternal uncle's daughter, -is observed. A voli (bride-price) of sixteen rupees, or half a tola -of gold, in the form of jewelry, is given to the bride. - -The Viramushtis are professional acrobats and mendicants, and are -attached to the Devangas and Komatis. The following legends are -current to account for their connection with these castes. In days -gone by, there was, in a big town, a great Lingayat mutt (monastery) -named Basavanna Mandiram, presided over by a Jangam priest named -Basavanna. The mutt contained three hundred crores of Lingayat priests, -and great wealth was stored in it. This the Viramushtis guarded against -thieves. A Telaga, Chikayya by name, who was a professional thief, -determined to plunder the mutt, in order to satisfy his mistress. One -night, when the Viramushtis were fast asleep, he entered the mutt, -but, when he saw a number of Jangams engaged in devout worship, he -abandoned his project, and determined to turn Lingayat. Accordingly, -at day-break, he advanced to the place where the head of the mutt -was seated, made known to him who he was, and informed him of his -resolution. Opinions were divided as to the fitness of receiving such -an applicant, but it was finally decided that, if a man repented, -he was a fit person to be received into the Lingayat fold, as the -linga recognises no caste. The linga was accordingly tied on his -neck. From that time Chikayya became a new man and a true Jangam, -and went from place to place visiting sacred shrines. One day he -happened to be at a place where lived a merchant prince, who never -dined except in the company of a Jangam. On the suggestion of his -wife Nilakuntaladevi, an invitation to dine was sent to Chikayya, -who accepted it. After dinner, the merchant went out on business, -and Nilakuntaladevi, noticing what a beautiful man Chikayya was, fell -in love with him. He, however, rejected her advances, and ran away, -leaving his knapsack behind him. Nilakuntaladevi cut off her golden -necklace, and, having placed it in the knapsack, ran after Chikayya, -and threw it at him, asking him to accept it. She then inflicted -several cuts on herself, and, as soon as her husband returned home, -complained that the Jangam had stolen her necklace, and attempted -to ravish her. Information was sent to Basayya, the head of the -mutt, and a council meeting summoned, at which it was decided that -Chikayya should have his head cut off. The order to carry out this -act was given to the Viramushtis, who went in search of him, and at -last found him beneath the shade of a tree overhanging the bank of -a river, engaged in worshipping his linga, which was in his hand. On -searching the knapsack, they found the necklace, and proceeded to cut -off Chikayya's head, which went several hundred feet up into the air, -and travelled towards the mutt, whither the headless trunk followed -on foot. On their return to the mutt, the Viramushtis found that the -three hundred crores of priests had been miraculously beheaded, and -the place was a vast pool of blood. As soon, however, as the head and -body of Chikayya approached, they became re-united, and Siva, appearing -on the scene, translated him to kylas (heaven). At the same time, he -restored the priests to life, and inflicted the following four curses -on the Viramushtis:--(1) they were not to build or use houses, and are -consequently found living under trees outside villages; (2) they were -not to sleep on a cot; (3) they were not to use the wild broom-stick; -(4) they were not to set up permanent ovens for cooking purposes, -but to make impromptu stoves out of three stones. Taking compassion -on them, the Devangas promised to give the Viramushtis a small sum -of money annually, and to contribute towards their marriage expenses. - -The Viramushtis are said to have become attached to the Komatis -subsequent to the above incident. The story goes that some -Komatis asked them to delay for three and half hours the march -of Vishnuvardhana Raja, who was advancing with a view to marrying -the daughter of one of them, named Vasavakanya (now deified into -Kanyakamma). This the Viramushtis did by entertaining the Raja -with their acrobatic feats. Meanwhile, the Komatis made a number of -fire-pits, and put an end to themselves. Vishnuvardhana arrived too -late, and had his head cut off. The Viramushtis prayed to Vasavakanya, -inasmuch as they had lost both the Raja, who promised them a grant of -land in return for their performance, and herself, who had promised -to give a lump of gold to each gotra. The Komatis replied in a body -that each family of their caste would in future give the Viramushtis -an annual present of money, and help in defraying the expenses of -their marriages. - -In accordance with the above legends, the Viramushtis usually beg -only from Devangas and Komatis. When they approach a village, they -generally halt under a tree, and, early in the morning, dress up as -acrobats, and appear with daggers, sticks, etc., crying Good luck! Good -luck! They caper about as they advance, and, when they reach a Devanga -or Komati house, perform their acrobatic feats, and wind up with a -eulogium of the caste. Money and food are then doled out to them. - -Whenever a Devanga, Lingayat Komati, or other Lingayat wants to make -a hero (vira) of a deceased member of his family, he sends for a -Viramushti (or hero-maker), and has a slab planted, with a recognised -ceremonial, at the spot where he is buried. - -In a further note on the Viramushtis I am informed that they -correspond to the Virabhadra Kayakams of the Canarese Lingayats, -like whom they dress up, and adorn themselves with small lingams, -the figure of Virabhadra, a sword, a plate bearing a star, and heads -of Asuras (demons). Every important Saivite temple has one or two -Viramushtis attached to it, and they are supposed to be servants of -the god Siva. One of their chief duties is to guard the idol during -processions, and on other occasions. If, during a car procession, the -car will not move, the Viramushtis cut themselves with their swords -until it is set in motion. There is a Tamil proverb that the Siva -Brahman (temple priest) eats well, whereas the Viramushti hurts himself -with the sword, and suffers much. The custom is said to be dying out. - -The principal occupation of the Viramushtis is begging from Beri -Chettis, Devangas, Komatis, and washermen. In former days, they are -said to have performed a ceremony called pavadam. When an orthodox -Lingayat was insulted, he would swallow his lingam, and lie flat -on the ground in front of the house of the offender, who had to -collect some Lingayats, who would send for a Viramushti. He had to -arrive accompanied by a pregnant Viramushti woman, pujaris (priests) -of Draupadi, Pachaiamman and Pothuraja temples, a Sembadava pujari, -Pambaikarans, Udukkaikarans, and some individuals belonging to the -nearest Lingayat mutt. Arrived at the house, the pregnant woman would -sit down in front of the person lying on the ground. With his sword the -Viramushti man then made cuts in his scalp and chest, and sprinkled -the recumbent man with the blood. He would then rise, and the lingam -would come out of his mouth. Besides feeding the people, the offender -was expected to pay money as pavadam to the Viramushtis and mutts. - -Some Viramushtis style themselves Vastad, or athletes, in reference -to their professional occupation. - -Viranattan.--The name denotes those who play on a drum called -viranam. It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that the -Viranattans "were originally temple servants, but now do miscellaneous -day labour. Their females are prostitutes. Their titles are Mestri -and Mudali." - -Viranollu.--Viranollu and Viththanollu are gotras of Ganigas, who -may not cut the wood-apple (Feronia elephantum). - -Virasaiva.--A synonym for Lingayat. Some Lingayats claim to be -Virasaiva Brahmans. - -Visalakshiamma.--Recorded, in the Manual of the North Arcot district, -as a sub-division of Vaniyan. Visalakshiamma is the goddess of Benares, -who is said to be the sister of Minakshi of Madura and Kamakshi of -Conjeeveram. Visalakshi means literally one with beautiful eyes, -and is a name of Parvati, who is described as possessing large and -beautiful eyes. - -Viswakarma.