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diff --git a/42996-8.txt b/42996-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 9bb6a82..0000000 --- a/42996-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,14091 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's Castes and Tribes of Southern India, by Edgar Thurston - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: Castes and Tribes of Southern India - Vol. 6 of 7 - -Author: Edgar Thurston - -Contributor: K. Rangachari - -Release Date: June 21, 2013 [EBook #42996] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA *** - - - - -Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project -Gutenberg. - - - - - - - - - CASTES AND TRIBES - OF - SOUTHERN INDIA - - By - - EDGAR THURSTON, C.I.E., - - Superintendent, Madras Government Museum; Correspondant Étranger, - Société d'Anthropologie de Paris; Socio Corrispondante, Societa, - Romana di Anthropologia. - - Assisted by - - K. Rangachari, M.A., - of the Madras Government Museum. - - - - VOLUME VI--P TO S - - GOVERNMENT PRESS, MADRAS - - 1909. - - - - - - - - - - - CASTES AND TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA. - - VOLUME VI. - - -P - - -Palli or Vanniyan.--Writing concerning this caste the Census -Superintendent, 1871, records that "a book has been written by a -native to show that the Pallis (Pullies or Vanniar) of the south are -descendants of the fire races (Agnikulas) of the Kshatriyas, and that -the Tamil Pullies were at one time the shepherd kings of Egypt." At -the time of the census, 1871, a petition was submitted to Government -by representatives of the caste, praying that they might be classified -as Kshatriyas, and twenty years later, in connection with the census, -1891, a book entitled 'Vannikula Vilakkam: a treatise on the Vanniya -caste,' was compiled by Mr. T. Aiyakannu Nayakar, in support of the -caste claim to be returned as Kshatriyas, for details concerning -which claim I must refer the reader to the book itself. In 1907, -a book entitled Varuna Darpanam (Mirror of Castes) was published, -in which an attempt is made to connect the caste with the Pallavas. - -Kulasekhara, one of the early Travancore kings, and one of the most -renowned Alwars reverenced by the Sri Vaishnava community in Southern -India, is claimed by the Pallis as a king of their caste. Even now, -at the Parthasarathi temple in Triplicane (in the city of Madras), -which according to inscriptions is a Pallava temple, Pallis celebrate -his anniversary with great éclat. The Pallis of Komalesvaranpettah in -the city of Madras have a Kulasekhara Perumal Sabha, which manages the -celebration of the anniversary. The temple has recently been converted -at considerable cost into a temple for the great Alwar. A similar -celebration is held at the Chintadripettah Adikesava Perumal temple -in Madras. The Pallis have the right to present the most important -camphor offering of the Mylapore Siva temple. They allege that the -temple was originally theirs, but by degrees they lost their hold over -it until this bare right was left to them. Some years ago, there was -a dispute concerning the exercise of this right, and the case came -before the High Court of Madras, which decided the point at issue in -favour of the Pallis. One of the principal gopuras (pyramidal towers) -of the Ekamranatha temple at Big Conjeeveram, the ancient capital of -the Pallavas, is known as Palligopuram. The Pallis of that town claim -it as their own, and repair it from time to time. In like manner, -they claim that the founder of the Chidambaram temple, by name Sweta -Varman, subsequently known as Hiranya Varman (sixth century A.D.) was -a Pallava king. At Pichavaram, four miles east of Chidambaram, lives -a Palli family, which claims to be descended from Hiranya Varman. A -curious ceremony is even now celebrated at the Chidambaram temple, -on the steps leading to the central sanctuary. As soon as the eldest -son of this family is married, he and his wife, accompanied by a -local Vellala, repair to the sacred shrine, and there, amidst crowds -of their castemen and others, a homam (sacrificial fire) is raised, -and offerings are made to it. The couple are then anointed with nine -different kinds of holy water, and the Vellala places the temple -crown on their heads. The Vellala who officiates at this ceremony, -assisted by the temple priests, is said to belong to the family of a -former minister of a descendant of Hiranya Varman. It is said that, -as the ceremony is a costly one, and the expenses have to be paid -by the individual who undergoes it, it often happens that the eldest -son of the family has to remain a bachelor for half his lifetime. The -Pallis who reside at St. Thomé in the city of Madras allege that they -became Christians, with their King Kandappa Raja, who, they say, -ruled over Mylapore during the time of the visit of St. Thomas. In -1907, Mr. T. Varadappa Nayakar, the only High Court Vakil (pleader) -among the Palli community practising in Madras, brought out a Tamil -book on the history of the connection of the caste with the ancient -Pallava kings. - -In reply to one of a series of questions promulgated by the Census -Superintendent, it was stated that "the caste is known by the -following names:--Agnikulas and Vanniyas. The etymology of these -is the same, being derived from the Sanskrit Agni or Vahni, meaning -fire. The following, taken from Dr. Oppert's article on the original -inhabitants of Bharatavarsa or India, explains the name of the caste -with its etymology:--'The word Vanniyan is generally derived from the -Sanskrit Vahni, fire. Agni, the god of fire, is connected with regal -office, as kings hold in their hands the fire-wheel or Agneya-chakra, -and the Vanniyas urge in support of their name the regal descent they -claim.' The existence of these fire races, Agnikula or Vahnikula -(Vanniya), in North and South India is a remarkable fact. No one -can refuse to a scion of the non-Aryan warrior tribe the title of -Rajputra, but in so doing we establish at once Aryan and non-Aryan -Rajaputras or Rajputs. The Vanniyan of South India may be accepted -as a representative of the non-Aryan Rajput element." - -The name Vanniyan is, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [1] "derived from the -Sanskrit vanhi (fire) in consequence of the following legend. In the -olden times, two giants named Vatapi and Mahi, worshipped Brahma with -such devotion that they obtained from him immunity from death from -every cause save fire, which element they had carelessly omitted -to include in their enumeration. Protected thus, they harried the -country, and Vatapi went the length of swallowing Vayu, the god -of the winds, while Mahi devoured the sun. The earth was therefore -enveloped in perpetual darkness and stillness, a condition of affairs -which struck terror into the minds of the devatas, and led them to -appeal to Brahma. He, recollecting the omission made by the giants, -directed his suppliants to desire the rishi Jambava Mahamuni to perform -a yagam, or sacrifice by fire. The order having been obeyed, armed -horse men sprung from the flames, who undertook twelve expeditions -against Vatapi and Mahi, whom they first destroyed, and afterwards -released Vayu and the sun from their bodies. Their leader then assumed -the government of the country under the name Rudra Vanniya Maharaja, -who had five sons, the ancestors of the Vanniya caste. These facts are -said to be recorded in the Vaidiswara temple in the Tanjore district." - -The Vaidiswara temple here referred to is the Vaidiswara kovil -near Shiyali. Mr. Stuart adds that "this tradition alludes to the -destruction of the city of Vapi by Narasimha Varma, king of the Pallis -or Pallavas." Vapi, or Va-api, was the ancient name of Vatapi or -Badami in the Bombay Presidency. It was the capital of the Chalukyas, -who, during the seventh century, were at feud with the Pallavas -of the south. "The son of Mahendra Varman I," writes Rai Bahadur -V. Venkayya, "was Narasimha Varman I, who retrieved the fortunes of -the family by repeatedly defeating the Cholas, Keralas, Kalabhras, and -Pandyas. He also claims to have written the word victory as on a plate -on Pulikesin's [2] back, which was caused to be visible (i.e., which -was turned in flight after defeat) at several battles. Narasimha Varman -carried the war into Chalukyan territory, and actually captured Vatapi -their capital. This claim of his is established by an inscription -found at Badami, from which it appears that Narasimha Varman bore the -title Mahamalla. In later times, too, this Pallava king was known as -Vatapi Konda Narasingapottaraiyan. Dr. Fleet assigns the capture of -the Chalukya capital to about A.D. 642. The war of Narasimha Varman -with Pulikesin is mentioned in the Sinhalese chronicle Mahavamsa. It -is also hinted at in the Tamil Periyapuranam. The well-known saint -Siruttonda, who had his only son cut up and cooked in order to satisfy -the appetite of the god Siva disguised as a devotee, is said to have -reduced to dust the city of Vatapi for his royal master, who could -be no other than the Pallava king Narasimha Varman." - -I gather, from a note by Mr. F. R. Hemingway, that the Pallis "tell -a long story of how they are descendants of one Vira Vanniyan, -who was created by a sage named Sambuha when he was destroying the -two demons named Vatapi and Enatapi. This Vira Vanniyan married a -daughter of the god Indra, and had five sons, named Rudra, Brahma, -Krishna, Sambuha, and Kai, whose descendants now live respectively -in the country north of the Palar in the Cauvery delta, between the -Palar and Pennar. They have written a Puranam and a drama bearing on -this tale. They declare that they are superior to Brahmans, since, -while the latter must be invested with the sacred thread after birth, -they bring their sacred thread with them at birth itself." - -"The Vanniyans," Mr. Nelson states, [3] "are at the present time a -small and obscure agricultural caste, but there is reason to believe -that they are descendants of ancestors who, in former times, held a -good position among the tribes of South India. A manuscript, abstracted -at page 90 of the Catalogue raisonné (Mackenzie Manuscripts), states -that the Vanniyans belong to the Agnikula, and are descended from -the Muni Sambhu; and that they gained victories by means of their -skill in archery. And another manuscript, abstracted at page 427, -shows that two of their chiefs enjoyed considerable power, and -refused to pay the customary tribute to the Rayar, who was for a -long time unable to reduce them to submission. Armies of Vanniyans -are often mentioned in Ceylon annals. And a Hindu History of Ceylon, -translated in the Royal As. Soc. Journal, Vol. XXIV, states that, in -the year 3300 of the Kali Yuga, a Pandya princess went over to Ceylon, -and married its king, and was accompanied by sixty bands of Vanniyans." - -The terms Vanni and Vanniyan are used in Tamil poems to denote -king. Thus, in the classical Tamil poem Kalladam, which has been -attributed to the time of Tiruvalluvar, the author of the sacred Kural, -Vanni is used in the sense of king. Kamban, the author of the Tamil -Ramayana, uses it in a similar sense. In an inscription dated 1189 -A.D., published by Dr. E. Hultzsch, [4] Vanniya Nayan appears among -the titles of the local chief of Tiruchchuram, who made a grant of -land to the Vishnu temple at Manimangalam. Tiruchchuram is identical -with Tiruvidaichuram about four miles south-east of Chingleput, -where there is a ruined fort, and also a Siva temple celebrated in -the hymns of Tirugnana Sambandhar, the great Saiva saint who lived in -the 9th century. Local tradition, confirmed by one of the Mackenzie -manuscripts, [5] says that this place was, during the time of the -Vijayanagar King Krishna Raya (1509-30 A.D.), ruled over by two feudal -chiefs of the Vanniya caste named Kandavarayan and Sendavarayan. They, -it is said, neglected to pay tribute to their sovereign lord, who -sent an army to exact it. The brothers proved invincible, but one of -their dancing-girls was guilty of treachery. Acting under instructions, -she poisoned Kandavarayan. His brother Sendavarayan caught hold of her -and her children, and drowned them in the local tank. The tank and the -hillock close by still go by the name of Kuppichi kulam and Kuppichi -kunru, after Kuppi the dancing-girl. An inscription of the Vijayanagar -king Deva Raya II (1419-44 A.D.) gives him the title of the lord who -took the heads of the eighteen Vanniyas. [6] This inscription records -a grant by one Muttayya Nayakan, son of Mukka Nayakan of Vanniraya -gotram. Another inscription, [7] dated 1456 A.D., states that, when -one Raja Vallabha ruled at Conjeeveram, a general, named Vanniya Chinna -Pillai, obtained a piece of land at Sattankad near Madras. Reference is -made by Orme [8] to the assistance which the Vaniah of Sevagherry gave -Muhammad Yusuf in his reduction of Tinnevelly in 1757. The Vaniah here -referred to is the Zamindar of Sivagiri in the Tinnevelly district, -a Vanniya by caste. Vanniyas are mentioned in Ceylon archives. Wanni -is the name of a district in Ceylon. It is, Mr. W. Hamilton writes, -[9] "situated towards Trincomalee in the north-east quarter. At -different periods its Wannies or princes, taking advantage of the -wars between the Candian sovereigns and their European enemies, -endeavoured to establish an authority independent of both, but they -finally, after their country had been much desolated by all parties, -submitted to the Dutch." Further, Sir J. E. Tennent writes, [10] that -"in modern times, the Wanny was governed by native princes styled -Wannyahs, and occasionally by females with the title of Wunniches." - -The terms Sambhu and Sambhava Rayan are connected with the Pallis. The -story goes that Agni was the original ancestor of all kings. His -son was Sambhu, whose descendants called themselves Sambhukula, or -those of the Sambhu family. Some inscriptions [11] of the time of -the Chola kings Kulottunga III and Raja Raja III record Sambukula -Perumal Sambuvarayan and Alagiya Pallavan Edirili Sola Sambuvarayan -as titles of local chiefs. A well-known verse of Irattayar in praise -of Conjeeveram Ekamranathaswami refers to the Pallava king as being -of the Sambu race. The later descendants of the Pallavas apparently -took Sambuvarayar and its allied forms as their titles, as the Pallis -in Tanjore and South Arcot still do. At Conjeeveram there lives -the family of the Mahanattar of the Vanniyans, which calls itself -"of the family of Vira Sambu." - -"The name Vanniyan," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [12] seems to have -been introduced by the Brahmans, possibly to gratify the desire of -the Pallis for genealogical distinction. Padaiyachi means a soldier, -and is also of late origin. That the Pallis were once an influential -and independent community may be admitted, and in their present desire -to be classed as Kshatriyas they are merely giving expression to this -belief, but, unless an entirely new meaning is to be given to the term -Kshatriya, their claim must be dismissed as absurd. After the fall of -the Pallava dynasty, the Pallis became agricultural servants under the -Vellalas, and it is only since the advent of British rule that they -have begun to assert their claims to a higher position." Further, -Mr. W. Francis writes [13] that "this caste has been referred to -as being one of those which are claiming for themselves a position -higher than that which Hindu society is inclined to accord them. Their -ancestors were socially superior to themselves, but they do not content -themselves with stating this, but in places are taking to wearing the -sacred thread of the twice-born, and claim to be Kshatriyas. They -have published pamphlets to prove their descent from that caste, -and they returned themselves in thousands, especially in Godavari, as -Agnikula Kshatriyas or Vannikula Kshatriyas, meaning Kshatriyas of the -fire race." "As a relic," it has been said, [14] "of the origin of the -Vannikula Kshatriyas from fire, the fire-pot, which comes in procession -on a fixed day during the annual festivities of Draupadi and other -goddesses, is borne on the head of a Vanniya. Also, in dramatic plays, -the king personæ (sic) has always been taken by a Kshatriya, who is -generally a Vanniya. These peculiarities, however, are becoming common -now-a-days, when privileges peculiar to one caste are being trenched -upon by other caste men. In the Tirupporur temple, the practice of -beating the mazhu (red-hot iron) is done by a dancing-girl serving -the Vanniya caste. The privilege of treading on the fire is also -peculiar to the Vanniyas." It is recorded by Mr. Francis [15] that, -in the South Arcot district, "Draupadi's temples are very numerous, -and the priest at them is generally a Palli by caste, and Pallis take -the leading part in the ceremonies at them. Why this should be so is -not clear. The Pallis say it is because both the Pandava brothers and -themselves were born of fire, and are therefore related. Festivals to -Draupadi always involve two points of ritual--the recital or acting -of a part of the Mahabharata and a fire-walking ceremony. The first -of these is usually done by the Pallis, who are very fond of the great -epic, and many of whom know it uncommonly well. [In the city of Madras -there are several Draupadi Amman temples belonging to the Pallis. The -fire-walking ceremony cannot be observed thereat without the help of -a member of this caste, who is the first to walk over the hot ashes.] - -Kuvvakkam is known for its festival to Aravan (more correctly Iravan) -or Kuttandar, which is one of the most popular feasts with Sudras -in the whole district. Aravan was the son of Arjuna, one of the five -Pandava brothers. Local tradition says that, when the great war which -is described in the Mahabharata was about to begin, the Kauravas, -the opponents of the Pandavas, sacrificed, to bring them success, a -white elephant. The Pandavas were in despair of being able to find any -such uncommon object with which to propitiate the gods, until Arjuna -suggested that they should offer up his son Aravan. Aravan agreed -to yield his life for the good of the cause, and, when eventually -the Pandavas were victorious, he was deified for the self-abnegation -which had thus brought his side success. Since he died in his youth, -before he had been married, it is held to please him if men, even -though grown up and already wedded, come now and offer to espouse him, -and men who are afflicted with serious diseases take a vow to marry -him at his annual festival in the hope of thereby being cured. The -festival occurs in May, and for eighteen nights the Mahabharata is -recited by a Palli, large numbers of people, especially of that caste, -assembling to hear it read. On the eighteenth night, a wooden image -of Kuttandar is taken to a tope (grove), and seated there. This is -the signal for the sacrifice of an enormous number of fowls. Every -one who comes brings one or two, and the number killed runs literally -into thousands. Such sacrifices are most uncommon in South Arcot, -though frequent enough in other parts of the Presidency--the Ceded -Districts for example--and this instance is noteworthy. While this -is going on, all the men who have taken vows to be married to the -deity appear before his image dressed like women, make obeisance, -offer to the priest (who is a Palli by caste) a few annas, and give -into his hands the talis (marriage badges) which they have brought -with them. These the priest, as representing the God, ties round -their necks. The God is brought back to his shrine that night, -and when in front of the building he is hidden by a cloth being -held before him. This symbolises the sacrifice of Aravan, and the -men who have just been married to him set up loud lamentations at -the death of their husband. Similar vows are taken and ceremonies -performed, it is said, at the shrines to Kuttandar at Kottattai (two -miles north-west of Porto Novo), and Adivarahanattum (five miles -north-west of Chidambaram), and, in recent years, at Tiruvarkkulam -(one mile east of the latter place); other cases probably occur." - -The Pallis, Mr. Francis writes further, [16] "as far back as 1833 -tried to procure a decree in Pondicherry, declaring that they were -not a low caste, and of late years they have, in this (South Arcot) -district, been closely bound together by an organisation managed by -one of their caste, who was a prominent person in these parts. In -South Arcot they take a somewhat higher social rank than in other -places--Tanjore, for example--and their esprit de corps is now -surprisingly strong. They are tending gradually to approach the -Brahmanical standard of social conduct, discouraging adult marriage, -meat-eating, and widow re-marriage, and they also actively repress -open immorality or other social sins, which might serve to give the -community a bad name. In 1904 a document came before one of the courts, -which showed that, in the year previous, the representatives of the -caste in thirty-four villages in this district had bound themselves -in writing, under penalty of excommunication, to refrain (except with -the consent of all parties) from the practices formerly in existence -of marrying two wives, and of allowing a woman to marry again during -the lifetime of her first husband. Some of the caste have taken to -calling themselves Vannikula Kshatriyas or Agnikula Kshatriyas, and -others even declare that they are Brahmans. These last always wear -the sacred thread, tie their cloths in the Brahman fashion (though -their women do not follow the Brahman ladies in this matter), forbid -widow remarriage, and are vegetarians." - -Some Palli Poligars have very high-sounding names, such as Agni Kudirai -Eriya Raya Ravutha Minda Nainar, i.e., Nainar who conquered Raya -Ravutha and mounted a fire horse. This name is said to commemorate a -contest between a Palli and a Ravutha, at which the former sat on a -red-hot metal horse. Further names are Samidurai Surappa Sozhaganar -and Anjada Singam (fearless lion). Some Pallis have adopted Gupta as -a title. - -A few Palli families now maintain a temple of their own, dedicated -to Srinivasa, at the village of Kumalam in the South Arcot district, -live round the temple, and are largely dependent on it for their -livelihood. Most of them dress exactly like the temple Battars, and a -stranger would certainly take them for Battar Brahmans. Some of them -are well versed in the temple ritual, and their youths are being -taught the Sandyavandhana (morning prayer) and Vedas by a Brahman -priest. Ordinary Palli girls are taken by them in marriage, but their -own girls are not allowed to marry ordinary Pallis; and, as a result of -this practice of hypergamy, the Kumalam men sometimes have to take to -themselves more than one wife, in order that their young women may be -provided with husbands. These Kumalam Pallis are regarded as priests -of the Pallis, and style themselves Kovilar, or temple people. But, -by other castes, they are nicknamed Kumalam Brahmans. They claim to -be Kshatriyas, and have adopted the title Rayar. - -Other titles, "indicating authority, bravery, and superiority," -assumed by Pallis are Nayakar, Varma, Padaiyachi (head of an army), -Kandar, Chera, Chola, Pandya, Nayanar, Udaiyar, Samburayar, etc. [17] -Still further titles are Pillai, Reddi, Goundan, and Kavandan. Some -say that they belong to the Chola race, and that, as such, they should -be called Chembians. [18] Iranya Varma, the name of one of the early -Pallava kings, was returned as their caste by certain wealthy Pallis, -who also gave themselves the title of Solakanar (descendant of Chola -kings) at the census, 1901. - -In reply to a question by the Census Superintendent, 1891, as to -the names of the sub-divisions of the caste, it was stated that "the -Vanniyans are either of the solar and lunar or Agnikula race, or Ruthra -Vanniyar, Krishna Vanniyar, Samboo Vanniyar, Brahma Vanniyar, and -Indra Vanniyar." The most important of the sub-divisions returned at -the census were Agamudaiyan, Agni, Arasu (Raja), Kshatriya, Nagavadam -(cobra's hood, or ear ornament of that shape), Nattaman, Olai (palm -leaf), Pandamuttu, and Perumal gotra. Pandamuttu is made by Winslow -to mean torches arranged so as to represent an elephant. But the -Pallis derive the name from panda muttu, or touching the pandal, -in reference to the pile of marriage pots reaching to the top of -the pandal. The lowest pot is decorated with figures of elephants -and horses. At a marriage among the Pandamuttu Pallis, the bride -and bridegroom, in token of their Kshatriya descent, are seated on a -raised dais, which represents a simhasanam or throne. The bride wears -a necklace of glass beads with the tali, and the officiating priest -is a Telugu Brahman. Other sub-castes of the Pallis, recorded in the -Census Report, 1901, are Kallangi in Chingleput, bearing the title -Reddi, and Kallaveli, or Kallan's fence, in the Madura district. The -occupational title Kottan (bricklayer) was returned by some Pallis -in Coimbatore. In the Salem district some Pallis are divided into -Anju-nal (five days) and Pannendu-nal (twelve days), according as -they perform the final death ceremonies on the fifth or twelfth day -after death, to distinguish them from those who perform them on the -sixteenth day. [19] Another division of Pallis in the Salem district -is based on the kind of ear ornament which is worn. The Olai Pallis -wear a circular ornament (olai), and the Nagavadam Pallis wear an -ornament in shape like a cobra and called nagavadam. - -The Pallis are classed with the left-hand section. But the Census -Superintendent, 1871, records that "the wives of the agricultural -labourers (Pallis) side with the left hand, while the husbands help in -fighting the battles of the right; and the shoe-makers' (Chakkiliyan) -wives also take the side opposed to their husbands. During these -factional disturbances, the ladies deny to their husbands all the -privileges of the connubial state." This has not, however, been -confirmed in recent investigations into the customs of the caste. - -The Pallis are Saivites or Vaishnavites, but are also demonolaters, -and worship Mutyalamma, Mariamma, Ayanar, Muneswara, Ankalamma, and -other minor deities. Writing nearly a century ago concerning the Vana -Pallis settled at Kolar in Mysore, Buchanan states [20] that "they are -much addicted to the worship of the saktis, or destructive powers, -and endeavour to avert their wrath by bloody sacrifices. These are -performed by cutting off the animal's head before the door of the -temple, and invoking the deity to partake of the sacrifice. There is -no altar, nor is the blood sprinkled on the image, and the body serves -the votaries for a feast. The Pallivanlu have temples dedicated to -a female spirit of this kind named Mutialamma, and served by pujaris -(priests) of their own caste. They also offer sacrifices to Mariamma, -whose pujaris are Kurubaru." - -Huge human figures, representing Mannarswami in a sitting posture, -constructed of bricks and mortar, and painted, are conspicuous objects -in the vicinity of the Lawrence Asylum Press, Mount Road, and in the -Kottawal bazar, Madras. At the village of Tirumalavayal near Avadi, -there is a similar figure as tall as a palmyra palm, with a shrine -of Pachaiamman close by. Mannarswami is worshipped mainly by Pallis -and Beri Chettis. An annual festival is held in honour of Pachaiamman -and Mannarswami, in which the Beri Chettis take a prominent part. - -During the festivals of village deities, the goddess is frequently -represented by a pile of seven pots, called karagam, decorated with -garlands and flowers. Even when there is an idol in the temple, -the karagam is set up in a corner thereof, and taken daily, morning -and evening, in procession, carried on the head of a pujari or other -person. On the last day of the festival, the karagam is elaborately -decorated with parrots, dolls, flowers, etc., made of pith (Æschynomene -aspera), and called pu karagam (flower pot). - -The Pallis live in separate streets or quarters distinctively known -as the Palli teru or Kudi teru (ryots' quarter). The bulk of them -are labourers, but many now farm their own lands, while others are -engaged in trade or in Government service. The occupations of those -whom I have examined at Madras and Chingleput were as follows:-- - - - Merchant. - Cultivator. - Bullock and pony cart driver. - Printer. - Lascar. - Sweetmeat vendor. - Flower vendor. - Fitter. - Sawyer. - Oil-presser. - Gardener. - Polisher. - Bricklayer. - Mason. - - -Some of the Chingleput Palli men were tattooed, like the Irulas, -with a dot or vertical stripe on the forehead. Some Irulas, it may -be noted en passant, call themselves Ten (honey) Vanniyans, or Vana -(forest) Pallis. - -Like many other castes, the Pallis have their own caste beggars, -called Nokkan, who receive presents at marriages and on other -occasions. The time-honoured panchayat system still prevails, and -the caste has headmen, entitled Perithanakkaran or Nattamaikkaran, -who decide all social matters affecting the community, and must be -present at the ceremonial distribution of pansupari. - -The Kovilars, and some others who aspire to a high social status, -practice infant marriage, but adult marriage is the rule. At the -betrothal ceremony, the future bridegroom goes to the house of his -prospective father-in-law, where the headman of the future bride must -be present. The bridegroom's headman or father places on a tray betel, -flowers, the bride-price (pariyam) in money or jewels, the milk money -(mulapal kuli), and a cocoanut. Milk money is the present given to -the mother of the bride, in return for her having given nourishment -to the girl during her infancy. All these things are handed by -the bridegroom's headman to the father or headman of the bride, -saying "The money is yours. The girl is ours." The bride's father, -receiving them, says "The money is mine. The girl is yours." This -performance is repeated thrice, and pan-supari is distributed, the -first recipient being the maternal uncle. The ceremony is in a way -binding, and marriage, as a rule, follows close on the betrothal. If, -in the interval, a girl's intended husband dies, she may marry some -one else. A girl may not marry without the consent of her maternal -uncle, and, if he disapproves of a match, he has the right to carry -her off even when the ceremony is in progress, and marry her to a -man of his selection. It is stated, in the Vannikula Vilakkam, that -at a marriage among the Pallis "the bride, after her betrothal, is -asked to touch the bow and sword of the bridegroom. The latter adorns -himself with all regal pomp, and, mounting a horse, goes in procession -to the bride's house where the marriage ceremony is celebrated." - -The marriage ceremony is, in ordinary cases, completed in one day, -but the tendency is to spread it over three days, and introduce the -standard Puranic form of ritual. On the day preceding the wedding-day, -the bride is brought in procession to the house of the bridegroom, -and the marriage pots are brought by a woman of the potter caste. On -the wedding morning, the marriage dais is got ready, and the milk-post, -pots, and lights are placed thereon. Bride and bridegroom go separately -through the nalagu ceremony. They are seated on a plank, and five women -smear them with oil by means of a culm of grass (Cynodon Dactylon), -and afterwards with Phaseolus Mungo (green gram) paste. Water coloured -with turmeric and chunam (arathi) is then waved round them, to avert -the evil eye, and they are conducted to the bathing-place. While they -are bathing, five small cakes are placed on various parts of the -body--knees, shoulders, head, etc. When the bridegroom is about to -leave the spot, cooked rice, contained in a sieve, is waved before -him, and thrown away. The bridal couple are next taken three times -round the dais, and they offer pongal (cooked rice) to the village -and house gods and the ancestors, in five pots, in which the rice has -been very carefully prepared, so as to avoid pollution of any kind, -by a woman who has given birth to a first child. They then dress -themselves in their wedding finery, and get ready for the tying of -the tali. Meanwhile, the milk-post, made of Odina Wodier, Erythrina -indica, or the handle of a plough, has been set up. At its side are -placed a grindstone, a large pot, and two lamps called kuda-vilakku -(pot light) and alankara-vilakku (ornamental light). The former -consists of a lighted wick in an earthenware tray placed on a pot, -and the latter of a wooden stand with several branches supporting a -number of lamps. It is considered an unlucky omen if the pot light -goes out before the conclusion of the ceremonial. It is stated -by Mr. H. A. Stuart [21] that in the North Arcot district "in the -marriage ceremony of the Vanniyans or Pallis, the first of the posts -supporting the booth must be cut from the vanni (Prosopis spicigera), -a tree which they hold in much reverence because they believe that -the five Pandava Princes, who were like themselves Kshatriyas, during -the last year of their wanderings, deposited their arms in a tree of -this species. On the tree the arms turned into snakes, and remained -untouched till the owners' return." The Prosopis tree is worshipped -in order to obtain pardon from sins, success over enemies, and the -realisation of the devotee's wishes. - -When the bride and bridegroom come to the wedding booth dressed -in their new clothes, the Brahman purohit gives them the threads -(kankanam), which are to be tied round their wrists. The tali is passed -round to be blessed by those assembled, and handed to the bridegroom, -who ties it on the bride's neck. While he is so doing, his sister holds -a light called Kamakshi vilakku. Kamakshi, the goddess at Conjeeveram, -is a synonym for Siva's consort Parvathi. The music of the flute is -sometimes accompanied by the blowing of the conch shell while the -tali is being tied, and omens are taken from the sounds produced -thereby. The tali-tying ceremony concluded, the couple change their -seats, and the ends of their clothes are tied together. Rice is -thrown on their heads, and in front of them, and the near relations -may tie gold or silver plates called pattam. The first to do this is -the maternal uncle. Bride and bridegroom then go round the dais and -milk-post, and, at the end of the second turn, the bridegroom lifts -the bride's left foot, and places it on the grindstone. At the end -of the third turn, the brother-in-law, in like manner, places the -bridegroom's left foot on the stone, and puts on a toe-ring. For -so doing, he receives a rupee and betel. The contracting couple are -then shown the pole-star (Arundhati), and milk and fruit are given -to them. Towards evening, the wrist-threads are removed, and they -proceed to a tank for a mock ploughing ceremony. The bridegroom -carries a ploughshare, and the bride a small pot containing conji -(rice gruel). A small patch of ground is turned up, and puddled so as -to resemble a miniature field, wherein the bridegroom plants some grain -seedlings. A miniature Pillayar (Ganesa) is made with cow-dung, and -betel offered to it. The bridegroom then sits down, feigning fatigue, -and the bride gives him a handful of rice, which his brother-in-law -tries to prevent him from eating. The newly-married couple remain -for about a week at the bride's house, and are then conducted to -that of the bridegroom, the brother-in-law carrying a hundred or a -hundred and ten cakes. Before they enter the house, coloured water -and a cocoanut are waved in front of them, and, as soon as she puts -foot within her new home, the bride must touch pots containing rice -and salt with her right hand. A curious custom among the Pallis at -Kumbakonam is that the bride's mother, and often all her relatives, -are debarred from attending her marriage. The bride is also kept gosha -(in seclusion) for all the days of the wedding. [22] - -It is noted by Mr. Hemingway that some of the Pandamuttu Pallis of -the Trichinopoly district "practice the betrothal of infant girls, -the ceremony consisting of pouring cow-dung water into the mouth of -the baby. They allow a girl to marry a boy younger than herself, and -make the latter swallow a two-anna bit, to neutralise the disadvantages -of such a match. Weddings are generally performed at the boy's house, -and the bride's mother does not attend. The bride is concealed from -view by a screen." - -It is said that, some years ago, a marriage took place at Panruti -near Cuddalore on the old Svayamvara principle described in the story -of Nala and Damayanti in the Mahabharata. According to this custom, -a girl selects a husband from a large number of competitors, who are -assembled for the purpose. - -Widow remarriage is permitted. At the marriage of a widow, the tali -is tied by a married woman, the bridegroom standing by the side, -usually inside the house. Widow marriage is known as naduvittu tali, -as the tali-tying ceremony takes place within the house (naduvidu). - -To get rid of the pollution of the first menstrual period, holy water -is sprinkled over the girl by a Brahman, after she has bathed. She -seats herself on a plank, and rice cakes (puttu), a pounding stone, -and arathi are waved in front of her. Sugar and betel are then -distributed among those present. - -The dead are sometimes burnt, and sometimes buried. As soon as an -individual dies, the son goes three times round the corpse, carrying -an iron measure (marakkal), wherein a lamp rests on unhusked rice. The -corpse is washed, and the widow bathes in such a way that the water -falls on it. Omission to perform this rite would entail disgrace, -and there is an abusive phrase "May the water from the woman's -body not fall on that of the corpse." The dead man and his widow -exchange betel three times. The corpse is carried to the burning -or burial-ground on a bamboo stretcher, and, on the way thither, -is set down near a stone representing Arichandra, to whom food is -offered. Arichandra was a king who became a slave of the Paraiyans, -and is in charge of the burial-ground. By some Pallis a two-anna -piece is placed on the forehead, and a pot of rice on the breast -of the corpse. These are taken away by the officiating barber and -Paraiyan respectively. [23] Men who die before they are married have -to go through a post-mortem mock marriage ceremony. A garland of arka -(Calotropis gigantea) flowers is placed round the neck of the corpse, -and mud from a gutter is shaped into cakes, which, like the cakes at -a real marriage, are placed on various parts of the body. - -A curious death ceremony is said by Mr. Hemingway to be observed by -the Arasu Pallis in the Trichinopoly district. On the day after the -funeral, two pots of water are placed near the spot where the corpse -was cremated. If a cow drinks of the water, they think it is the soul -of the dead come to quench its thirst. - -In some places, Palli women live in strict seclusion (Gosha). This -is particularly the case in the old Palaigar families of Ariyalur, -Udaiyarpalaiyam, Pichavaram, and Sivagiri. - -The caste has a well-organised Sangham (association) called Chennai -Vannikula Kshatriya Maha Sangham, which was established in 1888 -by leaders of the caste. Besides creating a strong esprit de corps -among members of the caste in various parts of the Madras Presidency, -it has been instrumental in the opening of seven schools, of which -three are in Madras, and the others at Conjeeveram, Madhurantakam, -Tirukalikundram and Kumalam. It has also established chuttrams -(rest-houses) at five places of pilgrimage. Chengalvaraya Nayakar's -Technical School, attached to Pachaiappa's College in Madras, was -founded in 1865 by a member of the Palli caste, who bequeathed a -large legacy for its maintenance. There is also an orphanage named -after him in Madras, for Palli boys. Govindappa Nayakar's School, -which forms the lower secondary branch of Pachaiappa's College, -is another institution which owes its existence to the munificence -of a member of the Palli caste. The latest venture of the Pallis is -the publication of a newspaper called Agnikuladittan (the sun of the -Agnikula), which was started in 1908. - -Concerning the Pallis, Pallilu, or Palles, who are settled in -the Telugu country as fishermen, carpenters, and agriculturists, -Mr. H. A. Stuart writes [24] that "it seems probable that they are a -branch of the great Palli or Vanniya tribe, for Buchanan refers to the -Mina (fish) Pallis and Vana Pallis." As sub-castes of these Pallis, -Vada (boatmen), Marakkadu and Edakula are given in the Census Report, -1901. In the North Arcot Manual, Palli is given as a sub-division of -the Telugu Kapus. In some places the Pallis call themselves Palle -Kapulu, and give as their gotram Jambumaharishi, which is a gotram -of the Pallis. Though they do not intermarry, the Palle Kapulu may -interdine with the Kapus. - -Concerning the caste-beggars of the Pallis, and their legendary -history, I read the following account. [25] "I came upon a noisy -procession entering one of the main streets of a town not far from -Madras. It was headed by spearmen, swordsmen, and banner-bearers, the -last carrying huge flags (palempores) with representations of lions, -tigers, monkeys, Brahmany kites, goblins and dwarfs. The centre of -attraction consisted of some half dozen men and women in all the -bravery of painted faces and gay clothing, and armed with swords, -lances, and daggers. Tom-toms, trumpets, cymbals, and horns furnished -the usual concomitant of ear-piercing music, while the painted men -and women moved, in time with it, their hands and feet, which were -encircled by rows of tiny bells. A motley following of the tag-rag -and bob-tail of the population, which had been allured thither -by the noise and clamour, brought up the rear of the procession, -which stopped at each crossing. At each halt, the trumpeters blew -a great and sonorous blast, while one of the central figures, with -a conspicuous abdominal development, stepped forward, and, in a -stentorian voice, proclaimed the brave deeds performed by them in -the days gone by, and challenged all comers to try conclusions with -them, or own themselves beaten. I was told that the chief personages -in the show were Jatipillays (literally, children of the caste), -who had arrived in the town in the course of their annual tour of -the country, for collecting their perquisites from all members of -the Palli or Padiachi caste, and that this was how they announced -their arrival. The perquisite levied is known as the talaikattu vari -(poll-tax, or literally the turban tax), a significant expression -when it is borne in mind that only the adult male members of the caste -(those who are entitled to tie a cloth round their heads) are liable -to pay it, and not the women and children. It amounts to but one anna -per head, and is easily collected. The Jatipillays also claim occult -powers, and undertake to exhibit their skill in magic by the exorcism -of devils, witchcraft and sorcery, and the removal of spells, however -potent. This operation is called modi edukkirathu, or the breaking of -spells, and sometimes the challenge is taken up by a rival magician -of a different caste. A wager is fixed, and won or lost according -to the superior skill of the challenger or challenged. Entering into -friendly chat with one of the leading members of the class, I gleaned -the following legend of its origin, and of the homage accorded to it -by the Pallis. In remote times, when Salivahana was king of the Chola -country, with its capital at Conjeeveram, all the principal castes of -South India had their head-quarters at the seat of government, where -each, after its own way, did homage to the triple deities of the place, -namely, Kamakshi Amman, Ekambrasvarar, and Sri Varadarajaswami. Each -caste got up an annual car festival to these deities. On one of -these occasions, owing to a difference which had arisen between the -Seniyans (weavers), who form a considerable portion of the population -of Conjeeveram, on one side, and the Pallis or Vanniyans on the -other, some members of the former caste, who were adepts in magic, -through sheer malevolence worked spells upon the cars of the Pallis, -whose progress through the streets first became slow and tedious, -and was finally completely arrested, the whole lot of them having -come to a stand-still, and remaining rooted on the spot in one of -the much frequented thoroughfares of the city. The Pallis put on more -men to draw the cars, and even employed elephants and horses to haul -them, but all to no purpose. As if even this was not sufficient to -satisfy their malignity, the unscrupulous Seniyars actually went to -King Salivahana, and bitterly complained against the Pallis of having -caused a public nuisance by leaving their cars in a common highway to -the detriment of the public traffic. The king summoned the Pallis, -and called them to account, but they pleaded that it was through no -fault of theirs that the cars had stuck in a thoroughfare, that they -had not been negligent, but had essayed all possible methods of hauling -them to their destination by adding to the number of men employed in -pulling them, and by having further tried to accelerate their progress -with the aid of elephants, camels, and horses, but all in vain. They -further declared their conviction that the Seniyars had played them an -ill-turn, and placed the cars under a spell. King Salivahana, however, -turned a deaf ear to these representations, and decreed that it was -open to the Pallis to counteract the spells of their adversaries, -and he prescribed a period within which this was to be effected. He -also tacked on a threat that, in default of compliance with his -mandate, the Pallis must leave his kingdom for good and ever. The -Pallis sought refuge and protection of the goddess Kamakshi Amman, -whose pity was touched by their sad plight, and who came to their -aid. She appeared to one of the elders of the caste in a dream, and -revealed to him that there was a staunch devotee of hers--a member of -their caste--who alone could remove the spells wrought by the Seniyars, -and that this man, Ramasawmy Naikan, was Prime Minister in the service -of the Kodagu (Coorg) Raja. The desperate plight they were in induced -the Pallis to send a powerful deputation to the Raja, and to beg of -him to lend them the services of Ramasawmy Naik, in order to save them -from the catastrophe which was imminent. The Raja was kind enough to -comply. The Naik arrived, and, by virtue of his clairvoyant powers, -took in the situation at a glance. He found myriads of imps and uncanny -beings around each of the car-wheels, who gripped them as by a vice, -and pulled them back with their sinewy legs and hands every time an -attempt was made to drag them forwards. Ramasawmy Naik by no means -liked the look of things, for he found that he had all his work cut -out for him to keep these little devils from doing him bodily harm, -let alone any attempt to cast them off by spells. He saw that more -than common powers were needed to face the situation, and prayed to -Kamakshi Amman to disclose a way of overcoming the enemy. After long -fasting and prayers, he slept a night in the temple of Kamakshi Amman, -in the hope that a revelation might come to him in his slumber. While -he slept, Kamakshi Amman appeared, and declared to him that the only -way of overcoming the foe was for the Pallis to render a propitiatory -sacrifice, but of a most revolting kind, namely, to offer up as a -victim a woman pregnant with her first child. The Pallis trembled at -the enormity of the demand, and declared that they would sooner submit -to Salivahana's decree of perpetual exile than offer such a horrible -sacrifice. Ramasawmy Naik, however, rose to the occasion, and resolved -to sacrifice his own girl-wife, who was then pregnant with her first -child. He succeeded in propitiating the deity by offering this heroic -sacrifice, and the spells of the Seniyars instantly collapsed, and -the whole legion of imps and devils, who had impeded the progress of -the Pallis' car, vanished into thin air. The coast having thus been -cleared of hostile influences, Ramasawmy Naik, with no more help than -his own occult powers gave him, succeeded in hauling the whole lot -of cars to their destination, and in a single trip, by means of a -rope passed through a hole in his nose. The Pallis, whose gratitude -knew no bounds, called down benedictions on his head, and, falling -prostrate before him, begged him to name his reward for the priceless -service rendered by him to their community. Ramasawmy Naik only asked -that the memory of his services to the caste might be perpetuated by -the bestowal upon him and his descendants of the title Jati-pillay, -or children of the caste, and of the privilege of receiving alms at -the hands of the Pallis; and that they might henceforth be allowed the -honour of carrying the badges of the caste--banners, state umbrellas, -trumpets, and other paraphernalia--in proof of the signal victory -they had gained over the Seniyars." - -Palli Dasari.--A name for Tamil-speaking Dasaris, as distinguished -from Telugu-speaking Dasaris. - -Palli Idiga.--A name given by Telugu people to Tamil Shanans, whose -occupation is, like that of Idigas, toddy-drawing. - -Pallicchan.--A sub-division of Nayars, the hereditary occupation -of which is palanquin-bearing. In the Cochin Census Report, the -Pallicchans are recorded as being palanquin-bearers for Brahmans. - -Pallikkillam.--An exogamous sept or illam of Tamil Panikkans. - -Palua.--A sub-division of Badhoyi. - -Pambaikkaran.--An occupational name for Paraiyans, who play on a drum -called pambai. - -Pambala.--The Pambalas, or drum (pamba) people, are Malas who act -as musicians at Mala marriages and festivals in honour of their -deities. They also take part in the recitation of the story of Ankamma, -and making muggu (designs on the floor) at the peddadinamu death -ceremony of the Gamallas. - -Pammi (a common lamp).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Pamula (snake people).--A name for snake-charming Koravas, and Jogis, -who, in the character of itinerant showmen, exhibit snakes to the -public. The name also occurs as an exogamous sept of Mala and Yanadi. - -Panam (palmyra palm: Borassus flabellifer.)--A sub-division of -Shanan. It also occurs as a branch or kothu of Kondaiyamkotti Maravans. - -Panan.--The Tamil Panans are said, in the Census Report, 1901, to be -also called Mestris. They are "tailors among Tamils in Madura and -Tinnevelly. They employ Brahmans and Vellalas as purohits. Though -barbers and washermen will not eat food prepared by them, they are -allowed to enter Hindu temples." The Malayalam Panans are described -in the same report as "exorcists and devil-dancers. The men also -make umbrellas, and the women act as midwives. In parts they are -called Malayans, and they may be descendants of that hill tribe who -have settled in the plains." In the South Canara Manual, the Panans -are said to be "the Malayalam caste corresponding to the Nalkes and -Pombadas. They are numerous in Malabar, where they are also known by -the name of Malayan. The devils whom they personify are supposed to -have influence over crops, and at the time of harvest the Panans go -about begging from house to house, dancing with umbrellas in their -hands. On such occasions, however, it is only boys and girls who -personify the demons." "The village magician or conjurer," Mr. Gopal -Panikkar writes, [26] "goes by different names, such as Panan, Malayan, -etc. His work consists in casting out petty devils from the bodies of -persons (chiefly children) possessed, in writing charms for them to -wear, removing the pernicious effects of the evil eye, and so on." On -certain ceremonial occasions, the Panan plays on an hour-glass shaped -drum, called thudi. - -In an account of the funeral ceremonies of the Tiyans, Mr. Logan -writes [27] that "early on the morning of the third day after death, -the Kurup or caste barber adopts measures to entice the spirit of -the deceased out of the room in which he breathed his last. This is -done by the nearest relative bringing into the room a steaming pot -of savoury funeral rice. It is immediately removed, and the spirit, -after three days' fasting, is understood greedily to follow the odour -of the tempting food. The Kurup at once closes the door, and shuts out -the spirit. The Kurup belongs to the Panan caste. He is the barber of -the polluting classes above Cherumans, and by profession he is also -an umbrella maker. But, curiously enough, though an umbrella maker, he -cannot make the whole of an umbrella. He may only make the framework; -the covering of it is the portion of the females of his caste. If -he has no female relative of his own capable of finishing off his -umbrellas, he must seek the services of the females of other families -in the neighbourhood to finish his for him. The basket-makers are -called Kavaras. Nothing will induce them to take hold of an umbrella, -as they have a motto, Do not take hold of Panan's leg." - -In an account of a ceremonial at the Pishari temple near Quilandy in -Malabar, Mr. F. Fawcett writes [28] that "early on the seventh and last -day, when the morning procession is over, there comes to the temple a -man of the Panan caste. He carries a small cadjan (palm leaf) umbrella -which he has made himself, adorned all round the edges with a fringe -of the young leaves of the cocoanut palm. The umbrella should have a -long handle, and with this in his hand he performs a dance before the -temple. He receives about 10 lbs. of raw rice for his performance." It -is further recorded by Mr. Fawcett that, when a Tiyan is cremated, a -watch is kept at the burning-ground for five days by Panans, who beat -drums all night to scare away the evil spirits which haunt such spots. - -The following account of the Panans is given in the Gazetteer of -Malabar. "The name is perhaps connected with pan, music. They follow -the makkattayam family system (of inheritance from father to son), -and practice fraternal polyandry. In South Malabar there are said to -be four sub-divisions, called Tirurengan, Kodaketti (umbrella tying), -Minpidi (fish catching), and Pulluvan, of which the last named is -inferior in status to the other three. They are also divided into -exogamous illams or kiriyams. They worship Kali, and inferior deities -such as Parakutti, Karinkutti, Gulikan, and Kutti Chattan. Their -methods of exorcism are various. If any one is considered to be -possessed by demons, it is usual, after consulting the astrologer, -to ascertain what Murti (lit. form) is causing the trouble, to call -in Panans, who perform a ceremony called Teyattam, in which they -wear masks, and, so attired, sing, dance, tom-tom, and play on rude -and strident pipes. Other of their ceremonies for driving out devils -called Ucchaveli seem to be survivals of imitations of human sacrifice, -or instances of sympathetic magic. One of these consists of a mock -living burial of the principal performer, who is placed in a pit -which is covered with planks, on the top of which a sacrifice (homam) -is performed with a fire kindled with jack (Artocarpus integrifolia) -branches. In another variety, the Panan cuts his left forearm, and -smears his face with the blood thus drawn. Panans also take part -with Mannans in various ceremonies at Badrakali and other temples, in -which the performers personate, in suitable costumes, some of the minor -deities or demons, and fowls are sacrificed, while a Velicchapad dances -himself into a frenzy, and pronounces oracles." It is further noted, -in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that "to constitute a valid divorce, -the husband pulls a thread from his cloth, and gives it to his wife's -brother, saying 'Your parisha is over.' It is a traditional duty -of the Panans to furnish a messenger to announce to an Izhuvan (or -Tandan) girl's mother or husband (according to where she is staying) -that she has attained puberty." - -In the Census Report, 1901, Anjuttan (men of the five hundred) and -Munnuttan (men of the three hundred) are returned as sub-castes of -the Malayalan Panans. - -For the following account of the Panans of Travancore, I am indebted -to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. The word is of Tamil origin, and means -a tailor. The title taken by them is Panikkan, the usual honorific -appellation of most of the industrial castes of Malabar. They are -supposed to be one with the Panans of the Tamil country, though much -below them in the social scale. They observe a pollution distance -of thirty-six feet, but keep Mannans and Vedans at a distance of -eight, and Pulayas and Paraiyas at a distance of thirty-two feet from -them. They are their own barbers and washermen. They will eat food -prepared by Kammalans, of whom there is a tradition that they are a -degraded branch. Tiruvarangan, one of the popular sages of Malabar, -who are reputed to be the descendants of a Paraiya woman, is said -to have been a Panan, and the Panans pay him due reverence. In the -Keralolpatti, the traditional occupation of the Panans is said to be -exorcism, and in British Malabar this occupation seems to be continued -at the present day. Umbrella-making is a secondary occupation for -the men. In Travancore, however, the only occupation pursued by the -Panans is tailoring. The tali-kettu celebration takes place before -the girl attains puberty. If this ceremony is intended to signify -a real marriage, the girl is taken to her husband's house on the -fourth day of the first menstrual period, and they remain thenceforth -man and wife. Otherwise a sambandham ceremony has to be performed -either by the tali-tier or some one else, to establish conjugal -relations. Inheritance is mostly paternal. The dead are buried, -and death pollution lasts for sixteen days. The spirits of deceased -ancestors are appeased once a year by the offering of cooked food on -the new-moon day in the month of Karkatakam (July-August). Ancestors -who died from some untoward accident are propitiated in the month of -Avani (August-September) by offerings of flesh and liquor. The latter -ceremonial is termed vellamkuli or water drinking. Small earthen sheds, -called gurusalas or kuriyalas and matams, are erected in memory of -some ancestors. - -The following account of the Panans of the Cochin State is extracted -from a note by Mr. L. K. Ananta Krishna Aiyar. [29] - -"The Panans give, as the traditional account of their origin, a -distorted version of the tradition as to the origin of the Izhuvans, -which is found in the Mackenzie Manuscripts. The Panan version of the -story is as follows. One day a washerman of Cheraman Perumal chanced -to wash his dress very clean. On being asked by the Perumal as to the -cause of it, the washerman said that it was due to the suggestion of -a handsome carpenter girl, who saw him while washing. The Perumal, -pleased with the girl, desired her to be married to his washerman. The -parents of the girl were duly consulted, and they could not refuse -the offer, as it came from their sovereign. But his fellow carpenters -resented it, for, if the proposal was accepted, and the marriage -celebrated, it might not only place the members of her family under -a ban, but would also bring dishonour to the castemen. To avert the -contemplated union, they resorted to the following device. A pandal -(marriage booth) was erected and tastefully decorated. Just at the -auspicious hour, when the bridegroom and his party were properly -seated on mats in the pandal, the carpenters brought a puppet exactly -resembling the bride, and placed it by his side, when suddenly, by a -clever artifice, the carpenters caused the building to tumble down, -and thereby killed all those who were in it. They immediately left -the Perumal's country, and took refuge in the island of Ceylon. The -ruler was much embarrassed by the disaster to the washerman, and by -the flight of the carpenters, for he had none in his country to build -houses. A few Panans were sent for, and they brought the carpenters -back. On their return, they were given some fruit of the palmyra -palm, which they ate. They sowed the seeds in their own places, -and these grew into large fruit-bearing palms. The Panans possessed -the privilege of keeping these trees as their own, but subsequently -made them over to the Izhuvans, who, in memory of this, give even -to-day two dishes of food to the Panans on all ceremonial occasions in -their houses. They have been, on that account, called by the Izhuvans -nettaries, for their having originally planted these trees. - -"There are no titles among the Panans, but one, who was brought for -examination at Trichur, told me that one of his ancestors got the -title of Panikkan, and that he had the privilege of wearing a gold -ear-ring, carrying a walking-stick lined with silver, and using -a knife provided with a style. Kapradan is a title given to the -headman in the Palghat taluk. In Palghat, when the Kapradan dies, -the Raja is informed, and he sends to the chief mourner (the son) -a sword, a shield, a spear, a few small guns with some gunpowder, -a silver bangle, and a few necklaces. As the dead body is taken to -the burial ground, the chief mourner, wearing the ornaments above -mentioned, goes behind it. In front go a few persons armed with the -weapons referred to. Three discharges are made (1) when the dead body -is removed from the house, (2) when it is placed on the ground, (3) -when it is burnt. The next day, the chief mourner pays his respects -to the Raja, with an umbrella of his own making, when the Raja bestows -upon him the title of Kapradan. - -"There are magicians and sorcerers among the Panans, who sometimes, -at the request even of the high-caste men, practice the black -art. Some of the Panans, like the Parayans, engage in magical -rites of a repulsive nature, in order to become possessors of a -powerful medicine, the possession of which is believed to confer -the power of obtaining anything he wishes. They also believe in -the existence of a demoniacal hierarchy. Changili Karuppan, Pechi, -Oodara Karuppan, Kali, Chotala Karuppan, Chotala Bhadrakali, Yakshi, -Gandharvan, and Hanuman are the names of the chief demons whom they -profess to control with the aid of mantrams (consecrated formulæ) -and offerings. They also profess that they can send one or more of -these demons into the bodies of men, and cast them out when persons -are possessed of them. They profess to cure all kinds of diseases in -children with the aid of magic and medicines, and all the castemen -believe that harm or even death may be caused to men with the aid of -sorcerers. In such cases, an astrologer is consulted, and, according -to his calculations, the aid of a magician is sought for. When a -person is suffering from what are believed to be demoniacal attacks, -he is relieved by the performance of the following ceremony, called -pathalahomam. A pit about six feet in length, three feet in depth, -and a foot or two in breadth, is dug. A Panan, covered with a new -piece of cloth, is made to lie in the pit, which is filled in with -earth, leaving a small hole for him to breathe. Over the middle of -his body, the earth is raised and made level. A sacred fire (homam) -is made over this with the branches of a jack tree. Near it a large -square is drawn with sixty-four small divisions, in each of which -a small leaf, with some paddy (unhusked rice), rice, flour, and -lighted torches, is placed. Gingelly (Sesamum) seeds, mustard seeds, -grains of chama (Panicum miliaceum), horse gram (Dolichos biflorus), -eight fragrant things, the skin of snakes, dung of the elephant, -milk of the pala tree, twigs of the banyan tree, dharba grass, nila -narakam (Naregamia alata) oil, and ghee (clarified butter) are put -into it until it burns bright. The sick man is brought in front of -it, and the sorcerer authoritatively asks him--or rather the demon -residing in his body--to take these things. The sorcerer puts the -above mentioned substances into the fire, muttering all the while -his mantrams invoking the favour of Vira Bhadra or Kandakaruna. The -significance of these is 'Oh! Kandakaruna, the King of the Devas, -I have no body, that is, my body is getting weaker and weaker, and -am possessed of some demon, which is killing me, kindly help me, and -give me strength.' This done, another operation is begun. A fowl is -buried, and a small portion of the earth above it is raised and made -level. The figure of a man is drawn by the side of it. Three homams -(sacred fires) are raised, one at the head, one in the middle, and -one at the feet. The above mentioned grains, and other substances, -are put into the fire. A large square with sixty-four smaller squares -in it is drawn, in each of which a leaf, with grains of paddy, rice, -and flowers, is placed. Another mantram in praise of the demons already -mentioned is uttered, and a song is sung. After finishing this, a -small structure in the form of a temple is made. A small plantain tree -is placed by the side of it. A padmam is drawn, and a puja (worship) -is performed for the Paradevatha, the queen of demons. The sorcerer -makes offerings of toddy, beaten rice, plantains, and cocoanuts, and -soon turns oracle, and, as one inspired, tells what the deity wishes, -and gives information as regards the departure of the demons from the -body. It is now believed that the patient is free from all demoniacal -attacks. The buried man is exhumed, and allowed to go home. - -"In the Palghat taluk, the following form of sorcery is practiced, -which is believed to relieve persons from demoniacal attacks and -disease. If, in the house of any casteman, it is suspected that some -malign influence is being exercised by demons, a Panan is sent for, -who comes in the evening with his colleagues. A homam is lighted with -the branches of the trees already mentioned, and into it are thrown -six kinds of grains, as well as oil and ghee. As this is being done, -Kallatikode Nili, the presiding archdemon, is propitiated with songs -and offerings. The next part of the ceremony consists in bringing -a bier and placing a Panan on it, and a measure of rice is placed -at his head. He is, as in the case of a dead body, covered with a -piece of new cloth, and a small plantain tree is placed between the -thighs. At his head a sheep and at his feet a fowl are killed. He -pretends gradually to recover consciousness. In this state he is -taken outside the compound. The Panan, lying on the bier, evidently -pretends to be dead, as if killed by the attack of some demon. The -propitiation with songs and offerings is intended to gratify the -demons. This is an instance of sympathetic magic. - -"Some among the Panans practice the oti (or odi) cult, like -the Parayas. The following medicines, with the aid of magic, -are serviceable to them in enticing pregnant women from their -houses. Their preparation is described as follows. A Panan, who is -an adept in the black art, bathes early in the morning, dresses in a -cloth unwashed, and performs puja to his deity, after which he goes -in search of a Kotuveli plant (Manihot utilissima). When he finds -such a one as he wants, he goes round it three times every day, -and continues to do so for ninety days, prostrating himself every -day before it. On the last night, which must be a new-moon night, at -twelve o'clock he performs puja to the plant, burning camphor, and, -after going round it three times, prostrates himself before it. He -then places three small torches on it, and advances twenty paces in -front of it. With his mouth closed, and without any fear, he plucks -the plant by the root, and buries it in the ashes on the cremation -ground, on which he pours the water of seven green cocoanuts. He -then goes round it twenty-one times, muttering all the while certain -mantrams, after which he plunges himself in the water, and stands -erect until it extends to his mouth. He takes a mouthful of water, -which he empties on the spot, and then takes the plant with the root, -which he believes to possess peculiar virtues. When it is taken to the -closed door of a house, it has the power to entice a pregnant woman, -when the foetus is removed (cf. article Parayan). It is all secretly -done on a dark midnight. The head, hands and legs are cut off, and -the trunk is taken to a dark-coloured rock, on which it is cut into -nine pieces, which are all burned until they are blackened. At this -stage, one piece boils, and is placed in a new earthen pot, with the -addition of the water of nine green cocoanuts. The pot is removed -to the burial-ground. The Panan performs a puja here in favour of -his favourite deity. Here he fixes two poles deep in the earth, -at a distance of thirty feet from each other. - -The poles are connected by a strong wire, from which is suspended -the pot to be heated and boiled. Seven fire-places are made, beneath -the wire. The branches of bamboo, katalati (Achyranthes Emblica), -conga (Bauhinea variegata), cocoanut palm, jack tree (Artocarpus -integrifolia), and pavatta (Pavatta indica), are used in forming a -bright fire. The mixture in the pot soon boils and becomes oily, at -which stage it is passed through a fine cloth. The oil is preserved, -and a mark made with it on the forehead enables the possessor to -realise anything that is thought of. The sorcerer must be in a state -of vow for twenty-one days, and live on a diet of chama kanji. The -deity, whose aid is necessary, is propitiated with offerings. - -"One of the ceremonies which the Panans perform is called Thukil -Onarthuka (waking thukil, a kind of drum). In the month of Karkadakam -(July-August), a Panan, with his wife, provided with a drum and -kuzhithalam (circular bell-metal cymbals), goes to the houses of -Brahmans and Nayars after midnight, and sings sacred songs. During the -week, they sing standing underneath a banyan tree near the western -gate of the Trichur temple. From the temple authorities they get -five measures of paddy, half a measure of rice, some gingelly oil, -and a cocoanut. For their services in other houses, they receive a -similar remuneration. This is intended to drive evil spirits, if any, -from houses. Another of their festivals is known as Panan Kali. The -traditional account therefor is as follows. Once, when a Panan and -his wife went to a forest to bring bamboos for the manufacture of -umbrellas, they missed their way, night approached, and they could not -return. They began to be frightened by the varieties of noise heard -by them in the wilderness. They collected pieces of dry bamboo and -leaves of trees, and burned them. In the presence of the light thus -obtained, the woman caught hold of a creeper hanging from a tree, -and danced in honour of Bhagavathi, while her husband sang songs -praising her. The day dawned at last, and they found their way home -in safety. In memory of this incident, the Panans organise a party -for a regular play. There are ten male and two female actors, and -the play is acted during the whole night. - -"The religion of the Panans consists of an all-pervading -demonology. Their chief gods are Mukkan, Chathan, Kappiri, -Malankorathi, and Kali. Pujas are performed to them on the first of -Medom (April-May), Karkadakam (July-August), Desara, and on Tuesday -in Makaram (January-February). These deities are represented by stones -placed under a tree. They are washed with water on the aforesaid days, -and offerings of sheep and fowls, malar (parched rice), plantains, -cocoanuts, and boiled rice are made to them. Their belief is that -these deities are ever prone to do harm to them, and should therefore -be propitiated with offerings. The Panans also worship the spirits -of their ancestors, who pass for their household gods, and whose -help they seek in all times of danger. They fast on new-moon nights, -and on the eleventh night after full-moon or new-moon. - -"The Panan is the barber of the polluting castes above Cherumans. By -profession he is an umbrella-maker. Panans are also engaged in all -kinds of agricultural work. In villages, they build mud walls. Their -women act as midwives. - -"As regards social status, the Panans eat at the hands of Brahmans, -Nayars, Kammalans, and Izhuvans. They have to stand at a distance of -thirty-two feet from Brahmans. Panans and Kaniyans pollute one another -if they touch, and both bathe should they happen to do so. They are -their own barbers and washermen. They live in the vicinity of the -Izhuvans, but cannot live in the Nayar tharas. Nor can they take water -from the wells of the Kammalans. They cannot approach the outer walls -of Brahman temples, and are not allowed to enter the Brahman streets -in Palghat." - -In the Census Report, 1891, Panan occurs as a sub-division of the -Paraiyans. Their chief occupation as leather-workers is said to be -the manufacture of drum-heads. [30] - -Panasa.--The Panasas are a class of beggars in the Telugu country, -who are said to ask alms only from Kamsalas. The word panasa means -constant repetition of words, and, in its application to the Panasa, -probably indicates that they, like the Bhatrazu bards and panegyrists, -make up verses eulogising those from whom they beg. It is stated in the -Kurnool Manual (1886) that "they take alms from the Beri Komatis and -goldsmiths (Kamsalas), and no others. The story goes that, in Golkonda, -a tribe of Komatis named Bacheluvaru were imprisoned for non-payment -of arrears of revenue. Finding certain men of the artificer class who -passed by in the street spit betel nut, they got it into their mouths, -and begged the artificers to get them released. The artificers, -pitying them, paid the arrears, and procured their release. It was -then that the Kamsalis fixed a vartana or annual house-fee for the -maintenance of the Panasa class, on condition that they should not -beg alms from the other castes." The Panasas appear every year in -the Kurnool district to collect their dues. - -Pancha.--Pancha, meaning five, is recorded as a sub-division of the -Linga Balijas, and Panchachara or Panchamsale as a sub-division of -Lingayats. In all these, pancha has reference to the five acharas -or ceremonial observances of the Lingayats, which seem to vary -according to locality. Wearing the lingam, worshipping it before -meals, and paying reverence to the Jangam priests, are included among -the observances. - -Panchala.--A synonym for Canarese Kammalans, among whom five (panch) -classes of workers are included, viz., gold and silver, brass and -copper, iron, and stone. - -Panchalinga (five lingams).--An exogamous sept of Boya. The lingam -is the symbol of Siva. - -Panchama.--The Panchamas are, in the Madras Census Report, 1871, summed -up as being "that great division of the people, spoken of by themselves -as the fifth caste, and described by Buchanan and other writers as -the Pancham Bandam." According to Buchanan, [31] the Pancham Bandum -"consist of four tribes, the Parriar, the Baluan, the Shekliar, and -the Toti." Buchanan further makes mention of Panchama Banijigaru and -Panchama Cumbharu (potters). The Panchamas were, in the Department -of Public Instruction, called "Paraiyas and kindred classes" till -1893. This classification was replaced, for convenience of reference, -by Panchama, which included Chacchadis, Godaris, Pulayas, Holeyas, -Madigas, Malas, Pallans, Paraiyans, Totis, and Valluvans. "It is," -the Director of Public Instruction wrote in 1902, "for Government -to consider whether the various classes concerned should, for the -sake of brevity, be described by one simple name. The terms Paraiya, -low caste, outcaste, carry with them a derogatory meaning, and are -unsuitable. The expression Pancham Banda, or more briefly Panchama, -seems more appropriate." The Government ruled that there is no -objection to the proposal that Paraiyas and kindred classes should -be designated Panchama Bandham or Panchama in future, but it would -be simpler to style them the fifth class. - -The following educational privileges according to the various classes -classified as Panchama may be noted:-- - -(1) They are admitted into schools at half the standard rates of fees. - -(2) Under the result grant system (recently abolished), grants were -passed for Panchama pupils at rates 50 per cent. higher than in -ordinary cases, and 15 per cent. higher in backward localities. - -(3) Panchama schools were exempted from the attendance restriction, -i.e., grants were given to them, however small the attendance. Ordinary -schools had to have an attendance of ten at least to earn grants. - -(4) Panchama students under training as teachers get stipends at -rates nearly double of those for ordinary Hindus. - -An interesting account of the system of education at the Olcott -Panchama Free Schools has been written by Mrs. Courtright. [32] - -Panchama is returned, in the Census Reports, 1891 and 1901, as a -sub-division of Balija and Banajiga. - -Pancharamkatti.--A sub-division of Idaiyan, which derives its name -from the neck ornament (pancharam) worn by the women. - -Pandamuttu.--A sub-division of Palli. The name is made by Winslow to -mean a number of torches arranged so as to represent an elephant. The -Pallis, however, explain it as referring to the pile of pots, which -reaches to the top of the marriage pandal (pandal, booth, mutti, -touching). The lowest pot is decorated with figures of elephants -and horses. - -Pandaram.--Pandaram is described by Mr. H. A. Stuart [33] as being -"the name rather of an occupation than a caste, and used to denote -any non-Brahmanical priest. The Pandarams seem to receive numerous -recruits from the Saivite Sudra castes, who choose to make a profession -of piety, and wander about begging. They are in reality very lax -in their modes of life, often drinking liquor and eating animal -food furnished by any respectable Sudra. They often serve in Siva -temples, where they make garlands of flowers to decorate the lingam, -and blow brazen trumpets when offerings are made, or processions take -place. Tirutanni is one of the chief places, in which they congregate." - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Trichinopoly district, that -"the water for the god's bath at Ratnagiri is brought by a caste of -non-Brahmans known as Tirumanjana Pandarams, who fetch it every day -from the Cauvery. They say that they are descended from an Aryan king, -who came to the god with the hope of getting rubies from him. The god, -in the guise of a Brahman, tested his devotion by making him fill a -magic vessel with Cauvery water. The vessel would not fill, and the -Aryan stranger in a fit of anger cut off the Brahman's head. The dead -body at once turned into a lingam, and the Aryan was ordered to carry -water for the temple till eternity." - -Pandaram is used both as the name of a caste, and of a class composed -of recruits from various castes (e.g., Vellala and Palli). The -Pandaram caste is composed of respectable people who have settled -down as land-holders, and of Sanyasis and priests of certain matams -(religious institutions), and managers of richly endowed temples, such -as those at Tiruvadudurai in Tanjore and Mailam in South Arcot. The -common name for these managers is Tambiran. The caste Pandarams are -staunch Saivites and strict vegetarians. Those who lead a celibate -life wear the lingam. They are said to have been originally Sozhia -Vellalas, with whom intermarriage still takes place. They are initiated -into the Saivite religion by a rite called Dhikshai, which is divided -into five stages, viz., Samaya, Nirvana, Visesha, Kalasothanai, and -Acharya Abhishekam. Some are temple servants, and supply flowers for -the god, while others sing devaram (hymns to the god) during the temple -service. On this account, they are known as Meikaval (body-guard of -the god), and Oduvar (reader). The caste Pandarams have two divisions, -called Abhisheka and Desikar, and the latter name is often taken as -a title, e.g., Kandasami Desikar. An Abhisheka Pandaram is one who -is made to pass through some ceremonies connected with Saiva Agama. - -The mendicant Pandarams, who are recruited from various classes, -wear the lingam, and do not abstain from eating flesh. Many villages -have a Pandaram as the priest of the shrine of the village deity, -who is frequently a Palli who has become a Pandaram by donning the -lingam. The females are said to live, in some cases, by prostitution. - -The Lingayat Pandarams differ in many respects from the true -Lingayats. The latter respect their Jangam, and use the sacred -water, in which the feet of the Jangam are washed, for washing their -stone lingam. To the Pandarams, and Tamil Lingayats in general, this -proceeding would amount to sacrilege of the worst type. Canarese and -Telugu Lingayats regard a Jangam as superior to the stone lingam. In -the matter of pollution ceremonies the Tamil Lingayats are very -particular, whereas the orthodox Lingayats observe no pollution. The -investiture with the lingam does not take place so early among the -Tamil as among the Canarese Lingayats. - -For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana -Rao. "Dr. H. H. Wilson [34] is of opinion that the word Pandaram is -'more properly Panduranga, pale complexioned, from their smearing -themselves with ashes. It is so used in Hemachandra's history -of Mahavira, when speaking of the Saiva Brahmans.' A more popular -derivation of the name is from Bandaram, a public treasury. A good many -well-to-do Pandarams are managers of Siva temples in Southern India, -and accordingly have the temple treasuries under their care. It is, -however, possible that the name has been acquired by the caste by -reason of their keeping a yellow powder, called pandaram, in a little -box, and giving it in return for the alms which they receive. - -Opinions are divided as to whether the Pandarams are Lingayats or -not. The opinion held by F. W. Ellis, the well-known Tamil scholar and -translator of the Kural of Tiruvalluvar, is thus summarised by Colonel -Wilks. [35] "Mr. Ellis considers the Jangam of the upper countries, and -the Pandaram of the lower, to be of the same sect, and both deny in the -most unequivocal terms the doctrine of the metempsychosis. A manuscript -in the Mackenzie collection ascribes the origin of the Pandarams as -a sacerdotal order of the servile caste to the religious disputes, -which terminated in the suppression of the Jain religion in the Pandian -(Madura) kingdom, and the influence which they attained by the aid -which they rendered to the Brahmans in that controversy, but this -origin seems to require confirmation. In a large portion, perhaps in -the whole of the Brahmanical temples dedicated to Siva in the provinces -of Arcot, Tanjore, Trichinopoly, Madura and Tinnevelly, the Pandaram -is the highest of the temple, and has the entire direction of the -revenues, but allows the Brahmans to officiate in the ceremonial part -according to their own good pleasure, as a concern altogether below -his note. He has generally the reputation of an irreproachable life, -and is treated by the Brahmans of the temple with great reverence, -while on his part he looks with compassion at the absurd trifles -which occupy their attention. These facts seem to point to some former -revolution, in which a Jangam government obtained a superiority over -the Brahmanical establishments, and adopted this mode of superseding -the substantial part of their authority. It is a curious instance -of the Sooder (Sudra) being the spiritual lord of the Brahman, and -is worthy of further historical investigation." Dr. Wilson [36] also -thinks that the Pandarams are Lingayats. Mr. H. A. Stuart [37] says -that they are a class of priests who serve the non-Brahman castes. They -have returned 115 sub-divisions, of which only two are sufficiently -large to require mention, Andi of Tinnevelly and Malabar, and Lingadari -of Chingleput and Tinnevelly. Andi is a quasi-caste of beggars -recruited from all castes, and the Lingadari Pandarams are the same as -Jangams. Pandaram is, in fact, a class name rather than the name of a -caste, and it consists of priests and beggars. Mr. C. P. Brown [38] -thinks that the Pandarams are not Lingayats. 'The Saiva worshippers -among the Tamils are called Pandarams: these are not Vira Saivas, -nor do they wear the linga or adore Basava. I name them here chiefly -because they are often mentioned as being Vira Saivas, whereas in -truth they are (like the Smartas) Purva Saivas, and worship the image -of Siva in their houses.' It must be remarked that Mr. Brown appears -to have had a confused idea of Pandarams. Pandarams wear the linga -on their bodies in one of the usual modes, are priests to others -professing the Lingayat religion, and are fed by them on funeral and -other ceremonial occasions. At the same time, it must be added that -they are--more especially the begging sections--very lax as regards -their food and drink. This characteristic distinguishes them from the -more orthodox Lingayats. Moreover, Lingayats remarry their widows, -whereas the Pandarams, as a caste, will not. - -"Pandarams speak Tamil. They are of two classes, the married and -celibate. The former are far more numerous than the latter, and dress -in the usual Hindu manner. They have the hind-lock of hair known as the -kudumi, put on sacred ashes, and paint the point between the eyebrows -with a sandal paste dot. The celibates wear orange-tawny cloths, -and daub sacred ashes all over their bodies. They allow the hair -of the head to become matted. They wear sandals with iron spikes, -and carry in their hands an iron trisulam (the emblem of Siva), -and a wooden baton called dandayudha (another emblem of Siva). When -they go about the streets, they sing popular Tamil hymns, and beat -against their begging bowl an iron chain tied by a hole to one of -its sides. Married men also beg, but only use a bell-metal gong -and a wooden mallet. Most of these help pilgrims going to the more -famous Siva temples in the Madras Presidency, e.g., Tirutani, Palni, -Tiruvannamalai, or Tirupparankunram. Among both sections, the dead are -buried in the sitting posture, as among other Lingayats. A samadhi -is erected over the spot where they are buried. This consists of a -linga and bull in miniature, which are worshipped as often as may be -found convenient. - -"The managers of temples and mutts (religious institutions), known -as Pandara Sannadhis, belong to the celibate class. They are usually -learned in the Agamas and Puranas. A good many of them are Tamil -scholars, and well versed in Saiva Siddhanta philosophy. They call -themselves Tambirans--a title which is often usurped by the uneducated -beggars." - -In the Census Report, 1901, Vairavi is returned as a sub-caste of -Pandaram, and said to be found only in the Tinnevelly district, where -they are measurers of grains and pujaris in village temples. Vairavi -is further used as a name for members of the Melakkaran caste, who -officiate as servants at the temples of the Nattukottai Chettis. - -Pandaram is a title of the Panisavans and Valluvan priests of the -Paraiyans. - -A class of people called hill Pandarams are described [39] by the -Rev. S. Mateer as "miserable beings without clothing, implements, -or huts of any kind, living in holes, rocks, or trees. They bring -wax, ivory (tusks), and other produce to the Arayans, and get salt -from them. They dig roots, snare the ibex (wild goat, Hemitragus -hylocrius) of the hills, and jungle fowls, eat rats and snakes, and -even crocodiles found in the pools among the hill streams. They were -perfectly naked and filthy, and very timid. They spoke Malayalam in a -curious tone, and said that twenty-two of their party had been devoured -by tigers within two monsoons." Concerning these hill Pandarams, -Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar writes that they live on the banks of streams -in crevices of rocks, caves, and hollows of trees. They are known to -the dwellers on the plains as Kattumanushyar, or forest men. They clad -themselves in the bark of trees, and, in the rainy and cold seasons, -protect their bodies with plantain leaves. They speak a corrupt form of -Tamil. They fear the sight of other men, and try to avoid approaching -them. A former European magistrate of the Cardamom Hills took some -of them to his residence, but, during their three days' stay there, -they refused to eat or talk. There is a chieftain for every four hills, -but his authority is little more than nominal. When women are married, -the earth and hills are invoked as witnesses. They have Hindu names, -such as Raman, Kittan (Krishna), and Govindan. - -In a lecture delivered some years ago at Trivandrum, Mr. O. H. Bensley -described the hill Pandarams as being "skilful in catching fish, -their mode of cooking which is to place the fish on roots on a rock, -and cover them with fire. They keep dogs, and, by their aid, replenish -their larder with rats, mungooses, iguanas (lizard, Varanus), and -other delicacies. I was told that the authority recognised by these -people is the head Arayan, to whom they give a yearly offering of -jungle produce, receiving in exchange the scanty clothing required -by them. We had an opportunity of examining their stock-in-trade, -which consisted of a bill-hook similar to those used by other hillmen, -a few earthen cooking-pots, and a good stock of white flour, which -was, they said, obtained from the bark of a tree, the name of which -sounded like ahlum. They were all small in stature, with the exception -of one young woman, and, both in appearance and intelligence, compared -favourably with the Uralis." - -Pandariyar.--Pandariyar or Pandarattar, denoting custodians of -the treasury, has been returned as a title of Nattaman, Malaiman, -and Sudarman. - -Pandava-kulam.--A title, indicative "of the caste of the Pandava -kings," assumed by Jatapus and Konda Doras, who worship the -Pandavas. The Pandava kings were the heroes of the Mahabharata, who -fought a great battle with the Kauravas, and are said to have belonged -to the lunar race of Kshatriyas. The Pandavas had a single wife named -Draupadi, whom the Pallis or Vanniyans worship, and celebrate annually -in her honour a fire-walking festival. The Pallis claim to belong to -the fire race of Kshatriyas, and style themselves Agnikula Kshatriyas, -or Vannikula Kshatriyas. - -Pandi (pig).--Recorded as an exogamous sept of Asili, Boya, and -Gamalla. Pandipattu (pig catchers) and Pandikottu (pig killers) -occur as exogamous septs of Odde. - -Pandito.--Pandit or Pundit (pandita, a learned man) has been defined -[40] as "properly a man learned in Sanskrit lore. The Pundit of the -Supreme Court was a Hindu law-officer, whose duty it was to advise -the English Judges when needful on questions of Hindu law. The office -became extinct on the constitution of the High Court (in 1862). In the -Mahratta and Telugu countries, the word Pandit is usually pronounced -Pant (in English colloquial Punt)." In the countries noted, Pant -occurs widely as a title of Brahmans, who are also referred to -as Pantulu varu. The titles Sanskrit Pundit, Telugu Pundit, etc., -are still officially recognised at several colleges in the Madras -Presidency. Pandit sometimes occurs as an honorific prefix, e.g., -Pandit S. M. Natesa Sastri, and Panditan is a name given to Tamil -barbers (Ambattan). In some parts of the Tamil country, Panditar is -used as a name for Madhva Brahmans, because, it is said, many of them -were formerly engaged as pandits at the Law Courts. - -Pandito is further the name of "an Oriya caste of astrologers and -physicians. They wear the sacred thread, and accept drinking water -only from Brahmans and Gaudos. Infant marriage is practiced, and widow -marriage is prohibited." [41] I am informed that these Panditos engage -Brahmans for their ceremonials, do not drink liquor, and eat fish and -mutton, but not fowls or beef. The females wear glass bangles. They -are known by the name of Khodikaro, from khodi, a kind of stone, -with which they write figures on the floor, when making astrological -calculations. The stone is said to be something like soapstone. - -Pandita occurs as an exogamous sept of Stanikas. - -Pandya.--The territorial name Pandya, Pandiya, Pandiyan, or Pandi -has been returned, at recent times of census, as a sub-division of -various Tamil classes, e.g., Ambattan, Kammalan, Occhan, Pallan, -Vannan, and Vellala. Pandiya is further a title of some Shanans. In -Travancore, Pandi has been returned by some Izhavans. The variant -Pandiangal occurs as an exogamous sept of the Tamil Vallambans, -and Pandu as a Tamil synonym for Kapu or Reddi. - -Panikkar.--Panikkar, meaning teacher or worker, has been recorded, -in the Malayalam country, as a title of barbers, Kammalan, Maran, -Nayar, Panan, and Paraiyan. In former times, the name was applied, -in Malabar, to fencing-masters, as the following quotations show :-- - - - 1518. "And there are very skilful men who teach this art (fencing), - and they are called Panicars."--Barbosa. - - 1553. "And when the Naire comes to the age of 7 years, he is - obliged to go to the fencing-school, the master of which (whom - they call Panical) they regard as a father, on account of the - instruction he gives them."--Barros. - - 1583. "The maisters which teach them be graduates in the - weapons which they teach, and they be called in their language - Panycaes."--Castaneda. - - -A class of people called Panikkan are settled in the Madura and -Tinnevelly districts. Some of them are barbers to Shanans. Others have -taken to weaving as a profession, and will not intermarry with those -who are employed as barbers. "The Panikkans are," Mr. Francis writes, -[42] "weavers, agriculturists, and traders. They employ Brahmans as -priests, but these are apparently not received on terms of equality -by other Brahmans. The Panikkans now frequently call themselves Illam -Vellalas, and change their title in deeds and official papers from -Panikkan to Pillai. They are also taking to wearing the sacred thread -and giving up eating meat. The caste is divided into three vagais or -endogamous classes, namely, Mital, Pattanam, and Malayalam, and each -of these again has five partly exogamous septs or illams (families), -namely, Muttillam, Toranattillam, Pallikkillam, Manjanattillam, and -Soliya-illam. It is stated that the Mital and Pattanam sections will -eat together though they do not intermarry, but that the Malayalam -section can neither dine with nor marry into the other two. They are -reported to have an elaborate system of caste government, under which -eleven villages form a gadistalam (or stage), and send representatives -to its council to settle caste matters; and eleven gadistalams form -a nadu (or country), and send representatives to a chief council, -which decides questions which are beyond the competence of the -gadistalams." The occurrence of Malayam as the name of a sub-division, -and of the Malayalam word illam as that of the exogamous septs, would -seem to indicate that the Panikkans are immigrants from the westward -into the Tamil country. - -Panimagan (work children).--A name for Mukkuvans who are employed as -barbers for members of their caste. - -Panisavan.--Panisavan is defined in the Salem Manual as "a corruption -of paniseygiravan (panisaivon), literally meaning one who works (or -does service), and is the caste name of the class, whose business it -is to carry news of death to the relations of the deceased, and to -blow the tharai or long trumpet." According to Mr. H. A. Stuart, [43] -Panisavan appears to answer among the Tamilians to the Dasaris or Tadas -of the Telugus. It is a mendicant caste, worshipping Siva. Unlike the -Tadas, however, they often employ themselves in cultivation, and are, -on the whole, a more temperate and respectable class. Their priests -are Brahmans, and they eat flesh, and drink alcoholic liquor very -freely. The dead are generally burned. - -There are two classes of Panisavans, of which one works for the -right-hand section, and the other for the left. This division is purely -professional, and there is apparently no bar to intermarriage between -the two classes. The insignia of a Panisavan are the conch-shell -(Turbinella rapa) and tharai, which he supports from the ground by -means of a bamboo pole while he blows it. At marriage processions, -it is his duty to go in front, sounding the tharai from time to -time. On such occasions, and at festivals of the village goddesses, -the tharai is decorated with a string bearing a number of small -triangular pieces of cloth, and tufts of yak's hair. The cloth -should be white for the right-hand section, and of five different -colours for the left. At the present day, the Panisavan is more in -request for funerals than for weddings. In the city of Madras, all -the materials necessary for the bier are sold by Panisavans, who also -keep palanquins for the conveyance of the corpse in stock, which are -let out on hire. At funerals, the Panisavan has to follow the corpse, -blowing his conch-shell. The tharai is only used if the deceased was -an important personage. When the son goes round the corpse with a pot -of water, the Panisavan accompanies him, and blows the conch. On the -last day of the death ceremonies (karmandhiram), the Panisavan should -be present, and blow his conch, especially when the tali (marriage -badge) is removed from a widow's neck. In some places, the Panisavan -conveys the news of death, while in others this duty is carried out by -a barber. In the Chingleput and North Arcot districts, the Panisavans -constitute a separate caste, and have no connection with the Nokkans, -who are beggars attached to the Palli or Vanniyan caste. In South -Arcot and Tanjore, on the other hand, the name Nokkan is used to -signify the caste, which performs the duties of the Panisavan, for -which it seems to be a synonym. The Panisavans of the Tinnevelly -district have nothing in common with those of the northern districts, -e.g., Chingleput and North Arcot, whose duty it is to attend to the -funeral ceremonies of the non-Brahman castes. The main occupations -of the Tinnevelly Panisavans are playing in temples on the nagasaram -(reed instrument), and teaching Deva-dasis dancing. Another occupation, -which is peculiar to the Tinnevelly Panisavans, is achu velai, i.e., -the preparation of the comb to which the warp threads of a weaving loom -are tied. Socially the Panisavans occupy a lowly position, but they use -the title Pulavar. Their other titles are Pandaram, Pillai, and Mudali. - -Paniyan.--The Paniyans are a dark-skinned tribe, short in stature, -with broad noses, and curly or wavy hair, inhabiting the Wynad, -and those portions of the Ernad, Calicut, Kurumbranad and Kottayam -taluks of Malabar, which skirt the base of the ghats, and the Mudanad, -Cherangod, and Namblakod amshams of the Nilgiri district. - -A common belief, based on their general appearance, prevails among -the European planting community that the Paniyans are of African -origin, and descended from ancestors who were wrecked on the Malabar -coast. This theory, however, breaks down on investigation. Of their -origin nothing definite is known. The Nayar Janmis (landlords) -say that, when surprised in the act of some mischief or alarmed, -the Paniyan calls out 'Ippi'! 