--Viswakarma and Viswa Brahman are synonyms for Kammalan, -the members of which class claim descent from the five faces of -Viswakarma, the architect of the gods. - -Vitugula-vandlu.--A fanciful name, meaning hunters or gallants, -adopted by Boyas. - -Vodari.--See Odari. - -Vodda.--See Odde. - -Vodo.--A small caste of Oriya basket-makers and cultivators in the -Vizagapatam agency. - -Vojali.--See Ojali. - -Vokkiliyan (cultivator).--A sub-division of Kappiliyan, and Tamil -form of Vakkaliga. (See Okkiliyan.) - -Vudupulavallu.--An occupational name for Balijas, Velamas, etc., -who paint chintzes. - -Vyadha (forest men).--A synonym of Myasa Bedars. - -Vyapari.--A trading section of Nayar. - -Vyasa (the name of a sage or rishi).--A sub-division of Balija. - - - - - - - -W - - -Wahabi.--The Wahabis are a sect of Muslim revivalists founded by -Muhammad ibn 'Abdu'l Wahhab, who was born in A.D. 1691. Wahabyism -has been defined as the Puritanism of Islam, "hated by the so-called -orthodox Musalmans, as the Lutherans were hated by Leo, and the -Covenanters by Claverhouse." [155] It is recorded, in the Manual of -North Arcot (1895), that since 1806 (the year of the Vellore mutiny) -"two alarms have been raised in the district, both at Vellore, which -is largely inhabited by Muhammadans. The last alarm occurred in -1869. Early in May of that year, anonymous petitions were received -by the Joint Magistrate and the Assistant Superintendent of Police, -stating that the Wahabi Muhammadans of Vellore were in league against -Government, and had arranged a plot for the massacre of all the -European residents, in which the 28th Regiment of Native Infantry, then -stationed at Vellore, was deeply implicated. An East Indian subordinate -of the Public Works Department also reported that he had overheard a -Muhammadan munshi of the Small Cause Court speaking to a shopman of his -faith about the seditious preaching of a certain Khazi. The munshi was -sent for, and described what he said had occurred in a certain mosque, -where sedition had been openly advocated by a Wahabi missionary who had -recently arrived from Hyderabad, as well as by others." It appeared, -from the investigations of the Inspector-General of Police, that the -whole affair had been nothing more than a conspiracy among the orthodox -Muhammadans to arouse alarm regarding the designs of the Wahabis, -and to prevent these sectarians from frequenting their mosques. - -Wudder.--See Odde. - -Wynad.--Returned, at times of census, as a territorial division -of Chetti. There are at Gudalur near the boundary between the -Nilgiri district and Malabar, and in the Wynad, two classes called, -respectively, Mandadan Chettis (q.v.) and Wynadan Chettis. - -The following account of the Wynadan or Wynaadan Chettis is given -in the Gazetteer of the Nilgiris. "They speak Malayalam, and follow -marumakkatayam (inheritance in the female line). They say they were -originally Vellalas from Coimbatore, followed makkatayam (inheritance -from father to son), spoke Tamil, and wore the Tamil top-knot. In -proof of this, they point out that at their weddings they still -follow certain Tamil customs, the bridegroom wearing a turban and -a red cloth with a silver girdle over it and being shaved, and the -woman putting on petticoats and nose-rings. They have headmen called -Kolapallis, subordinate to whom are Mantiris, but these are liable -to be overruled by a nad council. No wedding may take place without -the headman's leave. Two forms of marriage are recognised. In one, -the couple exchange garlands after the Tamil fashion, and the father -(a relic of the makkatayam system) conducts the ceremony. Preliminaries -are arranged by go-betweens, and the chief of the numerous rites is -the placing of a bracelet on the girl's upper arm under a pandal -(booth) before the priest and the assembled relatives. The other -form is simpler. The bridegroom goes to the girl's house with some -men friends, and, after a dinner there, a go-between puts on the -bangle. Before marriage, a tali-kettu ceremony resembling that of -the Nayars is often gone through, all the girls of a family who are -of marriageable age having talis tied round their necks on the same -day by a maternal uncle. Married women are allowed intimacy with their -husbands' brothers. Widows are permitted to marry again. The dead are -usually burnt, but those who have met their deaths by accidents and -epidemics are buried. Water from a vessel containing rice and a gold -coin is poured into a dying person's mouth. Should the spirit of the -dead disturb the dreams of the relatives, a hut for it is built under -an astrologer's directions close to the house, and in this lights -are lit morning and evening, and periodical offerings of food are -made. The Wynaadan Chettis reverence the deities in the Ganapati, -Mahamari and Kalimalai Tambiran temples near Sultan's Battery, -Airu Billi of the Kurumbas, and one or two others. The women wear -in their distended ear-lobes gold discs which are so characteristic -of the Nayars, and many necklaces. They wear two white cloths, tying -one round the waist and another across their breasts." - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that the Wynad or -Wynaadan Chettis "claim to be Sudras, and are in appearance and -customs very similar to the Nayars. They are polluted by all castes -below Nayars. Their marriage customs seem to be a mixture of east -and west coast practices. They follow the marumakkattayam system, -and perform the tali-kettu kalianam; but this is done on the tenth day -after puberty, and two talis have to be tied on the girl, one by her -maternal uncle, and one by the senior female of her house. They also -celebrate a regular marriage ceremony, at which a bracelet is put on -the bride's right arm, and bride and bridegroom garland each other; -while next morning a kanam or bride-price has to be paid to the -bride's karnavan (senior male in a family). They are bold shikaris -(sportsmen), and tiger spearing is a favourite pastime, closely -connected with their religion. - -"The tiger is encircled by a wall of netting six feet high, which is -gradually closed up, and then speared. The carcass is not skinned, -but is stretched on a pole, and hung up as a sacrifice to their deity." - - - - - - - -Y - - -Yadava.--Yadava, meaning descendants of king Yadu, from whom Krishna -was descended, has been recorded as a synonym or title of Idaiyan, -and a sub-division of Golla and Koracha. There is a tradition among -the Idaiyans that Krishna was brought up by their caste. - -Yakari.--See Ekari. - -Yanadi.--The Yanadis are a dark-skinned, platyrhine tribe, short -of stature, who inhabit the Telugu country. The name has been the -subject of much etymological speculation. Some derive it from a -(privative) and nathu (lord or protector), and it may mean those -who are not included in the ruling or principal caste. Again, it has -been derived from yanam (boat) and adi (means). But the Yanadis are -not known to have plied, nor do they now ply boats at Sriharikota, -their chief place of residence, which is on the coast. The word would -seem to be derived from the Sanskrit anadi, or those whose origin is -not traceable. The people perhaps elongated the vowel-sound, so that -it became Yanadi. In like manner, the Native graduate of the Madras -University talks of himself as being, not a B.A. or M.A., but B.Ya. or -M.Ya. And a billiard-marker will call the game yeighty-yeight instead -of eighty-eight. - -The tradition of the Yanadis as to their origin is very vague. Some -call themselves the original inhabitants of the wilds in the -neighbourhood of the Pulicat lake, where they hunted and fished -at will, until they were enslaved by the Reddis. Others say that -the Reddi (or Manchi?) Yanadis were originally Chenchus, a small -but superior class, and that they fled from oppression and violence -from the mountains in the west, and amalgamated themselves with the -common Yanadis. The common deity of both Chenchus and Manchi Yanadis -is Chenchu Devudu. Between the Yanadi and the Chenchu, however, -there is no love lost. They can be seen living close together, but -not intermingling, on the Nallamalais, and they differ in their -social customs. Yanadi Chenchu is