'Ippi'! as he runs away, and they -believe this to have been the name of the country whence they came -originally; but they are ignorant as to where Ippimala, as they -call it, is situated. Kapiri (Africa or the Cape?) is also sometimes -suggested as their original habitat, but only by those who have had -the remarks of Europeans communicated to them. The Paniyan himself, -though he occasionally puts forward one or other of the above places -as the home of his forefathers, has no fixed tradition bearing on -their arrival in Malabar, beyond one to the effect that they were -brought from a far country, where they were found living by a Raja, -who captured them, and carried them off in such a miserable condition -that a man and his wife only possessed one cloth between them, and -were so timid that it was only by means of hunting nets that they -were captured. - -The number of Paniyans, returned at the census, 1891, was 33,282, -and nine sub-divisions were registered; but, as Mr. H. A. Stuart, -the Census Commissioner, observes:--"Most of these are not real, and -none has been returned by any considerable number of persons." Their -position is said to be very little removed from that of a slave, -for every Paniyan is some landlord's 'man'; and, though he is, of -course, free to leave his master, he is at once traced, and good care -is taken that he does not get employment elsewhere. - -In the fifties of the last century, when planters first began to settle -in the Wynad, they purchased the land with the Paniyans living on it, -who were practically slaves of the land-owners. The Paniyans used -formerly to be employed by rich receivers as professional coffee -thieves, going out by night to strip the bushes of their berries, -which were delivered to the receiver before morning. Unlike the -Badagas of the Nilgiris, who are also coffee thieves, and are afraid -to be out after dark, the Paniyans are not afraid of bogies by night, -and would not hesitate to commit nocturnal depredations. My friend, -Mr. G. Romilly, on whose estate my investigation of the Paniyans was -mainly carried out, assures me that, according to his experience, -the domesticated Paniyan, if well paid, is honest, and fit to be -entrusted with the responsible duties of night watchman. - -In some localities, where the Janmis have sold the bulk of their land, -and have consequently ceased to find regular employment for them, -the Paniyans have taken kindly to working on coffee estates, but -comparatively few are thus employed. The word Paniyan means labourer, -and they believe that their original occupation was agriculture as it -is, for the most part, at the present day. Those, however, who earn -their livelihood on estates, only cultivate rice and ragi (Eleusine -coracana) for their own cultivation; and women and children may be -seen digging up jungle roots, or gathering pot-herbs for food. They -will not eat the flesh of jackals, snakes, vultures, lizards, rats, -or other vermin. But I am told that they eat land-crabs, in lieu of -expensive lotions, to prevent baldness and grey hairs. They have a -distinct partiality for alcohol, and those who came to be measured -by me were made more than happy by a present of a two-anna piece, -a cheroot, and a liberal allowance of undiluted fiery brandy from the -Meppadi bazar. The women are naturally of a shy disposition, and used -formerly to run away and hide at the sight of a European. They were -at first afraid to come and see me, but confidence was subsequently -established, and all the women came to visit me, some to go through the -ordeal of measurement, others to laugh at and make derisive comments -on those who were undergoing the operation. - -Practically the whole of the rice cultivation in the Wynad is carried -out by the Paniyans attached to edoms (houses or places) or devasoms -(temple property) of the great Nayar landlords; and Chettis and -Mappillas also frequently have a few Paniyans, whom they have bought -or hired by the year at from four to eight rupees per family from a -Janmi. When planting paddy or herding cattle, the Paniyan is seldom -seen without the kontai or basket-work protection from the rain. This -curious, but most effective substitute for the umbrella-hat of the -Malabar coast, is made of split reeds interwoven with 'arrow-root' -leaves, and shaped something like a huge inverted coal-scoop turned -on end, and gives to the individual wearing it the appearance of a -gigantic mushroom. From the nature of his daily occupation the Paniyan -is often brought in contact with wild animals, and is generally a -bold, and, if excited, as he usually is on an occasion such as the -netting of a tiger, a reckless fellow. The young men of the villages -vie with each other in the zeal which they display in carrying out -the really dangerous work of cutting back the jungle to within a -couple of spear-lengths of the place where the quarry lies hidden, -and often make a show of their indifference by turning and conversing -with their friends outside the net. - -Years ago it was not unusual for people to come long distance for the -purpose of engaging Wynad Paniyans to help them in carrying out some -more than usually desperate robbery or murder. Their mode of procedure, -when engaged in an enterprise of this sort, is evidenced by two cases, -which had in them a strong element of savagery. On both these occasions -the thatched homesteads were surrounded at dead of night by gangs of -Paniyans carrying large bundles of rice straw. After carefully piling -up the straw on all sides of the building marked for destruction, -torches were, at a given signal, applied, and those of the wretched -inmates who attempted to escape were knocked on the head with clubs, -and thrust into the fiery furnace. - -The Paniyans settle down happily on estates, living in a settlement -consisting of rows of huts and detached huts, single or double storied, -built of bamboo and thatched. During the hot weather, in the unhealthy -months which precede the advent of the south-west monsoon, they shift -their quarters to live near streams, or in other cool, shady spots, -returning to their head quarters when the rains set in. - -They catch fish either by means of big flat bamboo mats, or, in a -less orthodox manner, by damming a stream and poisoning the water -with herbs, bark, and fruit, which are beaten to a pulp and thrown -into the water. The fish, becoming stupified, float on the surface, -and fall an easy and unfairly earned prey. - -It is recorded by Mr. H. C. Wilson [44] that the section of the -Moyar river "stretching from the bottom of the Pykara falls down to -the sheer drop into the Mysore ditch below Teppakadu is occupied -principally by Carnatic carp. In the upper reaches I found traces -of small traps placed across side runners or ditches, which were -then dry. They had evidently been in use during the last floods, and -allowed to remain. Constructed of wood in the shape of a large rake -head with long teeth close together, they are fastened securely across -the ditch or runner at a slight angle with teeth in the gravel. The -object is to catch the small fry which frequent these side places for -protection during flood times. Judging by their primitive nature and -poor construction, they are not effective, but will do a certain amount -of damage. The nearest hamlet to this place is called Torappalli, -occupied by a few fisher people called Paniyans. These are no doubt -the makers of the traps, and, from information I received, they are -said to possess better fry and other traps. They are also accredited -with having fine-mesh nets, which they use when the waters are low." - -In 1907, rules were issued, under the Indian Fisheries Act, IV of 1897, -for the protection of fish in the Bhavani and Moyar rivers. These rules -referred to the erection and use of fixed engines, the construction -of weirs, and the use of nets, the meshes of which are less than one -and a half inches square for the capture or destruction of fish, and -the prohibition of fishing between the 15th March and 15th September -annually. Notice of the rules was given by beat of tom-tom (drum) -in the villages lying on the banks of the rivers, to which the rules -applied. - -The Paniyan language is a debased Malayalam patois spoken in a curious -nasal sing-song, difficult to imitate; but most of the Paniyans -employed on estates can also converse in Kanarese. - -Wholly uneducated and associating with no other tribes, the Paniyans -have only very crude ideas of religion. Believing in devils of all -sorts and sizes, and professing to worship the Hindu divinities, -they reverence especially the god of the jungles, Kad Bhagavadi, -or, according to another version, a deity called Kuli, a malignant -and terrible being of neither sex, whose shrines take the form of a -stone placed under a tree, or sometimes a cairn of stones. At their -rude shrines they contribute as offerings to the swami (god) rice -boiled in the husk, roasted and pounded, half-a-cocoanut, and small -coins. The banyan and a lofty tree, apparently of the fig tribe, -are reverenced by them, inasmuch as evil spirits are reputed to -haunt them at times. Trees so haunted must not be touched, and, -if the Paniyans attempt to cut them, they fall sick. - -Some Paniyans are believed to be gifted with the power of changing -themselves into animals; and there is a belief among the Paniyan -dwellers in the plains that, if they wish to secure a woman whom -they lust after, one of the men gifted with this special power goes -to her house at night with a hollow bamboo, and encircles the house -three times. The woman then comes out, and the man, changing himself -into a bull or dog, works his wicked will. The woman, it is believed, -dies in the course of two or three days. - -In 1904 some Paniyans were employed by a Mappilla (Muhammadan) to -murder his mistress, who was pregnant, and threatened that she would -noise abroad his responsibility for her condition. He brooded over -the matter, and one day, meeting a Paniyan, promised him ten rupees -if he would kill the woman. The Paniyan agreed to commit the crime, -and went with his brothers to a place on a hill, where the Mappilla -and the woman were in the habit of gratifying their passions. Thither -the man and woman followed the Paniyans, of whom one ran out, and -struck his victim on the head with a chopper. She was then gagged -with a cloth, carried some distance, and killed. The two Paniyans -and the Mappilla were sentenced to be hanged. - -Monogamy appears to be the general rule among the Paniyans, but there -is no obstacle to a man taking unto himself as many wives as he can -afford to support. - -Apparently the bride is selected for a young man by his parents, and, -in the same way that a wealthy European sometimes sends his betrothed -a daily present of a bouquet, the more humble Paniyan bridegroom-elect -has to take a bundle of firewood to the house of the fiancée every -day for six months. The marriage ceremony (and the marriage knot -does not appear to be very binding) is of a very simple nature. The -ceremony is conducted by a Paniyan Chemmi (a corruption of Janmi). A -present of sixteen fanams (coins) and some new cloths is given by the -bridegroom to the Chemmi, who hands them over to the parents of the -bride. A feast is prepared, at which the Paniyan women (Panichis) -dance to the music of drum and pipe. The tali (or marriage badge) -is tied round the neck of the bride by the female relations of the -bridegroom, who also invest the bride with such crude jewelry as -they may be able to afford. The Chemmi seals the contract by pouring -water over the head and feet of the young couple. It is said [45] -that a husband has to make an annual present to his wife's parents; -and failure to do so entitles them to demand their daughter back. A -man may, I was told, not have two sisters as wives; nor may he marry -his deceased wife's sister. Remarriage of widows is permitted. Adultery -and other forms of vice are adjudicated on by a panchayat (or council) -of headmen, who settle disputes and decide on the fine or punishment -to be inflicted on the guilty. At nearly every considerable Paniyan -village there is a headman called Kuttan, who has been appointed by -Nayar Janmi to look after his interests, and be responsible to him for -the other inhabitants of the village. The investiture of the Kuttan -with the powers of office is celebrated with a feast and dance, at -which a bangle is presented to the Kuttan as a badge of authority. Next -in rank to the Kuttan is the Mudali or head of the family, and they -usually constitute the panchayat. Both Kuttan and Mudali are called -Muppanmar or elders. The whole caste is sometimes loosely spoken of -as Muppan. In a case of proved adultery, a fine of sixteen fanams -(the amount of the marriage fee), and a sum equal to the expenses -of the wedding, including the present to the parents of the bride, -is the usual form of punishment. - -The Chemmi or Shemmi is, I am informed, a sort of priest or -minister. He was appointed, in olden days, by the chieftains under whom -the Paniyans worked, and each Chemmi held authority over a group of -villages. The office is hereditary, but, should a Chemmi family fail, -it can be filled up by election. - -No ceremony takes place in celebration of the birth of children. One -of the old women of the village acts as midwife, and receives a small -present in return for her services. As soon as a child is old enough -to be of use, it accompanies its parents to their work, or on their -fishing and hunting expeditions, and is initiated into the various -ways of adding to the stock of provisions for the household. - -The dead are buried in the following manner. A trench, four or five -feet deep, and large enough to receive the body to be interred, is -dug, due north and south, on a hill near the village. At the bottom -of this excavation the earth is scooped out from the western side on -a level with the floor throughout the length of the grave, so as to -form a receptacle for the corpse, which, placed on a mat, is laid -therein upon its left side with the head pointing to the south and -the feet to the north. After a little cooked rice has been put into -the grave for the use of the departed spirit, the mat, which has been -made broad enough for the purpose, is folded up and tucked in under -the roof of the cavity, and the trench filled up. It has probably -been found by experience that the corpse, when thus protected, -is safe from the ravages of scavenger jackals and pariah dogs. For -seven days after death, a little rice gruel is placed at distance -of from fifty to a hundred yards from the grave by the Chemmi, who -claps his hands as a signal to the evil spirits in the vicinity, who, -in the shape of a pair of crows, are supposed to partake of the food, -which is hence called kaka conji or crow's rice. - -The noombu or mourning ceremonies are the ti polay, seven days after -death; the kaka polay or karuvelli held for three years in succession -in the month of Magaram (January-February); and the matham polay -held once in every three or four years, when possible, as a memorial -service in honour of those who are specially respected. On all these -occasions the Chemmi presides, and acts as a sort of master of the -ceremonies. As the ceremonial carried out differs only in degree, -an account of the kaka polay will do for all. - -In the month of Magaram, the noombukarrans or mourners (who have lost -relatives) begin to cook and eat in a pandal or shed set apart from -the rest of the village, but otherwise go about their business as -usual. They wash and eat twice a day, but abstain from eating meat or -fish. On the last day of the month, arrangements are made, under the -supervision of the Chemmi, for the ceremony which brings the period -of mourning to a close. The mourners, who have fasted since daybreak, -take up their position in the pandal, and the Chemmi, holding on his -crossed arms two winnowing sieves, each containing a seer or two of -rice, walks round three times, and finally deposits the sieves in the -centre of the pandal. If, among the male relatives of the deceased, one -is to be found sufficiently hysterical, or actor enough, to simulate -possession and perform the functions of an oracle, well and good; but, -should they all be of a stolid temperament, there is always at hand -a professional corresponding to the Komaran or Vellichipad of other -Hindus. This individual is called the Patalykaran. With a new cloth -(mundu) on his head, and smeared on the body and arms with a paste -made of rice flour and ghi (clarified butter), he enters on the scene -with his legs girt with bells, the music of which is supposed to drive -away the attendant evil spirits (payanmar). Advancing with short steps -and rolling his eyes, he staggers to and fro, sawing the air with two -small sticks which he holds in either hand, and works himself up into -a frenzied state of inspiration, while the mourners cry out and ask -why the dead have been taken away from them. Presently a convulsive -shiver attacks the performer, who staggers more violently and falls -prostrate on the ground, or seeks the support of one of the posts -of the pandal, while he gasps out disjointed sentences, which are -taken to be the words of the god. The mourners now make obeisance, -and are marked on the forehead with the paste of rice flour and -ghi. This done, a mat is spread for the accommodation of the headmen -and Chemmi; and the Patalykaran, from whose legs the bells have been -removed and put with the rice in the sieves, takes these in his hands, -and, shaking them as he speaks, commences a funeral chant, which lasts -till dawn. Meanwhile food has been prepared for all present except the -mourners, and when this has been partaken of, dancing is kept up round -the central group till daybreak, when the pandal is pulled down and -the kaka polay is over. Those who have been precluded from eating make -up for lost time, and relatives, who have allowed their hair to grow -long, shave. The ordinary Paniyan does not profess to know the meaning -of the funeral orations, but contents himself with a belief that it -is known to those who are initiated. The women attend the ceremony, -but do not take part in the dance. In fact, the nearest approach to -a dance that they ever attempt (and this only on festive occasions) -resembles the ordinary occupation of planting rice, carried out in -dumb show to the music of a drum. The bodies of the performers stoop -and move in time with the music, and the arms are swung from side to -side as in the act of placing the rice seedlings in their rows. To see -a long line of Paniyan women, up to their knees in the mud of a rice -field, bobbing up and down and putting on the pace as the music grows -quicker and quicker, and to hear the wild yells of Hou! Hou! like -a chorus of hungry dogs, which form the vocal accompaniment as they -dab the green bunches in from side to side, is highly amusing. - -The foregoing account of the Paniyan death ceremonies was supplied -by Mr. Colin Mackenzie, to whom, as also to Mr. F. Fawcett, -Mr. G. Romilly, and Martelli, I am indebted for many of the facts -recorded in the present note. From Mr. Fawcett the following account -of a further ceremony was obtained:-- - -At a Paniyan village, on a coffee estate where the annual ceremony -was being celebrated, men and boys were dancing round a wooden -upright to the music of a small drum hanging at the left hip. Some -of the dancers had bells round the leg below the knee. Close to the -upright a man was seated, playing a pipe, which emitted sounds like -those of a bagpipe. In dancing, the dancers went round against the -sun. At some little distance a crowd of females indulged in a dance -by themselves. A characteristic of the dance, specially noticeable -among the women, was stooping and waving of the arms in front. The -dancers perspired freely, and kept up the dance for many hours to -rhythmic music, the tune of which changed from time to time. There -were three chief dancers, of whom one represented the goddess, the -others her ministers. They were smeared with streaks on the chest, -abdomen, arms and legs, had bells on the legs, and carried a short -stick about two feet in length in each hand. The sticks were held -over the head, while the performers quivered as if in a religious -frenzy. Now and again, the sticks were waved or beaten together. The -Paniyans believe that, when the goddess first appeared to them, she -carried two sticks in her hands. The mock goddess and her attendants, -holding the sticks above the head and shivering, went to each male -elder, and apparently received his blessing, the elder placing his -hand on their faces as a form of salutation, and then applying his -hand to his own face. The villagers partook of a light meal in the -early morning, and would not eat again until the end of the ceremony, -which concluded by the man-goddess seating himself on the upright, -and addressing the crowd on behalf of the goddess concerning their -conduct and morality. - -The Paniyans "worship animistic deities, of which the chief is Kuli, -whom they worship on a raised platform called Kulitara, offering -cocoanuts, but no blood." [46] They further worship Kattu Bhagavati, -or Bhagavati of the woods. "Shrines in her honour are to be found at -most centres of the caste, and contain no image, but a box in which -are kept the clothing and jewels presented to her by the devout. An -annual ceremony lasting a week is held in her honour, at which the -Komaran and a kind of priest, called Nolambukaran, take the chief -parts. The former dresses in the goddess' clothing, and the divine -afflatus descends upon him, and he prophesies both good and evil." - -Games.--A long strip of cane is suspended from the branch of a tree, -and a cross-bar fixed to its lower end. On the bar a boy sits, and -swings himself in all directions. In another game a bar, twelve -to fourteen feet in length, is balanced by means of a point in a -socket on an upright reaching about four feet and-a-half above the -ground. Over the end of the horizontal bar a boy hangs, and, touching -the ground with the feet, spins himself round. - -Some Paniyans have a thread tied round the wrist, ankle, or neck, -as a charm to ward off fever and other diseases. Some of the men have -the hair of the head hanging down in matted tails in performance of -a vow. The men wear brass, steel, and copper rings on their fingers -and brass rings in the ears. - -The women, in like manner, wear finger rings, and, in addition, -bangles on the wrist, and have the lobes of the ears widely dilated, -and plugged with cadjan (palm leaf) rolls. In some the nostril is -pierced, and plugged with wood. - -The Paniyans, who dwell in settlements at the base of the ghats, -make fire by what is known as the Malay or sawing method. A piece -of bamboo, about a foot in length, in which two nodes are included, -is split longitudinally into two equal parts. On one half a sharp -edge is cut with a knife. In the other a longitudinal slit is made -through about two-thirds of its length, which is stuffed with a -piece of cotton cloth. It is then held firmly on the ground with its -convex surface upwards, and the cutting edge drawn, with a gradually -quickening sawing motion, rapidly to and fro across it by two men, -until the cloth is ignited by the incandescent particles of wood in -the groove cut by the sharp edge. The cloth is then blown with the -lips into a blaze, and the tobacco or cooking fire can be lighted. - -At Pudupadi an elephant mahout was jealously guarding a bit of bamboo -stick with notches cut in it, each notch representing a day for -which wages were due to him. The stick in question had six notches, -representing six days' wages. - -Average height 157.4 cm. Nasal index 95 (max. 108.6). The average -distance from the tip of the middle finger to the top of the patella -was 4.6 cm. relative to stature = 100, which approximates very closely -to the recorded results of measurement of long-limbed African negroes. - -Panjai.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division -of Pandya Vellala. The name Panjai, indicating a poverty-stricken -individual, is usually applied to mendicant Pandarams. - -Panjaram.--Panjaram or Pancharamkatti is the name of a sub-division -of the Idaiyans, derived from the peculiar gold ornament, which the -women wear. It is said that, in this division, widow marriage is -commonly practiced, because Krishna used to place a similar ornament -round the necks of Idaiyan widows of whom he became enamoured, and -that this sub-division was the result of his amours with them. - -Panjukkara (cotton-man).--An occupational name of a sub-division of -Vellalas, who are not at the present day connected with the cotton -trade. They call themselves Panjukkara Chettis. The equivalent panjari -(pinjari) or Panjukotti occurs as a Tamil synonym for Dudekula -(Muhammadan cotton-cleaners). - -Pannadai (sheath of the cocoanut leaf).--A sub-division of Vettuvan. - -Pannaiyan.--A title of Alavan. - -Pannara.--A sub-division of Mali. - -Pannendu Nal (twelve days).--A name for those Pallis who, like -Brahmans, perform the final death ceremonies on the twelfth day. - -Pannirendam (twelfth) Chetti.--A section of the Chettis. - -Pano.--In the Madras Census Report, 1891, the Panos are described as -"a caste of weavers found in the Ganjam district. This caste is no -doubt identical with the Pans, a weaving, basket-making, and servile -caste of Orissa and Chota Nagpore. The Panos occupy the same position -among the Khonds of Ganjam as the Dombs hold among the inhabitants -of the Vizagapatam hills, and the words Pano and Dombo are generally -regarded as synonyms [See Domb]. The members of the Sitra sub-division -are workers in metal." It is further noted, in the Census Report, 1901, -that the Panos are "an extensive caste of hill weavers found chiefly -in the Ganjam Agency. The Khond synonym for this word is Domboloko, -which helps to confirm the connection between this caste and the Dombas -of Vizagapatam. They speak Khond and Oriya." In a note on the Panos, I -read that "their occupations are trading, weaving, and theft. They live -on the ignorance and superstition of the Khonds as brokers, pedlars, -sycophants, and cheats. In those parts where there are no Oriyas, -they possess much influence, and are always consulted by the Khonds -in questions of boundary disputes." In a brief account of the Panos, -Mr. C. F. MacCartie writes [47] that "the Panos, also known by the -title of Dombo or Sitra in some parts, are supposed to be Paraiya -[Telugu Mala] emigrants from the low country. Their profession is -weaving or brass work, the monotony of which they vary by petty -trading in horns, skins and live cattle, and occasionally enliven -by house-breaking and theft at the expense of the Khonds, who have -an incautious trick of leaving their habitations utterly unguarded -when they go off to the hills to cultivate. [In the Madras Census -Report, 1901, the Sitras are said to be supposed to be the progeny -of a Khond man and a Haddi woman, who manufacture the brass rings -and bangles worn by the Khonds.] The Panos are drunken, immoral, -and dirty in their habits. The Khonds refuse to eat with them, but I -do not find that this objection extends to drinking, at which both -Khond and Pano display surprising capabilities. Panos are also the -professional musicians of the country, and attend weddings, deaths -and sacrifices in this character, for which they are recompensed with -food, liquor, and cloths. The generality of Khond and Pano houses are -constructed of broad sâl (Shorea robusta) logs, hewn out with the axe -and thatched with jungle grass, which is impervious to white-ants. In -bamboo jungles, of course, bamboo is substituted for sâl. The Panos -generally affect a detached quarter, known as Dombo sai. Intermarriage -between Khonds, Panos, and Uriyas is not recognised, but cases do -occur when a Pano induces a Khond woman to go off with him. She may -live with him as his wife, but no ceremony takes place. [A few years -ago, a young Khond was betrothed to the daughter of another Khond, -and, after a few years, managed to pay up the necessary number of -gifts. He then applied to the girl's father to name the day for the -marriage. Before the wedding took place however, a Pano went to the -girl's father, and said that she was his daughter (she had been born -before her parents were married), and that he was the man to whom -the gifts should have been paid. The case was referred to a council, -which decided in favour of the Pano.] If a Pano commits adultery -with a Khond married woman, he has to pay a paronjo, or a fine of -a buffalo to the husband (who retains his wife), and in addition -a goat, a pig, a basket of paddy (rice), a rupee, and a load of -pots. There is close communication between the Panos and the Khonds, -as the former act as the advisers of the latter in all cases of doubt -or difficulty. The Uriyas live apart from both, and mix but little -with either, except on the occasion of sacrifices or other solemn -assemblages, when buffaloes are slaughtered for Panos and Khonds, -and goats or sheep for Uriya visitors. [It is noted, in the Ganjam -Manual, in connection with Khond death ceremonies, that "if a man -has been killed by a tiger, purification is made by the sacrifice -of a pig, the head of which is cut off with a tangi (axe) by a Pano, -and passed between the legs of the men in the village, who stand in a -line astraddle. It is a bad omen to him, if the head touches any man's -legs.] Among the products of the jungles may be included myrabolams -(Terminalia fruits), tasar silk cocoons, and dammer, all of which -are bartered by the finders to trading Panos in small quantities, -generally for salt." In the Ganjam Maliahs, the jungles are said to -be searched by Panos for tasar cocoons, and, just across the border -in Boad, the collection of these cocoons is a regular industry among -them. Small portions of jungle are regularly reserved, and divided -up into small allotments. Each of these is given to a Pano for rent, -and here he cultivates the silkworms, and collects the silk, which -is sent to Berhampur and Sambalpur for manufacture. - -The Panos are divided into two distinct sections, viz., the Khonda -Panos who live amidst the Khonds, and the Desa Panos of the plains. The -former have adopted some of the customs of the Khonds, while the -latter follow the customs of the Uriya castes which dwell in the -lowland. The Khond Panos are governed by the Molikos (headmen) of the -Khonds. In some cases, the fines inflicted for breach of caste rules -are rather severe. For example, in the neighbourhood of Baliguda, a -man who is convicted of adultery has to pay two rupees, and give two -buffaloes to the council which tries the case. Further south, for a -similar offence twelve buffaloes are demanded, and the culprit has to -pay twice the amount of the bride-price to the injured husband. The -Desa Panos conform to the standard Uriya type of caste council, and -have a headman called Behara, who is assisted by a Nayako, and caste -servants entitled Bhollobaya or Gonjari. - -The marriage ceremonies of the Desa Panos are closely allied to those -of the Dandasis and Haddis, whereas those of the Khonda Panos bear a -close resemblance to the ceremonies of the Khonds. Like Khond girls, -unmarried Khond Pano girls sleep in quarters (dhangadi) specially -set apart for them, and, as among the Khonds, wedding presents in -the form of gontis are given. It is noted with reference to the -Khonds, in the Ganjam Manual, that "the bride is looked upon as a -commercial speculation, and is paid for in gontis. A gonti is one of -anything, such as a buffalo, a pig, or a brass pot; for instance, -a hundred gontis might consist of ten bullocks, ten buffaloes, ten -sacks of corn, ten sets of brass, twenty sheep, ten pigs, and thirty -fowls." At a Khond Pano marriage, the fingers of the contracting -couple are linked together, and an important item of the ceremonial, -which adds dignity thereto, is placing in front of the house at which -a marriage is being celebrated a big brass vessel containing water, -with which the guests wash their feet. - -The Panos pay reverence to ancestors, to whom, when a death occurs -in a family, food is offered. In some Pano villages, when a child is -born, it is customary to consult a pujari (priest) as to whether the -grandfather or great-grandfather is re-born in it. If the answer is -in the affirmative, pigs are sacrificed to the ancestors. Some Panos -have adopted the worship of Takuranis (village deities), to whom rice -and turmeric are offered by placing them before the image in the form -of a figure-of-eight. A fowl is sacrificed, and its blood allowed to -flow on to one loop of the figure. In some places, Dharmadevata and -Gagnasuni are worshipped, a castrated goat being sacrificed annually -to the former, and fowls and an entire goat to the latter. - -Pano women, who live among the Khonds, tattoo their faces in like -manner, and in other respects resemble Khond women. - -I am informed that, on more than one occasion, Panos have been known -to rifle the grave of a European, in the belief that buried treasure -will be found. - -Panta (a crop).--A sub-division of Kapu and Yanadi. In the Gazetteer -of South Arcot, Pan Reddi is recorded as a caste of Telugu-speaking -ryots (Kapus). - -Pantala.--Recorded, in Travancore, as a sub-division of Samantan. The -name is said to be derived from Bhandarattil, or belonging to the -royal treasury. - -Pantari.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, as synonymous -with the Idacheri sub-division of Nayar. Pantrantu Vitan is also -there recorded as a sub-division of Nayar. - -Pappadam.--People calling themselves Pappadam Chetti are largely -found in Malabar, living by the manufacture and sale of cakes called -pappadam, which are purchased by all classes, including Nambutiri -Brahmans. - -Pappini.--A name for Brahmanis, a class of Ambalavasi. - -Pappu (split pulse).--An exogamous sept of Balija. - -Paradesi.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a class of -Malayalam beggars. The name indicates strangers (paradesa, a foreign -country), and is applied to the White Jews of Cochin, in connection -with whom it occurs in Sirkar (State) accounts and royal writs granted -to them. - -Paraiya Tada.--Recorded, in the North Arcot Manual, as a name for -those who are considered impure Valluvans. The name literally means -Paraiya Tadan or Dasari. - -Paraiyan.--The Paraiyans or, as they are commonly termed, Pariahs of -the Tamil country number, according to recent census returns, over two -million souls, and a large proportion of those who returned themselves -as Native Christians are said also to belong to this class. For the -following note I am mainly indebted to an account of the Paraiyans -by the Rev. A. C. Clayton. [48] - -The late Bishop Caldwell derived the name Paraiyan from the Tamil -word parai a drum, as certain Paraiyans act as drummers at marriages, -funerals, village festivals, and on occasions when Government or -commercial announcements are proclaimed. Mr. H. A. Stuart, however, -seems to question this derivation, remarking [49] that "it is only -one section of Paraiyans that act as drummers. Nor is the occupation -confined to Paraiyans. It seems in the highest degree improbable that -a large, and at one time powerful, community should owe its name to -an occasional occupation, which one of its divisions shares with other -castes. The word Paraiyan is not found in Divakaram, a Tamil dictionary -of the eleventh century A.D., and the word Pulayan was then used to -denote this section of the population, as it is still in Malayalam to -this day." In the legend of the Saivite saint, Nandan is, in the prose -version of the Periya Puranam, called a Pulayan, though a native of -Sholamandalam, which was a distinctly Tamil kingdom. Mr. W. Francis -writes [50] that "the old Tamil poems and works of the early centuries -of the Christian era do not mention the name Paraiyan, but contain -many descriptions of a tribe called the Eyinas, who seem to have -been quite distinct from the rest of the population, and did not -live in the villages, but in forts of their own. Ambur and Vellore -are mentioned as the sites of two of these. They may perhaps have -been the ancestors of the Paraiyans of to-day." - -In a note on the Paraiyans, Sonnerat, writing [51] in the eighteenth -century, says that "they are prohibited from drawing water from the -wells of other castes; but have particular wells of their own near -their inhabitations, round which they place the bones of animals, -that they may be known and avoided. When an Indian of any other caste -permits a Paraiya to speak to him, this unfortunate being is obliged -to hold his hand before his mouth, lest the Indian may be contaminated -with his breath; and, if he is met on the highway, he must turn on one -side to let the other pass. If any Indian whatever, even a Choutre, -by accident touches a Paraiya, he is obliged to purify himself in a -bath. The Brahmans cannot behold them, and they are obliged to fly -when they appear. Great care is taken not to eat anything dressed -by a Paraiya, nor even to drink out of the vessel he has used; they -dare not enter the house of an Indian of another caste; or, if they -are employed in any work, a door is purposely made for them; but they -must work with their eyes on the ground; for, if it is perceived they -have glanced at the kitchen, all the utensils must be broken. The -infamy of the Paraiyas is reflected on the Europeans: last are held -in more detestation, because, setting aside the little respect they -have for the cow, whose flesh they eat, the Indians reproach them with -spitting in their houses, and even their temples: that when drinking -they put the cup to their lips, and their fingers to their mouths in -such a manner that they are defiled with the spittle." - -Paraiyans are to be found throughout the Tamil districts from North -Arcot to Tinnevelly, and in the southern extremity of the Native -State of Travancore. In the Telugu country the Malas and Madigas and -in the Canarese country the Holeyas take their place. - -Some of the most common names of Paraiyan males are-- - - - Kanni or Kanniyappan. - Raman or Ramaswami. - Raju. - Velu. - Muttan. - Mari. - Kanagan. - Subban. - Nondi. - Tambiran. - Perumal. - Viran. - Sellan. - Amavasi. - - -Among females the most common names are Tai, Parpathi, Ammai, Kanni, -Muttammal, Rajammal, Ammani, Selli, Gangammal. In one village, -where the Paraiyans were almost all Vaishnavas, by profession not by -practice, Mr. Clayton found the inhabitants all named after heroes -of the Mahabharata, and dirty naked children answered to the names -of Ikshvakan, Karnan, Bhiman, and Draupadi. It is usual to give -the father's name when distinguishing one Paraiyan from another, -e.g., Tamburan, son of Kannan. In legal documents the prefix Para -denotes a Paraiyan, e.g., Para Kanni, the Paraiyan Kanni, but this -is a purely clerical formula. The Paraiyan delights in nicknames, -and men sometimes grow so accustomed to these that they have almost -forgotten their real names. The following nicknames are very common :-- - - - Nondi, lame. - Kallan, thief. - Kullan, dwarf. - Vellei, white or light complexioned. - Kannan, with eyes. - Muthalai, crocodile. - Kudiyan, drunkard. - - -No name, indicating virtue or merit, is given, lest the wrath of -malevolent spirits should be aroused. - -At the census, 1891, 348 sub-divisions were returned, of which the -following were strongest in point of numbers :--Amma found chiefly -in Tanjore and Madura; Katti in Salem and Trichinopoly; Kizhakkatti -(eastern) in Salem; Koliyan (weavers) in Chingleput, Tanjore and -Trichinopoly; Konga in Salem; Korava in Coimbatore; Kottai (fort) in -South Arcot; Morasu (drum) in Salem; Mottai in Madura; Pacchai (green) -in Coimbatore; Samban in South Arcot; Sangidum (sanku, conch, or chank -shell) in Coimbatore; Sozhia (natives of the Sozha or Chola country) -in Tanjore and Madura; Tangalan in North and South Arcot, Chingleput, -Salem, and Trichinopoly; and Valangamattu in South Arcot. The members -of the various sub-divisions do not intermarry. - -It has been suggested to me that the Morasu Paraiyans, included in -the above list, are Canarese Holeyas, who have settled in the Tamil -country. In the south their women, like the Kallans, wear a horsehair -thread round the neck. As additional sub-divisions, the following -may be noted :-- - -Aruththukattatha, or those who, having once cut the tali-string, do -not tie it a second time, i.e., those who do not permit remarriage -of widows. - -Valai (a net).--Paraiyans who hunt. - -Sanku (conch-shell).--Those who act as conch-blowers at funerals. - -Thatha.--Thathan is the name given to mendicants who profess -Vaishnavism. Such Paraiyans are Vaishnavites, and some are beggars. - -In the Census Report, 1901, Mr. Francis notes that the term Paraiyan -"is now almost a generic one, and the caste is split up into many -sub-divisions, which differ in manners and ways. For example, the -Koliyans, who are weavers, and the Valluvans, who are medicine men and -priests and wear the sacred thread, will not intermarry or eat with -the others, and are now practically distinct castes." As occupational -titles of Paraiyans Mr. Francis gives Urumikkaran and Pambaikkaran, -or those who play on drums (urumi and pambai), and Podarayan or Podara -Vannan, who are washermen. The title Valangamattan, or people of the -right-hand division, is assumed by some Paraiyans. - -Mr. Clayton states that he knows of no legend or popular belief -among the Paraiyans, indicating that they believe themselves to -have come from any other part of the country than that where they -now find themselves. There is, however, some evidence that the -race has had a long past, and one in which they had independence, -and possibly great importance in the peninsula. Mr. Stuart mentions -[52] that the Valluvans were priests to the Pallava kings before the -introduction of the Brahmans, and even for some time after it. He -quotes an unpublished Vatteluttu inscription, believed to be of the -ninth century, in which it is noted that "Sri Valluvam Puvanavan, -the Uvacchan (or temple ministrant), will employ six men daily, and do -the temple service." The inference is that the Valluvan was a man of -recognised priestly rank, and of great influence. The prefix Sri is -a notable honorific. By itself this inscription would prove little, -but the whole legendary history of the greatest of all Tamil poets, -Tiruvalluvar, "the holy Valluvan," confirms all that can be deduced -from it. His date can only be fixed approximately, but it is probable -that he flourished not later than the tenth century A.D. It is safe -to say that this extraordinary sage could not have attained the fame -he did, or have received the honours that were bestowed upon him, had -not the Valluvans, and therefore the Paraiyans, been in the circle -of respectable society in his day. This conjecture is strengthened -by the legend that he married a Vellala girl. The same hypothesis -is the only one that will account for the education and the vogue of -the sister of the poet, the aphoristic poetess Avvei. - -In the Census Report, 1901, Mr. Francis mentions an inscription of -the Chola King Raja Raja, dated about the eleventh century A.D., -in which the Paraiyan caste is called by its own name. It had then -two sub-divisions, the Nesavu or weavers, and Ulavu or ploughmen. The -caste had even then its own hamlets, wells and burning-grounds. - -There are certain privileges possessed by Paraiyans, which they could -never have gained for themselves from orthodox Hinduism. They seem -to be survivals of a past, in which Paraiyans held a much higher -position than they do now. It is noted by Mr. M. J. Walhouse [53] -that "in the great festival of Siva at Trivalur in Tanjore the headman -of the Pareyars is mounted on the elephant with the god, and carries -his chauri (yak-tail fly fan). In Madras, at the annual festival of -Egatta, the goddess of the Black, [54] now George, Town, when a tali -is tied round the neck of the idol in the name of the entire community, -a Pareyan is chosen to represent the bridegroom. At Melkotta in Mysore, -the chief seat of the followers of Ramanuja Acharya, and at the Brahman -temple at Belur, the Holeyas or Pareyars have the right of entering -the temple on three days in the year specially set apart for them." At -Melkote, the Holeyas and Madigas are said to have been granted the -privilege of entering the sanctum sanctorum along with Brahmans and -others on three days by Ramanuja. In 1799, however, the right to -enter the temple was stopped at the dhvajastambham, or consecrated -monolithic column. At both Belur and Melkote, as soon as the festival -is over, the temples are ceremonially purified. At Sriperumbudur in -the Chingleput district, the Paraiyans enjoy a similar privilege to -those at Tiruvalur, in return for having sheltered an image of the -locally-worshipped incarnation of Vishnu during a Muhammadan raid. It -is noted by Mr. Stuart that the lower village offices, the Vettiyan, -Taliari, Dandasi or Barike, and the Toti, are, in the majority of -Madras villages, held by persons of the Paraiyan caste. Paraiyans -are allowed to take part in pulling the cars of the idols in the -great festivals at Conjeeveram, Kumbakonam, and Srivilliputtur. Their -touch is not reckoned to defile the ropes used, so that other Hindus -will pull with them. With this may be compared the fact that the -Telugu Malas are custodians of the goddess Gauri, the bull Nandi, -and Ganesa, the chief gods of the Saiva Kapus and Balijas. It may -also be noted that the Komatis, who claim to be Vaisyas, are bound -to invite Madigas to their marriages, though they take care that -the latter do not hear the invitation. Mr. Clayton records that he -has heard well-authenticated instances of Brahman women worshipping -at Paraiyan shrines in order to procure children, and states that he -once saw a Paraiyan exorciser treating a Brahman by uttering mantrams -(consecrated formulæ), and waving a sickle up and down the sufferer's -back, as he stood in a threshing floor. - -In a note on the Paraiyans of the Trichinopoly district, -Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes as follows. "They have a very exalted -account of their lineage, saying that they are descended from the -Brahman priest Sala Sambavan, who was employed in a Siva temple to -worship the god with offerings of beef, but who incurred the anger -of the god by one day concealing a portion of the meat, to give it to -his pregnant wife, and was therefore turned into a Paraiyan. The god -appointed his brother to do duty instead of him, and the Paraiyans -say that Brahman priests are their cousins. For this reason they wear -a sacred thread at their marriages and funerals. At the festival of -the village goddesses, they repeat an extravagant praise of their -caste, which runs as follows. 'The Paraiyans were the first creation, -the first who wore the sacred thread, the uppermost in the social -scale, the differentiators of castes, the winners of laurels. They -have been seated on the white elephant, the Vira Sambavans who beat -the victorious drum.' It is a curious fact that, at the feast of the -village goddess, a Paraiyan is honoured by being invested with a sacred -thread for the occasion by the pujari (priest) of the temple, by having -a turmeric thread tied to his wrists, and being allowed to head the -procession. This, the Paraiyans say, is owing to their exalted origin." - -In times of drought some of the lower orders, instead of addressing -their prayers to the rain god Varuna, try to induce a spirit or -devata named Kodumpavi (wicked one) to send her paramour Sukra to -the affected area. The belief seems to be that Sukra goes away to -his concubine for about six months, and, if he does not then return, -drought ensues. The ceremony consists in making a huge figure of -Kodumpavi in clay, which is placed on a cart, and dragged through -the streets for seven to ten days. On the last day, the final -death ceremonies of the figure are celebrated. It is disfigured, -especially in those parts which are usually concealed. Vettiyans -(Paraiyan grave-diggers), who have been shaved, accompany the figure, -and perform the funeral ceremonies. This procedure is believed to -put Kodumpavi to shame, and to get her to induce Sukra to return, -and stay the drought. Paraiyans are said [55] to wail as though they -were at a funeral, and to beat drums in the funeral time. - -The Paraiyans are said by Mr. Francis [56] to have a curious share -in the ceremonies in connection with the annual buffalo sacrifice -at the Kali shrine at Mangalam in South Arcot. "Eight men of this -community are chosen from eight adjoining villages, and one of them -is selected as leader. His wife must not be with child at the' time, -and she is made to prove that she is above all suspicion by undergoing -the ordeal of thrusting her hand into boiling gingelly (Sesamum) -oil. On each of ten days for which the festival lasts, this Paraiyan -has to go round some part of the boundaries of the eight villages, -and he is fed gratis by the villagers during this time. On the day -of the sacrifice itself, he marches in front of the priest as the -latter kills the buffaloes. The Paraiyans of the eight villages have -the right to the carcases of the slaughtered animals." - -The Paraiyans know the village boundaries better than anyone else, -and are very expert in this matter, unerringly pointing out where -boundaries should run, even when the Government demarcation stones are -completely overgrown by prickly-pear, or have been removed. Mr. Stuart -records a custom which prevails in some parts of making a Paraiyan -walk the boundaries of a field with a pot of water on his head, -when there is any dispute about their exact position. He thinks that -the only satisfactory explanation of this is that the connection of -the Paraiyans with the soil is of much longer standing than that -of other castes. The admitted proprietary right which Paraiyans -have in the site known as cheri-nattam, on which their huts stand, -is a confirmation of this. These sites are entered as such on the -official village maps. They cannot be taken from the Paraiyans, and -date from time immemorial. Throughout the whole of the Tamil country -it is usual to find that the land allotted for house-site (nattam) -is in two portions in every village (Ur). One part is known by the -Sanskrit name gramam (village), the inhabited place. The other is -called by the Dravidian name cheri (gathering place). - -Sometimes the latter is called by the fuller title paracheri (Anglice -parcheri, parcherry), i.e., the gathering place of the Paraiyans. In -the gramam live the Brahmans, who sometimes dwell, in a quarter -by themselves known as the agrahara, and also other Hindus. In the -paracheri live the Paraiyans. The paracheri and the gramam are always -separated, at least by a road or lane, and often by several fields. And -not only is it usual thus to find that, in every village, the Paraiyans -as a community possess a house-site, but there are many cases in which -more than one cheri is attached to a gramam. This seems to repudiate -the suggestion that at some period or periods the higher castes -relegated the Paraiyans to these cheris. Indeed, in some cases, the -very names of the cheris suggest what appears to be the more correct -view, viz., that the cheris had a distinct origin. For instance, -the whole revenue village of Teiyar near Chingleput consists of one -Sudra gramam and seven Paraiyan cheris, each with a name of its own, -Periyapilleri, Komancheri, etc. In other cases, e.g., Ideipalayam in -the north of the district, and Varadarajapuram near Vandalur, only -Paraiyan hamlets exist; there is no gramam. In South Arcot there -are at least two villages, Govindanallur and Andapet, inhabited -only by Paraiyans, where even the Maniyakkaran (munsiff or village -headman) is a Paraiyan. Other instances might be quoted in proof of -the same opinion. And, when the ceremonial antipathy between Brahman -and Paraiyan is examined, it points in the same direction. It is well -known that a Brahman considers himself polluted by the touch, presence, -or shadow of a Paraiyan, and will not allow him to enter his house, -or even the street in which he lives, if it is an agrahara. But it -is not so well known that the Paraiyans will not allow a Brahman to -enter the cheri. Should a Brahman venture into the Paraiyan's quarter, -water with which cow-dung has been mixed is thrown on his head, and -he is driven out. It is stated [57] by Captain J. S. F. Mackenzie -that "Brahmans in Mysore consider that great luck will await them -if they can manage to pass through the Holeya quarter of a village -unmolested, and that, should a Brahman attempt to enter their quarters, -they turn out in a body and slipper him, in former times it is said to -death." Some Brahmans consider a forsaken paracheri an auspicious site -for an agrahara. A very peculiar case is that of the gramam founded -for, and occupied by the clerks of the earliest Collectors (district -magistrates) of the jagir of Karunguli from 1795 to 1825 A.D. These -clerks were Brahmans, and it was called the agraharam. It was deserted -when the head-quarters of the Collector were removed to Conjeeveram. It -is now occupied by Paraiyans, but is still called the agraharam. - -The facts, taken together, seem to show that the Paraiyan priests -(Valluvans), and therefore the Paraiyans as a race, are very ancient, -that ten centuries ago they were a respectable community, and that many -were weavers. The privileges they enjoy are relics of an exceedingly -long association with the land. The institution of the paracheri -points to original independence, and even to possession of much of the -land. If the account of the colonisation of Tondeimandalam by Vellalans -in the eighth century A.D. is historic, then it is possible that at -that time the Paraiyans lost the land, and that their degradation as -a race began. - -The Paraiyans have long been a settled race. And, though a number of -them emigrate to Ceylon, Mauritius, South Africa, the West Indies, -the Straits Settlements, and even to Fiji, the vast majority live and -die within a mile or two of the spot where they were born. The houses -in which they live are not temporary erections, or intended for use -during certain seasons of the year only. The rudest form is a hut made -by tying a few leaves of the palmyra palm on to a framework of poles -or bamboos. The better class of houses are a series of rooms with low -mud walls and thatched roof, but generally without doors, surrounding -a small courtyard, in which the family goats, buffaloes, and fowls -have their homes. The cooking is done anywhere where it is convenient -either indoors or out, as there is no fear of pollution from the glance -or shadow of any passer-by. Very occasionally the walls of the house, -especially those facing the street, are whitewashed, or decorated with -variegated patterns or figures in red and white. Paraiya women, like -higher caste women, are much given to tracing exceedingly intricate -symmetrical designs (kolam) with rice flour on the smooth space or -pathway immediately before the doors of their houses, it is said, -to prevent the entrance of evil spirits. Mr. S. P. Rice writes to -me that the patterns on the floor or threshold are generally traced -with white powder, e.g., chalk, as rice is too costly; and that the -original object of the custom was not to drive away evil spirits, -but to provide food for the lowest creatures of creation--ants, -insects, etc. - -Admissions to the Paraiyan caste from higher castes sometimes -occur. Mr. Clayton records having met an Aiyangar Brahman who was -working as a cooly with some Paraiyan labourers at Kodaikanal on the -Palni hills. He had become infatuated with a Paraiya woman, and had -consequently been excommunicated, and became a Paraiyan. - -In every Paraiya settlement a small number of the more important men -are known as Panakkaran (money-man). The application of the term may, -Mr. Clayton suggests, be due to their comparative opulence, or may -have arisen from the custom of paying them a small sum (panam) for -various services to the community. But Panikkar or Panakkar is usually -said to be derived from pani, meaning work. They form a committee -or council to decide ordinary quarrels, and to amerce the damages -in cases of assault, seduction, rape, and adultery. They have power -to dissolve marriages on account of the wife, or if the husband has -deserted his wife. In these cases their authority is really based on -the public opinion of the paracheri, and goes no further than that -public opinion will enforce it. There is no headman in a Paraiya hamlet -corresponding to the munsiff or village magistrate of the Hindu village -(grama). In modern practice the Paraiyans are, for police purposes, -under the authority of the munsiff of the grama, and there is a -growing tendency on their part to refer all disputes and assaults -to the munsiff, or even directly to the police. On the other hand, -cases of a more domestic nature, such as disputes about betrothals, -seduction, etc., are still dealt with, generally acutely and fairly, -by the village council. It should be added that the rank of Panakkaran -is hereditary, and is regarded as honourable. - -The Paraiyans, like all the other right-hand castes, come under the -jurisdiction of the Desayi Chettis, who have held a sort of censorship -since the days of the Nawabs of Arcot over some twenty-four of these -right-hand castes, chiefly in North Arcot. The Desayi Chetti has -nominal power to deal with all moral offences, and is supposed to have -a representative in every village, who reports every offence. But, -though his authority is great in North Arcot, and the fines levied -there bring in an income of hundreds of rupees yearly, it is not so -much dreaded in other districts. The punishment usually inflicted is a -fine, but sometimes a delinquent Paraiyan will be made to crawl on his -hands and knees on the ground between the legs of a Paraiya woman as a -final humiliation. The punishment of excommunication, i.e., cutting off -from fire and water, is sometimes the fate of the recalcitrant, either -before the council or the Desayi Chetti, but it is seldom effective for -more than a short time. Mr. K. Rangachari adds that, in certain places, -the Desayi Chetti appoints the Panakkaran, who is subordinate to the -Desayi, and that a man called the Variyan or Shalavathi is sometimes -appointed as assistant to the Panakkaran. He also mentions some other -punishments. The fine for adultery is from 7 pagodas 14 fanams to -11 pagodas, when the wronged woman is unmarried. If she is married, -the amount ranges from 12 pagodas 14 fanams to 16 pagodas. The fine -is said to be divided between the woman, her husband, the members -of council, and the Panakkarans. Formerly an offender against the -Paraiyan community was tied to a post at the beginning of his trial, -and, if found guilty, was beaten. He might escape the flogging by -paying a fine of two fanams per stripe. Sometimes a delinquent is -paraded through the hamlet, carrying a rubbish basket, or is ordered -to make a heap of rubbish at a certain spot. Or a cord is passed from -one big toe over the bowed neck of the culprit, and tied to his other -big toe, and then a stone is placed on his bent back. In some places, -when an unmarried woman is convicted of adultery, she is publicly given -a new cloth and a bit of straw or a twig, apparently in mockery. It -is said that formerly, if the chastity of a bride was suspected, -she had to pick some cakes out of boiling oil. This she had to do -just after the tali had been tied in the wedding ceremony. Her hair, -nails, and clothes were examined, to see that she had no charm -concealed. After lifting the cakes from the oil, she had to husk -some rice with her bare hand. If she could do this, her virtue was -established. In the South Arcot district, according to Mr. Francis, -[58] the Paraiyans "have caste headmen called the Periya (big) Nattan -and the Chinna (little) Nattan or Tangalan (our man), whose posts are -usually hereditary. The Tangalan carries out the sentence of caste -panchayats, administering a thrashing to the accused for example, -if such be the order of the court. Of the fines inflicted by these -assemblies, a fifth is usually handed over to the local Mariamma -shrine, and the remaining four-fifths are laid out in drinks for the -panchayatdars. Until recently, a part of the fine was in some cases, -in these parts, paid to the local poligar." - -Excommunicated Paraiyans are said to go to a mythical place called -Vinnamangalam. In some documents signed by Paraiyans, the words -"If I fail to fulfil the conditions of our agreement, I shall go -to Vinnamangalam" are inserted. In all enquiries by the police, the -council, or the Desayi Chetti, the Paraiyan only tells what in his -opinion it is expedient to tell. But evidence given after burning a -piece of camphor is said to be reliable. - -The attainment of puberty by girls is a subject of greedy curiosity -to most of the women in a Paraiya village. This has been said to be -due to the fact that "the menstrual fluid is held in horror, dire -consequences being supposed to result from not merely the contact, -but even the very sight of it. Hence the isolation and purification of -women during the menstrual period, and the extreme care and anxiety -with which the first approach of puberty in a girl is watched." The -girl at once begins to wear a covering of some sort, even it be -the most pathetic rag, over her left shoulder and breast. Till -this time, a bit of cotton cloth round her waist has been considered -sufficient. Among the Tangalan Paraiyans, when a girl attains puberty, -she is kept apart either in the house or in a separate hut. Pollution -is supposed to last eight days. On the ninth day, the girl is bathed, -and seated in the courtyard. Ten small lamps of flour paste (called -drishti mavu vilakku), to avert the evil eye, are put on a sieve, -and waved before her three times. Then coloured water (arati or alam) -and burning camphor are waved before her. Some near female relatives -then stand behind her, and strike her waist and sides with puttu -(flour cake) tied in a cloth. This is believed to make her strong. At -the same time other women strike the ground behind the girl with -a rice-pestle. Then presents are given to the girl. In some places -the girl is beaten within the house by her mother-in-law or paternal -aunt. The latter repeatedly asks the girl to promise that her daughter -shall marry her paternal aunt's son. - -In marriages among the Paraiyans, difference in religion is of little -moment. A Christian Paraiyan will marry a heathen girl, though it -should be said that she is usually baptised at or about the time of -the marriage. A Christian girl is sometimes married to a heathen -Paraiyan. Mr. Clayton thinks that the fact that certain Paraiyans -paint the namam of Vishnu on their foreheads, while others smear their -foreheads with the ashes of Siva, prevents marriages between them. - -The bridegroom must be older than the bride. Subject to this condition, -it is usual for a youth to marry his father's sister's daughter, -or his mother's brother's daughter. A girl should be married to her -mother's brother's son if he is old enough, but not, as among the -Konga Vellalas and some Reddis, if he is a child. In short, Paraiyans -follow the usual Tamil custom, but it is often neglected. - -Marriage contracts are sometimes made by parents while the parties most -concerned are still infants, often while they are still children; in -the majority of cases when the girl attains the marriageable age. The -bridegroom may be many years older than the bride, especially when -custom, as noted above, settles who shall be his bride. The bride -has absolutely no choice in the matter; but, if the bridegroom is -a man of some years or position, his preferences are consulted. The -elder sister should be given in marriage before her younger sisters -are married. The arrangements are more or less a bargain. Presents of -clothes, paltry jewels, rice, vegetables, and perhaps a few rupees, -are exchanged between the families of the bride and bridegroom. The -household that seeks the marriage naturally gives the larger gifts. The -actual marriage ceremony is very simple. The essential part is the -tying of a small token or ornament (tali), varying in value from a -few annas to four or five rupees by a turmeric-stained string, round -the neck of the bride. This is done by the bridegroom in the presence -of a Valluvan, who mutters some kind of blessing on the marriage. A -series of feasts, lasting over two or three days, is given to all -the relatives of both parties by the parents of the newly-married -couple. The bride and bridegroom do not live together immediately, -even if the girl is old enough. The exact date at which their life -together may begin is settled by the bride's mother. The occasion, -called soppana muhurtham, is celebrated by another feast and much -merry-making, not always seemly. - -The following detailed account of the marriage ceremonies among the -Tangalan Paraiyans was furnished by Mr. K. Rangachari. The parents -or near relations of the contracting parties meet, and talk over -the match. If an agreement is arrived at, an adjournment is made to -the nearest liquor shop, and a day fixed for the formal exchange of -betel leaves, which is the sign of a binding engagement. A Paraiyan, -when he goes to seek the hand of a girl in marriage, will not eat at -her house if her family refuse to consider the alliance, to which the -consent of the girl's maternal uncle is essential. The Paraiyan is -particular in the observation of omens, and, if a cat or a valiyan -(a bird) crosses his path when he sets out in quest of a bride, he -will give her up. The betrothal ceremony, or pariyam, is binding as -long as the contracting couple are alive. They may live together as -man and wife without performing the marriage ceremony, and children -born to them are considered as legitimate. But, when their offspring -marry, the parents must first go through the marriage rites, and -the children are then married in the same pandal on the same day. At -the betrothal ceremony, the headman, father, maternal uncle, and two -near relations of the bridegroom-elect, proceed to the girl's house, -where they are received, and sit on seats or mats. Drink and plantain -fruits are offered to them. Some conversation takes place between -the headmen of the two parties, such as "Have you seen the girl? Have -you seen her house and relations? Are you disposed to recommend and -arrange the match?" If he assents, the girl's headman says "As long as -stones and the Kaveri river exist, so that the sky goddess Akasavani -and the earth goddess Bhumadevi may know it; so that the water-pot -(used at the marriage ceremony), and the sun and moon may know it; -so that this assembly may know it; I ... give this girl." The headman -of the bridegroom then says "The girl shall be received into the -house by marriage. These thirty-six pieces of gold are yours, and -the girl is mine." He then hands betel leaves and areca nuts to the -other headman, who returns them. The exchange of betel is carried out -three times. Near the headmen is placed a tray containing betel nuts, -a rupee, a turmeric-dyed cloth in which a fanam (2 1/2 annas) is tied, -a cocoanut, flowers, and the bride's money varying in amount from seven -to twenty rupees. The fanam and bride's money are handed to the headman -of the girl, and the rupee is divided between the two headmen. On the -betrothal day, the relations of the girl offer flowers, cocoanuts, -etc., to their ancestors, who are supposed to be without food or -drink. The Paraiyans believe that the ancestors will be ill-disposed -towards them, if they are not propitiated with offerings of rice and -other things. For the purpose of worship, the ancestors are represented -by a number of cloths kept in a box made of bamboo or other material, -to which the offerings are made. On the conclusion of the ancestor -worship, the two headmen go to a liquor shop, and exchange drinks of -toddy. This exchange is called mel sambandham kural, or proclaiming -relationship. After the lapse of a few days, the girl's family is -expected to pay a return visit, and the party should include at -least seven men. Betel is again exchanged, and the guests are fed, -or presented with a small gift of money. When marriage follows close -on betrothal, the girl is taken to the houses of her relations, -and goes through the nalugu ceremony, which consists of smearing -her with turmeric paste, an oil bath, and presentation of betel and -sweets. The auspicious day and hour for the marriage are fixed by -the Valluvan, or priest of the Paraiyans. The ceremonial is generally -carried through in a single day. On the morning of the wedding day, -three male and two married female relations of the bridegroom go -to the potter's house to fetch the pots, which have been already -ordered. The potter's fee is a fowl, pumpkin, paddy, betel, and a few -annas. The bride, accompanied by the headman and her relations, goes -to the bridegroom's village, bringing with her a number of articles -called petti varisai or box presents. These consist of a lamp, cup, -brass vessel, ear-ornament called kalappu, twenty-five betel leaves -and areca nuts, onions, and cakes, a lump of jaggery (crude sugar), -grass mat, silver toe-ring, rice, a bundle of betel leaves and five -cocoanuts, which are placed inside a bamboo box. The next item in -the proceedings is the erection of the milk-post, which is made of a -pestle of tamarind or Soymida febrifuga wood, or a green bamboo. To the -post leafy twigs of the mango or pipal (Ficus religiosa) are tied. In -some places, a pole of the Odina Wodier tree is said to be set up, -and afterwards planted near the house, to see if it will grow. Near -the marriage dais a pit is dug, into which are thrown nine kinds of -grain, and milk is poured. The milk-post is supported on a grindstone -painted with turmeric stripes, washed with milk and cow's urine, -and worshipped, with the Valluvan as the celebrant priest. The post -is then set up in the pit by three men and two women. A string with -a bit of turmeric (kankanam) is tied to the milk-post, and to it -and the dais boiled rice is offered. Kankanams are also tied round -the wrists of the bride and bridegroom. The bridegroom's party go to -the temple or house where the bride is awaiting them, bringing with -them a brass lamp, vessel and cup, castor and gingelly oil, combs, -confectionery, turmeric, and betel leaves. The procession is headed -by Paraiyans beating tom-toms, and blowing on trumpets. When their -destination is reached, all take their seats on mats, and the various -articles which they have brought are handed over to the headman, who -returns them. The bride is then taken in procession to the marriage -house, which she is the first to enter. She is then told to touch with -her right hand some paddy, salt, and rice, placed in three pots inside -the house. Touching them with the left hand would be an evil omen, -and every mishap which might occur in the family would be traced to -the new daughter-in-law. The bride and bridegroom next go through the -nalugu ceremony, and some of the relations proceed with the ceremony -of bringing sand (manal vari sadangu). A cousin of the bridegroom and -his wife take three pots called sal karagam and kuresal, and repair to -a river, tank (pond) or well, accompanied by a few men and women. The -pots are set on the ground, and close to them are placed a lamp, and -a leaf with cakes, betel leaves and nuts set on it. Puja (worship) -is made to the pots by burning camphor and breaking cocoanuts. The -Vettiyan then says "The sun, the moon, the pots, and the owner of -the girl have come to the pandal. So make haste and fill the pot -with water." The woman dips a small pot in water, and, after putting -some sand or mud into a big pot, pours the water therein. The pots -are then again worshipped. After the performance of the nalugu, the -bridal couple go through a ceremony for removing the evil eye, called -"sige kazhippu." A leaf of Ficus religiosa, with its tail downwards, -is held over their foreheads, and all the close relations pour -water over it, so that it trickles over their faces; or seven cakes -are placed by each of the relations on the head, shoulders, knees, -feet, and other parts of the body of the bridegroom. The cakes are -subsequently given to a washerman. The parents of the bridal couple, -accompanied by some of their relations, next proceed to an open field, -taking with them the cloths, tali, jewels, and other things which have -been purchased for the wedding. A cloth is laid on the ground, and on -it seven leaves are placed, and cooked rice, vegetables, etc., heaped -up thereon. Puja is done, and a goat is sacrificed to the ancestors -(Tangalanmar). By some the offerings are made to the village goddess -Pidari, instead of to the ancestors. Meanwhile the bridegroom has been -taken in procession round the village on horseback, and the headmen -have been exchanging betel in the pandal. On the bridegroom's return, -he and the bride seat themselves on planks placed on the dais, and -are garlanded by their maternal uncle with wreaths of Nerium odorum -flowers. The maternal uncle of the bride presents her with a ring. In -some places, the bride is carried to the dais on the shoulders or -in the arms of the maternal uncle. While the couple are seated on -the dais the Valluvan priest lights the sacred fire (homam), and, -repeating some words in corrupt Sanskrit, pours gingelly oil into -the fire. He then does puja to the tali, and passes it round, to be -touched and blessed by those assembled. The bridegroom, taking up -the tali, shows it through a hole in the pandal to the sky or sun, -and, on receipt of permission from those present, ties it round the -neck of the bride. Thin plates of gold or silver, called pattam, -are then tied on the foreheads of the contracting couple, first by -the mother-in-law and sister-in-law. With Brahman and non-Brahman -castes it is customary for the bride and bridegroom to fast until -the tali has been tied. With Paraiyans, on the contrary, the rite is -performed after a good meal. Towards the close of the marriage day, -fruit, flowers, and betel are placed on a tray before the couple, -and all the kankanams, seven in number, are removed, and put on -the tray. After burning camphor, the bridegroom hands the tray to -his wife, and it is exchanged between them three times. It is then -given to the washerman. The proceedings terminate by the two going -with linked hands three times round the pandal. On the following day, -the bride's relatives purchase some good curds, a number of plantains, -sugar and pepper, which are mixed together. All assemble at the pandal, -and some of the mixture is given to the headman, the newly married -couple, and all who are present. All the articles which constitute -the bride's dowry are then placed in the pandal, and examined by -the headman. If they are found to be correct, he proclaims the union -of the couple, and more of the mixture is doled out. This ceremony -is known as sambandham kural or sambandham piriththal (proclaiming -relationship). Two or three days after the marriage, the bridegroom -goes to the house of the bride, and remains there for three days. He -is stopped at the entrance by his brother-in-law, who washes his feet, -puts rings on the second toe, and keeps on pinching his feet until he -has extracted a promise that the bridegroom will give his daughter, if -one is born to him, in marriage to the son of his brother-in-law. The -ring is put on the foot of the bride by her maternal uncle at the time -of the marriage ceremony, after the wrist threads have been removed. In -some places it is done by the mother-in-law or sister-in-law, before -the tali is tied, behind a screen. - -Polygamy is not common among the Paraiyans, but Mr. Clayton has known -a few instances in which a Paraiyan had two regularly married wives, -each wearing a tali. But it is very common to find that a Paraiyan -has, in addition to his formally married wife, another woman who -occupies a recognised position in his household. The first wears the -tali. The other woman does not, but is called the second wife. She -cannot be dismissed without the sanction of the paracheri council. The -man who maintains her is called her husband, and her children are -recognised as part of his family. Mr. Clayton believes that a second -wife is usually taken only when the more formally married wife has -no children, or when an additional worker is wanted in the house, -or to help in the daily work. Thus a horsekeeper will often have -two wives, one to prepare his meals and boil the gram for the horse, -the other to go out day by day to collect grass for the horse. The -Tamil proverb "The experience of a man with two wives is anguish" -applies to all these double unions. There are constant quarrels -between the two women, and the man is generally involved, often to -his own great inconvenience. It is quite common for a Paraiyan to -marry his deceased wife's sister, if she is not already married. - -A Paraiya woman usually goes to her mother's house a month or two -before she expects the birth of her first child, which is born -there. Sometimes a medicine woman (maruttuvacchi), who possesses -or professes some knowledge of drugs and midwifery, is called in, -if the case is a bad one. Generally her barbarous treatment is but -additional torture to the patient. Immediately after the birth of -the child, the mother drinks a decoction called kashayam, in which -there is much ginger. Hence the Tamil proverb "Is there any decoction -without ginger in it?" About a week after the birth, the mother, -as a purificatory ceremony, is rubbed with oil and bathed. - -Among Sudras there is a family ceremony, to which the Sanskrit name -Simanta has been assigned, though it is not the true Simanta observed -by Brahmans. It occurs only in connection with a first pregnancy. The -expectant mother stands bending over a rice mortar, and water or -human milk is poured on her back by her husband's elder or younger -sister. Money is also given to buy jewels for the expected child. The -ceremony is of no interest to anyone outside the family. Hence the -proverb "Come, ye villagers, and pour water on this woman's back." This -is used when outsiders are called in to do for a member of a family -what the relatives ought to do. This ceremony is sometimes observed -by Paraiyans. Among Brahmans it is believed to affect the sex of -the child. It should be added that it is firmly believed that, if -a woman dies during pregnancy or in childbed, her spirit becomes an -exceedingly malignant ghost, and haunts the precincts of the village -where she dies. - -A widow does not wear the tali, which is removed at a gathering of -relatives some days after her husband's death. "The removal of the -tali of a widow," Mr. Francis writes, [59] "is effected in a curious -manner. On the sixteenth day after the husband's death, another woman -stands behind the widow, who stoops forward, and unties the tali -in such a way that it falls into a vessel of milk placed to receive -it. Adoption ceremonies are also odd. The adoptee's feet are washed -in turmeric water by the adopter, who then drinks a little of the -liquid. Adoption is accordingly known as manjanir kudikkiradu, or the -drinking of turmeric water, and the adopted son as the manjanir pillai, -or turmeric water boy." Paraiya women do not wear any distinctive -dress when they are widows, and do not shave their heads. But they -cease to paint the vermilion mark (kunkumam) on their foreheads, -which married women who are living with their husbands always wear, -except at times when they are considered ceremonially unclean. The -widow of a Paraiyan, if not too old to bear children, generally lives -with another man as his wife. Sometimes she is ceremonially married -to him, and then wears the tali. A widow practically chooses her own -second husband, and is not restricted to any particular relative, -such as her husband's elder or younger brother. The practice of the -Levirate, by which the younger brother takes the widow of the elder, -is non-existent as a custom among Paraiyas, though instances of such -unions may be found. Indeed the popular opinion of the Tamil caste -credits the Paraiyan with little regard for any of the restrictions -of consanguinity, either prohibitive or permissive. "The palmyra palm -has no shadow: the Paraiyan has no regard for seemliness" is a common -Tamil proverb. - -It is stated, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "the Paraiyans -have been but little affected by Brahmanical doctrines and customs, -though in respect to ceremonies they have not escaped their -influence. Paraiyans are nominally Saivites, but in reality they are -demon worshippers." The Homakulam tank in the South Arcot district -is reputed to be the place where Nanda, the Paraiyan saint, bathed -before he performed sacrifice preparatory to his transfiguration to -Brahmanhood. [60] Brahman influence has scarcely affected the Paraiyan -at all, even in ceremonial. No Paraiyan may enter any Vaishnava or -Saiva temple even of the humblest sort, though of course his offerings -of money are accepted, if presented by the hands of some friendly -Sudra, even in such exclusive shrines as that of Sri Vira Raghava Swami -at Tiruvallur. It is true that Paraiyans are often termed Saivites, -but there are many nominal Vaishnavas among them, who regularly wear -the namam of Vishnu on their foreheads. The truth is that the feminine -deities, commonly called devata, have been identified by Hindus with -the feminine energy of Siva, and thus the Paraiyans who worship them -have received the sectarian epithet. As a matter of fact, the wearing -of the namam of Vishnu, or the smearing of the ashes of Siva, is of -no meaning to a Paraiyan. They are neither Saivites nor Vaishnavites. - -Like all other Dravidians, the Paraiyans acknowledge the existence of -a supreme, omnipresent, personal spiritual Being, the source of all, -whom they call Kadavul (He who is). Kadavul possesses no temples, -and is not worshipped, but he is the highest conception of Paraiya -thought. Paraiyans worship at least three classes of godlings or -devata, generally called the mothers (amma). Sometimes they are -worshipped as the virgins (Kanniyamma) or the seven virgins. These -mothers may be worshipped collectively in a group. They are then -symbolised by seven stones or bricks, perhaps within a little -enclosure, or on a little platform in the Paraiya hamlet, or under -a margosa (Melia Azadirachta) tree, or sheltered by a wattle hut, -or even by a small brick temple. This temple is universally known as -the Amman Koil. More usually, one particular mother is worshipped at -the Paraiya shrine. She is then called the grama devata, or village -goddess, of the particular hamlet. The names of these goddesses are -legion. Each village claims that its own mother is not the same as -that of the next village, but all are supposed to be sisters. Each is -supposed to be the guardian of the boundaries of the cheri or gramam -where her temple lies, sometimes of both gramam and cheri. She is -believed to protect its inhabitants and its livestock from disease, -disaster and famine, to promote the fecundity of cattle and goats, -and to give children. In a word, she is called the benefactress of -the place, and of all in it who worship her. The following are a few -of the names of these village tutelary deities:-- - - - Ellamma, goddess of the boundary, worshipped by Tamil and Telugu - Paraiyans. - - Mungilamma, bamboo goddess. - - Padeiyattal or Padeiyacchi. - - Parrapotamma, a Telugu goddess supposed to cure cattle diseases. - - Pidariyamma, sometimes called Ellei Pidari. - - -The symbol of the goddess may be a conical stone, or a carved -idol. Occasionally a rude figure of the bull Nandi, and an iron -trident mark the shrine. A lamp is often lighted before it at night. - -The ceremonial of worship of all classes of devata is very simple. The -worshipper prostrates himself before the symbol of the deity, -whether one stone, seven stones, or an image. He anoints it with -oil, smears it with saffron, daubs it with vermilion, garlands it -with flowers (Nerium odorum by preference), burns a bit of camphor, -and circumambulates the shrine, keeping his right side towards it. On -special occasions he breaks cocoanuts, kills fowls, goats or sheep, of -which the two last must be killed at one blow, pours out their blood, -perhaps offers a little money, and goes his way, satisfied that he -has done his best to propitiate the devata whom he has honoured. - -Special shrines attain very great fame. Thus the goddess Bavaniyammal -of Periyapalayam, some sixteen miles from Madras, is well known, and -crowds come to her annual festival. Paraiyans, Pallis, and Chakkilians -form the majority of the worshippers, but of late years Sudras and -even Brahmans are to be found at her shrine. The homage rendered to -her is twofold. Her worshippers sacrifice some thousands of sheep on -the river bank outside her temple, and, entirely divesting themselves -of their garments, and covering themselves with bunches of margosa -leaves, go round the temple. Except on the five Sundays, usually in -July and August, on which the festival is held, the shrine is forsaken, -and the goddess is said to be a vegetarian; but on the five festival -Sundays she is said to be as greedy for flesh as a leather-dresser's -(Chakkiliyan) wife. - -Two goddesses hold a position distinct from the mothers as a group, -or as tutelary goddesses. These are Gangammal and Mariyattal, and -their peculiarity is that they are itinerant deities. Gangammal -is often described as the goddess of cholera, and Mariyattal, -as the goddess of small-pox, though both diseases are frequently -ascribed to the latter. Mariyattal is worshipped under the names of -Poleramma and Ammavaru by Telugus. For instance, near Arcotkuppam in -the North Arcot district, a festival is held in honour of Gangammal -in the Tamil month Vaikasi (May-June), in which Sudras join. The main -feature of the festival is the boiling of new rice as at Pongal. Men -also put on women's clothes, and perform grotesque dances. In the -same way, in the ten days' festival in honour of Mariyattal held at -Uttaramallur during the Tamil month Avani (August), the goddess is -carried about by washermen (Vannan), who perform a kind of pantomime -(vilas) in her honour. There is a curious belief that these goddesses -(or Gangammal, if they are distinguished) must travel along roads and -paths, and cannot go across country, and that they cannot pass over -the leaves of the margosa or the stems of the plant called in Tamil -perandei (Vitis quadrangularis). Consequently, when cholera is about, -and the goddess is supposed to be travelling from village to village -seeking victims, branches of margosa and long strings of perandei are -placed on all the paths leading into the gramam or cheri. Sometimes, -also, leaves of the margosa are strung together, and hung across the -village street. These are called toranam. - -Besides the deities already referred to, there are a number -of ghosts, ghouls, and goblins (pey or pisasu), whom Paraiyans -propitiate. Mathureiviran and Virabadran are, for example, two -well-known demons. - -Among Tamil Paraiyans there are families in almost every village, -who hold a kind of sacerdotal rank in the esteem of their -fellows. They are called Valluvans, Valluva Pandarams, or Valluva -Paraiyans. Their position and authority depend largely on their own -astuteness. Sometimes they are respected even by Brahmans for their -powers as exorcists. It is often impossible to see any difference -between the Valluvans and the ordinary Paraiyans, except that their -houses are usually a little apart from other houses in the cheri. They -take a leading part in local Paraiya festivals. At marriages they -pronounce the blessing when the tali is tied round the bride's neck. - -In cases of supposed possession by demons, or by the mothers, the -Valluvan is consulted as to the meaning of the portent, and takes part -in driving the spirit out of the victim, sometimes using violence and -blows to compel the spirit to deliver its message and be gone. The -Census Report, 1901, states that Valluvans do not eat or intermarry -with other sections of the Paraiyans. Mr. Clayton is unable to confirm -this, and is inclined to doubt whether it is generally true. - -The dead are buried as a rule, but sometimes the corpses are burnt. A -portion of the village waste land is allotted for the purpose. Only -Paraiyans are buried in it. The funeral rites are very simple. The -corpse is carried on a temporary litter of palm leaf mats and bamboos, -wrapped in a cotton cloth, which is a new one if it can be afforded, -and interred or burnt. About the third or fifth day after death, -the pal sadangu, or milk ceremony, should take place, when some milk -is poured out by the next-of-kin as an offering to the spirit of the -deceased. This spirit is then supposed to assume a sort of corporeity, -and to depart to the place of respite till fate decrees that it be -re-born. This ceremony is accompanied by a family feast. On the -fifteenth day after death, another family gathering is held, and -food is offered to the spirit of the dead person. This ceremony is -called Karumantaram, or expiatory ceremony. Occasionally, for some -months after the death, a few flowers are placed on the grave, and a -cocoanut is broken over it; and some attempt is even made to recognise -the anniversary of the date. But there is no regular custom and it is -probably an imitation of Brahmanical usages. The ordinary Paraiyan's -conception of life after death is merely a vague belief that the -departed soul continues its existence somewhere. He has no ordered -eschatology. If a first-born male child dies, it is buried close to -or even within the house, so that its corpse may not be carried off -by a witch or sorcerer, to be used in magic rites, as the body of a -first-born child is supposed to possess special virtues. It is noted -by Mr. H. A. Stuart [61] that "the Tangalans profess to have once been -a very respectable class, and wear the sacred thread at weddings and -funerals, while the other divisions never assume it." - -The following note on the death ceremonies of the Paraiyans at -Coimbatore was supplied by Mr. V. Govindan. If the deceased was a -married man, the corpse is placed in a sitting posture in a booth -made of twigs of margosa and milk-hedge (Euphorbia Tirucalli), and -supported behind by a mortar. The widow puts on all her ornaments, -and decorates her hair with flowers. She seats herself on the left -side of the corpse, in the hands of which some paddy (unhusked rice) -or salt is placed. Taking hold of its hands, some one pours the -contents thereof into the hands of the widow, who replaces them in -those of the corpse. This is done thrice, and the widow then ties -the rice in her cloth. On the way to the burial ground (sudukadu), -the son carries a new pot, the barber a pot of cooked rice and -brinjal (Solanum Melongena) fruits and other things required for -doing puja. The Paraiyan in charge of the burial ground carries a -fire-brand. The mats and other articles used by the deceased, and -the materials of which the booth was made, are carried in front by -the washerman, who deposits them at a spot between the house of the -deceased and the burial ground called the idukadu, which is made to -represent the shrine of Arichandra. Arichandra was a king, who became -a slave of the Paraiyans, and is in charge of the burial ground. At -the idukadu the corpse is placed on the ground, and the son, going -thrice round it, breaks the pot of rice near its head. The barber -makes a mark at the four corners of the bier, and the son places a -quarter anna on three of the marks, and some cowdung on the mark -at the north-east corner. The widow seats herself at the feet of -the corpse, and another widowed woman breaks her tali string, and -throws it on the corpse. Arrived at the grave, the gurukal (priest) -descends into it, does puja and applies vibhuti (sacred ashes) to its -sides. The body is lowered into it, and half a yard of cloth from the -winding-sheet is given to the Paraiyan, and a quarter of a yard to -an Andi (religious mendicant). The grave is filled in up to the neck -of the corpse, and bael (Ægle Marmelos) leaves, salt, and vibhuti -are placed on its head by the gurukal. The grave is then filled in, -and a stone and thorny branch placed at the head end. As the son goes, -carrying the water-pot, three times round the grave, the barber makes -a hole in the pot, which is thrown on the stone. The son and other -relations bathe and return to the house, where a vessel containing -milk is set on a mortar, and another containing water placed at the -door. They dip twigs of the pipal (Ficus religiosa) into the milk, -and throw them on the roof. They also worship a lighted lamp. On -the third day, cooked rice, and other food for which the deceased -had a special liking, are taken to the grave, and placed on plantain -leaves. Puja is done, and the crows are attracted to the spot. If they -do not turn up, the gurukal prays, and throws up water three times. On -the seventeenth day, the son and others, accompanied by the gurukal, -carry a new brick and articles required for puja to the river. The -brick is placed under water, and the son bathes. The articles for -puja are spread on a plantain leaf, before which the son places the -brick. Puja is done to it, and a piece of new cloth tied on it. It is -then again carried to the water, and immersed therein. The ceremonial -concludes with the lighting of the sacred fire (homam). - -The death ceremonies of the Paraiyan, as carried out in the Chingleput -district, are thus described by Mr. K. Rangachari. The corpse is -washed, dressed, and carried on a bier to the burning or burial -ground. Just before it is placed on the bier, all the relations, -who are under pollution, go round it three times, carrying an iron -measure round which straw has been wrapped, and containing a light. On -the way to the burial ground, the son or grandson scatters paddy, -which has been fried by the agnates. A pot of fire is carried by -the Vettiyan. At a certain spot the bier is placed on the ground, -and the son goes round it, carrying a pot of cooked rice, which he -breaks near the head of the corpse. This rice should not be touched -by man or beast, and it is generally buried. When the corpse has been -placed on the pyre, or laid in the grave, rice is thrown over it by -the relations. The son, carrying a pot of water, goes thrice round it, -and asks those assembled if he may finish the ceremony. On receiving -their assent, he again goes three times round the corpse, and, making -three holes in the pot, throws it down, and goes home without looking -back. If the dead person is unmarried, a mock marriage ceremony, -called kanni kaziththal (removing bachelorhood), is performed before -the corpse is laid on the bier. A garland of arka (Calotropis gigantea) -flowers and leaves is placed round its neck, and balls of mud from a -gutter are laid on the head, knees, and other parts of the body. In -some places a variant of the ceremony consists in the erection of a -mimic marriage booth which is covered with leaves of the arka plant, -flowers of which are placed round the neck as a garland. On the -third day after death, cooked rice, milk, fruits, etc., are offered -to the soul of the departed on two leaves placed one near the head, -the other near the feet of the corpse. Of these, the former is taken -by men, and the latter by women, and eaten. The karmanthiram, or final -ceremony, takes place on the twelfth or sixteenth day. All concerned in -it proceed to a tank with cooked rice, cakes, etc. A figure of Ganesa -(Pillayar) is made with mud, and five kalasam (vessels) are placed near -it. The various articles which have been brought are set out in front -of it. Two bricks, on which the figures of a man and woman are drawn, -are given to the son, who washes them, and does puja to them after an -effigy has been made at the waterside by a washerman. He then says -"I gave calves and money. Enter Kailasam (the abode of Siva). Find -your way to paralokam (the other world). I gave you milk and fruit. Go -to the world of the dead. I gave gingelly (Sesamum) and milk. Enter -yamalokam (abode of the god of death). Eleven descendants on the -mother's side and ten on the father's, twenty-one in all, may they -all enter heaven." He then puts the bricks into the water. On their -return home, the sons of the deceased are presented with new clothes. - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Tanjore district, that, when -a man dies, camphor is not burnt in the house, but at the junction of -three lanes. Some Paraiyans, on the occurrence of a death in a family, -put a pot filled with dung or water, a broomstick and a fire-brand at -some place where three roads meet, or in front of the house, in order -to prevent the ghost from returning. An impression of the dead man's -palm is taken in cow-dung, and stuck on the wall. In some places, -e.g., at Tirutturaippundi, the Paraiyans observe a ceremony rather -like that observed by Valaiyans and Karaiyans on the heir's return -from the burning-ground on the second day. Three rice-pounders and a -chembu (vessel) of water are placed outside the door, and the heir -sits on these, chews a piece of fish, spits thrice, and then goes -and worships a light burning in the house. - -Tattooing is practiced on women and children of both sexes, but not on -grown men. With children it is confined to a simple line drawn down -the forehead. Among Paraiyans who have become Roman Catholics, the -device is sometimes a cross. Women, like those of other Tamil castes, -frequently have their arms elaborately tattooed, and sometimes have a -small pattern between the breasts. A legend runs to the effect that, -many years ago, a Paraiyan woman wished her upper arms and chest to -be tattooed in the form of a bodice. The operation was successfully -carried out till the region of the heart was reached, and then a -vulnerable part was punctured by the needles, with the result that the -woman died. Whence has arisen a superstitious objection to tattooing -of the breasts. - -Sometimes an arei-mudi, shaped like the leaf of the puvarasa tree -(Thespesia populnea), made of silver or silvered brass, is tied -round the waist of female infants as an ornament. Small, flat plates -of copper, called takudu, are frequently worn by children. One side -is divided into sixteen squares, in which, what look like the Telugu -numerals nine, ten, eleven and twelve are engraved. On the other side -a circle is drawn, which is divided into eight segments, in each of -which a Telugu letter is inscribed. This charm is supposed to protect -the wearer from harm coming from any of the eight cardinal points of -the Indian compass. Charms, in the form of metal cylinders, are worn -for the same purpose by adults and children, and procured from some -exorcist. Similar or the same charms are worn to avoid the baneful -influence of the evil eye. To prevent this from affecting their crops, -Paraiyans put up scarecrows in their fields. These are usually small -broken earthen pots, whitewashed or covered with spots of whitewash, -or even adorned with huge clay noses and ears, and made into grotesque -faces. They are set up on the end of poles, to attract the eye of the -passer-by from the crop. For the same reason more elaborate figures, -made of mud and twigs, in human shape, are sometimes set up. Before -wells are sunk, a charmer (mantirakkaran) is called in to recite -spells and find a likely spot, cocoanuts are broken, and the milk -thereof poured out to propitiate the gods of the place. - -The Paraiyans are very largely employed as domestic servants by -Europeans. And it has been said that "so necessary to the comfort of -the public is the Paraiya that orthodox Brahman gentlemen may be seen -employing Paraiya coachmen and syces (footmen). The Christian Paraiya -has become 'Native Christian' caste, and has achieved, among other -things, University honours, the wearing of the surplice, and the rod -of the pedagogue." [62] Vast numbers of Paraiyans are agricultural -labourers. Till a score or so of years ago some were actually bond -serfs, and there are instances on record in quite recent years, which -show that it was no infrequent thing for a Paraiyan to mortgage his -son as security for the repayment of a loan. Some Paraiya families -own much land. - -It is noted by Mr. Francis [63] that in the South Arcot district, -"their numbers, and the comparative wealth which ground-nut (Arachis -hypogæa) cultivation has brought them, have caused them to take -a rather better social position here than elsewhere, and they are -actually beginning to copy the social ways of the higher castes, -sometimes burning their dead (though those who have died of cholera -or small-pox are still always buried), marrying their children when -infants, and looking with disfavour on the remarriage of widows." - -Current Tamil speech and custom divide the landless labouring Paraiyans -into padiyal and kuliyal. The padiyal is definitely and hereditarily -attached to some land-holding family in the Hindu grama. He can work -for no one else, and cannot change masters. His privilege is that in -times of drought and famine his master must support him. The kuliyal -is a mere day labourer, only employed, and therefore only receiving -pay (kuli) when required. He has no claim for maintenance in seasons -of scarcity, and, though no man's serf, is worse off than the padiyal. - -Three communal servants, the grave-digger (Vettiyan), watchman -(Talaiyari), and scavenger (Toti) are all Paraiyans. The Vettiyan -officiates when a corpse is buried or burned. Hence the proverb -against meddling in what ought to be left to some one else:--"Let the -Vettiyan and the corpse struggle together." The Rev. H. Jensen notes -[64] in connection with this proverb that "when fire is applied to the -pyre at the burning-ground, it sometimes happens that the muscles of -the corpse contract in such a fashion that the body moves, and the -grave-digger has to beat it down into the fire. It looks as if the -two were engaged in a struggle. But no one else should interfere. The -grave-digger knows his own work best." - -It is noted by Mr. H. A. Stuart [65] that "among the lower class of -Vellam Paraiyans, who are the village totis, the following legend is -current, accounting for the perquisites which they get for performing -the menial work of the village. When Adi Sesha was supporting the -earth, he became weary, and prayed to Siva for assistance. Siva ordered -a Paraiyan to beat upon his drum, and cry 'Let the ripe decay.' The -Paraiyan enquired what should be his reward, and was granted the -following privileges, viz., mankuli (reward for burning corpses), -san tuni (a span cloth), vaykkarisi (the rice in the corpse's mouth), -pinda soru (morsel of boiled rice), and suttu kuli (fee for bringing -firewood). This seemed to the Paraiya very little, and so, to increase -the death-rate and consequently his perquisites, he cried 'Let the -ripe and the unripe decay.' The swami (god) remonstrated with him, -for the result of his cry was that children and the middle-aged among -men died. The man pleaded poverty, and was given four additional -privileges, viz., a merkal to measure grain, a rod to measure the -ground, a scythe to cut grass, and the privilege of carrying the -karagam-pot when annually running over the village boundary. All the -above privileges still belong to the village vettis, who receive fees -for performing the duties referred to in the legend." - -Some Paraiyans eat carrion, and Mr. Clayton has known them dig up -a buffalo which had been buried some hours, and eat its flesh. It is -said that even the lowest Paraiyans will not eat the flesh of cows, but -leave that to the leather-dressers (Chakkiliyans). Mr. Stuart, however, -states [66] that "the Konga Paraiyans and the Vellam Paraiyans, who -do scavenging work, will eat cows that have died a natural death, -while Tangalans only eat such as have been slaughtered." In time of -famine, the Paraiyans dig into ant-hills to rob the ants of their -store of grass seed. This is called pillarisi or grass rice. - -There are many proverbs in Tamil, which refer to Paraiyans, from -which the following are selected:-- - - -(1) If a Paraiyan boils rice, will it not reach God? i.e., God will -notice all piety, even that of a Paraiyan. -(2) When a Paraiya woman eats betel, her ten fingers (will be daubed -with) lime. The Paraiya woman is a proverbial slut. -(3) Though a Paraiya woman's child be put to school, it will still -say Ayye. Ayye is vulgar Tamil for Aiyar, meaning Sir. -(4) The palmyra palm has no shadow; the Paraiyan has no decency. A -contemptuous reference to Paraiya morality. -(5) The gourd flower and the Paraiyan's song have no savour. Paraiyans -use this saying about their own singing. -(6) Though seventy years of age, a Paraiyan will only do what he -is compelled. -(7) You may believe a Paraiyan, even in ten ways; you cannot believe -a Brahman. Almost the only saying in favour of the Paraiyan. -(8) Is the sepoy who massacred a thousand horse now living in disgrace -with the dogs of the paracheri? -(9) Paraiyan's talk is half-talk. A reference to Paraiya vulgarisms -of speech. -(10) Like Paraiya and Brahman, i.e., as different as possible. -(11) Not even a Paraiyan will plough on a full moon day. -(12) Paracheri manure gives a better yield than any other manure. -(13) The drum is beaten at weddings, and also at funerals. Said, -according to the Rev. H. Jensen, of a double-dealing unreliable person, -who is as ready for good as for evil. -(14) The harvest of the Paraiya never comes home. - - -The term Paraiya, it may be noted, is applied to the common dog of -Indian towns and villages, and to the scavenger kite, Milvus Govinda. - -The Paraiyans are included by Mr. F. S. Mullaly in his 'Notes on -Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency.' "The local criminals," he -writes, "throughout the Presidency in all villages are the Paraiyas, -and, though they cannot be considered de facto a criminal tribe, -yet a very large proportion of the criminals of the Presidency are -of this caste, notable among them being the Vepur Paraiyas of South -Arcot." For an account of these Vepur Paraiyas and their methods I must -refer the reader to Mr. Mullaly's description thereof. Concerning these -criminal Paraiyans, Mr. Francis writes as follows. [67] "There is one -branch of them in Suttukulam, a hamlet of Cuddalore. They are often -known as the Tiruttu (thieving) Paraiyans. The crimes to which they -are most addicted are house-breaking and the theft of cattle, sheep -and goats, and the difficulty of bringing them to book is increased by -the organised manner in which they carry on their depredations. They -are, for example, commonly in league with the very heads of villages, -who ought to be doing their utmost to secure their arrest, and they -have useful allies in some of the Udaiyans of these parts. It is -commonly declared that their relations are sometimes of a closer -nature, and that the wives of Vepur Paraiyans who are in enforced -retirement are cared for by the Udaiyans. To this is popularly -attributed the undoubted fact that these Paraiyans are often much -fairer in complexion than other members of that caste." It is said -to be traditional among the Vepur Paraiyans that the talis (marriage -badges) of Hindu women and lamps should not be stolen from a house, -and that personal violence should not be resorted to, except when -unavoidably necessary for the purpose of escape or self-defence. - -In a kindly note on the Paraiya classes, Surgeon-Major W. R. Cornish -sums them up as follows. [68] "A laborious, frugal, and pleasure-loving -people, they are the very life-blood of the country, in whatever field -of labour they engage in. The British administration has freed them, -as a community, from the yoke of hereditary slavery, and from the -legal disabilities under which they suffered; but they still remain in -the lowest depths of social degradation. The Christian missionaries, -to their undying honour be it said, have, as a rule, persevered in -breaking through the time-honoured custom of treating the Paraiya as -dirt, and have admitted him to equal rights and privileges in their -schools and churches, and, whatever may be the present position -of the Paraiya community in regard to education, intelligence, and -ability to hold a place for themselves, they owe it almost wholly -to the Christian men and women who have given up their lives to win -souls for their great Master." - -Paraiyans of Malabar, Cochin and Travancore.