said to be the name given by -Brahmans to the Chenchus. [156] The following legend concerning the -Yanadis is narrated by Mackenzie. [157] "Of old, one named Raghava -brought with him sixty families from Pacanatti district, locating -himself with them at Sriharicotta, and, clearing the country, formed -Raghavapuram. The people by degrees spread through a few adjoining -districts. A rishi, who came from Benares, and was named Ambikesvarer, -resided in Mad'hyaranya (or the central wilderness), and there, daily -bathing in a river, paid homage to Siva. These wild people of their -own accord daily brought him fruits and edibles, putting them before -him. At length he inquired of them the reason. They replied that -their country was infested by a terrible serpent, and they wished to -be taught charms to destroy it, as well as charms for other needful -purposes. He taught them, and then vanished away." - -It is an advantage for a European to have a Yanadi as a camp servant, -as he can draw water from any caste well. The Yanadi can also wash, -and carry water for Brahmans. - -The animistic nature of their religion; the production of fire by -friction; the primitive hunting and fishing stage in which a number -remain; the almost raw animal food which they eat, after merely -scorching or heating the flesh of the game they kill, indicate that the -Yanadis have not yet emerged from a primitive stage of culture. They -make fire by friction with sticks from the following trees:-- - - - Protium caudatum (konda ragi). - Bauhinia racemosa (aree chettu). - Ficus. sp. (kallu jeevee chettu). - Ptereospermum suberifolium (tada). - A tree belonging to the Nat. Order Laurineæ. - Cordia monoica (female tree). - - -Two sticks are prepared, one short, the other long. In the former a -square cavity is scooped out, and it is held firmly on the ground, -while the long stick is twisted rapidly to and fro in the cavity. No -charcoal powder is used, but a rag, or even dried leaves are set -fire to. - -The head-quarters of the Yanadis is the island of Sriharikota in the -Nellore district. Their primitive condition attracted notice in 1835, -when the island came into the possession of the Government, which -endeavoured to ameliorate their position by supplying them with a -liberal allowance of grain, clothing, tobacco, and money, in return -for the jungle produce, which they collected. The demand for labour -naturally rose, and the Government offered to pay to parents 2 annas -6 pies on the birth of a male, and 1 anna 3 pies on the birth of a -female child--a bounty on productivity justified by special local -causes. In 1858, the Government opened a school for the teaching of -Telugu, which was rendered attractive by offers of rice and clothing -to those who attended it. An industrial department gave lessons in -basket-making, and land was assigned for the cultivation of chay-root -(Oldenlandia umbellata), which yields the beautiful red dye formerly -much employed in the dyeing of cotton fabrics, but has had its nose -put out of joint by the introduction of aniline and alizarin dyes. But -the industries proved unsuccessful, and the strength of the school -gradually declined, so that it was abolished in 1877. - -At the census, 1891, the Yanadis returned as many as 89 sub-divisions, -of which the two most important numerically were Chenchu and Manchi. A -division into classes exists according to dietary, occupation, -residence, etc. There are, for example, the Reddi Yanadis, the -Challa (refuse-eating), Adavi, and Kappala (frog-eaters). The Reddi -Yanadis are a settled class, employed chiefly as cooks by the Panta -Reddis. They do not mingle with the Challa and Adivi sections, -whom they regard as out-castes. If a Reddi Yanadi woman's husband -dies, abandons, or divorces her, she may marry his brother, and, -in the case of separation or divorce, the two brothers will live on -friendly terms with each other. The Challas are also known as Garappa -(dry-land) or Chatla (tree). They reside in huts on the borders of -villages in the service of the community, and live on jungle produce, -and by snaring and hunting game. The Reddi and Challa Yanadis are -occasionally employed as kavalgars, or village watchmen, in the Kistna -and Godavari districts. In the Venkatagiri Zemindari the Yanadis are -among the recognised servants of the village community as procurers -of charcoal for the blacksmith. The Adavi Yanadis are, as the name -implies, jungle-men. The Manchi or good Yanadis are a small superior -class. The Yanadis of the North Arcot district, it may be noted, are -Chenchu worshippers, and go by that name. They are non-frog-eaters, -and do not permit the Kappala, or frog-eaters, even to touch their -pots. Some Yanadis of the Nellore district feed on the refuse of the -table. The Somari, or idle Yanadis, live in the Kavali taluk of that -district. They do scavenging work, and eat the refuse food thrown -away by people from the leaf plate after a meal. - -The following are some of the house-names of families living in -Nellore, Sriharikota, Tada, and Kambakam:-- - - -(a) Manchi Yanadis-- - - Bandi, cart. - Chembetti, hammer. - Chilakala, paroquet. - Dhoddi, sheep-fold. - Igala, house-fly. - Enthodu, a village. - Illa, of a house. - Kathtlula, sword. - Kanur, a village. - Kotlu, cow-shed. - Mekala, goat. - Manikala, measure. - Pamula, snake. - Tenkayala, cocoanut. - Totla, garden. - Tupakala, gun. - Udamala, water-lizard. - Jandayi, flag. - Marrigunta, pond near a fig-tree. - - -(b) Challa Yanadi-- - - Nerigi Mekala, a kind of goat. - Elugu, bear. - Thirlasetti, name of a Balija Chetti. - - -All these names represent exogamous septs. In every case, the -house-name was known only to old men and women, and they, as a rule, -did not know the house-names of their neighbours or relations. Many -of the names are derived from villages, or persons of other castes, -on whose land they may live, and are probably new names adopted -instead of the original ones. For the purpose of their register, -Forest officers invent prefixes by which Yanadis with the same family -name can be distinguished, e.g., Kee Chenchugadu, Permadu Budthagadu, -to distinguish them from other Chenchugadus, and Budthagadus. The -same practice is resorted to by planters, who give "estate names" -to their coolies. - -Yanadis will not eat with Madigas or Paraiyans, and observe some -principle in partaking of the refuse of the table. Thus, for a Chinna -Yanadi to eat the refuse of the Mondis, Oddes, or Yerukalas, would -involve excommunication, which is always pronounced by a Balija -Chetti, whose decision is final and binding. Restoration to caste -can be secured by undergoing a personal ordeal, by giving a feast, -and promising good behaviour in the future. The ordeal takes the form -of scalding of the tongue with hot gold by the Balija Chetti. It is -curious that there has recently grown up a tendency for members of -other castes to join the Yanadi community. There are instances of -barbers, weavers, fishermen, and even Komatis being admitted into -the Yanadi fold. - -The headman, who goes by the name of Kulampedda or Pedda Yanadi, -exercises general social control over a group, known as a guddem, -ordinarily of about twenty huts. He decides social questions, -sometimes on his own responsibility, by excommunicating or fining; -sometimes acting on the advice of a council of his castemen. Until -quite recently, the tribe remained under the guidance of a hereditary -leader of Sriharikota, who wielded immense power. The Paraiyans -have risen superior to the Yanadis as a community, supplying among -themselves their own artisans, weavers, carpenters, barbers, priests, -teachers, etc., while the Yanadis are only just beginning to move in -this direction. - -The language of the Yanadis is Telugu, but some words are compounds -of Telugu and Tamil, e.g., artichedi for plantain, pandikutti for pig. - -The Yanadis know the forest flora well, and the uses of the various -trees and shrubs, which yield good firewood, etc. They call the roller -(Coracias indica) the milk bird, in the belief that, when a cow goes -dry, she will yield milk if a feather of the roller is put in the -grass for her to swallow. The crow-pheasant (Centropus sinensis) -is to them the prickly-pear crow; florikin the ground peacock; the -fan-tail snipe the pond snipe; and the pin-tail the rice field snipe. - -At the census, 1891, 84,339 Yanadis were returned as Hindus, and 549 as -animists. Their places of worship are not temples, but houses, called -devara indlu (houses of the gods), set apart for every centre. They -worship a household god, a village goddess of local importance, and -a deity of wider repute and influence. Chenchu Devudu is invariably -the household god. Poleramma or Ankamma is in charge of a local area -for weal or woe. Subbarayudu, Venkateswaralu, Panchala, Narasimhulu, -and others, are the gods who control destinies over a wider area. The -Yanadis are their own priests. The objects of worship take various -forms: a wooden idol at Sriharikota; bricks; stones; pots of water -with margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves; images of gods drawn on -the walls of their houses; or mere handfuls of clay squeezed into -shape, and placed on a small platform erected under an aruka tree, -which, like other Hindus, they hold sacred. They use a red powder, -flowers, turmeric, etc., for worship; burn camphor and incense; and -distribute fruit, dhal (pulse of Cajanus indicus), and the like. In -worshipping ancestors, they resemble the Kurumbas. The house of -the gods is a sanctum, into which no polluting object is allowed to -enter. The most pious perform rites every Friday. At Sriharikota they -do so once a fortnight, or once a month. The ordinary Yanadi only -worships on occasion of a marriage, funeral, etc. A belief lingers -that the pious are en rapport with the deity, who converses with -them and even inspires them. The goddess receives animal sacrifices, -but Chenchu Devudu is a strict vegetarian, whose votaries are bound, -at times of worship, to subsist on a single daily meal of roots and -fruits. The Yanadis, like Hindus, wear sect marks, and are even divided -into Vaishnavites and Saivites. They are supposed, during worship, -to endow inanimate objects, and the spirits of geographical features, -with life and mind, and supernatural powers. Some Yanadis are converts -to Christianity. - -The Yanadis live in low conical huts, rudely built of bamboo and -palmyra leaves, grass, or millet stalks, with a small entrance, through -which grown-up people have to creep. The hut affords protection from -the sun and rain, but the Yanadis generally cook, eat, and sleep -outside. The staple food of the Yanadis, apart from bazar purchases, -consists of the following:-- - -Animals:--Sambar deer, wild goat, bear, porcupine, boar, land tortoise, -hare, bandicoot and jerboa rat, Varanus (lizard), mungoose, and fish. - -Vegetables and fruit:--Dioscorea (yams); pith and fruit of Phoenix -sylvestris (date palm); fruit kernel of Cycas circinalis, eaten after -thorough soaking in water; and fruits of Eugenia alternifolia and -Jambolana (black plum), Carissa Carandas and spinarum, Buchanania -acuminata, and Mimusops hexandra. - -They are, like the Irulas of Chingleput, very partial to sour -and fermented rice-water, which is kept by the higher classes for -cattle. This they receive in exchange for headloads of fuel. For some -time past they have been stopped by the Forest officers from drinking -this pulusunillu, as it makes them lazy, and unfit for work. - -The marriage ceremony is no indispensable necessity. The Adavi -Yanadis, as a rule, avoid it; the Reddi Yanadis always observe it. The -parents rarely arrange alliances, the parties concerned managing -for themselves. Maturity generally precedes marriage. Seduction -and elopement are common occurrences, and divorce is easily -obtained. Adultery is no serious offence; widows may live in -concubinage; and pregnancy before marriage is no crime. By nature, -however, the Yanadis are jealous of conjugal rights, and attached to -their wives. Widowhood involves no personal disfigurement, or denial -of all the emblems of married life. - -A widow has been known to take, one after another, as many as seven -husbands. The greater the number of her husbands, the more exalted -is the status of a widow in society, and the stronger her title to -settle disputes on questions of adultery, and the like. Polygamy is -common, and a Yanadi is known to have had as many as seven wives, whom -he housed separately, and with whom he lived by turns. The marriage -ceremony is undergoing change, and the simple routine developing into -a costly ceremonial, the details of which (e.g., the "screen scene") -are copied from the marriage rites of higher castes in the Telugu -country. Until quite recently, the flower of the tangedu (Cassia -auriculata) did duty for the tali, which is now a turmeric-dyed cotton -thread with a gold bottu suspended from it. The auspicious hour is -determined by a very simple process. The hour is noon, which arrives -when a pole, two feet high, stuck vertically on the marriage platform, -ceases to throw a shadow. The pole has superseded the arrow used of -old, and sometimes a purohit is consulted, and gives the hour from -his calendar. - -As a punishment for adultery, the unfaithful woman is, at Sriharikota, -made to stand, with her legs tied, for a whole day in the sun, with -a basket full of sand on her head. - -The maternal uncle receives a measure of rice, a new cloth, and eight -annas, at the head-shaving ceremony of his nephew. At this ceremony, -which is a borrowed custom, the uncle plucks a lock of hair from the -head of the lad, and ties it to a bough of the aruka tree. The head -is shaved, and the lad worships the village goddess, to whom a fowl -is offered. The guests are feasted, and the evening is spent in a -wild torch-light dance. - -At the first menstrual period, a Yanadi girl occupies a hut erected -for the purpose, which must have within it at least one stick of -Strychnos Nux-vomica, to drive away devils. On the ninth day the -hut is burnt down, and the girl cleanses herself from pollution by -bathing. A woman, after confinement, feeds for three days on the -tender leaves, or cabbage of the date palm (Phoenix sylvestris), and -then on rice. Margosa leaves, and sometimes the leaves of other trees, -and the knife with which the umbilical cord was cut, are placed under -the infant's head for six days. A net is hung in front of the door, -to keep out devils. The baby is given a name by the soothsayer, who -pretends to be in communication on the subject with the god or goddess. - -The Yanadis pose as prophets of human destinies, and, like the Nilgiri -Kurumbas, pretend to hold intercourse with gods and goddesses, -and to intercede between god and man. Every village or circle has -one or more soothsayers, who learn their art from experts under -a rigid routine. The period of pupilage is a fortnight spent on a -dietary of milk and fruits with no cooked meat, in a cloister in -meditation. The god or goddess Ankamma, Poleramma, Venkateswaralu, -Subbaroyadu, or Malakondroyadu, appears like a shadow, and inspires -the pupil, who, directly the period of probation has ceased, burns -camphor and frankincense. He then sings in praise of the deity, takes -a sea bath with his master, gives a sumptuous feast, and becomes an -independent soothsayer. The ardent soothsayer of old wrought miracles, -so runs the story, by stirring boiling rice with his hand, which was -proof against scald or hurt. His modern brother invokes the gods with -burning charcoal in his folded hands, to the beat of a drum. People -flock in large numbers to know the truth. The word is rangampattedhi -in North Arcot and sodi in Nellore. The soothsayer arranges Chenchu -Devudu and the local gods in a separate devara illu or house of god, -which is always kept scrupulously clean, and where worship is regularly -carried on. The auspicious days for soothsaying are Friday, Saturday, -and Sunday. The chief soothsayer is a male. The applicant presents -him with betel nuts, fruit, flowers, and money. The soothsayer -bathes, and sits in front of his house smeared with black, white, -red, and other colours. His wife, or some other female, kindles a -fire, and throws frankincense into it. He beats his drum, and sings, -while a woman from within repeats the chant in a shrill voice. The -songs are in praise of the deity, at whose and the soothsayer's -feet the applicant prostrates himself and invokes their aid. The -soothsayer feels inspired, and addresses the supplicant thus: "You -have neglected me. You do not worship me. Propitiate me adequately, or -ruin is yours." The future is predicted in song. In these predictions -the rural folk place abundant faith. - -The Yanadis bury their dead. The corpse is laid on leaves in front of -the hut, washed and clad. Pelalu (parched rice) is thrown over the -corpse by the son and all the agnates. It is eventually placed on a -bier, covered with a new cloth, and carried to the burial ground, by -the sons, or, in the absence thereof, the sapindas. At a fixed spot -near the grave, on which all corpses are placed, a cross is drawn on -the ground, the four lines of which represent the four cardinal points -of the compass. Close to the corpse are placed betel leaves and nuts, -and a copper coin. All present then proceed to the spot where the grave -is to be dug, while the corpse is left in charge of a Yanadi called -the Bathyasthadu, who, as a rule, belongs to a different sept from -that of the deceased. The corpse is laid on a cloth, face downwards, -in the grave. The eldest son, followed by the other relatives, -throws three handfuls of earth into the grave, which is then filled -in. On their return home, the mourners undergo purification by bathing -before entering their huts. In front of the dead man's hut, two broken -chatties (pots) are placed, whereof one contains ash-water, the other -turmeric-water. Into each chatty a leafy twig is thrown. Those who -have been present at the funeral stop at the chatties, and, with the -twig, sprinkle themselves first with the ash-water, and then with the -turmeric-water. Inside the hut a lighted lamp, fed with gingelly oil, -is set up, before which those who enter make obeisance before eating. - -The chinnadinamu ceremony, whereof notice is given by the Bathyasthadu, -is usually held on the third day after death. Every group (gudem) -or village has its own Bathyasthadu, specially appointed, whose duty -it is to convey the news of death, and puberty of girls, to all the -relatives. Tupakis will never nominate a Tupaki as their Bathyastha, -but will select from a Mekala or any sept except their own. - -On the morning of the chinnadinamu, the eldest son of the deceased -cooks rice in a new pot, and makes curries and cakes according to his -means. These are made up into six balls, which are placed in a new -basket, and taken to the burial-ground. On reaching the spot where the -cross-lines were drawn, a ball of rice is placed thereon, together with -betel leaves and nuts and a copper coin. The Bathyasthadu remains in -charge thereof, while those assembled proceed to the grave, whereon a -pot of water is poured, and a stone planted at the spot beneath which -the head lies. The stone is anointed with shikai (fruit of Acacia -Concinna) and red powder, and milk poured over it, first by the widow -or widower and then by the relations. This ceremony concluded, the son -places a ball of rice at each corner of the grave, together with betel -and money. Milk is poured over the remaining ball, which is wrapped -in a leaf, and buried over the spot where the abdomen of the deceased -is situated. Close to the grave, at the southern or head end, three -stones are set up in the form of a triangle, whereon a new pot full -of water is placed. A hole is made in the bottom of the pot, and the -water trickles out towards the head of the corpse. This concludes the -ceremony, and, as on the day of the funeral, purification by bathing, -ash-water and turmeric-water, is carried out. - -The peddadinamu ceremony is performed on the sixteenth, or some -later day after death. As on the chinnadinamu, the son cooks rice -in a new pot. Opposite the entrance to the hut a handful of clay is -squeezed into a conical mass, representing the soul of the deceased, -and stuck up on a platform. The eldest son, taking a portion of -the cooked rice, spreads it on a leaf in front of the clay image, -before which incense is burnt, and a lamp placed. The image, and the -remainder of the food made up into four balls, are then carried by the -son to a tank (pond). As soon as the relatives have assembled there, -the recumbent effigy of a man is made, close to the edge of the tank, -with the feet towards the north. The conical image is set up close -to the head of the effigy, which is anointed by the relatives as at -the chinnadinamu, except that no milk is poured over it. The four -balls of rice are placed close to the hands and feet of the effigy, -together with betel and money, and the son salutes it. The agnates then -seat themselves in a row between the effigy and the water, with their -hands behind their backs, so as to reach the effigy, which is moved -slowly towards the water, into which it finally falls, and becomes -disintegrated. The proceedings conclude with distribution of cloths -and cheroots, and purification as before. The more prosperous Yanadis -now engage a Brahman to remove the pollution by sprinkling water over -them. During the peddadinamu incessant music and drum-beating has been -going on, and is continued till far into the night, and sometimes the -ceremonial is made to last over two days, in order that the Yanadis -may indulge in a bout of music and dancing. - -The Yanadis are expert anglers, catching fish with a triangular net -or wicker basket. They also excel in diving for and catching hold -of fish concealed in crevices of rocks or buried in mud, and assist -European sportsmen by marking down florikin. Those who are unable -to count bring in a string with knots tied in it, to indicate the -number of birds marked. They catch bandicoot rats by a method known -as voodarapettuta. A pot is stuffed with grass, into which fire -is thrown. The mouth of the pot is placed against the hole made by -the bandicoot, and smoke blown into the hole through a small slit -in the pot. The animal becomes suffocated, and tries to escape -through the only aperture available, made for the occasion by the -Yanadi, and, as it emerges, is killed. They are fearless in catching -cobras, which they draw out of their holes without any fear of their -fangs. They pretend to be under the protection of a charm, while so -doing. A correspondent writes that a cobra was in his grounds, and -his servant got a Yanadi, who had charge of the adjoining garden, -to dislodge it. The man was anxious to catch it alive, and then, -before killing it, carefully removed the poison-sac with a knife, -and swallowed it as a protection against snake-bite. - -The Yanadis are good shikaris (huntsmen), and devoid of fear in the -jungle. They hold licenses under the Arms Act, and being good shots, -are great at bagging tigers, leopards, porcupines, and other big and -small game. After an unsuccessful beat for spotted deer, a friend -informs me, the Yanadis engaged therein erected a cairn of twigs -and stones several feet high, round which they danced with gradually -quickening step, to the refrain in Telugu 'Nothing comes.' Then, to -the same tune, they danced round it in the opposite direction. The -incantation concluded, the beat was continued and a stag duly appeared -on the scene--and was missed! - -They gather honey from bee-hives on hill tops and cliffs which are -precipitous and almost inaccessible, and perilous to reach. The man -climbs down with the help of a plaited rope of pliant bamboo, fastened -above to a peg driven firmly into a tree or other hard substance, -and takes with him a basket and stick. He drives away the bees at the -first swing by burning grass or brushwood beneath the hives. The next -swing takes him closer to the hive, which he pokes with the stick. He -receives the honey-comb in the basket, and the honey flows out of it -into a vessel adjusted to it. When the basket and vessel are full, -he shakes the rope, and is drawn up by the person in charge of it, -who is almost always his wife's brother, so that there may be no foul -play. He thus collects a considerable quantity of honey and wax, -for which he receives only a subsistence wage from the contractor, -who makes a big profit for himself. - -The following list of minor forest products, chiefly collected by -Government Yanadis, is given