--For the following note on -the Paraiyans or Paraiyas of Cochin I am indebted to Mr. L. K. Anantha -Krishna Aiyar. [69] Paraiyas belong to a very low caste of the agrestic -serfs of Cochin, next to Pulayas in order of social precedence. They -will eat at the hands of all castes, save Ulladans, Nayadis, and -Pulayas. But orthodox Pulayas have to bathe five times, and let -blood flow, in order to be purified from pollution if they touch a -Paraiya. In rural parts, a Paraiya's hut may be seen far away on -the hill-side. At the approach of a member of some higher caste, -the inmates run away to the forest. They cannot walk along the public -roads, or in the vicinity of houses occupied by the higher castes. It -is said that they at times steal the children of Nayars, and hide -them in the forest, to bring them up as their own. They are extremely -filthy in person and habits. They very rarely bathe, or wash their -bodies, and a cloth, purchased at harvest time, is worn till it falls -to pieces. They will eat the flesh of cattle, and are on this account -despised even by the Pulayas. They are their own barbers and washermen. - -A legend runs to the effect that Vararuchi, the famous astrologer, -and son of a Brahman named Chandragupta and his Brahman wife, -became the King of Avanthi, and ruled till Vikramaditya, the son of -Chandragupta by his Kshatriya wife, came of age, when he abdicated -in his favour. Once, when he was resting under an ashwastha tree -(Ficus religiosa), invoking the support of the deity living therein, he -overheard the conversation of two Gandarvas on the tree, to the effect -that he would marry a Paraiya girl. This he prevented by requesting -the king to have her enclosed in a box, and floated down a river -with a nail stuck into her head. The box was taken possession of by -a Brahman, who was bathing lower down, and, on opening it, he found a -beautiful girl, whom he considered to be a divine gift, and regarded -as his own daughter. One day the Brahman, seeing Vararuchi passing -by, invited him to mess with him, and his invitation was accepted on -condition that he would prepare eighteen curries, and give him what -remained after feeding a hundred Brahmans. The Brahman was puzzled, -but the maiden, taking a long leaf, placed thereon a preparation of -ginger corresponding to eighteen curries, and with it some boiled rice -used as an offering at the Vaiswadeva ceremony, as the equivalent of -the food for Brahmans. Knowing this to be the work of the maiden, -Vararuchi desired to marry her, and his wish was acceded to by the -Brahman. One day, while conversing with his wife about their past -lives, he chanced to see a nail stuck in her head, and he knew her -to be the girl whom he had caused to be floated down the stream. He -accordingly resolved to go on a pilgrimage with his wife, bathing in -rivers, and worshipping at temples. At last they came to Kerala, where -the woman bore him twelve sons, all of whom, except one, were taken -care of by members of different castes. They were all remarkable for -their wisdom, and believed to be the avatar (incarnation) of Vishnu, -gifted with the power of performing miracles. One of them was Pakkanar, -the great Malayalam bard. Once, it is said, when some Brahmans -resolved to go to Benares, Pakkanar tried to dissuade them from so -doing by telling them that the journey to the sacred city would not be -productive of salvation. To prove the fruitlessness of their journey, -he plucked a lotus flower from a stagnant pool, and gave it to them -with instructions to deliver it to a hand which would rise from the -Ganges, when they were to say that it was a present for the goddess -Ganga from Pakkanar. They did as directed, and returned with news of -the miracle. Pakkanar then led them to the stagnant pool, and said -"Please return the lotus flower, Oh! Ganga," when it appeared in his -hand. Pakkanar is said to have earned his living by the sale of the -wicker-work, which he made. One day he could not sell his baskets, and -he had to go starving. A neighbour, however, gave him some milk, which -Pakkanar accepted, and told the donor to think of him if ever he was -in danger. The neighbour had a married daughter living with him, who, -some time after, was dying of snake-bite. But her father remembered -the words of Pakkanar, who came to the rescue, and cured her. One of -Pakkanar's brothers was named Narayana Branthan, who pretended to -be a lunatic, and whose special delight was in rolling huge stones -up a hill, for the pleasure of seeing them roll down. Though the son -of a Brahman, he mixed freely with members of all castes, and had no -scruple about dining with them. A Nambutiri Brahman once asked him to -choose an auspicious day for the performance of his son's upanayanam -(thread ceremony). He selected a most inauspicious day and hour, -when the boy's family assembled and asked Narayana whether the rite -should be celebrated. He told the father to look at the sky, which -became brilliantly illuminated, and a Brahman was seen changing his -sacred thread. The omen being considered favourable, the investiture -ceremony was proceeded with. - -The Paraiyas of Malabar and Cochin are celebrated for their knowledge -of black magic, and are consulted in matters relating to theft, -demoniacal influence, and the killing of enemies. Whenever anything is -stolen, the Paraiya magician is consulted. Giving hopes of the recovery -of the stolen article, he receives from his client some paddy (rice) -and a few panams (money), with which he purchases plantain fruits, a -cocoanut or two, toddy, camphor, frankincense, and rice flour. After -bathing, he offers these to his favourite deity Parakutti, who is -represented by a stone placed in front of his hut. Rattling an iron -instrument, and singing till his voice almost fails, he invokes the -god. If the lost property does not turn up, he resorts to a more -indignant and abusive form of invocation. If the thief has to be -caught, his prayers are redoubled, and he becomes possessed, and blood -passes out of his nose and mouth. When a person is ill, or under the -influence of a demon, an astrologer and a magician named by the former -are consulted. The magician, taking a cadjan (palm) leaf or copper or -silver sheet, draws thereon cabalistic figures, and utters a mantram -(prayer). Rolling up the leaf or sheet, he ties it to a thread, -and it is worn round the neck in the case of a woman, and round the -loins in the case of a man. Sometimes the magician, taking a thread, -makes several knots in it, while reciting a mantram. The thread is worn -round the neck or wrist. Or ashes are thrown over a sick person, and -rubbed over the forehead and breast, while a mantram is repeated. Of -mantrams, the following may be cited as examples. "Salutation to god -with a thousand locks of matted hair, a thousand hands filling the -three worlds and overflowing the same. Oh! Goddess mother, out of the -supreme soul, descend. Oh! Sundara Yaksha (handsome she-devil), Swaha -(an efficacious word)." "Salutation to god. He bears a lion on his -head, or is in the form of a lion in the upper part of his body. In -the mooladhara sits Garuda, the lord of birds, enemy of serpents, -and vahana (vehicle) of Vishnu. He has Lakshmana to the left, Rama to -the right, Hanuman in front, Ravana behind, and all around, above, -below, everywhere he has Sri Narayana Swaha. Mayst thou watch over -or protect me." - -The Paraiyans are notorious for the performance of marana kriyakal, -or ceremonies for the killing of enemies. They resort to various -methods, of which the following are examples:-- - -(1) Make an image in wax in the form of your enemy. Take it in your -right hand, and your chain of beads in your left hand. Then burn the -image with due rites, and it shall slay your enemy in a fortnight. - -(2) Take a human bone from a burial-ground, and recite over it a -thousand times the following mantra:--"Oh, swine-faced goddess! seize -him, seize him as a victim. Drink his blood; eat, eat his flesh. Oh, -image of imminent death! Malayala Bhagavathi." The bone, thrown into -the enemy's house, will cause his ruin. - -Odi or oti cult (breaking the human body) is the name given to a -form of black magic practiced by the Paraiyans, who, when proficient -in it, are believed to be able to render themselves invisible, -or assume the form of a bull, cat, or dog. They are supposed to be -able to entice pregnant women from their houses at dead of night, -to destroy the foetus in the womb, and substitute other substances -for it; to bring sickness and death upon people; and so to bewitch -people as to transport them from one place to another. A Paraiya -who wishes to practice the cult goes to a guru (preceptor), and, -falling at his feet, humbly requests that he may be admitted into -the mysteries of the art. The master first tries to dissuade him, but -the disciple persists in the desire to learn it. He is then tried by -various tests as to his fitness. He follows his master to the forests -and lonely places at midnight. The master suddenly makes himself -invisible, and soon appears before him in the form of a terrible bull, -a ferocious dog, or an elephant, when the novice should remain calm and -collected. He is also required to pass a night or two in the forest, -which, according to his firm belief, is full of strange beings howling -horribly. He should remain unmoved. By these and other trials, he is -tested as to his fitness. Having passed through the various ordeals, -the guru initiates him into the brotherhood by the performance of puja -on an auspicious day to his favourite Nili, called also Kallatikode -Nili, through whose aid he works his black art. Flesh and liquor -are consumed, and the disciple is taught how to prepare pilla thilam -and angola thilam, which are the potent medicines for the working of -his cult. The chief ingredient in the preparation of pilla thilam, -or baby oil, is the sixth or seventh month's foetus of a primipara, -who should belong to a caste other than that of the sorcerer. Having -satisfied himself that the omens are favourable, he sets out at -midnight for the house of the woman selected as his victim, and walks -several times round it, waving a cocoanut shell containing a mixture -of lime and turmeric water (gurusi), and muttering mantrams to secure -the aid of the deity. He also draws yantrams (cabalistic devices) -on the ground. The woman is compelled to come out of her house. Even -if the door is locked, she will bang her head against it, and force -it open. The sorcerer leads her to a retired spot, strips her naked, -and tells her to lie flat on the ground. This she does, and a vessel -made of a gourd (Lagenaria) is placed close to her vagina. The uterus -then contracts, and the foetus emerges. Sometimes, it is said, the -uterus is filled with some rubbish, and the woman instantly dies. Care -is taken that the foetus does not touch the ground, as the potency -of the drug would thereby be ruined. The foetus is cut to pieces, -and smoked over a fire. It is then placed in a vessel provided with -a few holes, below which is another vessel. The two are placed in a -larger receptacle filled with water, which is heated over a fire. From -the foetus a liquid exudes, which is collected in the lower vessel. A -human skull is then reduced to a fine powder, which is mixed with -a portion of the liquid (thilam). With the mixture a mark is made -on the forehead of the sorcerer, who rubs some of it over various -parts of his body, and drinks a small quantity of cow-dung water. He -then thinks that he can assume the form of any animal he likes, -and achieve his object in view, be it murder or bodily injury. The -magic oil, called angola thilam, is extracted from the angola tree -(Alangium Lamarckii), which bears a very large number of fruits. One -of these is believed to be endowed with life and power of motion, and -to be capable of descending and returning to its original position -on dark nights. Its possession can be attained by demons, or by an -expert watching at the foot of the tree. When it has been secured, -the extraction of the oil involves the same operations as those for -extracting the pilla thilam, and they must be carried out within seven -hours. A mark made on the forehead with the oil enables its wearer -to achieve his desires, and to transform himself into some animal. - -When a person has an enemy whom he wishes to get rid of, the -Paraiya magician is consulted, and the name of the enemy given to -him. Identifying his residence, the Paraiya starts off on a dark -night, and anyone whom he comes across is at once dispatched with a -blow. The victim comes out of his house in a state of stupefaction, -and the magician puts him to death either by a blow on the head, -or by suffocating him with two sticks applied to his neck. Odi cult -is said to have been practiced till only a few years ago in the rural -parts of the northern part of the State, and in the taluks of Palghat -and Walluvanad in Malabar, and even now it has not entirely died -out. But cases of extracting foetuses and putting persons to death -are not heard of at the present day, owing to the fear of Government -officials, landlords, and others. The story is current of a Nayar -village official, who had two fine bullocks, which a Mappila wished -to purchase. The Nayar, however, was unwilling to part with them. The -Mappila accordingly engaged some men to steal the animals. Availing -themselves of the absence of the Nayar from home, the robbers went -to his house, where they saw a Paraiya and his wife practicing the -odi cult, and compelling a young woman to come out of the house, and -lie on the ground. Catching hold of the Paraiya, the robbers tied -him to a tree, and secured him. The man and his wife were beaten, -and the would-be robbers rewarded with a present of the bullocks. - -The Paraiyans have no temples of their own, but worship Siva or -Kali. According to a legend, in Tretayuga (the second age), a Paraiya -named Samvara, and his wife Pulini were living in a forest, and one -day came across a Sivalinga (stone lingam) at a dilapidated temple, -which they kept, and worshipped with offerings of flesh, and by -smearing it with ashes from the burial-ground. On a certain day, no -ashes were available, and the woman offered to have her body burnt, so -that the ashes thereof might be used. With much reluctance her husband -sacrificed her, and performed puja. Then he turned round to offer, as -usual, the prasadam to his wife forgetting that she was dead, and he -was surprised to see her standing before him, receiving his offering -(prasadam), in flesh and blood. Highly pleased with their conduct, -Siva appeared in person before them, and gave them absolution. - -In every small village in the rural parts, is a small Bhagavati -temple, to the deity of which the Paraiyas are devotedly attached, -and look to it for protection in times of cholera, small-pox, or other -calamities. Kodungallur Bhagavati is their guardian deity, and they -take part in the festivals (yela) at the shrine. A few days before -the festival, a piece of cloth is given to the Velichapad (oracle), -who dresses himself in it, wears a piece of red cloth round his -neck, a peculiar dress around his loins, and ties a few small bells -(chelamba) round his legs. Accompanied by others with drums and fife -and a basket, he goes to every Nayar house daily for seven days, and -receives presents of paddy, wherewith to defray the expenses of the -festival. During the celebration thereof, the Velichapad and others -go to a shed at a distance from the temple (kavu), some dressed up -as ghosts, and dance and sing, to the accompaniment of a band, in -honour of the deity. - -In a note on the Paraiyans of Malabar, Mr. T. K. Gopaul Panikkar writes -[70] that "at certain periods of the year the Paraiyas have to assume -the garb of an evil deity, with large head-dresses and paintings on the -body and face, and tender cocoanut leaves hanging loose around their -waists, all these embellishments being of the rudest patterns. With -figures such as these, terror-striking in themselves, dancing with -tom-toms sounding and horns blowing, representing the various temple -deities, they visit the Nair houses, professing thereby to drive off -any evil deities that may be haunting their neighbourhood. After their -dues have been given to them, they go their ways; and, on the last -day, after finishing their house-to-house visits, they collect near -their special temples to take part in the vela tamasha (spectacle)." - -On the first of every month, a ceremony called kalasam is performed -on behalf of the spirits of the departed. Fish, cooked meat, rice, -parched grain, plantain fruits, cocoanuts, toddy, and other things, -are placed on a leaf with a lighted lamp in front of it. A prayer -is then uttered, expressing a hope that the ancestors will partake -of the food which has been procured for them with much difficulty, -and protect the living. One man, becoming inspired, acts the part of -an oracle, and addresses those assembled. - -The following story is narrated concerning the origin of the -Elankunnapuzha temple on the island of Vypin. When some Paraiyas -were cutting reeds, one of them discovered a remarkable idol and -fell into a trance, under the influence of which he informed the -Raja of Cochin that the idol originally belonged to the Trichendur -temple in Tinnevelly, and that he must build a shrine for it. This -was accordingly done, and to the Paraiyan who discovered the idol -a daily allowance of rice, and a larger quantity of rice during the -annual temple festival were given. In return, he had to supply cadjan -(palm leaf) umbrellas used at the daily procession, and bamboo baskets -required for washing the rice offered to the idol. These allowances -were received by the Perum or big Paraiyan up to a recent date, -even if he is not receiving them at the present day. - -When a Paraiyan woman is delivered, she is secluded for two weeks in -a temporary hut erected at a short distance from the dwelling hut. On -the tenth day, some male member of the family goes to his Brahman or -Nayar landlord, from whom he receives some milk, which is sprinkled -over the woman and her infant. She can then come to the verandah of -her home, and remains there for five days, when she is purified by -bathing. The temporary hut is burnt down. - -The dead are buried, and the corpse, after being laid in the grave, -is covered with a mat. - -The Paraiyas are engaged in the manufacture of wicker baskets, -bamboo mats, and cadjan umbrellas. They also take part in all kinds -of agricultural work, and, when ploughing, will not use buffaloes, -which are regarded as unclean beasts, the touch of which necessitates -a ceremonial ablution. - -Many Paraiyans become converts to Christianity, and thereby receive -a rise in the social scale, and a freedom from the disabilities under -which their lowly position in the social scale places them. - -In 1829 several natives of Malabar were charged with having proceeded, -in company with a Paraiyan, to the house of a pregnant woman, who was -beaten and otherwise ill-treated, and with having taken the foetus out -of her uterus, and introduced in lieu thereof the skin of a calf and -an earthen pot. The prisoners confessed before the police, but were -acquitted, mainly on the ground that the earthen pot was of a size -which rendered it impossible to credit its introduction during life. - -In 1834 the inhabitants of several villages in Malabar attacked a -village of Paraiyans on the alleged ground that deaths of people and -cattle, and the protracted labour of a woman in childbed, had been -caused by the practice of sorcery by the Paraiyans. They were beaten -inhumanely, with their hands tied behind their backs, so that several -died. The villagers were driven, bound, into a river, immersed under -water so as nearly to produce suffocation, and their own children -were forced to rub sand into their wounds. Their settlement was then -razed to the ground and they were driven into banishment. - -The following extract is taken from a note on the Paraiyans of -Travancore by Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. The Paraiyas may be broadly -divided into two classes, viz., the Tamil-speaking Paraiyas of the east -coast who are found in considerable numbers in the southern taluks, -and the indigenous Paraiyas, who mostly abound in Central Travancore, -avoiding the sea-coast taluks. The latter only are considered here. The -titles owned by some are Velan conferred upon certain families for -their skill in magic; Panikkan; and Muppan. The Paraiyas may be mainly -divided into four divisions, viz., Vellam (water or jaggery?), Vel -(a lance), Natuvile (middle), and Pani (work). The last is considered -to be the lowest in the social scale, and members thereof are not -admitted into the houses of the other divisions. One theory of the -origin of the Paraiyas is that they were formerly one with the Pulayas, -from whom they separated on account of their eating beef. The Paraiyas -have a dialect of their own, with which the Pulayas are not familiar, -and which would seem to be worthy of study. In the Keralolpathi, they -are classed as one of the sixteen hill tribes. Concerning their origin -the following tradition is current. They were originally Brahmans, but, -on certain coparceners partitioning the common inheritance, the carcase -of a cow, which was one of the articles to be partitioned, was burnt as -being useless. A drop of oil fell from the burning animal on to one of -the parties, and he licked it up with his tongue. For this act he was -cast out of society, and his descendants, under the name of Paraiyas, -became cow-eaters. Pakkanar is said to have been born a Paraiyan, -though subsequent tradition honours him with Brahmanical parentage. - -The houses of the Paraiyas are, like those of the Pulayas, mean -thatched sheds, with a couple of cocoanut leaves often serving as -the wall between one room and another. The village sites are shifted -from place to place, according to the exigencies of the inhabitants -thereof. The Paraiyas imbibe freely, and toddy is the drink most -scrupulously prescribed for those who are under a vow. Like the -Pulayas, the Paraiyas work in the rice fields and cocoanut gardens, -and are employed in hill cultivation, and the manufacture of -wicker baskets. The sun god is their principal deity, and in his -name all solemn oaths are uttered. It is believed that the Brahman -who originally became a Paraiya cursed Brahma. To remove the evil -effects of the curse, the sun gave to his descendants as objects of -worship forty-eight thousand gods and eight special deities. A certain -portion of the house is regarded as their own, and to them offerings -of beaten rice and toddy are made on the first of every month, and, -if convenient, every Tuesday and Friday. To these deities small -shrines are dedicated, whereat the priests, on the 28th of Makaram -(January-February), become inspired, and answer questions concerning -the future put to them by the assembled Paraiyas. The priests are known -as Kaikkarans, and belong ordinarily to the lowest or Pani division. - -Adultery, be it said to the credit of the Paraiyas, is an offence -which is severely punished. The man is fined, and the erring woman -has to jump over a fire which is blazing in a deep pit. This ordeal -recalls to mind the smarthavicharam of the Namburi Brahman. - -Pollution, on the occurrence of the first monthly period, lasts for -seven days. The headmen and elders, called Jajamanmar and Karanavanmar, -are invited to attend, and direct four women of the village to take the -girl to a hut erected at a considerable distance from the house. This -hut is called pachchakottilil kutiyiruttuka, or seating a person -within a hut made of green leaves. On the fourth day the girl has a -bath, and the Kaikkaran waves paddy and flowers in front of her. On -the morning of the eighth day the shed is burnt down, and the place -occupied by it cleansed with water and cow-dung. The girl bathes, -and is thus rendered free from pollution. A woman, during her menses, -should remain at a distance of sixty-four feet from others. - -The Paraiyas observe two marriage rites, the tali-kettu and -sambandham. The former ceremony must be performed before the girl -reaches puberty, and the tali-tier is her maternal uncle's or -paternal aunt's son. The Kaikkaran invites at least four headmen to -be present, and they prescribe the manner in which the ceremony is -to be performed. The auspicious time for the marriage celebration is -fixed by a Kaniyan (astrologer), and, on the day before the wedding, -the Kaikkaran invites the Paraiyas of the village to be present at -the tunniruttal, or erection of the pandal (booth). All those who -attend are presented with betel, tobacco, and a liberal allowance of -toddy. The next item in the programme is the vachchorukkal, or placing -beaten and cooked rice, flowers, toddy, and other things in the pandal, -under the direction of the Kaikkaran. Some of the assembled males -then sing a song called maranpattu, or song of the god of love. The -bride then becomes inspired, and dances, while the sorcerer rolls -out mystic hymns. On the following morning, the bridegroom goes to -the home of the bride in procession, and is led to a wooden seat -in the centre of the pandal, where he is joined by the bride, who -seats herself on his left. He then ties the minnu (marriage badge) -round her neck, and retires with her to the maniyara, or bedroom, -where they remain together for some minutes. On the final day of the -ceremonies, the bride is bathed. - -When a Kaikkaran dies, a conch shell is buried with the corpse. Once -a year, and on some new moon day, offerings are made to all the -deceased ancestors. - -The Paraiyas have a dramatic entertainment called Paraiyan Kali, -in which the performer plays his part, standing on a mortar, to the -accompaniment of music. - -Paraiyas are required to keep at a distance of 128 feet from Brahmans, -i.e., double the distance required of a Pulaya. But they will not -receive food at the hands of the Pulayas. - -In a further note on the "Paraiya Caste in Travancore," the -Rev. S. Mateer writes as follows. [71] "They were formerly bought and -sold like cattle, starved, flogged 'like buffaloes,' made to work -all day for a little rice, and kept at a distance as polluted; and -they still are in a position of subservience and deep degradation, -not vitally differing from that of the Pulayas and Vedars. One -particular characteristic of this caste, and most offensive to -others, is that they eat the flesh of bullocks and cows left dead by -the roadside. They cut it up, and bear it away; what they leave the -vultures and dogs devour. This disgusting practice is to a great extent -disappearing among the Christian castes. The Paraiyas of Nevandrum -(Trivandrum?) district live in clusters of huts, and eat the putrid -flesh of dead cattle, tigers, and other animals. Their girls are -'married' when very young for mere form to their cousins, but, when -grown up, are selected by others, who give them a cloth, and live -with them in concubinage. Cases of polygamy occur, and sometimes also -of polyandry. They eat the seed of Ochlandra Rheedii, which abounds -in an unusually dry season, as does also the bamboo. Jungle roots, -land crabs, and snails form part of their food. Some of them have -enough of rice at harvest time, but seldom at any other period of the -year. They are zealous devil worshippers, their chief demons being -Madan (the cow one), Rathachamandy Mallan (the giant) and Muvaratta -Mallan, Karunkali (black kali), Chavus (departed spirits), Bhutham, -Mantramurtti, and other Murttis (ghosts), with many other evil beings, -to whom groves and altars are dedicated. The souls of their deceased -ancestors are called Marutta (ghosts), for whose worship young cocoanut -leaves are tied at the bottom of a tree, and a small shed is erected on -poles, and decorated with garlands of flowers. Presents of cocoanuts, -parched rice, and arrack are offered, and cocks killed in sacrifice. In -the devil-dancing they use clubs and rattans, bells, handkerchiefs, -and cloths dedicated to their deities. Other castes generally dread -incurring the displeasure and malice of these deities. Sudras and -Shanars frequently employ the Paraiya devil-dancers and sorcerers to -exorcise demons, search for and dig out magical charms buried in the -earth by enemies, and counteract their enchantments; and, in cases -of sickness, send for them to beat the drum, and so discover what -demon has caused the affliction, and what is to be done to remove -it. Sometimes a present of a cow is given for those services. These -pretended sorcerers are slightly acquainted with a few medicines, -profess to cure snake-bite, and can repeat some tales of the Hindu -gods. They also profess to discover thieves, who sometimes indeed -through fear actually take ill, confess, and restore the property. One -priest whom I knew used to pretend that he had a 'bird devil' in his -possession, by which he could cast out other devils. On one occasion, -however, when he made the attempt in the presence of a large concourse -of Sudras and others, he utterly failed, and hurt himself severely by -beating his chest with a cocoanut and leaping into the fire. He soon -after resolved to abandon this course of life, and became a Christian. - -"After the wife's confinement, the husband is starved for seven days, -eating no cooked rice or other food, only roots and fruits, and -drinking only arrack or toddy. The shed, in which she was confined, -is burnt down. - -"In cases of sickness, the diviner is first consulted as to its -cause. He names a demon, and offerings are demanded of rice, fruits, -flowers, and fowls. Being daily supplied with these articles, the -diviner spreads cow-dung thinly over a small space in the yard, -where he places the offerings on three plantain leaves, invokes the -presence of the demons, dances and repeats mantras, looking towards the -east. He catches the demon that is supposed to come in an old piece of -cloth filled with flowers and parched rice, and carries both demon and -offerings into the jungle, where, again preparing a spot as before, -two torches are set, the food arranged, and, after further mantras, -a fowl is sacrificed. He takes the whole afterwards for himself, gets -a good meal, and is also paid twelve chuckrams (small silver coins) -for the service. - -"In cases of small-pox, one who has had this disease is called in to -attend. He takes the patient to a temporary hut in a lonely place, -and is well paid, and supplied with all that he requires. Through -fear, none of the relatives will go near. Should the patient die, the -attendant buries him on the spot, performing the ceremonies himself, -then comes to the house, repeats mantras, and waves his hands round -the head of each to remove further alarm. If a woman with child dies, -she is buried at a great distance away. Occasionally the remains of -an aged man are burnt on a funeral pile, as being more honourable -than burial, and providing some merit to the soul. - -"Let us pay a visit to one of the rural hamlets of the Kolam Paraiyans, -a considerable sub-division of this caste. The cattle manure is -saved, but handed over to the Sudra farmers. The Paraiyas plant a -few trees around their settlement as otti (mortgage) and kurikanam -(a kind of tenant right), then pay a sum to the Sudra landowner to -permit them to enjoy the produce, as it is so difficult for them -to get waste lands registered in their own name. Some have cleared -lands, and possess a few cocoanut and betel-nut palms, mangoes, -etc. They may have a few cattle also, and let out a milch cow to the -shepherds at one rupee per month. They grow some vegetables, etc., -in waste valley lands temporarily cleared and cultivated. They work -in the rice fields, sowing, planting, and reaping, for which they are -paid in paddy. During the slack season they work at making mats of -Ochlandra Rheedii, for which the men bring loads of the reeds from -the hills, and the women do the work of plaiting. This art they are -said to have learnt from the Kanikar hill-men. - -"Some Paraiyas in Nanjinad have enjoyed ancestral property for six -generations, and a few still have good properties. Titles were -purchased for money of the Rajas of Travancore, e.g., Sambavan, -an old name for Pandi Paraiyas. The Raja gave to such a headman a -cane, and authority to claim a double allowance of betel, etc. He, -however, had in his turn to give double at funerals and festivals to -his visitors. This head Paraiyan would be met with drums and marks of -honour by his people, and the arrangement would enable the Government -to rule the Paraiyas more easily. It is said that some Raja, fleeing -in war, hid himself in Paraiya huts at Changankadei, and was thereby -saved, for which he gave them a small grant of land producing a few -fanams annually, which they still enjoy. They have a tradition that, -in M.E. 102 (A.D. 927), one Vanji Mannan Raja granted privileges to -Paraiyas. During the war with Tippu, proclamation was made that every -Paraiyan in this district must have a Nayar or master, and belong to -some one or other. All who were not private property would be made -slaves of the Sirkar (Government), which was greatly dreaded on account -of the merciless oppression, and obliged to cut grass for the troops, -and do other services. Many, therefore, became nominally slaves to some -respectable man, asking it as a kindness to free them from Government -slavery. Several respectable families begged the Namburi high priest, -visiting Suchindram and other temples, to call them his slaves, -for which they paid him one fanam a head per annum. This payment is -still kept up. This priest conferred upon them additional benefits, -for in their troubles and oppressions, he wrote to the Government, -requiring from them justice and proper treatment. The slaves of -the Namburi would also be treated with consideration on account of -his sacred position and rank. These families, 'Potty slaves,' still -intermarry only among themselves, as in this case the wife could not -be claimed by a different owner from the husband's. - -"Lastly, as to the Paraiyas of North Travancore. Their condition seems -lowest of all, as they enter further into the Malayalam country, and -enjoy fewer opportunities of escape from caste degradation and from -bitter servitude. 'Their own tradition,' the Rev. G. Matthan writes, -[72] 'has it that they were a division of the Brahmans, who were -entrapped into a breach of caste by their enemies, through making them -eat beef. They eat carrion and other loathsome things. The carcases -of all domestic animals are claimed by them as belonging to them by -right. They frequently poison cows, and otherwise kill them for the -sake of their flesh. They are also charged with kidnapping women of -the higher castes, whom they are said to treat in the most brutal -manner. It is their custom to turn robbers in the month of February, -in which month they pretend the wrong was done them, to break into -the houses of the Brahmans and Nairs, and to carry away their women, -children, and property, to which they are actuated more by motives -of revenge than of interest, and to justify which they plead the -injury their caste had received from these parties. In former times, -they appear to have been able to perpetrate these cruelties almost -with impunity, from the fear of which the people still betray great -uneasiness, though the custom has now grown into disuse.'" - -Parasaivan.--A title of Occhans, who are Saivites, and priests at -temples of Grama Devatas (village deities). In the Malayalam country -Parasava occurs as a title of Variyar, a section of Ambalavasi. The -word indicates the son of a Brahman by a Sudra woman. - -Parava.--The Tulu-speaking Paravas of South Canara are, like the -Nalkes and Pombadas, devil-dancers, and are further employed in -the manufacture of baskets and umbrellas. Socially, they occupy a -higher position than the Nalkes, but rank below the Pombadas. The -bhuthas (devils) whose disguise they assume are Kodamanitaya and the -Baiderukalu, who may not be represented by Nalkes; and they have -no objection to putting on the disguise of other bhuthas. Paravas -are engaged for all kinds of devil-dances when Nalkes are not -available. (See Nalke.) - -Paravan.--Concerning the origin of the Parava fishing community of the -south-east coast, the following legends are current. [73] The author of -the Historia Ecclesiastica (published in Tamil at Tranquebar in 1735) -identifies them with the Parvaim of the Scriptures, and adds that, -in the time of Solomon, they were famous among those who made voyages -by sea; but it does not appear that there is any solid foundation -for this hypothesis. It is the general belief among the Paravas that -their original country was Ayodhya, or Oudh; and it appears that, -previously to the war of Mahabharata, they inhabited the territory -bordering on the river Yamuna or Jumna. At present they are chiefly -found in the seaport towns of the Tinnevelly district in the south -of India, and also in some of the provinces on the north-west coast -of Ceylon. With regard to their origin, there is a variety as well -as discordancy of opinions. Some of the Tantras represent them to be -descended from a Brahman by a Sudra woman, while the Jatibedi Nul -(a work of some celebrity among the Tamils) states them to be the -offspring of a Kurava (or basket-maker) begotten clandestinely on a -female of the Chetty (or merchant) tribe. But the Paravas have among -themselves quite a different tradition concerning their origin, which -is founded on mythological fable. They relate that their progenitors -were of the race Varuna (god of the sea), and on the occasion, -when Siva had called Kartikeya (god of arms) into existence, for -destroying the overwhelming power of the Asuras (evil spirits), they -sprang up with him from the sacred lake Sarawana, and were like him -nursed by the constellation Kartika. At the close of the last kalpa, -when the whole earth was covered with a deluge, they constructed a -dhoni or boat, and by it escaped the general destruction; and, when -dry land appeared, they settled on the spot where the dhoni rested; -hence it is called Dhonipura, or the city of the boat. The Paravas -were once a very powerful people, and no doubt derived much of their -ascendancy over other tribes from their knowledge of navigation. They -had a succession of kings among them, distinguished by the title of -Adiyarasen, some of whom seem to have resided at Uttara Kosamangay, -called at that time the city of Mangay, a famous place of Hindu -pilgrimage in the neighbourhood of Ramnad. In the Purana entitled -Valevisu Puranam we meet with the following fable. Parvati, the -consort of Siva, and her son Kartikeya, having offended the deity -by revealing some ineffable mystery, were condemned to quit their -celestial mansions, and pass through an infinite number of mortal -forms, before they could be re-admitted to the divine presence. On -the entreaty of Parvati, however, they were allowed, as a mitigation -of the punishment, each to undergo but one transmigration. And, as -about this time, Triambaka, King of the Paravas, and Varuna Valli -his consort were making tapas (acts of devotion) to obtain issue, -Parvati condescended to be incarnated as their daughter under the -name of Tiryser Madente. Her son Kartikeya, transforming himself -into a fish, was roaming for some time in the north sea. It appears, -however, that he left the north, and made his way into the south sea, -where, growing to an immense size, he attacked the vessels employed -by the Paravas in their fisheries, and threatened to destroy their -trade. Whereupon the King Triambaka made a public declaration that -whoever would catch the fish should have his daughter to wife. Siva, -now assuming the character of a Parava, caught the fish, and became -re-united to his consort. In that section of the Mahabharata entitled -Adiparva it is said that the King of the Paravas, who resided on the -banks of the Jumna, having found an infant girl in the belly of a fish, -adopted her as his own daughter, giving her the name of Machchakindi, -and that, when she grew up, she was employed, as was customary with the -females of the Parava tribe, to ferry passengers over the river. On -a certain day, the sage Parasara having chanced to meet her at the -ferry, she became with child by him, and was subsequently delivered of -a son, the famous Vyasa who composed the Puranas. Her great personal -charms afterwards induced King Santanu of the lunar race to admit her -to his royal bed, and by him she became the mother of Vichitravirya, -the grandsire of the Pandavas and Kauravas, whose contentions for the -throne of Hastinapura form the subject of the Mahabharata. Hence the -Paravas boast of being allied to the lunar race, and call themselves -accordingly, besides displaying at their wedding feasts the banners -and emblems peculiar to it. In the drama of Alliarasany, who is -supposed to have resided at Kudremalle on the north-west coast of -Ceylon, the Paravas act a conspicuous part. We find them employed by -the princess in fishing for pearls off the coast, and that under a -severe penalty they were obliged to furnish her with ten kalams of -pearls every season. - -It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that "there are -in reality three castes which answer to the name Paravan, and -which speak Tamil, Malayalam, and Canarese respectively. Probably -all three are descended from the Tamil Paravans or Paratavans. The -Tamil Paravans are fishermen on the sea coast. Their head-quarters is -Tuticorin, and their headman is called Talavan. They are mostly Native -Christians. They claim to be Kshatriyas of the Pandyan line of kings, -and will eat only in the houses of Brahmans. The Malayalam Paravans -are shell collectors, lime burners and gymnasts, and their women act -as midwives. Their titles are Kurup, Varakurup, and Nurankurup (nuru, -lime). The Canarese Paravas are umbrella-makers and devil-dancers." It -has been suggested that the west coast Paravas are the descendants -of those who fled from Tinnevelly, in order to avoid the oppression -of the Muhammadans. - -In the Census Report, 1871, the Paravas are summed up as being a -fishing caste on the Madura and Tinnevelly coast, who "were found by -the Portuguese, on their arrival in India, to be groaning under the -Muhammadan yoke, and were assisted by the Portuguese on condition of -their becoming Christians. This general conversion, for political -ends, explains why the fishing population of the present day along -the south-east coast is to a considerable extent Roman Catholic." It -is noted by Mr. S. P. Rice [74] that the fishermen "who live in the -extreme south are devout Catholics, and have preserved the Portuguese -names by which their fathers were baptized into the Church, so that, -incongruous as it sounds, Jose Fernandez and Maria Santiago are but -humble folk, catching fish in a primitive way, with no more clothing -on than a small loin cloth and a picture of the Virgin." - -Concerning the Paravas, Baldæus [75] writes as follows. "The kingdom of -Trevancor borders upon that of Coulang: All along the Sea-shore inhabit -the Paruas, who being for the most part Christians, you see the Shore -all along as far as Comoryn, and even beyond it to Tutecoryn, full of -little Churches, some of Wood, others of Stone. These People owe their -Conversion to Franciscus Xaverius, he being the first who planted -the Principles of Christianity among them; they being so much taken -with the reasonableness of the Ten Commandments, that they receiv'd -Baptism in great numbers, tho an accidental Quarrel between a Parua -and a Mahometan prov'd a strong Motive to their Conversion.... The -Paruas being sorely oppress'd by the Mahometans, one John de Crus, -a Native of Malabar, but who had been in Portugal, and honourably -treated by John, the then king of Portugal, advised them to seek for -Aid at Cochin against the Moors, and to receive Baptism. Accordingly -some of the chief Men among them (call'd Patangatays in their Language) -were sent upon that Errand to Cochin, where being kindly receiv'd, -they (in honour of him who had given His Advice) took upon them -the Sirname of Crus, a name still retain'd by most Persons of Note -among the Paruas. In short, being deliver'd from the Moorish Yoke, -and the Pearl-fishery (which formerly belong'd to them) restor'd to -the right Owners, above 20,000 of them receiv'd Baptism." - -"The commencement of the Roman Catholic Mission in Tinnevelly," -Bishop Caldwell writes, [76] "dates from 1532, when certain Paravas, -representatives of the Paravas or fishing caste, visited Cochin for -the purpose of supplicating the aid of the Portuguese against their -Muhammadan oppressors, and were baptized there by Michael Vaz, -Vicar-General of the Bishop of Goa. The same ecclesiastic, with -other priests, accompanied the fleet which sailed for the purpose -of chastising the Muhammadans, and, as soon as that object was -accomplished, set about baptizing the Paravas all along the coast, -in accordance with the agreement into which their representatives -had entered. The entire Parava caste adopted the religion of their -Portuguese deliverers and most of them received baptism. Some, -however, did not receive baptism for some cause till Xavier's time, -ten years afterwards. Xavier, on his arrival in the south, could -not speak Tamil, and spent some months in committing to memory Tamil -translations of the Creed, Lord's Prayer, Ave Maria, and Decalogue. He -then proceeded to visit all the villages of the coast, bell in hand, -to collect the inhabitants, and gave them Christian instruction. The -Paravas thus christianised--called generally at that time the Comorin -Christians--inhabited thirty villages, and numbered, according to the -most credible account, twenty thousand souls. These villages extended -all the way along the coast at irregular intervals from Cape Comorin to -the island promontory of Ramesvaram, if not beyond. It does not appear -that any village in the interior joined in the movement." "It appears," -Mr. Casie Chitty states, "that the Portuguese treated the Paravas -with great kindness, permitted intermarriages, and even allowed them -to assume their surnames, so that we find among them many Da Limas, -Da Cruzs, Da Andrados, Da Canhas, etc. They gave the chief of the -Paravas the title of Dom, and allowed him the exclusive right of -wearing a gold chain with a cross as a badge of nobility. [The name -of a recent hereditary chief or Jati Talaivan or Talaivamore of the -Paravas was Gabriel de Cruz Lazarus Motha Vas.] As soon as the Dutch -took possession of Tutocoryn (Tuticorin) and other adjacent towns -where the Paravas are found, they employed Dr. Baldæus and a few other -ministers of their persuasion to suppress the Roman Catholic faith, -and to persuade the Paravas to adopt their own in its stead; but in -this they met with a total failure, and were once very nearly bringing -on a general revolt. Notwithstanding the intolerance of the Dutch -with regard to the Romish Church, the Paravas still remember them with -gratitude, as they afforded them the means of extensive livelihood by -establishing in their principal town (Tutocoryn) a public manufactory -of cloth, and thus maintaining a considerable working capital." - -Concerning the history of the Paravas, and their connection with -the pearl-fisheries on the Indian side of the Gulf of Manaar, much -information is given by Mr. J. Hornell, [77] from whose account -the following extracts are taken. "When the Portuguese rounded Cape -Comorin, they found the pearl fisheries of the Gulf of Manaar in the -hands of the Paravas, whom tradition shows to have had control of -this industry from time immemorial. Of the origin of these people -we know extremely little. We know, however, that in the old days, -from 600 B.C. and for 1,500 years or more thereafter, the country -now comprehended in the districts of Madura and Tinnevelly formed the -great Tamil kingdom of Pandya. And, in the old Tamil work called the -Kalveddu, the position of the pearl-fishing caste to this monarchy is -incidentally mentioned in the following extract: 'Vidanarayanen Cheddi -and the Paravu men who fished pearls by paying tribute to Alliyarasani, -daughter of Pandya, king of Madura, who went on a voyage, experienced -bad weather in the sea, and were driven to the shores of Lanka, where -they founded Karainerkai and Kutiraimalai. Vidanarayanen Cheddi had -the treasures of his ship stored there by the Paravas, and established -pearl fisheries at Kadalihilapam and Kallachihilapam, and introduced -the trees which change iron into gold.' In the Maduraik-kanchi the -Paravas are described as being most powerful in the country round -Korkai. 'Well fed on fish and armed with bows, their hordes terrified -their enemies by their dashing valour.' The Maduraik-kanchi describes -Korkai as the chief town in the country of Parathavar and the seat -of the pearl fishery, with a population consisting chiefly of pearl -divers and chank cutters. [78] When the Pandyan kingdom was powerful, -the Paravas had grants of certain rights from the monarchy, paying -tribute from the produce of the fisheries, and receiving protection -and immunity from taxation in return. The conditions under which the -Paravas lived at the opening of the sixteenth century are graphically -set forth in a report, dated 19th December, 1669, written by Van Reede -and Laurens Pyh, respectively Commandant of the coast of Malabar and -Canara and senior merchant and Chief of the sea-ports of Madura. Under -the protection of those Rajas there lived a people, which had come to -these parts from other countries [79]--they are called Paravas--they -lived a seafaring life, gaining their bread by fishing and by diving -for pearls; they had purchased from the petty Rajas small streaks -of the shore, along which they settled and built villages, and they -divided themselves as their numbers progressively increased. In these -purchased lands they lived under the rule of their own headmen, paying -to the Rajas only an annual present, free from all other taxes which -bore upon the natives so heavily, looked upon as strangers, exempt -from tribute or subjection to the Rajas, having a chief of their own -election, whose descendants are still called kings of the Paravas, -and who drew a revenue from the whole people, which in process of -time has spread itself from Quilon to Bengal. Their importance and -power have not been reduced by this dispersion, for they are seen -at every pearl fishery (on which occasions the Paravas assemble -together) surpassing in distinction, dignity and outward honours all -other persons there. The pearl fishery was the principal resource and -expedient from which the Paravas obtained a livelihood, but as from -their residence so near the sea they had no manner of disposing of -their pearls, they made an agreement with the Rajas that a market day -should be proclaimed throughout their dominions, when merchants might -securely come from all parts of India, and at which the divers and -sutlers necessary to furnish provisions for the multitude might also -meet; and, as this assemblage would consist of two different races, -namely, the Paravas and subjects of the Rajas, as well as strangers and -travellers, two kinds of guards and tribunals were to be established -to prevent all disputes and quarrels arising during this open market, -every man being subject to his own judge, and his case being decided -by him; all payments were then also divided among the headmen of the -Paravas, who were the owners of that fishery, and who hence became -rich and powerful; they had weapons and soldiers of their own, with -which they were able to defend themselves against the violence of -the Rajas or their subjects. The Moors who had spread themselves over -India, and principally along the coasts of Madura, were strengthened -by the natives professing Muhammadanism, and by the Arabs, Saracens, -and the privateers of the Sammoryn, [80] and they began also to take -to pearl-diving as an occupation, but being led away by ill-feeling -and hope of gain, they often attempted to outreach the Paravas, -some of whom even they gained to their party and to their religion, -by which means they obtained so much importance, that the Rajas joined -themselves to the Moors, anticipating great advantages from the trade -which they carried on, and from their power at sea; and thus the -Paravas were oppressed, although they frequently rose against their -adversaries, but they always got the worst of it, until at last in a -pearl fishery at Tutucoryn, having purposely raised a dispute, they -fell upon the Moors, and killed some thousands of them, burnt their -vessels, and remained masters of the country, though much in fear that -the Moors, joined by the pirates of Calicut, would rise against them -in revenge. The Portuguese arrived about this time with one ship at -Tutucoryn; the Paravas requested them for assistance, and obtained -a promise of it, on conditions that they should become Christians; -this they generally agreed to, and, having sent Commissioners with -some of the Portuguese to Goa, they were received under the protection -of that nation, and their Commissioners returned with priests, and a -naval force conveying troops, on which all the Paravas of the seven -ports were baptized, accepted as subjects of the King of Portugal, -and they dwindled thus from having their own chiefs and their own -laws into subordination to priests and Portuguese, who however -settled the rights and privileges of the Paravas so firmly that -the Rajas no longer dared interfere with them, or attempt to impede -or abridge their prerogative; on the contrary they were compelled -to admit of separate laws for the Paravas from those which bound -their own subjects. The Portuguese kept for themselves the command -at sea, the pearl fisheries, the sovereignty over the Paravas, their -villages and harbours, whilst the Naick of Madura, who was a subject -of the King of the Carnatic, made himself master at this time of the -lands about Madura, and in a short time afterwards of all the lower -countries from Cape Comoryn to Tanjore, expelling and rooting out all -the princes and land proprietors, who were living and reigning there; -but, on obtaining the sovereignty of all these countries, he wished to -subject the Paravas to his authority, in which attempt he was opposed -by the Portuguese, who often, not being powerful enough effectually -to resist, left the land with the priests and Paravas, and went to -the islands of Manaar and Jaffnapatam, from whence they sent coasting -vessels along the Madura shores, and caused so much disquiet that the -revenue was ruined, trade circumscribed, and almost annihilated, for -which reasons the Naick himself was obliged to solicit the Portuguese -to come back again. The Political Government of India, perceiving the -great benefit of the pearl fishery, appointed in the name of the King -of Portugal military chiefs and captains to superintend it, leaving -the churches and their administration to the priests. Those captains -obtained from the fisheries each time a profit of 6,000 rix-dollars -for the king, leaving the remainder of the income from them for the -Paravas; but, seeing they could not retain their superiority in that -manner over the people, which was becoming rich, luxurious, drunken, -with prosperity, and with the help of the priests, who protected them, -threatening the captains, which often occasioned great disorders, -the latter determined to build a fort for the king at Tutucoryn, -which was the chief place of all the villages; but the priests who -feared by this to lose much of their consequence as well as of their -revenue, insisted that, if such a measure was proceeded with, they -would all be ruined, on which account they urged on the people to -commit irregularities, and made the Paravas fear that the step was a -preliminary one to the making all of them slaves; and they therefore -raised such hindrances to the work that it never could be completed. - -"The Paravas," Mr. Hornell continues, "although the original holders of -the fishery rights, had begun, prior to the arrival of the Portuguese, -to feel the competition of the restless Muhammadan settlers on the -coast, who, coming, as many must have done, from the coast of the -Persian Gulf, knew already all there was to know of pearl-fishing. The -descendants of these Arabs and their proselytes, known as Moros to -the Portuguese, are the Moormen or Lubbais of to-day. Their chief -settlement was Kayal, a town situated near the mouth of the river -Tambrapurni, and which in Marco Polo's time (1290-91) was a great -and noble city. It shared with Tuticorin for fully 500 years the -honour of being one of the two great pearl markets of the coast--the -one being the Moor, the other the Parava, head-quarters.... Menezes, -writing in 1622, states that for many years the fisheries had become -extinct because of the great poverty into which the Paravas had -fallen. Tuticorin, and the sovereignty of the pearl banks and of the -Paravas, passed to the Dutch in 1658. - -In the report of the pearl fishery, 1708, the following entries occur -in the list of free stones according to ancient customs:-- - - - 96 1/2 to the Naick of Madura--4 Xtian, 92 1/2 Moorish; - 10 to Head Moorman of Cailpatnam--5 Xtian, 5 Moorish. - 60 to Theuver--60 Moorish. - 185 to the Pattangatyns of this coast--all Xtian stones. - - -"The 185 stones," Mr. Hornell writes, "given to the Pattangatyns or -headmen of the Paravas was in the nature of remuneration to these men -for assistance in inspecting the banks, in guarding any oyster banks -discovered, in recruiting divers, and in superintending operations -during the course of the fishery.... In 1889, the Madras Government -recorded its appreciation of the assistance rendered by the Jati -Talaivan, and directed that his privilege of being allowed the take -of two boats be continued. Subsequently, in 1891, the Government, -while confirming the general principle of privilege remuneration to the -Jati Talaivan, adopted the more satisfactory regulation of placing the -extent of the remuneration upon the basis of a sliding scale, allowing -him but one boat when the Government boats numbered 30 or less, two for -31 to 60 boats, three for 61 to 90 boats employed, and so on in this -ratio. The value of the Jati Talaivan's two privilege boats in the -1890 fishery was Rs. 1,424, in that of 1900 only Rs. 172." The Jadi -Talaivan is said to have been denominated by the Dutch the prince of -the seven havens. It is noted in the pearl fishery report, 1900, that -"the Paravas are a constant source of trouble, both on the banks and in -the kottoo (shed), where they were constantly being caught concealing -oysters, which of course were always confiscated. Only one Arab was -caught doing this, and his companions abused him for disgracing them." - -According to Mr. Casie Chitty, the Paravas are divided into thirteen -classes, viz.:-- - - - Headmen. - Dealers in cloth. - Divers for corals. - Sailors. - Divers for pearl-oysters. - Divers for chanks. - Packers of cloth. - Fishers who catch tortoises (turtles). - Fishers who catch porpoises. - Fishers who catch sharks and other fish. - Palanquin bearers. - Peons, who wait about the person of the Chief. - Fishers, who catch crabs. - - -It is noted by Canon A. Margoschis that the Parava females are -famous for the excessive dilatation of the lobes of the ears, and for -wearing therein the heaviest and most expensive gold ear jewels made of -sovereigns. Ordinary jewels are said to cost Rs. 200, but heavy jewels -are worth Rs. 1,000 and even more. The longer the ears, the more jewels -can be used, and this appears to be the rationale of elongated ears. - -In a recent account of a Parava wedding in high life, I read [81] -that "the bride and bridegroom proceeded to the church at the head -of an imposing procession, with music and banners. The service, which -was fully choral, was conducted by a priest from their own community, -after which the newly wedded couple went in procession to the residence -of the Jati Talavamore, being escorted by their distinguished host -in person. The Jati Talavamore, who wore a picturesque, if somewhat -antiquated, robe, rode in a gorgeously upholstered palanquin, -with banners, trophies, elephants, and other emblems of his high -office. The bride, who was resplendent with diamonds, was becomingly -attired in a purple Benares sari with gold floral designs, and wore -a superb kincob bodice." - -In a note on the Paravans of Travancore, Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar writes -that "they are found in most taluks of the State. The title sometimes -used by them is Kuruppu. The Paravans of Chengannur and Tiruvella call -themselves Chakka, a word supposed by the castemen to be derived from -slaghya or praiseworthy, but perhaps more correctly from Chakku, the -basket carried by them in their hands. The Paravans are divided into -numerous sections. In the south, the Tamil-speaking division follows -the makkathayam, while all the Malayalam-speaking sections follow -the marumakathayam law of inheritance. There is also a difference -in the dress and ornaments of the two sections, the former adopting -the fashion of the east coast, and the latter that of the west. The -Travancore Paravas are really one with the Tamil-speaking Paravas of -the east coast. While most of them became converts to Christianity, -in Travancore they have tried to preserve their separate existence, -as they had already spread into the interior of the country before the -proselytism of St. Xavier had made its enduring mark on the sea-coast -villages. There is a curious legend about the settlement of the Chakkas -in Central Travancore. Formerly, it would appear, they were Sudras, -but, for some social offence committed by them, they were outcasted by -the Edappalli chieftain. They were once great devotees of Sri Krishna, -the lord of Tiruvaranmulai in the Tiruvella taluk. The Paravas say -further that they are descended from a high-caste woman married to an -Izhava. The word Parava is accordingly derived from para, which in -Sanskrit means foreign. The Paravas engage in various occupations, -of which the most important in Central Travancore are climbing palm -trees, catching fish, and washing clothes for Christians, Muhammadans, -and depressed classes of Hindus. In South Travancore they make wicker -baskets, rattan chairs, and sofas. Women, in all parts of the State, -are lime and shell burners. They worship at the Aranmula temple, -and pay special worship to Bhadrakali. Their priest is known as -Parakuruppu, who, having to perform four different functions, is -also entitled Nalonnukaran. It is his duty to preside at marriage -and other rites, to be caste barber, to carry the news of death to -the relations, and to perform the priestly functions at funerals. The -Paravas perform both the tali-kettu and sambandham ceremonies." - -Parel Maddiyala.--Barbers of the Billavas. - -Parenga.--A sub-division of Gadaba. - -Pariah.--See Paraiyan. - -Parikimuggula.--Professional tattooing women in the Telugu country. The -name refers to the patterns (parika or muggu), which they carry about -with them, as designs for tattooing or to be drawn on the floor on -occasions of festival and ceremonial. - -Parivara.--A sub-division of Bant. - -Parivaram.--It is noted, in the Census Report, 1891, that "this is -a caste, which presents some difficulty. Parivaram means 'an army, -a retinue,' and it is alleged that the people of this caste were -formerly soldiers. Parivaram is found as a sub-division of Maravan and -Agamudaiyan, and the Parivaras of Madura and Tinnevelly are probably -either a sub-division or an offshoot of the Maravans. In Coimbatore, -the only other district in which the Parivaras are numerous, they -seem to be a sub-division of Toreyas, a fishing caste, and Mr. Rice, -in his Gazetteer (of Mysore), says that Parivara is a synonym of -Besta." Further, in the Census Report, 1901, it is stated that "the -word Parivaram means 'a retinue,' and was probably originally only an -occupational term. It is now-a-days applied to the domestic servants -and the Tottiya zamindars in the districts of Coimbatore, Trichinopoly, -Madura, and Tinnevelly, who are recruited from several castes, but -have come to form a caste by themselves. The Kotaris of South Canara -are a somewhat parallel case, and probably in time the Paiks among the -Oriyas, and the Khasas, who are servants to the Telugu zamindars, will -similarly develop into separate castes. The caste is said to require -all its members of both sexes to do such service for its masters as -they may require. Persons of any caste above the Paraiyas are admitted -into its ranks, and the men in it may marry a woman of any other caste -with the permission of the zamindar under whom they serve. They do not -habitually employ Brahmans as priests, and in places the head of the -Tottiyan caste conducts their ceremonies. Their titles are Maniyagaran -and Servaigaran. The latter is also used by the Agamudaiyans." - -The title Servaigaran or Servaikaran indicates that members of the -caste do servai, or service, and the further title uliyakkaran is -a sign that they do uliyam, or menial work. Servaikaran is also a -title of the Tamil Ambalakarans, Agamudaiyans, Kallans, and Maravans, -and the Canarese Toreyas, some of whom have settled in the Tamil -districts of Madura and Coimbatore. It also occurs as a synonym of -the Canarese Kotegaras. - -The illegitimate offspring of Maravans, Kallans, and Agamudaiyans, -are said to become members of the mixed Parivaram caste. - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that the -Parivaram caste "is divided into two endogamous sections; the Chinna -Uliyam (little services) who are palanquin-bearers, and have the -title Tevan, and the Periya Uliyam (big services), who are called -Maniyakaran. The Kombai Parivarams, who are the servants of the -Kappiliyan Zamindars of Kombai and Tevaram in the Periyakulam taluk, -are a separate community, and do not intermarry with the others. When -a girl attains maturity, she is kept for sixteen days in a hut, which -is guarded at night by her relations. This is afterwards burnt down, -and the pots she used are broken into very small pieces, as there is -an idea that, if rain-water collects in any of them, the girl will -be childless. Some of the ceremonies at weddings are unusual. On -the first day, a man takes a big pot of water with a smaller empty -pot on top of it, and marches three times round the open space in -front of the bride's house. With him march the happy couple carrying -a bamboo, to which are tied in a turmeric-coloured cloth the nine -kinds of grain. After the third journey round, these things are put -down at the north-east corner, and the marriage pandal is made by -bringing three more poles of the same size. Afterwards the wrists -of the couple are tied together, and bridegroom's brother carries -the pair a short distance. They plunge their hands into a bowl of -salt. Next the husband takes an ordinary stone rolling-pin, wraps it -in a bit of cloth, and gives it to his wife, saying 'Take the child; -I am going to the palace.' She takes it, replying 'Yes, give me the -child, the milk is ready.' This has to be repeated three times in a set -formula. Several other odd rites are observed. Brahmans officiate, and -the bridegroom's sister, as usual, ties the tali. Divorce is allowed -to both sides. Adultery within the caste, or with the Zamindar, is -tolerated. The husbands accept as their own any children their wives -may bear to the Zamindar. Such children are called Chinna Kambalattar, -and may marry with Tottiyans. But adultery outside the caste is most -rigorously prohibited, and sternly punished with excommunication. A -mud image of the girl who so offends is made, two thorns are poked -into its eyes, and it is thrown away outside the village." - -Pariyari (doctor).--A name given to Tamil barbers (Ambattan), who -practice as barber-surgeons. - -Pariyata.--Five individuals were recorded, at the census, 1901, -under the name Pariyata or Parit, as members of a Bombay caste of -washermen in South Canara. - -Parvatha.--Parvatha or Parvathala, meaning hill or mountain, has been -recorded as an exogamous sept of Gamalla, Kapu, Mala, and Medara. - -Pasi.--A few members of this Bengal caste of toddy-drawers were -returned at the Madras census, 1901. The name is said to be derived -from pasa, a noose or cord, probably in reference to the sling used by -them in climbing palm trees. [82] Pasi, meaning coloured glass beads, -occurs as a sub-division of Idaiyan, and the equivalent Pasikatti as -a sub-division of Valaiyan. - -Pasu.--Pasu (cow) or Pasula has been recorded as an exogamous sept -of Boya, Mala and Madiga, and a sub-division of west coast Pulayans, -who eat beef. - -Pasupula (turmeric).--Pasula or Pasupula is an exogamous sept of -Boya and Devanga. Pasupuleti occurs as a sub-division of Balija. See -Arashina. - -Patabonka.--A sub-division of Bonka. - -Patali.--An occupational name applied to priests of temples and -bhuthasthanas (devil shrines), and Stanikas in South Canara. - -Patha (old).--A sub-division of Idiga, and a sept of Togata. - -Pathanchitannaya (green pea sept).--An exogamous sept of Bant. - -Pathi (cotton).--A sub-division of Kurubas, who use a wrist-thread -made of cotton and wool mixed during the marriage ceremony. Also an -exogamous sept of Gudala and Padma Sale. - -Pathinettan.--The Pathinettan or eighteen are carpenters in Malabar, -who "are said to be the descendants of the smiths who remained to -attend to the repairs to the eighteen temples, when the rest of the -community fled to Ceylon, as related in the tradition of the origin -of the Tiyans". [83] - -Paththar.--A section of Saivite Chettis, who wear the lingam, and -have separated from the Acharapakam Chettis. They bury their dead in -a sitting posture. A bamboo stick is tied to the kudumi (hair-knot) -of the corpse, and the head pulled by its means towards the surface of -the grave. Paththar is also a name given to goldsmiths by other castes. - -Patnaik.--A title of Karnam. - -Patnulkaran.--The Patnulkarans are described, in the Madras Census -Report, 1901, as "a caste of foreign weavers found in all the Tamil -districts, but mainly in Madura town, who speak Patnuli or Khatri, -a dialect of Gujarati, and came originally from Gujarat. They have -always been known here as Patnulkarans, or silk thread people. They -are referred to in the inscriptions of Kumara Gupta (A.D. 473) -at Mandasor, south of Gujarat, by the name of Pattavayaka, which -is the Sanskrit equivalent of Patnulkaran, and the sasanam of Queen -Mangammal of Madura, mentioned below, speaks of them by the same name, -but lately they have taken to calling themselves Saurashtras from -the Saurashtra country from which they came. They also claim to be -Brahmans. They thus frequently entered themselves in the schedules -as Saurashtra Brahmans. They are an intelligent and hard-working -community, and deserve every sympathy in the efforts which they -are making to elevate the material prosperity of their members and -improve their educational condition, but a claim to Brahmanhood is a -difficult matter to establish. They say that their claim is denied -because they are weavers by profession, which none of the Southern -Brahmans are, and because the Brahmans of the Tamil country do not -understand their rites, which are the northern rites. The Mandasor -inscriptions, however, represent them as soldiers as well as weavers, -which does not sound Brahmanical, and the Tamil Brahmans have never -raised any objections to the Gauda Brahmans calling themselves such, -different as their ways are from those current in the south. In Madura -their claim to Brahmanhood has always been disputed. As early as 1705 -A.D. the Brahmans of Madura called in question the Patnulkarans' right -to perform the annual upakarma (or renewal of the sacred thread) in -the Brahman fashion. [Eighteen members of the community were arrested -by the Governor of Madura for performing this ceremony.] The matter -was taken to the notice of the Queen Mangammal, and she directed her -State pandits to convene meetings of learned men, and to examine into -it. On their advice, she issued a cadjan (palm leaf) sasanam (grant) -which permitted them to follow the Brahmanical rites. But all the -twice-born--whether Brahmans, Kshatriyas, or Vaisyas--are entitled to -do the same, and the sasanam establishes little. The Patnuls point -out that, in some cases, their gotras are Brahmanical. But, in many -instances which could be quoted, Kshatriyas had also Brahmanical -gotras." - -It is stated, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that the -inscription at Mandasor in Western Malwa "relates how the Pattavayas, -as the caste was then called, were induced to migrate thither from -Lata on the coast of Gujarat by king Kumara Gupta (or one of his -lieutenants), to practice there their art of silk-weaving. The -inscription says many flattering things about the community, and -poetically compares the city to a beautiful woman, and the immigrants -to the silk garments in which she decks herself when she goes to meet -her lover. [The inscription further records that, while the noble -Bandhuvarman was governing this city of Dasapura, which had been -brought to a state of great prosperity, a noble and unequalled temple -of the bright-rayed (sun) was caused to be built by the silk-cloth -weavers (pattavayair) as a guild with the stores of wealth acquired by -(the exercise of their) craft.] On the destruction of Mandasor by the -Mussalmans, the Pattavayas seem to have travelled south to Devagiri, -the modern Daulatabad, the then capital of the Yadavas, and thence, -when the Mussalmans again appeared on the scene at the beginning of -the fourteenth century, to Vijayanagar, and eventually to Madura. A -curious ceremony confirming this conjecture is performed to this -day at Patnulkaran weddings in South India. Before the date of the -wedding, the bridegroom's party go to the bride's house, and ask -formally for the girl's hand. Her relations ask them in a set form -of words who they are, and whence they come, and they reply that -they are from Sorath (the old name for Saurashtra or Kathiawar), -resided in Devagiri, travelled south (owing to Mussalman oppression) -to Vijayanagar, and thence came to Madura. They then ask the bride's -party the same question, and receive the same reply. A Marathi MS., -prepared in 1822 at Salem under the direction of the then Collector, -Mr. M. D. Cockburn, contains the same tradition. Mr. Sewell's 'A -Forgotten Empire: Vijayanagar' shows how common silk clothing and -trappings were at Vijayanagar in the days of its glory. Most of the -Patnulkarans can still speak Telugu, which raises the inference -that they must have resided a long time in the Telugu country, -while their Patnuli contains many Canarese and Telugu words, and -they observe the feast of Basavanna (or Boskanna), which is almost -peculiar to the Bellary country. After the downfall of Vijayanagar, -some of the caste seem to have gone to Bangalore, for a weaving -community called Patvegars, who speak a dialect similar to Patnuli, -still reside there." Concerning the Patnulis who have settled in -the Mysore Province, it is noted, in the Mysore Census Report, 1891, -that "with silk they manufacture a fine stuff called katni, which no -other weavers are said to be able to prepare. It is largely used by -Mussalmans for trousers and lungas (gowns). It is said that Haider -Ali, while returning from his expeditions against Madras, forcibly -brought with him some twenty-five families of these weavers, who were -living in the Tanjore district, and established them at Ganjam near -Seringapatam, and, in order to encourage silk and velvet weaving, -exempted them from certain taxes. The industry flourished till the -fall of Seringapatam, when most of the class fled from the country, -a few only having survived those troublous times. At present there are -only 254 souls returned to these people, employed in making carpets -in Bangalore." - -"The Patnulkars," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [84] "say that they were -originally Brahmans, living in a town of Surat called Devagiri, -in which twelve streets were entirely peopled by them. For some -reason, of which they profess themselves to be ignorant, the -residents of one of these streets were excommunicated by the rest -of the caste, and expelled. They travelled southwards, and settled -in Tirupati, Arni, and Vellore, as well as in Trichinopoly, Tanjore, -Madura, and other large towns, where they carried on their trade of -silk-weaving. Another story is to the effect that they were bound to -produce a certain number of silken cloths at each Dipavali feast in -Devagiri for the goddess Lakshmi. One year their supply fell short, -and they were cursed by the goddess, who decreed that they should no -longer be regarded as Brahmans. They, however, still claim to be such, -and follow the customs of that caste, though they refuse to eat with -them. They acknowledge priests from among themselves, as well as from -among Brahmans, and profess to look down upon all other castes. In -religion they are divided into Smartas, Vaishnavas, and Vyaparis, -some among the Smartas being Lingayats. Those who can write usually -employ the Telugu characters in writing their language." - -The Patnulkarans, according to one tradition, claim descent from a -certain Brahman sage, known as Tantuvardhanar, meaning literally a -person who improves threads, i.e., manufactures and weaves them into -cloths. This is, it is suggested, probably only an eponymous hero. - -In the Manual of the Madura district, the Patnulkarans are described -as "a caste of Surat silk-weavers, whose ancestors were induced to -settle in Madura by one of the earlier Nayakkan kings, or in response -to an invitation from Tirumala Naik, and who have thriven so well that -they now form by far the most numerous of all the castes resident in -the town of Madura. They are very skilful and industrious workmen, -and many of them have become very wealthy. They keep altogether -aloof from other castes, and live independently of general society, -speaking a foreign tongue, and preserving intact the customs of the -land of their origin. They are easily distinguished in appearance -from Tamils, being of a light yellowish colour, and having handsomer -and more intelligent features. They are called Chettis or merchants -by Tamils." In a recent note, [85] the Patnulkarans of Madura are -described as being "exceedingly gregarious; they live together in large -numbers in small houses, and their social status in the country is -quite unsettled. Though they delight to call themselves Saurashtra -Brahmans, the Tamils consider them to be a low caste. Like the -Brahmans, they wear the sacred thread, and tack on to their names such -titles as Iyengar, Iyer, Rao, Bhagavather, Sastrigal, and so forth, -though the conservatives among them still cling to the time-honoured -simple Chetti. Child marriage is the rule, and widow marriage is never -practiced. Hindus by religion, they worship indiscriminately both the -Siva and Vaishnava deities, but all of them wear big Iyengar namams -on their foreheads, even more prominently than do the real Iyengars -themselves. All of them pass for pure vegetarians. The proud position -of Madura to this day as second city in the Presidency is mainly, -if not solely, due to her prosperous and industrious community of -Saurashtra merchants and silk-weavers, who have now grown into nearly -half her population, and who have also come to a foremost place among -the ranks of her citizens. They have their representatives to-day in -the Municipal Councils and in the Local and District Boards. Their -perseverance has won for them a place in the Devastanam Committee of -one of the most prosperous temples in the district. But, in spite of -their affluence and leading position it must be confessed that they -are essentially a 'backward class' in respect of English education and -enlightenment. They are, however, making steady progress. An English -high school for Saurashtra boys, and a number of elementary schools -for girls, are now maintained by the Saurashtra Sabha for the proper -education of their children." In 1906, a member of the community was -appointed a member of the committee of the Sri Kalla Alagar temple -in the Madura district. - -In an order of the Director of Public Instruction, in 1900, it was laid -down that "Saurashtras having been recognised (in 1892) as a backward -class falling under Pattunulgars, the manager cannot continue to enjoy -the privileges accorded under the grant-in-aid code to schools intended -for backward classes, if he returns his pupils as Brahmans. If the -pupils have been returned as Saurashtra Brahmans, the manager should -be requested to revise, as no such caste is recognised." A deputation -had an interview with the Director, and it was subsequently ruled that -"Saurashtras will continue to be treated as a backward class. Pupils -belonging to the above class should invariably be returned in future -as Saurashtras, whether the word Brahman is added or not." - -In a "History of the Saurashtras in Southern India" [86] it is recorded -that "when the Saurashtras settled in the south, they reproduced the -institutions of their mother country in the new land; but, owing to the -influence of the Southern Dravidians, some of the institutions became -extinct. During their migrations, the men were under the guidance of -their leader, and the process of migration tended to increase the power -of kinship. The people were divided into four heads, called Goundas -(chiefs), Saulins (elders), Voyddoos (physicians), and Bhoutuls -(religious men). Some traces of the division still survive in the -now neglected institution of Goundans. The Goundans were supposed -to be responsible for the acts and doings of their men. The masses -enjoyed the property under the joint undivided Hindu family system -as prescribed in the Code of Manu. The chiefs were the judges in -both civil and criminal affairs. They were aided in deciding cases -by a body of nobles called Saulins. The office of the Saulins is -to make enquiries, and try all cases connected with the community, -and to abide by the decision of the chiefs. The Voyddoos (pandits) -and Bhoutuls (Josis and Kavis also ranked with Voyddas and Bhoutuls) -had their honours on all important occasions, and they are placed in -the same rank with the elders. The Karestuns, or the Commons, are -the whole body of the masses. Their voice is necessary on certain -important occasions, as during the ceremonies of excommunication, -and prayaschittas for admitting renegades, and during periodical -meetings of the community. The Goundans at present are not exercising -any of their powers, except in some religious matters. Saurashtra -Brahmans were originally leading a purely religious life, but now -they have begun to do business of different descriptions fitted to -their position. Their chief occupation is agriculture, but some are -trading, dyeing and weaving; however, it can be safely affirmed that -their business interferes in no way with their religious creed and -ceremonies. The name Patnulgar means silk weavers, and is sometimes -erroneously applied to the Saurashtras too; but, on the contrary, -the term strictly applies to all classes of weavers in Southern -India, called Seniyars, Kaikkolars, Devangas, Kshatris (Khattris), -Parayas, Sengundas, Mudaliars, Saliyurs, Padmasalays, but not to the -Saurashtras in any way. The Saurashtras are now seen as a mercantile -community. They are brave but humble, god-fearing, hospitable, fond -of festivities and amusement. The Saurashtras, it is said, were -originally a class of sun worshippers, from soura meaning sun, but -the term Saurashtra means inhabitants of the fruitful kingdom. Their -religion is Hinduism, and they were originally Madhvas. After their -settlement in Southern India, some of them, owing to the preachings -of Sankaracharya and Ramanujacharya, were converted into Saivites and -Vaishnavites respectively. The Saurashtras belong to the Aksobhya and -Sankaracharya Matas. The Saurashtras, like other nations of India, -are divided into four great divisions, viz., Brahma, Kshatriya, Vaisya -and Sudra. The Vaisyas and Sudras are to be found in almost all towns -and villages, and especially at Tirupati, Nagari, Naranavanam, Arni, -Kottar, Palani, Palamcottah, Vilangudi, and Viravanallur." - -The affairs of the Patnulkarans at Madura are managed by a Saurashtra -Sabha, which was started in 1895. Among the laudable objects for -which the Sabha was established, the following may be noted:-- - -(a) To manage the Madura Saurashtra school, and establish -reading-rooms, libraries, etc., with a view to enable members of the -Saurashtra community to receive, on moderate terms, a sound, liberal, -general and technical education. - -(b) To manage the temple known as the Madura Sri Prasanna Venkateswara -Swami's temple, and contribute towards its maintenance by constructing, -repairing and preserving buildings in connection therewith, making -jewels, vehicles and other things necessary therefor, and conducting -the festivals thereof. - -(c) To found charitable institutions, such as orphanages, hospitals, -poor-houses, choultries (resting-places for travellers), water-sheds, -and other things of a like nature for the good of the Saurashtra -community. - -(d) To give succour to the suffering poor, and the maimed, the lame, -and the blind in the Saurashtra community. - -(e) To give pecuniary grants in aid of upanayanams (thread marriages) -to the helpless in the Saurashtra community. - -(f) To erect such works of utility as bathing ghauts, wells, water -fountains, and other works of utility for the benefit of the Saurashtra -community. - -(g) To fix and raise subscriptions known as mahamais (a sort of -income-tax). - -Among the subjects of the lectures delivered in connection with the -Saurashtra Upanyasa Sabha at Madura in 1901 were the life of Mrs. Annie -Besant, the Paris Exhibition of 1900, Mr. Tata and higher education, -Saurashtra bank, Columbus, and the Saurashtra reform hotel. - -A few years ago, the Saurashtra community submitted a memorial to -the Governor of Madras to the effect that "as the backward Saurashtra -community have not the requisite capital of half a lakh of rupees for -imparting to their members both general and technical education, the -Saurashtra Sabha, Madura, suggests that a lottery office may be kept -for collecting shares at one rupee each from such of the public at -large as may be willing to give the same, on the understanding that, -every time the collections aggregate to Rs. 6,250, Rs. 250 should be -set apart for the expenses of working the said office, and two-thirds -of the remainder for educational purposes, and one-third should be -awarded by drawing lots among the subscribers in the shape of five -prizes, ranging from Rs. 1,000 to Rs. 125." In passing orders on this -sporting scheme, the Government stated that it was not prepared to -authorise the lottery. It has been well said [87] that the Patnulkarans -have a very strong esprit de corps, and this has stood them in good -stead in their weaving, which is more scientifically carried on, -and in a more flourishing condition than is usual elsewhere. - -For the following note on the Patnulkaran weavers of Madura, I am -indebted to Mr. A. Chatterton, Director of Technical Enquiries:--"As -a general rule, they are in a flourishing condition, and much better -off than the Saurashtra weavers in Salem. This is probably due to -the fact that the bulk of the Madura trade is in a higher class of -cloth than at Salem, and the weavers are consequently less affected by -fluctuations in demand for their goods due to seasonal variations. In -various ways the Saurashtras of Madura have furnished evidence that -they are a progressive community, particularly in the attention -which they pay to education, and the keenness with which they are on -the look-out for improvements in the methods of carrying out their -hereditary craft. Nearly all the so-called improvements have been -tried at Madura, and the fact that they have rejected most of them may -be taken to some extent as evidence of their unsuitability for Indian -conditions. Some time ago, one A. A. Kuppusawmy Iyer invented certain -improvements in the native shedding apparatus, whereby ornamental -patterns are woven along the borders, and on the ends of the better -class of silk and cotton cloths. This apparatus was undoubtedly a -material improvement upon that which is ordinarily used by the weaver, -and it has been taken up extensively in the town. It is said that -there are 350 looms fitted with this shedding apparatus, and the -inventor, who has obtained a patent for it, is trying to collect a -royalty of Rs. 1-4-0 a month on each loom. But this claim is resisted -by a combination of the weavers using this shedding apparatus, and a -suit is at the present time (1907) pending in the District Court. One -of the most important weaving enterprises at Madura is the Meenakshi -Weaving Company, the partners of which are Ramachandra Iyer, Muthurama -Iyer, and Kuppusawmy Iyer. Their subscribed capital is Rs. 1,00,000, -of which they are spending no less than Rs. 40,000 on building a -weaving shed and office. The Madura dyeing industry is in the hands -of the Saurashtras, and the modern phase dates back only as far as -1895, when Mr. Tulsiram started dyeing grey yarn with alizarine red, -and, in the twelve years which have since elapsed, the industry has -grown to very large proportions. The total sales at Madura average -at present about 24 lakhs a year. There are from 30 to 40 dye-houses, -and upwards of 5,000 cwt. of alizarine red is purchased every year from -the Badische Aniline Soda Fabrik. The yarn is purchased locally, mainly -from the Madura Mills, but, to some extent, also from Coimbatore and -Tuticorin. The mordanting is done entirely with crude native earths, -containing a large percentage of potassium salts. Drying the yarn -presents considerable difficulty, especially in the wet weather. To -secure a fast even colour, the yarn is mordanted about ten times, -and dyed twice, or for very superior work three times, and between -each operation it is essential that the yarn should be dried. The -suburbs of Madura are now almost entirely covered with drying yards." - -In a note on the Patnulkarans who have settled in Travancore, -Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar writes as follows. "The Patnulkarans are -generally of yellowish tinge, and in possession of handsomer and more -intellectual features than the Tamil castes, from which they may be -easily differentiated by even a casual observer. They are, however, -more fair than cleanly. They keep in Travancore, as elsewhere, -aloof from other castes, and live independently of general society, -speaking a foreign language. This they have preserved with astonishing -attachment, and recently a Saurashtra alphabet has been invented, and -elementary books have begun to be written in that dialect. They are a -very conservative class, religious enthusiasts of a very remarkable -order, and skilful and industrious workmen. They take a peculiar -pleasure in music, and many of them are excellent songsters. There -are many kinds of amusement for both men and women, who generally -spend their leisure in singing songs of a devotional nature. They -believe largely in omens, of which the following may be noted:-- - -Good.--A pot full of water, a burning light, no Brahmans, a Sudra, -a cow, a married woman, and gold. - -Bad.