in the Nellore District Gazette:-- - - - Chay root (Oldenlandia umbellata), which, by a quaint misprint, - appears as cheroot. - Kanuga (Pongamia glabra). - Sarsaparilla (Hemidesmus indicus). - Nux vomica (Strychnos Nux-vomica). - Tangedu (Cassia auriculata). - Soap nut (Sapindus trifoliatus). - Achilla weed (lichens). - Ishwarac (Aristolochia indica). - Vishabuddi (Sida carpinifolia). - Kukkapala (Tylophora asthmatica). - Honey. - Rattan (Calamus Rotang). - Tamarind (Tamarindus indicus). - Neredu (Eugenia Jambolana). - Surati bark (Ventilago Madraspatana). - - -In the interests of the Yanadis it is laid down, in the Gazette, that -"the Yanadi villages must be encouraged, and the people paid at least -once a week for the produce they collect. This must be done by the -maistry (overseer) going up and down the main ride every day during -the collection season, checking the collections, and paying for them -on the spot. The Yanadis will, of course, camp out in the reserve -when collecting produce, and not return, as heretofore, every three -days to Sriharikota, thus wasting 45 per cent. of their time in the -mere coming and going, apart from the fact that, under the old system, -the produce from some parts of the reserves was never collected at all, -as no one visited them." - -The Yanadis dance on festive occasions, at ceremonies, and occasionally -for begging, smearing the body with turmeric, wearing flowers, -singing meaningless songs, and drumming in rude fashion "dambukku, -dambukku." Their only wind instrument is the bag-pipe, but they play -on the snake charmer's reed as an accompaniment. Their dance is full -of indecent suggestion. They have of late trained themselves for the -stage, and there are several troupes of Bhagavathulu. - -To the Rev. G. N. Thomssen, of the Telugu Mission, Bapatla, I am -indebted for the following account of a Yanadi dance. "Especially at -night, they love to gather in some part of the jungle where they have -their huts, and, having gathered a pile of palmyra leaves, burn them -one by one as torches, while a number of men and women begin to dance -their quaint, weird jungle dance, which is to represent the experiences -of the hunters in their wanderings. The chief actors, or dancers, -are dressed fantastically. They are almost nude, but dangling from -their loins are palmyra baskets, in which they gather edible bulbs -and roots, dead rats, snakes, etc., which are prized as something to -fill the stomach. Suddenly the actors fell on the ground. One of them -cries out 'thelu' (scorpion). Then the other asks where, and is shown -the place where the scorpion is supposed to have stung the sufferer, -while the choir sing:-- - - - Alas! the scorpion stings. - O! O! the scorpion stings. - Which finger? Ah! the middle one. - As soon as I was stung, - The poison into my head ascends. - Ayo! Ayo! What shall I do? - Bring down the poison with yilledu. - - -This chant is kept up for a long time, when suddenly another of the -actors falls on the ground, and writhes like a snake. The Yanadis -are a very supple race, and, when dancing, especially when writhing -on the ground, one sees a display of muscular action that makes one -believe that the human body is capable of all the twists and turns of -a serpent. When the actor is representing the man bitten by a snake, -one hears quaint cries while the snake is sought in the hair, ears, -and nose, basket and loin-cloth. The choir now sings the following:-- - - - Come down to catch the snake, - O! snake-charmer, behold the standing snake. - Be sure the pipe sounds well. - Come, come, with the big snakes in the basket, - And the little ones in the lock of your hair. - When I went down the bank of the Yerracheru, - And saw the harvest cut, - The cobra crawled beneath the harvester. - Ayo! Ayo! Ayo! - - -To see this action song, and to hear these strange people, is one -of the queerest experiences of native aboriginal life. The dancers, -and the spectators who form the choir, all become very excited, and -even the European, seeing the tamasha (spectacle), is infected with -the excitement. The actors are bathed in perspiration, but the dance -is kept up nevertheless, and only when their large stock of palmyra -leaf torches is exhausted will they stop and take their rest." - -In their nomadic life the Yanadis have learnt by experience the -properties and uses of herbs and roots, with which they treat fever, -rheumatism, and other diseases. They have their own remedies for -cobra bite and scorpion sting. It is said that the Yanadis alone -are free from elephantiasis, which affects the remaining population -of Sriharikota. - -It is noted by the Rev. G. N. Thomssen that "while it has been -impossible to gather these people into schools, because of their -shyness and jungle wildness, Christian missionaries, especially -the American Baptist missionaries, have succeeded in winning the -confidence of these degraded children of nature, and many of them -have joined the Christian Church. Some read and write well, and a few -have even learned English. We have a small, but growing settlement -of Christianised Yanadis at Bapatla." - -To sum up the Yanadi. It is notorious that, in times of scarcity, he -avoids the famine relief works, for the simple reason that he does not -feel free on them. Nevertheless, a few are in the police service. Some -are kavalgars (watchmen), farm labourers, scavengers, stone-masons -or bricklayers, others are pounders of rice, or domestic servants, -and are as a rule faithful. They earn a livelihood also in various -subsidiary ways, by hunting, fishing, cobra-charming, collecting honey -or fuel, rearing and selling pigs, practicing medicine as quacks, -and by thieving. "An iron implement," Mr. F. S. Mullaly writes, [158] -called the sikkaloo kol, is kept by them ostensibly for the purpose of -digging roots, but it is really their jemmy, and used in the commission -of burglary. It is an ordinary iron tool, pointed at both ends, one -end being fitted in a wooden handle. With this they can dig through a -wall noiselessly and quickly, and many houses are thus broken into in -one night, until a good loot is obtained. House-breakings are usually -committed during the first quarter of the moon. Yanadis confess their -own crimes readily, but will never implicate accomplices.... Women -are useful in the disposal of stolen property. At dusk they go round -on their begging tours selling mats, which they make, and take the -opportunity of dropping a word to the women of cheap things for sale, -and the temptation is seldom resisted. Stolen property is also carried -in their marketing baskets to the village grocer, the Komati. Among -the wild (Adavi) Yanadis, women are told off to acquire information -while begging, but they chiefly rely on the liquor-shopkeepers for -news, which may be turned to useful account." [159] - -Yanati.--The Yanatis, Yenetis, or Enetis, are a class of cultivators in -the Ganjam and Vizagapatam districts, between whom and the Yanadis some -confusion has arisen. For example, it is noted, in the Madras Census -Report, 1891, that it is curious to find the Yanadi sub-division of -the Velamas so strongly represented, for there is at the present day -a wide gulf between Velamas and Yanadis. Again, in the Census Report, -1901, it is noticed under the heading Yanati that "entries of this -name were clubbed with Yanadi, but it has since been reported that, -in Bissumcuttack taluk of the Vizagapatam Agency, there is a separate -caste called Yanati or Yeneti Dora, which is distinct from either -Yanadi or Konda Dora." - -It is said that the Yanatis of Ganjam also go by the name of Entamara -and Gainta or Gayinta. - -Yata.