--A barber, a patient, a person with some bodily defect, fuel, -oil, a donkey, a pick-axe, a broom, and a fan. - -"On entering a Patnulkaran's house, we are led to a courtyard, -spacious and neat, where all the necessary arrangements are made for -weaving purposes. The Patnulkarans live in streets. A male Patnulkaran -resembles a Tamil Vaishnava Brahman in outward appearance, but the -women follow the custom of the Telugu Brahmans alike in their costume -and ornaments. Their jewels exactly resemble those of the Telugu -Brahman women, and indicate a temporary residence of the caste in the -Telugu country on the way from Gujarat to Madura. There is a Tamil -proverb to the effect that, if a male Patnulkaran is seen without his -wife, he will be taken for a Vaishnava Brahman, whereas, in the case -of the Tatan caste, a woman without her husband will be taken for an -Aiyangar. Children wear the karai round the neck. Tattooing prevails -on a very large scale. - -"The Patnulkarans may be divided into three classes on a religious -basis, viz., (1) pure Vaishnavites, who wear the vertical Vaishnavite -mark, and call themselves Vadakalas or northerners; (2) those who are -mainly Smartas; (3) Sankara Vaishnavas, who wear gopi (sandal paste) -as their sect-mark. It is to the last of these religious sects that the -Travancore Patnulkarans belong, though, in recent times, a few Smartas -have settled at Kottar. All these intermarry and interdine, and the -religious difference does not create a distinction in the caste. The -chief divinity of the Patnulkarans is Venkatachalapati of Tirupati. The -month in which he is most worshipped is Kanni (September-October), and -all the Saturdays and the Tiruvonam star of the month are particularly -devoted to his adoration. One of their men becomes possessed on any of -these days, and, holding a burning torch-light in his hand, touches -the foreheads of the assembled devotees therewith. The Patnulkarans -fast on those days, and take an image of Garuda in procession through -the street. The Dipavali, Pannamasi in Chittiray, and the Vaikuntha -Ekadasi are other important religious days. The Dusserah is observed, -as also are the festivals of Sri Rama Navami, Ashtami, Rohini, -Avani Avittam, and Vara Lakshmivratam. Formal worship of deities -is done by those who have obtained the requisite initiation from a -spiritual preceptor. Women who have husbands fast on full-moon days, -Mondays, and Fridays. The serpent and the banyan tree are specially -worshipped. Women sing songs in praise of Lakshmi, and offer fruits -and cocoanuts to her. The Patnulkarans have a temple dedicated to -Sri Rama at Kottar. This temple is visited even by Brahmans, and the -priests are Aiyangars. The Acharya, or supreme religious authority of -the Patnulkarans, in Travancore is a Vaishnava Brahman known as Ubhaya -Vedanta Koti Kanyakadana Tatachariyar, who lives at Aravankulam near -Tinnevelly, and possesses a large number of disciples. Once a year -he visits his flock in Travancore, and is highly respected by them, -as also by the Maharaja, who makes a donation of money to him. Elders -are appointed to decide social disputes, and manage the common property -of the caste. In Travancore there are said to be only three families -of Patnulkaran priests. For the higher ceremonies, Brahman priests -are employed. - -"A girl's marriage is usually celebrated before puberty, and -sometimes when she is a mere child of four or five. Great importance -is attached to gotras or exogamous septs, and it is said that the -septs of the bride and bridegroom are conspicuously inscribed on the -walls of a marriage house. In the selection of an auspicious hour -(muhurtam) for a marriage, two favourable planetary situations, one -closely following the other, are necessary; and, as such occasions -are rare, a number of marriages take place at one time. A man may -claim his maternal uncle's daughter as his wife, and polygamy is -permitted. The marriage ceremonial resembles the Brahmanical rites -in many points. On the fourth day, a ceremonial observed by Telugu -Brahmans, called Nagabali, is performed. The marriage badge, which -is tied on the bride's neck, is called bottu. [From a note on the -marriage ceremonies among the Patnulkarans of Madura, I gather that, -as among Telugu and Canarese castes, a number of pots are arranged, -and worshipped. These pots are smaller and fewer in number than at -a Telugu or Canarese wedding. A figure of a car is drawn on the wall -of the house with red earth or laterite. [88] On it the name of the -gotra of the bridegroom is written. On the fourth day, the nagavali -(or offering to Devas) is performed. The contracting couple sit near -the pots, and a number of lights are arranged on the floor. The pots, -which represent the Devas, are worshipped.] - -"The namakarana, or name-giving ceremony, is performed on the eleventh -day after birth. An eighth child, whether male or female, is called -Krishna, owing to the tradition that Krishna was born as the eighth -child of Vasudeva. Babies are affectionately called Duddu (milk) -or Pilla (child). The annaprasana, or first feeding of the child, -is sometimes celebrated at the end of the first year, but usually as -a preliminary to some subsequent ceremony. Sometimes, in performance -of a vow, boys are taken to the shrine at Tirupati for the tonsure -ceremony. The upanayana is performed between the seventh and twelfth -years, but neither brahmacharya nor samavartana is observed. - -"The dead are burnt, and the remains of the bones are collected and -deposited under water. Death pollution lasts only for ten days. The -sradh, or annual ceremony, when oblations are offered to ancestors, -is observed. Widows are allowed to retain their hair, but remove the -bottu. Unlike Brahman women, they chew betel, and wear coloured cloths, -even in old age." - -The Patnulkarans have a secret trade language, concerning which -Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes as follows. "The most remarkable -feature about it is the number of terms and phrases borrowed from -the craft, to which special meanings are given. Thus a man of no -status is stigmatised as a rikhta khandu, i.e., a spindle without -the yarn. Similarly, a man of little sense is called a mhudha, the -name of a thick peg which holds one side of the roller. Likewise, -a talkative person is referred to as a rhetta, or roller used for -winding the thread upon spindles, which makes a most unpleasant -creaking noise. Kapiniker, from kapini, a technical term used for -cutting the loom off, means to make short work of an undesirable -person. A man who is past middle age is called porkut phillias, which, -in weavers' parlance, means that half the loom is turned." - -Patra.--The Patras are an Oriya caste, which is divided into -two sections, one of which is engaged in the manufacture of silk -(pata) waist-threads, tassels, etc., and the other in weaving silk -cloths. The members of the two sections do not interdine. The former -have exogamous septs or bamsams, the names of which are also used as -titles, e.g., Sahu, Patro, and Prushti. The latter have exogamous -septs, such as Tenga, Jaggali, Telaga, and Mahanayako, and Behara -and Nayako as titles. The chief headman of the cloth-weaving section -is called Mahanayako, and there are other officers called Behara and -Bhollobaya. The headman of the other section is called Senapati, and -he is assisted by a Dhanapati. Infant marriage is the rule, and, if a -girl does not secure a husband before she reaches maturity, she must, -if she belongs to the cloth-weaving section, go through a form of -marriage with an old man, and, if to the other section, with an arrow. - -The Telugu Patras are summed up, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, -as "a Telugu caste of hunters and cultivators, found chiefly in the -districts of Cuddapah and Kurnool. It has two divisions, the Doras -(chiefs), and Gurikalas (marksmen), the former of which is supposed -to be descended from the old Poligars (feudal chiefs), and the latter -from their followers and servants. This theory is supported by the -fact that, at the weddings of Gurikalas, the Doras receive the first -pan-supari (betel leaf and areca nut). Widows may not remarry, nor -is divorce recognised. They usually employ Brahmans at marriages, and -Satanis at funerals. Though they are Vaishnavites, they also worship -village deities, such as Gangamma and Ellamma. They bury their dead, -and perform annual sraddhas (memorial services for the dead). They -will eat with Gollas. Their title is Naidu." - -Patramela.--Patramela, or Patradeva, is the name of a class of -dancing girls in South Canara. Patramela, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, -[89] is the name by which the Konkani Kalavants (courtezans) are -known above the ghauts. - -Patro.--The title of the head of a group of villages in Ganjam, and -also recorded, at times of census, as a title of Alia, Kalinga Komati, -Dolai, and Jaggala. The conferring of a cloth (sadhi) on a Patro -is said to be emblematic of conferring an estate. The Patro, among -other perquisites, is entitled to a fee on occasions of marriage. I -am informed that, in the Ganjam Maliahs, if a Kondh was unable to -pay the fee, he met his love at night beneath two trysting trees, -and retired with her into the jungle for three days and nights. - -Patrudu.--The title, meaning those who are fit to receive a gift, -of Aiyarakulu and Nagaralu. - -Pattadhikari.--A class of Jangams, who have settled head-quarters. - -Pattan.--The equivalent of the Brahman Bhatta. A name by which some -Kammalans, especially goldsmiths, style themselves. - -Pattanavada.--A synonym for the Moger fishing caste, the settlements -of which are called pattana. - -Pattanavan.--The fishermen on the east coast, from the Kistna to -the Tanjore district, are popularly called Karaiyan, or sea-shore -people. Some Karaiyans have, at times of census, returned themselves -as Taccha (carpenter) Karaiyans. - -Pattanavan means literally a dweller in a town or pattanam, which -word occurs in the names of various towns on the sea-coast, e.g., -Nagapattanam (Negapatam), Chennapattanam (Madras). The Pattanavans -have two main divisions, Periya (big) and Chinna (small), and, in some -places, for example, at Nadukuppam in the Nellore district, exogamous -septs, e.g., Gengananga, Peyananga, Kathananga (children of Ganga, -Peyan, and Kathanar), and Kullananga (children of dwarfs). In the -Telugu country, they go by the name of Pattapu or Tulivandlu. - -Some Pattanavans give themselves high-sounding caste titles, e.g., -Ariyar, Ayyayiraththalaivar (the five thousand chiefs), Ariya Nattu -Chetti (Chettis of the Ariyar country), Acchu Vellala, Karaiturai -(sea-coast) Vellala, Varunakula Vellala or Varunakula Mudali after -Varuna, the god of the waters, or Kurukula vamsam after Kuru, the -ancestor of the Kauravas. Some Pattanavans have adopted the title -Pillai. - -The Pattanavans are said to be inferior to the Sembadavans, who will -not accept food at their hands, and discard even an earthen pot which -has been touched by a Pattanavan. - -Concerning the origin of the caste, there is a legend that the -Pattanavans were giving silk thread to Siva, and were hence called -Pattanavar, a corruption of Pattanaivor, meaning knitters of silk -thread. They were at the time all bachelors, and Siva suggested the -following method of securing wives for them. They were told to go out -fishing in the sea, and make of their catch as many heaps as there -were bachelors. Each of them then stood before a heap, and called for -a wife, who was created therefrom. According to another story, some -five thousand years ago, during the age of the lunar race, there was -one Dasa Raja, who was ruling near Hastinapura, and was childless. To -secure offspring, he prayed to god, and did severe penance. In answer -to his prayer, God pointed out a tank full of lotus flowers, and told -the king to go thither, and call for children. Thereon, five thousand -children issued forth from the flowers, to the eldest of whom the king -bequeathed his kingdom, and to the others money in abundance. Those who -received the money travelled southward in ships, which were wrecked, -and they were cast ashore. This compelled them to make friends of local -sea fishermen, whose profession they adopted. At the present day, the -majority of Pattanavans are sea-fishermen, and catch fish with nets -from catamarans. "Fancy," it has been written, [90] "a raft of only -three logs of wood, tied together at each end when they go out to sea, -and untied and left to dry on the beach when they come in again. Each -catamaran has one, two or three men to manage it; they sit crouched on -it upon their heels, throwing their paddles about very dexterously, -but remarkably unlike rowing. In one of the early Indian voyager's -log-books there is an entry concerning a catamaran: 'This morning, -6 A.M., saw distinctly two black devils playing at single stick. We -watched these infernal imps about an hour, when they were lost in -the distance. Surely this doth portend some great tempest.' It is -very curious to watch these catamarans putting out to sea. They get -through the fiercest surf, sometimes dancing at their ease on the -top of the waters, sometimes hidden under the waters; sometimes the -man completely washed off his catamaran, and man floating one way -and catamaran another, till they seem to catch each other again by -magic." In 1906, a fisherman was going out in his catamaran to fish -outside the Madras harbour, and was washed off his craft, and dashed -violently against a rock. Death was instantaneous. Of the catamaran, -the following account is given by Colonel W. Campbell. [91] "Of all -the extraordinary craft which the ingenuity of man has ever invented, -a Madras catamaran is the most extraordinary, the most simple, and yet, -in proper hands, the most efficient. It is merely three rough logs of -wood, firmly lashed together with ropes formed from the inner bark of -the cocoanut tree. Upon this one, two, or three men, according to the -size of the catamaran, sit on their heels in a kneeling posture, and, -defying wind and weather, make their way through the raging surf which -beats upon the coast, and paddle out to sea at times when no other -craft can venture to face it. At a little distance, the slight fabric -on which these adventurous mariners float becomes invisible, and a -fleet of them approaching the land presents the absurd appearance -of a host of savage-looking natives wading out towards the ship, -up to their middle in water." "A catamaran," Lady Dufferin writes, -[92] in an account of a state arrival at Madras, "is two logs of wood -lashed together, forming a very small and narrow raft. The rower wears -a 'fool's cap,' in which he carries letters (also betel and tobacco), -and, when he encounters a big wave, he leaves his boat, slips through -the wave himself, and picks up his catamaran on the other side of -it. Some very large deep barges (masula boats), the planks of which -are sewn together to give elasticity, and the interstices stuffed -with straw, came out for us, with a guard of honour of the mosquito -fleet, as the catamarans are called, on either side of them; two of -the fool's cap men, and a flag as big as the boat itself, on each -one." The present day masula or mussoola boat, or surf boat of the -Coromandel Coast, is of the same build as several centuries ago. It -is recorded, [93] in 1673, that "I went ashore in a Mussoola, a boat -wherein ten men paddle, the two aftermost of whom are the Steers-men, -using their Paddles instead of a Rudder: The Boat is not strengthened -with knee-timber, as ours are; the bended Planks are sowed together -with Rope-yarn of the Cocoe, and calked with Dammar so artificially -that it yields to every ambitious surf. Otherwise we could not get -ashore, the Bar knocking in pieces all that are inflexible." The -old records of Madras contain repeated references to Europeans being -drowned from overturning of masula boats in the surf, through which -a landing had to be effected before the harbour was built. - -In 1907, two Madras fishermen were invested with silver wrist bangles, -bearing a suitable inscription, which were awarded by the Government -in recognition of their bravery in saving the lives of a number of -boatmen during a squall in the harbour. - -The following are the fishes, which are caught by the fishermen off -Madras and eaten by Europeans:-- - - - Cybium guttatum, Bl. Schn. Seir. - Cybium Commersonii, Lacep. Seir. - Cybium lanceolatum, Cuv. & Val. Seir. - Sillago sihama, Forsk. Whiting. - Stromateus cinereus, Bloch.-- - Immature, silver pomfret. - Adult, grey pomfret. - Stromateus niger, Bloch. Black pomfret. - Mugal subviridis, Cuv. & Val. Mullet. - Psettodes erumei, Bl. Schn. 'Sole.' - Lates calcarifer, Bloch. Cock-up; the begti of Calcutta. - Lutjanus roseus, Day. - Lutjanus marginatus, Cuv. & Val. - Polynemus tetradactylus, Shaw. - Chorinemus lysan, Forsk. - 'Whitebait.' - - -The Pattanavans are Saivites, but also worship various minor gods -and Grama Devatas (village deities). In some places, they regard -Kuttiyandavan as their special sea god. To him animal sacrifices -are not made, but goats are sacrificed to Sembu Virappan or Minnodum -Pillai, an attendant on Kuttiyandavan. In Tanjore, the names of the -sea gods are Pavadairayan and Padaithalaidaivam. Before setting out -on a fishing expedition, the Pattanavans salute the god, the sea, -and the nets. In the Tanjore district, they repair their nets once in -eight days, and, before they go out fishing, pray to their gods to -favour them with a big catch. On a fixed day, they make offerings -to the gods on their return from fishing. The gods Pavadairayan -and Padaithalaidaivam are represented by large conical heaps of wet -sand and mud, and Ayyanar, Ellamma, Kuttiyandavar, Muthyalrouthar -and Kiliyendhi by smaller heaps. At the Masimakam festival, the -Pattanavans worship their gods on the sea-shore. The names Jattan and -Jatti are given to children during the Jatre or periodic festival of -the village goddesses. - -The Pattanavans afford a good example of a caste, in which the -time-honoured village council (panchayat) is no empty, powerless -body. For every settlement or village there are one or more headmen -called Yejamanan, who are assisted by a Thandakaran and a Paraiyan -Chalavathi. All these offices are hereditary. Questions connected -with the community, such as disrespect to elders, breach of social -etiquette, insult, abuse, assault, adultery, or drinking or eating -with men of lower caste, are enquired into by the council. Even -when disputes are settled in courts of law, they must come before -the council. Within the community, the headman is all powerful, and -his decision is, in most instances, considered final. If, however, -his verdict is not regarded as equitable, the case is referred to a -caste headman, who holds sway over a group of villages. No ceremony -may be performed without the sanction of the local headman, and the -details of ceremonies, except the feasting, are arranged by the -headman and the Thandakaran. In the case of a proposed marriage, -the match is broken off if the headman objects to it. He should be -present at the funeral rites, and see that the details thereof are -properly carried out. It is the duty of the Chalavathi to convey the -news of a death to the relations. Should he come to the shore when -the fishes are heaped up, he has the right to take a few thereof as -his perquisite. The Thandakaran, among other duties, has to summon -council meetings. When the members of council have assembled, he ushers -in the parties who have to appear before it, and salutes the assembly -by prostrating himself on the floor. The parties take a bit of straw, -or other object, and place it before the headman in token that they -are willing to abide by the decision of the council. This formality -is called placing the agreement (muchchilika). - -The consent of the maternal uncles is necessary before a pair can -be united in matrimony. When the wedding day has been fixed, the -bridegroom's party distribute grama thambulam (village pan-supari or -betel) to the headman and villagers. The marriage milk-post is made of -Mimusops hexandra, Erythrina indica, Casuarina equisetifolia, the green -wood of some other tree, or even a pestle. In one form of the marriage -ceremony, which varies in detail according to locality, the bridegroom, -on the arrival of the bride at the pandal (booth), puts on the sacred -thread, and the Brahman purohit makes the sacred fire, and pours ghi -(clarified butter) into it. The bridegroom ties the tali round the -bride's neck, and the maternal uncles tie flat silver or gold plates, -called pattam, on the foreheads of the contracting couple. Rings are -put on their second toes by the brother-in-law of the bridegroom -and the maternal uncle of the bride. Towards evening, the sacred -thread, the threads which have been tied to the marriage pots and the -milk-post, and grain seedlings used at the ceremony, are thrown into -the sea. Some Pattanavans allow a couple to live together as man and -wife after the betrothal, but before the marriage ceremony. This is, -however, on condition that the latter is performed as soon as it is -convenient. The remarriage of widows is freely permitted. No marriage -pandal is erected, and the bridegroom, or a female relation, ties the -tali on the bride's neck within the house. Such marriage is, therefore, -called naduvittu (interior of the house) tali. When a woman, who has -been guilty of adultery, is remarried, a turmeric string is substituted -for the golden tali, and is tied on the bride's neck by a woman. - -Some Pattanavans have adopted the custom of burying their dead in a -seated posture (samathi). If a corpse is cremated, fire is carried to -the burning-ground by a barber. When the corpse has been laid on the -pyre, rice is thrown over it. The son, accompanied by a barber and a -Panisavan or washerman, and carrying a pot of water on his shoulder, -goes thrice round the pyre. At the third round, the Panisavan or -washerman makes holes in the pot, and it is thrown away. On the day of -the funeral, all the agnates shave their heads. On the following day, -they go to the burial or burning ground with tender cocoanuts, milk, -cakes, etc., and Arichandra, who presides over the burial-ground, -is worshipped. Milk is then poured over the grave, or the remains -of the bones, which are thrown into the sea. On the night of the -fifteenth day, Panisavans blow the conch and horn, and red cloths -are presented to the widow of the deceased by her relations. At about -4 A.M., a white cloth is thrown on her neck, and the tali string is -cut by an old woman. The tali is removed therefrom, and dropped into -a new pot filled with water. Hence, a form of abuse among Pattanavan -women is, May your tali be snapped, and thrown into water. The tali -is removed from the pot, which is thrown into the sea. The tali is -laid on a dish containing milk, and all those who visit the widow -must set eyes on it before they see her. - -In the city of Madras, the Pattanavans have the privilege of supplying -bearers at temples, and the atmosphere surrounding them as they carry -the idols on their sturdy shoulders through Triplicane is said to be -"redolent of brine and the toddy shop." - -In a judgment of the High Court of Judicature, Madras, it is recorded -that, in the eighteenth century, some boat-owners and boatmen -belonging to the Curukula Vamsha or Varunakula Mudali caste, who were -residing at Chepauk in the city of Madras, had embraced Christianity, -and worshipped in a chapel, which had been erected by voluntary -contributions. In 1799 the site of their village was required for -public purposes, and they obtained in lieu of it a grant of land -at Royapuram, where a chapel was built. Partly by taxes levied on -boatmen, and partly by tolls they were allowed to impose on persons -for frequenting the Royapuram bazar, a fund was formed to provide for -their spiritual wants, and this fund was administered by the Marine -Board. In 1829, a portion of the fund was expended in the erection -of the church of St. Peter, Royapuram, and the fund was transferred -to Government. The administration of the fund has been the source of -litigation in the High Court. [94] - -It is noted by Mrs. F. E. Penny that some of the fisherfolk "adopted -Xavier as their special patron saint, and, as time passed, almost -deified him. In the present day, they appeal to him in times of -danger, crying 'Xavier! Xavier! Xavier!' in storm and peril. Even if -they are unfortunate in their catch when fishing, they turn to their -saint for succour." - -As a numismatist, I resent the practice resorted to by some fishermen -of melting old lead coins, and converting them into sinkers for -their nets. - -Pattapu.--Pattapu for Tulivandlu is a name for Tamil Pattanavans, -who have migrated to the Telugu country. Pattapu also occurs as a -sub-division of Yerukala. - -Pattar.--The Pattars are Tamil Brahmans, who have settled in -Malabar. The name is said to be derived from the Sanskrit bhatta. It -is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that Pattar (teacher) -has been recently assumed as a title by some Nokkans in Tanjore. (See -Brahman.) - -Pattariar.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a Tamil -corruption of Pattu Saliyan (silk-weaver). Pattariar or Pattalia is -a synonym of Tamil-speaking Saliyans. - -Pattegara (headman).--An exogamous sept of Okkiliyan. - -Pattindla (silk house).--An exogamous sept of Tota Balija. - -Pattola Menon.--Recorded, in the Cochin Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-caste of Nayars, who are accountants in aristocratic families. - -Pattukuruppu.--Recorded in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as -synonymous with Vatti, a sub-division of Nayar. - -Pattu Sale.--A sub-division of Sales, who weave silk (pattu) fabrics. - -Pattuvitan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-division of Nayar. - -Patvegara.--The Patvegaras or Pattegaras (pattu, silk) of South -Canara are described by Mr. H. A. Stuart [95] as "a Canarese caste -of silk weavers. They are Hindus, and worship both Siva and Vishnu, -but their special deity is Durga Paramesvari at Barkur. They wear -the sacred thread, and employ Brahmans for ceremonial purposes. They -are governed by a body called the ten men, and pay allegiance to -the guru of the Ramachandra math (religious institution). They are -divided into balis (septs) and a man may not marry within his own -bali. Polygamy is allowed only when a wife is barren, or suffers -from some incurable disease, such as leprosy. The girls are married -in infancy, and the binding portion of the ceremony is called dhare -(see Bant). Widow marriage is not permitted, and divorce is only -allowed in the case of an adulterous wife. They follow the ordinary -Hindu law of inheritance. The dead are cremated. The sradha (memorial) -ceremony is in use, and the Mahalaya ceremony for the propitiation -of ancestors in general is performed annually. Female ancestors are -also worshipped every year at a ceremony called vaddap, when meals -are given to married women. They eat fish but not meat, and the use -of alcohol is not permitted." - -In the Mysore Census Report, 1891, the Patvegars are described as -"silk weavers who speak a corrupt Marathi conglomerate of Guzarati and -Hindi. They worship all the Hindu deities, especially the female energy -under the name of Sakti, to which a goat is sacrificed on the night -of the Dasara festival, a Musalman slaughtering the animal. After the -sacrifice, the family of the Patvegar partake of the flesh. Many of -their females are naturally fair and handsome, but lose their beauty -from early marriage and precocity." A few Pattegaras, who speak a -corrupt form of Marathi, are to be found in the Anantapur district. - -Pavalamkatti (wearers of corals).--A sub-division of Konga Vellala. - -Pavini.--See Vayani. - -Payyampati.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-division of Nayar. - -Pedakanti.--Pedakanti or Pedaganti is the name of a sub-division -of Kapu. It is said by some to be derived from a place called -Pedagallu. By others it is derived from peda, turned aside, and kamma, -eye, indicating one who turns his eyes away from a person who speaks -to him. Yet another suggestion is that it means stiff-necked. - -Pedda (big).--A sub-division of Boya, Bagata, Konda Dora, Pattapu, -and Velama. - -Peddammavandlu.--A fancy name taken by some Telugu beggars. - -Pedditi.--A sub-division of Golla, some members of which earn a -livelihood by begging and flattery. - -Pegula (intestines).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Pekkan.--A division of Toda. - -Pendukal (women).--A name applied to Deva-dasis in Travancore. - -Pengu.--A sub-division of Poroja. - -Pennegara.--Konkani-speaking rice-beaters in South Canara. - -Pentiya.--The Pentiyas also call themselves Holuva and Halaba or -Halba. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, they are called Pantia -as well as Pentiya, and described as Oriya betel-leaf (panno) -sellers. Their occupation, in the Jeypore Agency tracts, is that -of cultivators. According to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, to whom I am -indebted for the following note, numbers of them migrated thither from -Bustar, and settled at Pentikonna, and are hence called Pentikonaya or -Pentiya. Their language is Halba, which is easily understood by those -who speak Oriya. They are divided into two endogamous sections, called -Bodo (big or genuine), and Sanno (little), of whom the latter are said -to be illegitimate descendants of the former. The Bodos are further -sub-divided into a series of septs, e.g., Kurum (tortoise), Bhag -(tiger), Nag (cobra), and Surya (sun). The caste is highly organized, -and the head of a local centre is called Bhatha Nayako. He is assisted -by a Pradhani, an Umriya Nayako, and Dolayi. The caste messenger is -called Cholano, and he carries a silver baton when he summons the -castemen to a meeting. An elaborate ceremony is performed when a -person, who has been tried by the caste council, is to be received -back into the caste. He is accompanied to the bank of a stream, -where his tongue is burnt with a gold or silver wire or ornament by -the Bhatha Nayako, and some offerings from the Jagannatha temple at -Puri are given to him. He is then taken home, and provides a feast, -at which the Nayako has the privilege of eating first. He has further -to make a present of cloths to the assembled elders, and the four heads -of the caste receive a larger quantity than the others. The feast over, -he is again taken, carrying some cooked rice, to the stream, and with -it pushed therein. This ceremonial bath frees him from pollution. - -Girls are married either before or after puberty. A man can claim his -paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. The bridegroom's party proceed, -with the bridegroom, to the bride's village, and take up their abode in -a separate house. They then take three cloths for the bride's mother, -three rupees for her father, and a cloth and two annas for each of -her brothers, and present them together with rice, liquor, and other -articles. Pandals (booths) are erected in front of the quarters of the -bridal couple, that of the bridegroom being made of nine, and that of -the bride of five sal (Shorea robusta) poles, to which a pot containing -myrabolams (Terminalia fruits) and rice is tied. The couple bathe, -and the bridegroom proceeds to the house of the bride. The Desari, -who officiates, dons the sacred thread, and divides the pandal into -two by means of a screen or curtain. The couple go seven times round -the pandal, and the screen is removed. They then enter the pandal, -and the Desari links their little fingers together. The day's ceremony -concludes with a feast. On the following day, the bride is conducted to -the house of the bridegroom, and they sprinkle each other with turmeric -water. They then bathe in a stream or river. Another feast is held, -with much drinking, and is followed by a wild dance. The remarriage -of widows is permitted, and a younger brother may marry the widow of -his elder brother. The dead are burnt, and death pollution is observed -for ten days, during which the relatives of the deceased are fed by -members of another sept. On the tenth day a caste feast takes place. - -The Pentiyas are said [96] to distribute rice, and other things, to -Brahmans, once a year on the new-moon day in the month of Bhadrapadam -(September-October), and to worship a female deity named Kamilli on -Saturdays. No one, I am informed, other, I presume, than a Pentiya, -would take anything from a house where she is worshipped, lest the -goddess should accompany him, and require him to become her devotee. - -The caste title is Nayako. - -Peraka (tile).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Perike.--This word is defined, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, -as meaning literally a gunny bag, and the Perikes are summed up as -being a Telugu caste of gunny bag (goni) weavers, corresponding to -the Janappans of the Tamil districts. Gunny bag is the popular and -trading name of the coarse sacking and sacks made from the fibre -of jute, much used in Indian trade. It is noted, in the Census -Report, 1891, that "the Perikes claim to be a separate caste, but -they seem to be in reality a sub-division, and not a very exalted -sub-division, of Balijas, being in fact identical with the Uppu (salt) -Balijas. Their hereditary occupation is carrying salt, grain, etc., -on bullocks and donkeys in perikes or packs. Perike is found among -the sub-divisions of both Kavarai and Balija. Some of them, however, -have attained considerable wealth, and now claim to be Kshatriyas, -saying that they are the descendants of the Kshatriyas who ran away -(piriki, a coward) from the persecution of Parasurama. Others again -say they are Kshatriyas who went into retirement, and made hills -(giri) their abode (puri)." These Perike 'Kshatriyas' are known as -Puragiri Kshatriya and Giri Razu. The Periki Balijas are described, in -the Vizagapatam Manual, as chiefly carrying on cultivation and trade, -and some of them are said to hold a high position at 'the Presidency' -(Madras) and in the Vizagapatam district. - -Perike women appear to have frequently committed sati (or suttee) on -the death of their husbands in former days, and the names of those who -thus sacrificed their lives are still held in reverence. A peculiar -custom among the Perikes is the erection of big square structures -(brindavanam), in which a tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) is planted, on -the spot where the ashes of the dead are buried after cremation. I -am informed that a fine series of these structures may be seen at -Chipurapalli, close to Vizianagram. As a mark of respect to the dead, -passers-by usually place a lac bangle or flowers thereon. The usual -titles of the Perikes are Anna and Ayya, but some style themselves -Rao (= Raya, king) or Rayadu, in reference to their alleged Kshatriya -origin. - -For the following note on the Perikes of the Godavari district, I am -indebted to Mr. F. R. Hemingway. "Like some of the Kammas, they claim -to be of Kshatriya stock, and say they are of the lineage of Parasu -Rama, but were driven out by him for kidnapping his sister, while -pretending to be gunny-bag weavers. They say that they were brought to -this country by king Nala of the Mahabharata, in gratitude for their -having taken care of his wife Damayanti when he quitted her during -his misfortunes. They support the begging caste of Varugu Bhattas, -who, they say, supported them during their exile, and to whom they -gave a sanad (deed of grant) authorising them to demand alms. These -people go round the Perike houses for their dues every year. The Pisu -Perikes, who still weave gunny-bags, are said not to belong to the -caste proper, members of which style themselves Racha Perikes. - -"The Perikes say that, like the Komatis, they have 101 gotras. Their -marriage ceremonies are peculiar. On the day of the wedding, -the bride and bridegroom are made to fast, as also are three male -relatives, whom they call suribhaktas. At the marriage, the couple -sit on a gunny-bag, and another gunny, on which a representation -of the god Mailar is drawn or painted, is spread between them. The -same god is drawn on two pots, and these, and also a third pot, are -filled with rice and dhal (Cajanus indicus), which are cooked by two -married women. The food is then offered to Mailar. Next, the three -suribhaktas take 101 cotton threads, fasten them together, and tie -seven knots in them. The bride and bridegroom are given cloths which -have been partly immersed in water coloured with turmeric and chunam -(lime), and the suribhaktas are fed with the rice and dhal cooked in -the pots. The couple are then taken round the village in procession, -and, on their return, the knotted cotton threads are tied round the -bride's neck instead of a tali. - -Some Perikes style themselves Sathu vandlu, meaning a company of -merchants or travellers. - -Perike Muggula is the name of a class of Telugu mendicants and -exorcists. - -Periya (big).--Periya or Periyanan has been recorded as a sub-division -of Karalan, Kunnuvan, Occhan, and Pattanavan. The equivalent Peru or -Perum occurs as a sub-division of the Malayalam Kollans and Vannans -and Perim of Kanikars. Periya illom is the name of an exogamous illom -of Kanikars in Travancore. - -Perugadannaya (bandicoot rat sept).--An exogamous sept of Bant. - -Perum Tali (big tali).--A sub-division of Idaiyan, and of Kaikolans, -whose women wear a big tali (marriage badge). - -Perumal.--Perumal is a synonym of Vishnu, and the name is taken by -some Pallis who are staunch Vaishnavites. A class of mendicants, -who travel about exhibiting performing bulls in the southern part -of the Madras Presidency, is known as Perumal Madukkaran or Perumal -Erudukkaran. Perumalathillom, meaning apparently big mountain house, -is an exogamous sept or illom of the Kanikars of Travancore. - -Pesala (seeds of Phaseolus Mungo: green gram).--An exogamous sept -of Jogi. - -Peta (street).--A sub-division of Balija. - -Pettigeyavaru (box).--A sub-division of Gangadikara Vakkaliga. - -Pichiga (sparrow).--An exogamous sept of Boya and Devanga. The -equivalent Pital occurs as a sept of Mala. - -Pichigunta.--The name Pichigunta means literally an assembly of -beggars, who are described [97] as being, in the Telugu country, a -class of mendicants, who are herbalists, and physic people for fever, -stomach-ache, and other ailments. They beat the village drums, relate -stories and legends, and supply the place of a Herald's Office, as -they have a reputation for being learned in family histories, and -manufacture pedigrees and gotras (house names) for Kapus, Kammas, -Gollas, and others. - -The Picchai or Pinchikuntar are described in the Salem Manual as -"servants to the Kudianavars or cultivators--a name commonly assumed -by Vellalas and Pallis. The story goes that a certain Vellala had a -hundred and two children, of whom only one was a female. Of the males, -one was lame, and his hundred brothers made a rule that one would -provide him with one kolagam of grain and one fanam (a coin) each -year. They got him married to a Telugu woman of a different caste, -and the musicians who attended the ceremony were paid nothing, the -brothers alleging that, as the bridegroom was a cripple, the musicians -should officiate from charitable motives. The descendants of this -married pair, having no caste of their own, became known as Picchi -or Pinchikuntars (beggars, or lame). They are treated as kudipinnai -(inferior) by Vellalas, and to the present day receive their prescribed -miras (fee) from the Vellala descendants of the hundred brothers, to -whom, on marriage and other festivals, they do service by relating -the genealogies of such Vellalas as they are acquainted with. Some -serve the Vellalas in the fields, and others live by begging." [97] - -The caste beggars of the Tottiyans are known as Pichiga-vadu. - -Pidakala (cow-dung cakes or bratties).--An exogamous sept of -Devanga. Dried cow-dung cakes are largely used by natives as fuel, -and may be seen stuck on to the walls of houses. - -Pidaran.--A section of Ambalavasis, who, according to Mr. Logan [98] -"drink liquor, exorcise devils, and are worshippers of Bhadrakali -or of Sakti. The name is also applied to snake-catchers, and it was -probably conferred on the caste owing to the snake being an emblem -of the human passion embodied in the deities they worship." - -Pilapalli.--The Pilapallis are a small caste or community in -Travancore, concerning which Mr. S. Subramanya Aiyar writes -as follows. [99] "The following sketch will show what trifling -circumstances are sufficient in this land of Parasurama to call a new -caste into existence. The word Pilapally is supposed to be a corruption -of Belal Thalli, meaning forcibly ejected. It therefore contains, -as though in a nutshell, the history of the origin of this little -community, which it is used to designate. In the palmy days of the -Chempakasseri Rajas, about the year 858 M.E., there lived at the court -of the then ruling Prince at Ambalappuzha a Namburi Brahman who stood -high in the Prince's favour, and who therefore became an eye-sore to -all his fellow courtiers. The envy and hatred of the latter grew to -such a degree that one day they put their heads together to devise -a plan which should at once strip him of all influence at court, -and humble him in the eyes of the public. The device hit upon was -a strange one, and characteristic of that dim and distant past. The -Namburi was the custodian of all presents made to the Prince, and as -such it was a part of his daily work to arrange the articles presented -in their proper places. It was arranged that one day a dead fish, -beautifully tied up and covered, should be placed among the presents -laid before the Prince. The victim of the plot, little suspecting -there was treachery in the air, removed all the presents as usual -with his own hand. His enemies at court, who were but waiting for an -opportunity of humbling him to the dust, thereupon caused the bundle -to be examined before the Prince, when it became evident that it -contained a dead fish. Now, for a Namburi to handle a dead fish was, -according to custom, sufficient to make him lose caste. On the strength -of this argument, the Prince, who was himself a Brahmin, was easily -prevailed upon to put the Namburi out of the pale of caste, and the -court favourite was immediately excommunicated. There is another and -a slightly different version of the story, according to which the -Namburi in question was the hereditary priest of the royal house, -to whom fell the duty of removing and preserving the gifts. In course -of time he grew so arrogant that the Prince himself wanted to get rid -of him, but, the office of the priest being hereditary, he did not -find an easy way of accomplishing his cherished object, and, after -long deliberation with those at court in whom he could confide, came -at last to the solution narrated above. It is this forcible ejection -that the expression Belal Thalli (afterwards changed into Pilapally) -is said to import.... It appears that the unfortunate Namburi had two -wives, both of whom elected to share his fate. Accordingly, the family -repaired to Paravur, a village near Kallarkode, where their royal -patron made them a gift of land. Although they quitted Ambalapuzha for -good, they seem to have long owned there a madathummuri (a room in a -series, in which Brahmins from abroad once lived and traded), and are -said to be still entitled daily to a measure of palpayasom from the -temple, a sweet pudding of milk, rice and sugar, celebrated all over -Malabar for its excellence. The progeny of the family now count in -all about ninety members, who live in eight or nine different houses." - -Pillai.--Pillai, meaning child, is in the Tamil country primarily the -title of Vellalas, but has, at recent times of census, been returned -as the title of a number of classes, which include Agamudaiyan, -Ambalakaran, Golla, Idaiyan, Nayar, Nokkan, Panisavan, Panikkan, -Paraiyan, Saiyakkaran, Sembadavan and Senaikkudaiyans. Pilla is -further used as the title of the male offspring of Deva-dasis. Many -Paraiyan butlers of Europeans have assumed the title Pillai as an -honorific suffix to their name. So, too, have some criminal Koravas, -who pose as Vellalas. - -Pillaikuttam.--Recorded, in the Manual of the North Arcot district, -as a bastard branch of Vaniyan. - -Pillaiyarpatti (Ganesa village).--An exogamous section or kovil of -Nattukottai Chetti. - -Pilli (cat).--An exogamous sept of Chembadi, Mala, and Medara. - -Pindari.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, fifty-nine Pindaris are -returned as a Bombay caste of personal servants. They are more numerous -in the Mysore province, where more than two thousand were returned -in the same year as being engaged in agriculture and Government -service. The Pindaris were formerly celebrated as a notorious class -of freebooters, who, in the seventeenth century, attached themselves -to the Marathas in their revolt against Aurangzib, and for a long -time afterwards, committed raids in all directions, extending their -operations to Southern India. It is on record that "in a raid made upon -the coast extending from Masulipatam northward, the Pindaris in ten -days plundered 339 villages, burning many, killing and wounding 682 -persons, torturing 3,600, and carrying off or destroying property to -the amount of £250,000." [100] They were finally suppressed, in Central -India, during the Viceroyalty of the Marquis of Hastings, in 1817. - -Pindi (flour).--An exogamous sept of Mala. - -Pinjari (cotton-cleaner).--A synonym for Dudekula. Pinjala (cotton) -occurs as an exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Pippala (pepper: Piper longum).--An exogamous sept or gotra of Gamalla -and Komati. - -Pisharati.--The Pisharatis or Pisharodis are summed up in the Madras -Census Report, 1901, as being a sub-caste of Ambalavasis, which -makes flower garlands, and does menial service in the temples. As -regards their origin, the legend runs to the effect that a Swamiyar, -or Brahman ascetic, once had a disciple of the same caste, who wished -to become a Sanyasi or anchorite. All the ceremonies prior to shaving -the head of the novice were completed, when, alarmed at the prospect -of a cheerless life and the severe austerities incidental thereto, -he made himself scarce. Pishara denotes a Sanyasi's pupil, and as he, -after running away, was called Pisharodi, the children born to him of -a Parasava woman by a subsequent marriage were called Pisharatis. In -his 'Early Sovereigns of Travancore,' Mr. Sundaram Pillay says that -the Pisharati's "puzzling position among the Malabar castes, half -monk and half layman, is far from being accounted for by the silly -and fanciful modern derivation of Pisharakal plus Odi, Pisharakal -being more mysterious than Pisharati itself." It is suggested by him -that Pisharati is a corruption of Bhattaraka-tiruvadi. According to -the Jati-nirnaya, the Bhattarakas are a community degraded from the -Brahmans during the Treta Yuga. As far as we are able to gather from -mediæval Travancore inscriptions, an officer known as Pidara-tiruvadi -was attached to every temple. It is known that he used to receive large -perquisites for temple service, and that extensive rice-lands were -given to the Bhattakara of Nelliyur. It is noted, in the Gazetteer -of Malabar, that "the traditional etymology of the name Pisharodi -refers it to a Sanyasi novice, who, deterred by the prospects of -the hardship of life on which he was about to enter, ran away (odi) -at the last moment, after he had been divested of the punul (thread), -but before he had performed the final ceremony of plunging thrice in a -tank (pond), and of plucking out, one at each plunge, the last three -hairs of his kudumi (the rest of which had been shaved off). But the -termination 'Odi' is found in other caste titles such as Adiyodi and -Vallodi, and the definition is obviously fanciful, while it does not -explain the meaning of Pishar." - -The houses of Pisharatis are called pisharam. Their primary -occupation is to prepare garlands of flowers for Vaishnava temples, -but they frequently undertake the talikazhakam or sweeping service -in temples. Being learned men, and good Sanskrit scholars, they -are employed as Sanskrit and Malayalam tutors in the families of -those of high rank, and, in consequence, make free use of the title -Asan. They are strict Vaishnavites, and the ashtakshara, or eight -letters relating to Vishnu, as opposed to the panchakshara or five -letters relating to Siva, forms their daily hymn of prayer. They -act as their own caste priests, but for the punyaha or purificatory -ceremony and the initiation into the ashtakshara, which are necessary -on special occasions, the services of Brahmans are engaged. - -The Pisharatis celebrate the tali-kettu ceremony before the girl -reaches puberty. The most important item therein is the joining of -the hands of the bride and bridegroom. The planting of a jasmine -shoot is observed as an indispensable preliminary rite. The events -between this and the joining of hands are the same as with other -Ambalavasis. The bride and bridegroom bathe, and wear clothes touched -by each other. The girl's mother then gives her a wedding garland -and a mirror, with which she sits, her face covered with a cloth. The -cherutali, or marriage ornament, is tied by the bridegroom round the -girl's neck. If this husband dies, the tali has to be removed, and the -widow observes pollution. Her sons have to make oblations of cooked -rice, and, for all social and religious purposes, the woman is regarded -as a widow, though she is not debarred from contracting a sambandham -(alliance) with a man of her own caste, or a Brahman. If the wife -dies, the husband has, in like manner, to observe pollution, and make -oblations of cooked rice. There are cases in which the tali-kettu is -performed by a Pisharati, and sambandham contracted with a Brahman. If -the tali-tier becomes the husband, no separate cloth-giving ceremony -need be gone through by him after the girl has reached puberty. - -Inheritance is in the female line, so much so that a wife and -children are not entitled to compensation for the performance of a -man's funeral rites. - -No particular month is fixed for the name-giving rite, as it suffices -if this is performed before the annaprasana ceremony. The maternal -uncle first names the child. When it is four or six months old, it -is taken out to see the sun. On the occasion of the annaprasana, -which usually takes place in the sixth month, the maternal uncle -gives the first mouthful of cooked rice to the child by means of -a golden ring. The Yatrakali serves as the night's entertainment -for the assembled guests. Nambutiris are invited to perform the -purificatory ceremony known as punyaha, but the consecrated water is -only sprinkled over the roof of the house. The inmates thereof protrude -their heads beneath the eaves so as to get purified, as the Brahmans -do not pour the water over them. The chaula or tonsure takes place at -the third year of a child's life. The maternal uncle first touches -the boy's head with a razor, and afterwards the Maran and barber do -the same. The initiation into the ashtakshara takes place at the age -of sixteen. On an auspicious day, a Brahman brings a pot of water, -consecrated in a temple, to the pisharam, and pours its contents on -the head of the lad who is to be initiated. The ceremony is called -kalasam-ozhuk-kua, or letting a pot of water flow. After the teaching -of the ashtakshara, the youth, dressed in religious garb, makes a -ceremonial pretence of proceeding on a pilgrimage to Benares, as a -Brahman does at the termination of the Brahmacharya stage of life. It -is only after this that a Pisharati is allowed to chew betel leaf, -and perform other acts, which constitute the privileges of a Grihastha. - -The funeral rites of the Pisharatis are very peculiar. The corpse -is seated on the ground, and a nephew recites the ashtakshara, and -prostrates himself before it. The body is bathed, and dressed. A -grave, nine feet deep and three feet square, is dug in a corner of -the grounds, and salt and ashes, representing all the Panchabhutas, -are spread. The corpse is placed in the grave in a sitting posture. As -in the case of a Sanyasi, who is a Jivanmukta, or one liberated from -the bondage of the flesh though alive in body, so a dead Pisharati is -believed to have no suitable body requiring to be entertained with any -post-mortem offerings. A few memorial rites are, however, performed. On -the eleventh day, a ceremony corresponding to the ekoddishta sradh of -the Brahman is carried out. A knotted piece of kusa grass, representing -the soul of the deceased, is taken to a neighbouring temple, where a -lighted lamp, symbolical of Maha Vishnu is worshipped, and prayers are -offered. This ceremony is repeated at the end of the first year. [101] - -Some Pisharatis are large land-owners of considerable wealth and -influence. [102] - -Pisu Perike.