--The Yatas are the toddy-drawers of Ganjam and Vizagapatam. The -caste name is a corrupt form of ita, meaning date palm, from -which the toddy is secured. It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the -Vizagapatam district, that "toddy is obtained from the palmyra -(Borassus flabellifer) and date palm (Phoenix sylvestris). The -toddy-drawers are usually of the Yata and Segidi castes. The palmyra -is tapped by cutting off the end of the flower spathe, and the date -palm by making an incision, like an inverted V, close under the crown -of leaves. In the zamindaris, little care is taken to see that date -trees are not over-tapped, and hundreds of trees may be seen ruined, -and even killed by excessive tapping." Many members of the caste are -engaged in the manufacture of baskets and boxes from palm leaves. The -Yatas are said to be responsible for a good deal of the crime in -portions of the Vizagapatam district. - -For the following note on the Yatas of the Vizagapatam district, I am -indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. They are a Telugu-speaking people, -and the caste is organised on the same lines as many other Telugu -castes. In each locality where they are settled, there is a headman -called Kulampedda, who, with the assistance of the caste elders, -settles disputes and affairs affecting the community. The caste is, -like other Telugu castes, divided up into numerous intiperus or -exogamous septs. The custom of menarikam, according to which a man -marries his maternal uncle's daughter, is the rule. If the girl, -whom a man claims in accordance with this custom, is not given to -him, his mother raises such a howl that her brother is compelled -by the castemen to come to terms. If he still refuses to give up -his daughter, and bestows her on another man, the protest of his -sister is said to destroy the happiness of the pair. Girls are -married before or after puberty. The marriage ceremonies last -over three days, and are carried out either at the house of the -bride or bridegroom, the former if the parents are prosperous and -influential people in the community. A Brahman officiates, and ties -the satamanam on the bride's neck. On the evening of the third day, -at the bride's house, presents called katnam, in the shape of rings, -waist-bands, and a gold bangle for the right upper arm, are given to -the bridegroom. The value of these presents bears a fixed proportion -to that of the voli or bride-price. The pair live for three days at -the bride's house, and then proceed to the house of the bridegroom, -where they stay during the next three days. They then return to the -home of the bride, where they once more stay for three days, at the -end of which the bridegroom returns to his house. The consummation -ceremony is a separate event, and, if the girl has reached puberty, -takes place a few days after the marriage ceremony. The remarriage -of widows is permitted. The satamanam is tied on the bride's neck -by the Kulampedda. Divorce is also recognised, and a man marrying -a divorced woman has to pay twelve rupees, known as moganaltappu, -or new husband's fine. The divorced woman has to return all the -jewellery which was given to her by her former husband. - -The dead are cremated, and a man of the washerman caste usually assists -in igniting the pyre. There is an annual ceremony in memory of the -dead, at which the house is cleaned, and purified with cow-dung. A -meal on a more than usually liberal scale is cooked, and incense -and camphor are burnt before the entrance to the house. Food is then -offered to the dead, who are invoked by name, and the celebrants of -the rite partake of a hearty meal. - -The usual caste titles are Naidu and Setti. - -Yeddula (bulls).--An exogamous sept of Boya and Kapu. - -Yedu Madala (seven madalas).--The name of a section of Upparas, -indicating the amount of the bride-price. A madala is equivalent to -two rupees. - -Yelka Meti (good rat).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Yemme.--Yemme, Emme, or Yemmalavaru, meaning buffalo or buffalo -people, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of Bedar or Boya, -Kurni, Kuruba, Madiga, and Vakkaliga. - -Yenne (oil).--A sub-division of Ganiga. - -Yenuga.--Yenuga or Yenigala, meaning elephant, has been recorded as -an exogamous sept of Kapu, the members of which will not touch ivory. - -Yenumala.--Yenumala or Yenamaloru, meaning buffalo or buffalo people, -has been recorded as an exogamous sept of Balija, Boya, Madiga, -and Odde. - -Yeravallar.--See Eravallar. - -Yerlam.--A division of Kapus, so called after a Brahman girl named -Yerlamma, who was excommunicated for not being married, and bore -children to a Kapu. - -Yerra (red).--A sub-division of Golla and Kapu, and an exogamous sept -of Devanga. - -Yerudandi.--See Erudandi. - -Yogi Gurukkal.--The Yogi Gurukkals are described in the Madras Census -Report, 1891, as "a Malayalam-speaking beggar caste. They are also -priests in Kali temples, and pial schoolmasters. They bury their dead -in a sitting posture (like Sanyasis)." The pial, it may be noted, -is a raised platform under the verandah, or on either side of the -door of a house, in which village schools are held. - -The Yogi Gurukkals are scattered about Malabar, and their chief -occupation seems to be the performance of worship to Kali or -Durga. They officiate as priests for Mukkuvans and Tiyans. Among the -Mukkuvans, puja (worship) to Kali at the annual festival has to be done -by a Yogi Gurukkal, whereas, on ordinary occasions, it may be done by -a Mukkuvan, provided that he has been initiated by a Yogi Gurukkal. In -their customs, the Yogi Gurukkals closely follow the Nayars. - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that "the Yogi Gurukkals -of North Malabar are a caste which, though low in the social scale, is -not regarded as conveying distance pollution. They perform sakti puja -in their own houses, to which no one outside the caste is allowed to -attend; they also perform it for Nayars and Tiyans. They are celebrated -sorcerers and exorcists, and are also schoolmasters by profession." - - -Zonnala (millet: Sorghum vulgare).--Zonnala, or the equivalent -Zonnakuti, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of Kapu. The Koyis -hold a festival when the zonna crop is ready to be cut, at which a -fowl is killed in the field, and its blood sprinkled on a stone set -up for the purpose. - - - - - - - - Printed by The Superintendent, Government Press, Madras. - - - - - - - -AGENTS FOR THE SALE OF MADRAS GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS. - - -IN THE EAST. - -R. Cambray & Co., Calcutta. -Combridge & Co., Madras. -T. Coopooswami Naicker & Co., Madras. -Higginbotham & Co., Mount Road, Madras. -V. Kalyanarama Iyer & Co., Esplanade, Madras. -S. Murthy & Co., Kapalee Press, Madras. -G. A. Natesan & Co., Madras. -P. R. Rama Iyar & Co., Madras. -Radhabai Atmaram Sagun, Bombay. -Sarasvati Publishing House, Popham's Broadway, Madras. -E. Seymour Hale, Bombay. - [160]T. K. Sitarama Aiyar, Kumbakónam. -D. B. Taraporevala Sons & Co., Bombay. -Temple & Co., Georgetown, Madras. -Thacker & Co. (Limited), Bombay. -Thacker, Spink & Co., Calcutta. -Thompson & Co., Madras. - - -IN ENGLAND. - -E. A. Arnold, 41 and 43, Maddox Street, Bond Street, W., London. -B. H. Blackwell, 50 and 51, Broad Street, Oxford. -Constable & Co., 10, Orange Street, Leicester Square, W.C., London. -Deighton, Bell & Co., Cambridge. -T. Fisher Unwin, 1, Adelphi Terrace, W.C., London. -Grindlay & Co., 54, Parliament Street, S.W., London. -Henry S. King & Co., 65, Cornhill, E.C., London. -P. S. King & Son, 2 and 4, Great Smith Street, Westminster, S.W., -London. -Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., 43, Gerrard Street, Soho, W., -London. -Luzac & Co., 46, Great Russell Street, W.C., London. -B. Quaritch, 11, Grafton Street, New Bond Street, W., London. -W. Thacker & Co., 2, Creed Lane, E.C., London. - - -ON THE CONTINENT. - -Friedländer & Sohn, 11, Carlstrasse, Berlin. -Otto Harrassowitz, Leipzig. -Rudolf Haupt, 1, Dorrienstrasse, Leipzig, Germany. -Karl W. Hiersemann, Leipzig. -Ernest Leroux, 28, Rue Bonaparte, Paris. -Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague, Holland. - - - - - - - -NOTES - - -[1] Ind. Ant. IV, 1875. - -[2] Manners, Customs, and Observances. - -[3] Malabar Law and Custom, 1905. - -[4] Tarwad: a marumakkathayam family, consisting of all the descendants -in the female line of one common female ancestor. - -[5] The Todas, 1906. - -[6] Malabar Law and Custom. - -[7] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[8] Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879. - -[9] Gazetteer of Malabar. - -[10] Monograph Eth. Survey, Cochin No. 1, 1905. - -[11] Ind. Ant., IX, 1880. - -[12] Ind. Ant., IX. 1880. - -[13] F. S. Mullaly. Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency. - -[14] Monograph, Eth. Survey, Bombay, No. 93, Tigala, 1907. - -[15] Malabar Law and Custom. - -[16] Lieutenant-General E. F. Burton. An Indian Olio. - -[17] Monograph Ethnog. Survey of the Cochin State, No. 10, Izhuvas, -1905. - -[18] The Tinnevelly Shanars, 1849. - -[19] Madras Census Report, 1871. - -[20] A fanam is a small gold coin, worth about four annas, which was -formerly current in Southern India, but is no longer in circulation. - -[21] Other kinds of necklaces are the mullapu (jasmine flower) mala, -avil (beaten rice) mala, so called from the shape of the links, mani -mala or bead necklace, and pavizham (coral) mala. These are all worn -by women. - -[22] Ordinarily, paddy is partly boiled before it is pounded to remove -the husk. Raw rice is obtained by pounding the paddy, which has not -undergone any boiling. - -[23] There must in all be five or seven females. - -[24] The taboot is a model of a Muhammadan mausoleum, intended to -represent the tomb of Husain, which is carried in procession during -the Moharram festival. - -[25] Manavalan = bridegroom; Manavati = bride. - -[26] An Indian Olio. - -[27] The washerman of the Nambutiris and Nayars is called Veluthedan. - -[28] Nayars are addressed as Kammal by Tiyans and artisans. - -[29] The number twelve, so significant in Malabar. - -[30] Nasrani (Nazarene) is a term for Christians on the west coast. - -[31] Indian Review, Oct. 1906. - -[32] The Todas. 1906. - -[33] Ney = ghi or clarified butter. - -[34] Aboriginal Tribes of the Nilgiri Hills. - -[35] Madras Diocesan Magazine, November, 1907. - -[36] See Madras Museum Bull., IV, 1896, pl. XII. - -[37] Average 73. - -[38] Op. cit., Appendix IV, 738. - -[39] R. Bache. Royal Magazine, August 1901. - -[40] Ind. Ant., III, 1874. - -[41] Description of a singular Aboriginal Race inhabiting the summit -of the Neilgherry Hills, 1832. - -[42] Op. cit. - -[43] A Phrenologist among the Todas, 1873. - -[44] J. W. Breeks. Account of the Primitive Tribes and Monuments of -the Nilgiris, 1873. - -[45] Catalogue of the Prehistoric Antiquities, Government Museum, -Madras, 1901. - -[46] I have seen this plant growing on the grass in front of the -Paikara bungalow. - -[47] Op. cit. - -[48] Ellis. History of Madagascar. - -[49] Tribes inhabiting the Neilgherry Hills. By a German missionary, -1856. - -[50] Proc. Cambridge Philosoph. Soc., XII, 1904. - -[51] "Puzhutkina--Shall I throw earth?" Rivers. - -[52] Called by Breeks ilata, which, Dr. Rivers suggests, is a Badaga -name. - -[53] Journey through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar. - -[54] Gazetteer of the Anantapur district. - -[55] A. Chatterton. Monograph on Tanning and Working in -Leather. Madras, 1904. - -[56] Cf. Tanti. Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal. - -[57] Madras Mail, 1906. - -[58] Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer. - -[59] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[60] Manual of the Madura district. - -[61] Gazetteer of the Madura district. - -[62] Manual of the Madura district. - -[63] Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879. - -[64] Ibid. - -[65] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[66] History of Travancore, 1878. - -[67] Malabar and its Folk, Madras, 1900. - -[68] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[69] Manual of the Madura district. - -[70] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[71] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[72] Cf. Nayadi. - -[73] Native Life in Travancore, 1883. - -[74] Monograph, Eth. Survey, Cochin, No. 9, 1906. - -[75] Manual of the Malabar district. - -[76] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[77] Archæolog. Survey of India. Annual Report, 1902-1903. - -[78] Journey through Mysore, Canara and Malabar. Ed., 1807. - -[79] On the Weapons, Army Organization, and Political Maxims of the -Ancient Hindus, with special reference to gunpowder and fire-arms, -Madras, 1880. - -[80] Vide F. Hall's edition of H. H. Wilson's Vishnu Purana, -1864. III. 289-303. - -[81] Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879. - -[82] Native Life in Travancore. - -[83] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[84] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[85] Malabar Law and Custom, 3rd ed., 1905. - -[86] Father Coleridge's Life and Letters of St. Francis Xavier. - -[87] History of Tinnevelly. - -[88] Indian Medical Gazette, XLI, 8, 1906. - -[89] Cochin Census Report, 1901. - -[90] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[91] Mysore Census Report, 1891. - -[92] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[93] N. Sankuni Wariar, Ind. Ant. XXI, 1892. - -[94] Gazetteer of the Madura district. - -[95] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[96] Ibid., 1891. - -[97] Gazetteer of the Tanjore district. - -[98] Gazetteer of the Madura district. - -[99] The land of the Permauls, or Cochin, its past and its present, -1863. - -[100] Manual of the Madura district. - -[101] Manual of the Madura district. - -[102] Madras Census Report, 1891, and Manual of the North Arcot -district. - -[103] See Divakaram and Chudamani Nikhandu. - -[104] See Life of Tiruvalluvar, in Lazarus' edition of the Kural. - -[105] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[106] Gazetteer of Malabar. - -[107] Manual of the South Canara District. - -[108] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[109] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[110] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[111] Manual of the Tanjore district. - -[112] Manual of the North Arcot district; Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[113] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[114] Malabar and its Folk, 1900. - -[115] Madras Dioc: Magazine, 1906. - -[116] Manual of Malabar. - -[117] Madras Museum Bull. III, 3. 1901. - -[118] Manual of the Salem district. - -[119] Native Life in Travancore. - -[120] Madras Museum, Bull. III, I, 1900. - -[121] Crawley. The Mystic Rose. Fide Jagor. Zeitsch: Ethnol. XI, 164. - -[122] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[123] Ind. Ant. VIII, 1879. - -[124] History of the Military Transactions in Indostan. - -[125] Ind. Ant. VIII, 1879. - -[126] Ind. Ant. XX, 1891. - -[127] Monograph Eth. Survey of Cochin, No. 12, 1907. - -[128] Madras Museum Bull. III, 3, 1901. - -[129] Rev. J. Cain, Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879. - -[130] Madras Census Report, 1891, and Manual of the North Arcot -District. - -[131] Madras Journal of Literature and Science, 188-788, p. 134, -where the etymology of the name Vellala is fully discussed. - -[132] Section III. Inhabitants, Government Press, Madras, 1907. - -[133] Thondai-nandalap-paddiyam. - -[134] The zamindars of Cheyur, Chunampet, etc., in the Chingleput -district. - -[135] Manual of the Madura district. - -[136] Pen and Ink Sketches of South India. - -[137] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[138] M. Paupa Rao Naidu. History of Railway Thieves, 1900. - -[139] Ind. Ant. III, 1874. - -[140] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[141] Baramahal Records. - -[142] Manual of the Madura district. - -[143] Manual of the Madura district. - -[144] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[145] Manual of the Madura district. - -[146] Madras Museum Bull., V. 3, 1907. - -[147] Manual of the Salem district, 1883. - -[148] A. Chatterton. Monograph on Tanning and Working in Leather, 1904. - -[149] Madras Mail, 1907. - -[150] Ibid. - -[151] Malabar and its Folk, 1900. - -[152] Monograph, Ethnological Survey of Cochin, 1905. - -[153] Gazetteer of Malabar. - -[154] Monograph, Eth. Survey of Cochin. - -[155] Ind. Ant., X, 1881, p. 69. - -[156] Manual of the Kurnool district. - -[157] Catalogue Raisonné of Oriental Manuscripts, III, 1862. - -[158] Notes on Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency, 1892. - -[159] This note is based on an article by Mr. Ranga Rao, with -additions. - -[160] Agent for sale of the Legislative Department publications. - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Castes and Tribes of Southern India, by -Edgar Thurston and K. 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