--Perikes who weave gunny-bags. - -Pitakalu (dais, on which a priest sits).--An exogamous sept of Odde. - -Pittalavadu.--A Telugu name for Kuruvikkarans. - -Podapotula.--A class of mendicants, who beg from Gollas. - -Podara Vannan.--The Podara, Podarayan or Pothora Vannans are washermen -of inferior social status, who wash clothes for Pallans, Paraiyans, -and other low classes. - -Podhano.--Recorded, at times of census, as a title of Bolasi, Gaudo, -Kalingi, Kudumo, and Samantiya. The Samantiyas also frequently give -it as the name of their caste. - -Poduval.--Defined by Mr. Wigram [103] as one of the Ambalavasi castes, -the members of which are as a rule employed as temple watchmen. Writing -concerning the Mussads or Muttatus, Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar states -that they are known as Muttatus or Mussatus in Travancore and Cochin, -and Potuvals (or Poduvals) or Akapotuvals in North Malabar. Potuval -means a common person, i.e., the representative of a committee, and -a Muttatu's right to this name accrues from the fact that, in the -absence of the Nambutiri managers of a temple, he becomes their agent, -and is invested with authority to exercise all their functions. The -work of an Akapotuval always lies within the inner wall of the shrine, -while that of the Purappotuval, or Potuval proper, lies outside. From -Travancore, Poduvan or Potuvan is recorded as a synonym or sub-division -of Marans, who are employed at funerals by various castes. - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that "Pura Pothuvals -are of two classes, Chenda Pothuvals or drum Pothuvals, and Mala -Pothuvals or garland Pothuvals, the names of course referring to the -nature of the service which they have to render in the temple. The -Chenda Pothuvals would appear to be closely connected with the -Marars or Marayars, who are also drummers. Mala Pothuvals follow -marumakkattayam (inheritance in the female line), their women having -sambandham (alliance) with men of their own caste or with Brahmans, -while the men can have sambandham in their own caste, or with Nayar -women of any of the sub-divisions below Kiriyattil. Their women are -called Pothuvarassiar or Pothuvattimar." It is further recorded [104] -that, in some cases, for instance among Mala Pothuvals and Marars -in South Malabar, a fictitious consummation is an incident of the -tali-kettu ; the girl and manavalan (bridegroom) being made to lie -on a bed together, and left there alone for a few moments. Amongst -the Mala Pothuvals this is done twice, once on the first and once -on the last day, and they apparently also spend the three nights of -the ceremony in the same bed-chamber, but not alone, an Enangatti -sleeping there as chaperone. In these two castes, as in most if not -all others, the ceremony also entails the pollution of the girl and -her bridegroom. Amongst the Marars, they are purified by a Nambudiri -after they leave their quasi-nuptial couch. Amongst the Mala Pothuvals, -they are not allowed to bathe or to touch others during the wedding -till the fourth day, when they are given mattu (change of cloths) -by the Veluttedan." - -Podala occurs as a Canarese form of Poduval. - -Pogandan.--A synonym of Pondan. - -Pokanati.--Pokanati or Pakanati is a sub-division of Kapu. - -Poladava.--A synonym of Gatti. - -Poligar (feudal chief).--A synonym of Palayakkaran. According to Yule -and Burnell, [105] the Poligars "were properly subordinate feudal -chiefs, occupying tracts more or less wild, and generally of predatory -habits in former days. They are now much the same as Zemindars -(land-owners) in the highest use of that term. The Southern Poligars -gave much trouble about a hundred years ago, and the 'Poligar wars' -were somewhat serious affairs. In various assaults on Panjalamkurichi, -one of their forts in Tinnevelly, between 1799 and 1801, there fell -fifteen British officers." The name Poligar was further used for the -predatory classes, which served under the chiefs. Thus, in Munro's -'Narrative of Military Operations' (1780-84), it is stated that -"the matchlock men are generally accompanied by Poligars, a set of -fellows that are almost savages, and make use of no other weapon than -a pointed bamboo spear, 18 or 20 feet long." - -The name Poligar is given to a South Indian breed of greyhound-like -dogs in the Tinnevelly district. - -Pombada.--A small class of Canarese devil-dancers, who are said, -[106] in South Canara, to resemble the Nalkes, but hold a somewhat -higher position, and in devil-dances to represent a better class of -demons. Unlike the Nalkes and Paravas, they follow the aliya santana -system of inheritance. They speak Tulu, and, in their customs, -follow those of the Billavas. There are two sections among the -Pombadas, viz., Bailu, who are mainly cultivators, and Padarti, -who are chiefly engaged in devil-dancing. The Pombadas are not, -like the Nalkes and Paravas, a polluting class, and are socially a -little inferior to the Billavas. They do not wear the disguises of -the bhuthas (devils) Nicha, Varte, and Kamberlu, who are considered -low, but wear those of Jumadi, Panjurli, Jarandaya, Mahisandeya, and -Kodamanithaya. Ullaya or Dharmadevata is regarded as a superior bhutha, -and the special bhutha of the Pombadas, who do not allow Nalkes or -Paravas to assume his disguise. During the Jumadi Kola (festival), -the Pombada who represents the bhutha Jumadi is seated on a cart, -and dragged in procession through the streets. (See Nalke.) - -Pon Chetti (gold merchant).--A synonym of Malayalam Kammalan -goldsmiths. - -Pon (gold) Illam.--A section of Mukkuvans. - -Pondan.--"There are," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [107] "only -twenty-eight persons of this caste in Malabar, and they are all in -Calicut. These are the palanquin-bearers of the Zamorin. They are -in dress, manners, customs, and language entirely Tamilians, and, -while the Zamorin is polluted by the touch of any ordinary Tamilian, -these Pondans enjoy the privilege of bearing him in a palanquin -to and from the temple every day. Now there is a sub-division of -the Tamil Idaiyans by name Pogondan, and I understand that these -Pogondans are the palanquin-bearers of the Idaiyan caste. It seems -probable that the founder, or some early member of the Zamorin, -obtained palanquin-bearers of his own (cowherd) caste and granted -them privileges which no other Tamilians now enjoy." - -Pondra.--Pondra, or Ponara, is a sub-division of Mali. - -Ponganadu.--Ponganadu and Ponguvan have been recorded, at times of -census, as a sub-division of Kapu. A corrupt form of Pakanati. - -Ponnambalaththar.--A class of mendicants, who have attached themselves -to the Kaikolans. - -Ponnara.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-division of Nayar. - -Poruvannurkaran.--A class of carpenters in Malabar. - -Poroja.--The Porojas or Parjas are hill cultivators found in the Agency -tracts of Ganjam and Vizagapatam. Concerning them, it is noted, in the -Madras Census Report, 1871, that "there are held to be seven classes -of these Parjas, which differ from each other in points of language, -customs, and traditions. The term Parja is, as Mr. Carmichael has -pointed out, merely a corruption of a Sanskrit term signifying a -subject, and it is understood as such by the people themselves, who -use it in contradistinction to a free hill-man. 'Formerly,' says a -tradition that runs through the whole tribe, 'Rajas and Parjas were -brothers, but the Rajas took to riding horses (or, as the Barenja -Parjas put it, sitting still) and we became carriers of burdens and -Parjas.' It is quite certain, in fact, that the term Parja is not a -tribal denomination, but a class denomination, and it may be fitly -rendered by the familiar epithet of ryot (cultivator). I have laid -stress on this, because all native officials, and every one that has -written about the country (with the above exception), always talk of -the term Parja as if it signified a caste. There is no doubt, however, -that by far the greater number of these Parjas are akin to the Khonds -of the Ganjam Maliahs. They are thrifty, hard-working cultivators, -undisturbed by the intestine broils which their cousins in the north -engage in, and they bear in their breasts an inalienable reverence for -their soil, the value of which they are rapidly becoming acquainted -with. The Parja bhumi (land) is contained almost entirely in the -upper level. Parts to the south held under Pachipenta and Madugulu -(Madgole) are not Parja bhumi, nor, indeed, are some villages to -the north in the possession of the Khonds. Their ancient rights to -these lands are acknowledged by colonists from among the Aryans, and, -when a dispute arises concerning the boundaries of a field possessed -by recent arrivals, a Parja is usually called in to point out the -ancient land-marks." - -The name Poroja seems to be derived from the Oriya, Po, son, and Raja, -i.e., sons of Rajas. There is a tradition that, at the time when the -Rajas of Jeypore rose into prominence at Nandapur, the country was -occupied by a number of tribes, who, in return for the protection -promised to them, surrendered their rights to the soil, which they -had hitherto occupied absolutely. I am informed that the Porojas, -when asked what their caste is, use ryot and Poroja as synonymous, -saying we are Porojas; we are ryot people. - -The Parji language is stated by Mr. G. A. Grierson [108] to have -"hitherto been considered as identical with Bhatri. Bhatri has now -become a form of Oriya. Parji, on the other hand, is still a dialect -of Gondi." The Bhatras are a tribe inhabiting the state of Bastar in -the Central Provinces. - -The Porojas are not a compact caste, but rather a conglomerate, made up -of several endogamous sections, and speaking a language, which varies -according to locality. These sections, according to Mr. C. Hayavadana -Rao, to whom I am indebted for much of the present note, are-- - -(1) Barang Jhodia, who eat beef and speak Oriya. - -(2) Pengu Poroja, subdivided into those who eat the flesh of the -buffalo, and those who do not. They speak a language, which is said -to bear a close resemblance to Kondhs. - -(3) Khondi or Kondi Poroja, who are a section of the Kondhs, eat beef -and the flesh of buffaloes, and speak Kodu or Kondh. - -(4) Parengi Poroja, who are a section of the Gadabas. They are -subdivided into those who eat and do not eat the flesh of buffaloes, -and speak a Gadaba dialect. - -(5) Bonda, Bunda, or Nanga Poroja, who are likewise a section of the -Gadabas, call themselves Bonda Gadaba, and speak a dialect of Gadaba. - -(6) Tagara Poroja, who are a section of the Koyas or Koyis, and speak -Koya, or, in some places, Telugu. - -(7) Dur Poroja, also, it is said, known as Didayi Poroja, who speak -Oriya. - -Among the Barang Jhodias, the gidda (vulture), bagh (tiger), and -nag (cobra) are regarded as totems. Among the Pengu, Kondhi and -Dur divisions, the two last are apparently regarded as such, and, -in addition to them, the Bonda Porojas have mandi (cow). - -In the Barang Jhodia, Pengu, and Kondhi divisions, it is customary -for a man to marry his paternal aunt's daughter, but he cannot claim -her as a matter of right, for the principle of free love is recognised -among them. The dhangada and dhangadi basa system, according to which -bachelors and unmarried girls sleep in separate quarters in a village, -is in force among the Porojas. - -When a marriage is contemplated among the Barang Jhodias, the parents -of the young man carry two pots of liquor and some rice to the parents -of the girl, who accept the present, if they are favourable to the -match. If it is accepted, the future bridegroom's party renew the -proposal a year later by bringing five kunchams of rice, a new female -cloth, seven uddas of liquor, and a sum of money ranging from fifteen -to fifty rupees. On the following evening, the bride, accompanied -by her relations, goes to the village of the bridegroom. Outside his -house two poles have been set up, and joined together at the top by -a string, from which a gourd (Cucurbita maxima) is suspended. As soon -as the contracting couple come before the house, a tall man cuts the -gourd with his tangi (axe) and it falls to the ground. The pair then -enter the house, and the bride is presented with a new cloth by the -parents of the bridegroom. Opposite the bridegroom's house is a square -fence, forming an enclosure, from which the bride's party watch the -proceedings. They are joined by the bride and bridegroom, and the -parents of the latter distribute ragi (Eleusine Corocana) liquor and -ippa (Bassia) liquor. A dance, in which both males and females take -part, is kept up till the small hours, and, on the following day, a -feast is held. About midday, the bride is formally handed over to the -bridegroom, in the presence of the Janni and Mudili (caste elders). She -remains a week at her new home, and then, even though she has reached -puberty, returns to her father's house, where she remains for a year, -before finally joining her husband. In another form of marriage -among the Barang Jhodias, the bride is brought to the house of the -bridegroom, in front of which a pandal (booth), made of six poles, -is set up. The central pole is cut from the neredi chettu (Eugenia -Jambolana). At the auspicious moment, which is fixed by the Disari, -the maternal uncle of the bridegroom sits with the bridegroom on his -lap, and the bride at his feet. Castor-oil is then applied by the -bridegroom's father, first to the bridegroom, and then to the bride. A -feast follows, at which fowls and liquor are consumed. On the following -day, the newly-married couple bathe, and the ceremonies are at an end. - -I am informed by Mr. H. C. Daniel that there is a custom among the -Porojas, and other classes in Vizagapatam (e.g., Gadabas, Ghasis, -and Malis), according to which a man gives his services as a goti for -a specified time to another, in return for a small original loan. His -master has to keep him supplied with food, and to pay him about two -rupees at the Dussera festival, as well as making him a present of a -cloth and a pair of sandals. The servant must do whatever he is told, -and is practically a slave until the specified time is over. A man may -give his son as a goti, instead of himself. It is also fairly common to -find a man serving his prospective father-in-law for a specified time, -in order to secure his daughter. Men from the plains, usually of the -Komati caste, who have come to the hills for the purpose of trade, -go by the local name of Sundi. They are the chief upholders of the -goti system, by which they get labour cheap. Mr. Daniel has never -heard of a goti refusing to do his work, the contract being by both -sides considered quite inviolable. But a case was recently tried in a -Munsiff's Court, in which a goti absconded from his original master, -and took service with another, thereby securing a fresh loan. The -original master sued him for the balance of labour due. - -The language of the Bonda Porojas, as already indicated, connects them -closely with the Gadabas, but any such connection is stoutly denied -by them. The names Bonda and Nanga mean naked, and bear reference to -the fact that the only clothing of the women is a strip of cloth made -from setukudi or ankudi chettu, or kareng fibre. In a note on the -Bhondas of Jaipur, Mr. J. A. May informs us [109] that the female -attire "consists of just a piece of cloth, either made of kerong -bark and manufactured by themselves, or purchased from the weavers, -about a foot square, and only sufficient to cover a part of one -hip. It is attached to their waists by a string, on which it runs, -and can be shifted round to any side. A most ludicrous sight has -often been presented to me by a stampede among a number of these -women, when I have happened to enter a village unexpectedly. On my -approach, one and all hurried to their respective dwellings, and, -as they ran in all directions, endeavoured to shift this rag round -to the part most likely to be exposed to me." The Bonda women have -glass bead and brass ornaments hung round their necks, and covering -their bosoms. The legend, which accounts for the scanty clothing of -the Bondas, runs to the effect that, when Sita, the wife of Rama, was -bathing in a river, she was seen by women of this tribe, who laughed at -and mocked her. Thereon, she cursed them, and ordained that, in future, -all the women should shave their heads, and wear no clothing except a -small covering for decency's sake. There is a further tradition that, -if the Bonda women were to abandon their primitive costume, the whole -tribe would be destroyed by tigers. The shaving of the women's heads -is carried out, with a knife lent by the village Komaro (blacksmith), -by a member of the tribe. Round the head, the women wear a piece of -bamboo tied behind with strings. - -In one form of marriage, as carried out by the Bondas, a young man, -with some of his friends, goes to the sleeping apartment of the -maidens, where each of them selects a maid for himself. The young men -and maidens then indulge in a singing contest, in which impromptu -allusions to physical attributes, and bantering and repartee take -place. If a girl decides to accept a young man as her suitor, he -takes a burning stick from the night fire, and touches her breast -with it. He then withdraws, and sends one of his friends to the girl -with a brass bangle, which, after some questioning as to who sent it, -she accepts. Some months later, the man's parents go to the girl's -home, and ask for her hand on behalf of their son. A feast follows, -and the girl, with a couple of girls of about her own age, goes with -the man's parents to their home. They send five kunchams of rice to -the parents of the girl, and present the two girls with a similar -quantity. The three girls then return to their homes. Again several -months elapse, and then the man's parents go to fetch the bride, -and a feast and dance take place. The pair are then man and wife. - -In another account of the marriage customs of the Nanga Porojas, it -is stated that pits are dug in the ground, in which, during the cold -season, the children are put at night, to keep them warm. The pit -is about nine feet in diameter. In the spring, all the marriageable -girls of a settlement are put into one pit, and a young man, who -has really selected his bride with the consent of his parents, comes -and proposes to her. If she refuses him, he tries one after another -till he is accepted. On one occasion, a leopard jumped into the pit, -and killed some of the maidens. In a note on Bhonda marriage, Mr. May -writes [110] that "a number of youths, candidates for matrimony, start -off to a village, where they hope to find a corresponding number of -young women, and make known their wishes to the elders, who receive -them with all due ceremony. The juice of the salop (sago palm) in a -fermented state is in great requisition, as nothing can be done without -the exhilarating effects of their favourite beverage. They then proceed -to excavate an underground chamber (if one is not already prepared), -having an aperture at the top, admitting of the entrance of one at -a time. Into this the young gentlemen, with a corresponding number -of young girls, are introduced, when they grope about and make their -selection, after which they ascend out of it, each holding the young -lady of his choice by the forefinger of one of her hands. Bracelets -(the equivalent of the wedding ring) are now put on her arms by -the elders, and two of the young men stand as sponsors for each -bridegroom. The couples are then led to their respective parents, -who approve and give their consent. After another application of -salop and sundry greetings, the bridegroom is permitted to take his -bride home, where she lives with him for a week, and then, returning -to her parents, is not allowed to see her husband for a period of -one year, at the expiration of which she is finally made over to -him." In a still further account of marriage among the Bondas, I am -informed that a young man and a maid retire to the jungle, and light -a fire. Then the maid, taking a burning stick, applies it to the -man's gluteal region. If he cries out Am! Am! Am! he is unworthy of -her, and she remains a maid. If he does not, the marriage is at once -consummated. The application of the brand is probably light or severe -according to the girl's feelings towards the young man. According to -another version, the girl goes off to the jungle with several men, and -the scene has been described as being like a figure in the cotillion, -as they come up to be switched with the brand. - -Widow remarriage is permitted among all the divisions of the Porojas, -and a younger brother usually marries his elder brother's widow. - -The Jhodia, Pengu, and Kondhi divisions worship Bhumi Devata (the -earth goddess), who is also known as Jakar Devata, once in three -years. Each village offers a cow, goat, pig, and pigeon to her as -a sacrifice. She is represented by a stone under a tree outside the -village. A casteman acts as pujari (priest), and all the villagers, -including the Janni and Mudili, are present at the festival, which -winds up with a feast and drink. The Bondas worship Takurani in the -months of Chaitra and Magho, and the festival includes the sacrifice -of animals. "Their religious ceremonies," Mr. May writes, "consist -in offerings to some nameless deity, or to the memory of deceased -relations. At each of the principal villages, the Bhondas congregate -once a year in some spot conveniently situated for their orgies, when -a chicken, a few eggs, and a pig or goat are offered, after which they -retire to their houses, and next day assemble again, when the salop -juice is freely imbibed till the intoxicating effects have thoroughly -roused their pugnacity. The process of cudgelling one another with the -branches of the salop now begins, and they apply them indiscriminately -without the smallest regard for each other's feelings. This, with the -attendant drums and shrieks, would give one the impression of a host -of maniacs suddenly set at liberty. This amusement is continued till -bruises, contusions, and bleeding heads and backs have reduced them to -a comparatively sober state, and, I imagine, old scores are paid off, -when they return to their several houses." - -The dead are, as a rule, burnt. By some of the Jhodia Porojas, the -ashes are subsequently buried in a pit a few feet deep, near the -burning-ground, and the grave is marked by a heap of stones. A pole -is set up in this heap, and water poured on it for twelve days. On -the fourth day, cooked rice and fish are set on the way leading to -the spot where the corpse was burned. The celebrants of the death -rite then take mango bark, paint it with cow-dung, and sprinkle -themselves with it. The ceremony concludes with a bath, feast, and -drink. Among the Bonda Porojas, some of the jewelry of the deceased -person is burnt with the corpse, and the remainder given to the -daughter or daughter-in-law. They observe pollution for three days, -during which they do not enter their fields. On the fourth day, -they anoint themselves with castor-oil and turmeric, and bathe. - -Mr. G. F. Paddison informs me that he once gave medicine to the Porojas -during an epidemic of cholera in a village. They all took it eagerly, -but, as he was going away, asked whether it would not be quicker cure -to put the witch in the next village, who had brought on the cholera, -into jail. - -A Bonda Poroja dance is said to be very humourous. The young men tie -a string of bells round their legs, and do the active part of the -dance. The women stand in a cluster, with faces to the middle, clap -their hands, and scream at intervals, while the men hop and stamp, and -whirl round them on their own axes. The following account of a dance -by the Jhodia Poroja girls of the Koraput and Nandapuram country is -given by Mr. W. Francis. [111] "Picturesque in the extreme," he writes, -"is a dancing party of these cheery maidens, dressed all exactly alike -in clean white cloths with cerise borders or checks, reaching barely -half way to the knee; great rings on their fingers; brass bells on -their toes; their substantial but shapely arms and legs tattooed from -wrist to shoulder, and from ankle to knee; their left forearms hidden -under a score of heavy brass bangles; and their feet loaded with -chased brass anklets weighing perhaps a dozen pounds. The orchestra, -which consists solely of drums of assorted shapes and sizes, dashes -into an overture, and the girls quickly group themselves into a couple -of corps de ballet, each under the leadership of a première danseuse, -who marks the time with a long baton of peacock's feathers. Suddenly, -the drums drop to a muffled beat, and each group strings out into a -long line, headed by the leader with the feathers, each maiden passing -her right hand behind the next girl's back, and grasping the left elbow -of the next but one. Thus linked, and in time with the drums (which -now break into allegro crescendo), the long chain of girls--dancing -in perfect step, following the leader with her swaying baton, marking -the time by clinking their anklets (right, left, right, clink; left, -clink; right, left, right, clink; and so da capo), chanting the while -(quite tunefully) in unison a refrain in a minor key ending on a -sustained falling note--weave themselves into sinuous lines, curves, -spirals, figures-of-eight, and back into lines again; wind in and -out like some brightly-coloured snake; never halting for a moment, -now backwards, now forwards, first slowly and decorously, then, -as the drums quicken, faster and faster, with more and more abandon, -and longer and longer steps, until suddenly some one gets out of step, -and the chain snaps amid peals of breathless laughter." - -For the following supplementary note on the Bonda Porojas, I am -indebted to Mr. C. A. Henderson. - -These people live in the western portion of Malkanagiri taluk, -along the edge of the hills, probably penetrating some distance into -them. The elder men are not in any way distinguishable from their -neighbours. Young unmarried men, however, tie a strip of palmyra leaf -round their heads in the same way as the women of their own tribe, or -of the Gadabas. The women are very distinctly dressed. They all shave -their heads once a month or so, and fasten a little fillet, made of -beads or plaited grass, round them. The neck and chest are covered with -a mass of ornaments, by which the breasts are almost concealed. These -consist, for the most part, of bead necklaces, but they have also one -or more very heavy brass necklaces of various designs, some being -merely collections of rings on a connecting circlet, some massive -hinged devices tied together at the end with string. They wear also -small ear-studs of lead. Apart from these ornaments, they are naked -to the waist. Round the loins, a small thick cloth is worn. This is -woven from the fibre of the ringa (Oriya sitkodai gotsho). This cloth -measures about two feet by eight inches, and is of thick texture like -gunny, and variously coloured. Owing to its exiguity, its wearers are -compelled, for decency's sake, to sit on their heels with their knees -together, instead of squatting in the ordinary native posture. This -little cloth is supported round the waist by a thread, or light chain -of tin and beads, but not totally confined thereby. The upper edge of -the cloth behind is free from the chain, and bulges out, exposing the -upper portion of the buttocks, the thread or chain lying in the small -of the back. It is noted by Mr. Sandell that "the cloth at present -used is of comparatively recent introduction, and seems to be a slight -infringement of the tabu. The original cloth and supporting string were -undoubtedly made of jungle fibre, and the modern colouring is brought -about with cotton thread. Similarly, the Bonda Poroja necklaces of -cheap beads, blue and white, must be modern, and most obviously so -the fragments of tin that they work into their chains. The women are -said to wear cloths in their houses, but to leave them off when they -go outside. It seems that the tabu is directed against appearing in -public fully clothed, and not against wearing decent sized cloths, as -such. The party I saw were mostly unmarried girls, but one of them had -been married for a year. When not posing for the camera, or dancing, -she tied a small piece of cloth round her neck, so as to hang over -the shoulders. This, as far as I could make out, was not because she -was married, but simply because she was more shy than the rest. - -"Two houses are kept in the village, for the unmarried girls and young -men respectively. Apparently marriages are matters of inclination, -the parents having no say in the matter. The young couple having -contracted friendship (by word of mouth, and not by deed, as it was -explained to me), inform their parents of it. The young man goes to -make his demand of the girl's parents, apparently without at the time -making any presents to them, contrary to the custom of the Kondhs and -others. Then there seem to be a series of promises on the part of the -parents to give the girl. But the witnesses were rather confused on the -point. I gather that the sort of final betrothal takes place in Dyali -(the month after Dusserah), and the marriage in Magha. At the time -of marriage, the girl's parents are presented with a pair of bulls, -a cloth, and a pot of landa (sago-palm toddy). But no return is made -for them. The father gives the girl some ornaments. The married woman, -whom I saw, had been given a bracelet by her husband, but it was not a -conspicuously valuable one, and in no way indicative of her status." In -connection with marriage, Mr. Sandell adds that "a youth of one village -does not marry a maiden of the same village, as they are regarded as -brother and sister. The marriage pit is still in use, and may last -all through the cold weather. A number of small villages will club -together, and have one big pit." In the case observed by Mr. Sandell, -three of the local maidens were shut up in the pit at night, and -five stranger youths admitted. The pit may be twelve feet across, -and is covered with tatties (mats) and earth, a trap-door being left. - -"After childbirth, the mother is unclean for some days. The time is, -I gather, reckoned by the dropping of the navel-string, and is given -as eight to sixteen days. During that period, the woman is not allowed -to cook, or even touch her meals. - -"These people say that they have no puja (worship). But at the time of -sowing seed, they sacrifice one egg (for the whole village) to Matera -Hundi, the goddess of harvest, who is represented by a branch of the -kusi or jamo (guava) tree planted in the village. The people have -no pujaris, and, in this case, the priest was a Mattia by caste. He -plants the branch, and performs the sacrifice. At the time of Nua -Khau (new eating; first fruits) a sacrifice of an animal of some kind -is also made to Matera Hundi. Her aid is, they say, sought against -the perils of the jungle, but primarily she is wanted to give them a -good crop. The Bonda Porojas are quite ready to tell the old story of -Sita (whom they call Maha Lakshmi), and her curse upon their women, -whereby they shave their heads, and may not wear cloths. It is stated -by Mr. May that a Government Agent once insisted on a young woman -being properly clothed, and she survived the change only three days. I -understand that this case has been somewhat misrepresented. The cloth -is believed not to have been forced upon the girl, but offered to, and -greatly appreciated by her. Her death shortly afterwards was apparently -not the result of violation of the tabu, but accidental, and due, -it is believed, to small-pox. The people whom I saw had not heard -of this episode, but said that a woman who wore a cloth out of doors -would fall sick, not die. But the possibility of any woman of theirs -wearing a cloth obviously seemed to them very remote. The Bonda Porojas -have a sort of belief in ghosts--not altogether devils apparently, -but the spirits of the departed (sayire). These may appear in dreams, -influence life and health, and vaguely exercise a helpful influence -over the crops. I did not find out if they were propitiated in any way. - -"A dead body is washed, tied to a tatty (mat) hurdle, taken outside -the village, and burnt. After eight days (said to be four in the -case of rich men), the corpse-bearers, and the family, sit down to a -funeral feast, at which drinking is not allowed. A pig, fowl, or goat, -according to the circumstances of the family, forms the meal. This -is done in some way for the sake of the departed, but how is not -quite clear. - -"The Bonda Porojas live by cultivation, keep cattle, pigs, etc., -and eat beef, and even the domestic pig. They pride themselves, as -against their Hindu neighbours, in that their women eat with the men, -and not of their leavings, and do not leave their village. The women, -however, go to shandies (markets)." - -Pothoria.--Pothoria or Pothriya, meaning stone, is the name of a small -class of Oriya stone-cutters in Ganjam, who are addicted to snaring -antelopes by means of tame bucks, which they keep for the purpose of -decoying the wild ones. They employ Brahmans as purohits. Marriage -is infant, and remarriage of widows is permitted. The females wear -glass bangles. - -Pothu.--Pothu or Pothula, meaning male, occurs as an exogamous sept -of Devanga, Medara, and Padma Sale; and Pothula, in the sense of a -male buffalo, as a sept of Madiga. - -Potia.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as Oriya -mat-makers. They are said to be immigrants from Potia in Orissa, who -call themselves Doluvas. The Doluvas, however, do not recognise them, -and neither eat nor intermarry with them. - -Potta (abdomen).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Potti (Tamil, worshipful).--Stated, in the Travancore Census Report, -1901, to be the name applied to all Kerala Brahmans, who do not come -under the specific designation of Nambutiris. - -Pouzu (quail).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Powaku (tobacco).--An exogamous sept of Mala. - -Poyilethannaya (one who removes the evil eye).--An exogamous sept -of Bant. - -Pradhano (chief).--A title of Aruva, Benaiyto, Odia, Kalingi, Kevuto, -and Samantiya. - -Pranopakari (one who helps souls).--A name for barbers in -Travancore. In the early settlement records, Pranu occurs as a -corruption thereof. - -Prathamasakha.--It is recorded, [112] in connection with the village of -Koiltirumalam or Tiru-ambamahalam, that "a new temple has been recently -built, and richly endowed by Nattukottai Chettis. There is, however, -an old story connected with the place, which is enacted at the largely -attended festival here, and in many popular dramas. This relates that -the god of the Tiruvalur temple was entreated by a pujari (priest) -of this place to be present in the village at a sacrifice in his (the -god's) honour. The deity consented at length, but gave warning that he -would come in a very unwelcome shape. He appeared as a Paraiyan with -beef on his back and followed by the four Vedas in the form of dogs, -and took his part in the sacrifice thus accoutred and attended. All -the Brahmans who were present ran away, and the god was so incensed -that he condemned them to be Paraiyans for one hour in the day, from -noon till 1 P.M. ever afterwards. There is a class of Brahmans called -Midday Brahmans, who are found in several districts, and a colony -of whom reside at Sedanipuram, five miles west of Nannilam. It is -believed throughout the Tanjore district that the Midday Paraiyans -are the descendants of the Brahmans thus cursed by the god. They are -supposed to expiate their defilement by staying outside their houses -for an hour and a half every day at midday, and to bathe afterwards; -and, if they do this, they are much respected. Few of them, however, -observe this rule, and orthodox persons will not eat with them, because -of this omission to remove the defilement. They call themselves the -Prathamasakha." - -Prithvi (earth).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Puchcha.--Puccha or Puchcha Kaya (fruit of Citrullus Colocynthis) -is the name of a gotra or sept of Boyas, Komatis, and Viramushtis, -who are a class of mendicants attached to the Komatis. The same name, -or picchi kaya, denoting the water-melon Citrullus vulgaris, occurs -as a sept or house-name of Panta Reddis and Seniyans (Devangas), -the members of which may not eat the fruit. The name Desimarada has -been recently substituted by the Seniyans for picchi kaya. - -Pudamuri (pudaya, a woman's cloth; muri, cuttings).--Defined by -Mr. Wigram as a so-called 'marriage' ceremony performed among the -Nayars in North Malabar. (See Nayar.) - -Pudu Nattan (new country).--A sub-division of Idaiyan. - -Pu Islam.--See Putiya Islam. - -Pujari.--Pujari is an occupational title, meaning priest, or performer -of puja (worship). It is described by Mr. H. A. Stuart [113] as -"a name applied to a class of priests, who mostly preside in the -temples of the female deities--the Grama Devatas or Ur Ammas--and -not in those of Vishnu or Siva. They do not wear the sacred thread, -except on solemn occasions." Pujari has been recorded as a title of -Billavas as they officiate as priests at bhutasthanas (devil shrines), -and of Halepaiks, and Pujali as a title of some Irulas. Some families -of Kusavans (potters), who manufacture clay idols, are also known as -pujari. Puja occurs as a sub-division of the Gollas. Some criminal -Koravas travel in the guise of Pujaris, and style themselves Korava -Pujaris. - -Pula.--A sub-division of Cheruman. - -Pula (flowers).--An exogamous sept of Boya, Padma Sale and Yerukala. - -Pulan.--Barbers of Tamil origin, who have settled in Travancore. - -Pulavar.--A title of Occhan and Panisavan. - -Pulayan.--See Cheruman and Thanda Pulayan. - -Puli (tiger).--Recorded as an exogamous sept or gotra of Balija, -Golla, Kamma, and Medara. The equivalent Puliattanaya occurs as an -exogamous sept of Bant. - -Puliakodan.--A class of carpenters in Malabar, whose traditional -occupation is to construct oil mills. - -Puliasari.--A division of Malabar Kammalans, the members of which -do mason's work (puli, earth). Paravas who are engaged in a similar -calling are, in like manner, called Puli Kollan. - -Pulikkal.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-division of Nayar. - -Puliyan.--A sub-division of Nayar. - -Puliyattu.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as -synonymous with Pulikkappanikkan, a sub-division of Nayar. - -Pullakura (pot-herbs).--An exogamous sept of Idiga. - -Pulluvan.--The Pulluvans of Malabar are astrologers, medicine-men, -priests and singers in snake groves. The name is fancifully derived -from pullu, a hawk, because the Pulluvan is clever in curing the -disorders which pregnant women and babies suffer from through the evil -influence of these birds. The Pulluvans are sometimes called Vaidyans -(physicians). - -As regards the origin of the caste, the following tradition is -narrated. [114] Agni, the fire god, had made several desperate but vain -efforts to destroy the great primeval forest of Gandava. The eight -serpents which had their home in the forest were the chosen friends -of Indra, who sent down a deluge, and destroyed, every time, the fire -which Agni kindled in order to burn down the forest. Eventually Agni -resorted to a stratagem, and, appearing before Arjunan in the guise -of a Brahman, contrived to exact a promise to do him any favour he -might desire. Agni then sought the help of Arjunan in destroying -the forest, and the latter created a wonderful bow and arrows, which -cut off every drop of rain sent by Indra for the preservation of the -forest. The birds, beasts, and other creatures which lived therein, -fled in terror, but most of them were overtaken by the flames, and -were burnt to cinders. Several of the serpents also were overtaken -and destroyed, but one of them was rescued by the maid-servant of a -Brahman, who secured the sacred reptile in a pot, which she deposited -in a jasmine bower. When the Brahman came to hear of this, he had -the serpent removed, and turned the maid-servant adrift, expelling -at the same time a man-servant, so that the woman might not be alone -and friendless. The two exiles prospered under the protection of the -serpent, which the woman had rescued from the flames, and became the -founders of the Pulluvans. According to another story, when the great -Gandava forest was in conflagration, the snakes therein were destroyed -in the flames. A large five-hooded snake, scorched and burnt by the -fire, flew away in agony, and alighted at Kuttanad, which is said to -have been on the site of the modern town of Alleppey. Two women were -at the time on their way to draw water from a well. The snake asked -them to pour seven potfuls of water over him, to alleviate his pain, -and to turn the pot sideways, so that he could get into it. His -request was complied with, and, having entered the pot, he would -not leave it. He then desired one of the women to take him home, and -place him in a room on the west side of the house. This she refused -to do for fear of the snake, and she was advised to cover the mouth -of the pot with a cloth. The room, in which the snake was placed, -was ordered to be closed for a week. The woman's husband, who did not -know what had occurred, tried to open the door, and only succeeded by -exerting all his strength. On entering the room, to his surprise he -found an ant-hill, and disturbed it. Thereon the snake issued forth -from it, and bit him. As the result of the bite, the man died, and -his widow was left without means of support. The snake consoled her, -and devised a plan, by which she could maintain herself. She was -to go from house to house, and cry out "Give me alms, and be saved -from snake poisoning." The inmates would give, and the snakes, which -were troubling their houses, would cease from annoying them. For this -reason, a Pulluvan and his wife, when they go with their pulluva kudam -(pot-drum) to a house, are asked to sing, and given money. - -The Pulluvar females, Mr. T. K. Gopal Panikkar writes, [115] "take -a pretty large pitcher, and close its opening by means of a small -circular piece of thin leather, which is fastened on to the vessel -by means of strings strongly tied round its neck. Another string is -adjusted to the leather cover, which, when played on by means of the -fingers, produces a hoarse note, which is said to please the gods' -ears, pacify their anger, and lull them to sleep." In the Malabar -Gazetteer, this instrument is thus described. "It consists of an -earthenware chatty with its bottom removed, and entirely covered, -except the mouth, with leather. The portion of the leather which is -stretched over the bottom of the vessel thus forms a sort of drum, to -the centre of which a string is attached. The other end of the string -is fixed in the cleft of a stick. The performer sits cross-legged, -holding the chatty mouth downwards with his right hand, on his right -knee. The stick is held firmly under the right foot, resting on the -left leg. The performer strums on the string, which is thus stretched -tight, with a rude plectrum of horn, or other substance. The vibrations -communicated by the string to the tympanum produce a curious sonorous -note, the pitch of which can be varied by increasing or relaxing -the tension of the string." This musical instrument is carried from -house to house in the daytime by these Pulluvar females; and, placing -the vessel in a particular position on the ground, and sitting in -a particular fashion in relation to the vessel, they play on the -string, which then produces a very pleasant musical note. Then they -sing ballads to the accompaniment of these notes. After continuing -this for some time, they stop, and, getting their customary dues -from the family, go their own way. It is believed that the music, and -the ballads, are peculiarly pleasing to the serpent gods, who bless -those for whose sakes the music has been rendered." The Pulluvans also -play on a lute with snakes painted on the reptile skin, which is used -in lieu of parchment. The skin, in a specimen at the Madras Museum, -is apparently that of the big lizard Varanus bengalensis. The lute -is played with a bow, to which a metal bell is attached. - -The dwelling-houses of the Pulluvans are like those of the Izhuvans -or Cherumas. They are generally mud huts, with thatched roof, and a -verandah in front. - -When a girl attains maturity, she is placed apart in a room. On the -seventh day, she is anointed by seven young women, who give an offering -to the demons, if she is possessed by any. This consists of the bark -of a plantain tree made into the form of a triangle, on which small -bits of tender cocoanuts and little torches are fixed. This is waved -round the girl's head, and floated away on water. As regards marriage, -the Pulluvans observe both tali-kettu and sambandham. In the vicinity -of Palghat, members of the caste in the same village intermarry, -and have a prejudice against contracting alliances outside it. Thus, -the Pulluvans of Palghat do not intermarry with those of Mundur and -Kanghat, which are four and ten miles distant. It is said that, in -former days, intercourse between brother and sister was permitted. But, -when questioned on this point, the Pulluvans absolutely deny it. It -is, however, possible that something of the kind was once the case, -for, when a man belonging to another caste is suspected of incest, -it is said that he is like the Pulluvans. Should the parents of a -married woman have no objection to her being divorced, they give her -husband a piece of cloth called murikotukkuka. This signifies that -the cloth which he gave is returned, and divorce is effected. - -The Pulluvans follow the makkathayam law of inheritance (from father -to son). But they seldom have any property to leave, except their hut -and a few earthen pots. They have their caste assemblies (parichas), -which adjudicate on adultery, theft, and other offences. - -They believe firmly in magic and sorcery, and every kind of sickness -is attributed to the influence of some demon. Abortion, death of a -new-born baby, prolonged labour, or the death of the woman, fever, -want of milk in the breasts, and other misfortunes, are attributed -to malignant influences. When pregnant women, or even children, -walk out alone at midday, they are possessed by them, and may fall -in convulsions. Any slight dereliction, or indifference with regard -to the offering of sacrifices, is attended by domestic calamities, -and sacrifices of goats and fowls are requisite. More sacrifices -are promised, if the demons will help them in the achievement of an -object, or in the destruction of an enemy. In some cases the village -astrologer is consulted, and he, by means of his calculations, divines -the cause of an illness, and suggests that a particular disease or -calamity is due to the provocation of the family or other god, to whom -sacrifices or offerings have not been made. Under these circumstances, -a Velichapad, or oracle, is consulted. After bathing, and dressing -himself in a new mundu (cloth), he enters on the scene with a sword -in his hand, and his legs girt with small bells. Standing in front -of the deity in pious meditation, he advances with slow steps and -rolling eyes, and makes a few frantic cuts on his forehead. He is -already in convulsive shivers, and works himself up to a state of -frenzied possession, and utters certain disconnected sentences, which -are believed to be the utterances of the gods. Believing them to be the -means of cure or relief from calamity, those affected reverentially bow -before the Velichapad, and obey his commands. Sometimes they resort to -a curious method of calculating beforehand the result of a project, -in which they are engaged, by placing before the god two bouquets of -flowers, one red, the other white, of which a child picks out one with -its eyes closed. Selection of the white bouquet predicts auspicious -results, of the red the reverse. A man, who wishes to bring a demon -under his control, must bathe in the early morning for forty-one days, -and cook his own meals. He should have no association with his wife, -and be free from all pollution. Every night, after 10 o'clock, he -should bathe in a tank (pond) or river, and stand naked up to the loins -in the water, while praying to the god, whom he wishes to propitiate, -in the words "I offer thee my prayers, so that thou mayst bless me -with what I want." These, with his thoughts concentrated on the deity, -he should utter 101, 1,001, and 100,001 times during the period. Should -he do this, in spite of all obstacles and intimidation by the demons, -the god will grant his desires. It is said to be best for a man to be -trained and guided by a guru (preceptor), as, if proper precautions -are not adopted, the result of his labours will be that he goes mad. - -A Pulluvan and his wife preside at the ceremony called Pamban Tullal -to propitiate the snake gods of the nagattan kavus, or serpent -shrines. For this, a pandal (booth) is erected by driving four posts -into the ground, and putting over them a silk or cotton canopy. A -hideous figure of a huge snake is made on the floor with powders of -five colours. Five colours are essential, as they are visible on -the necks of snakes. Rice is scattered over the floor. Worship is -performed to Ganesa, and cocoanuts and rice are offered. Incense is -burnt, and a lamp placed on a plate. The members of the family go -round the booth, and the woman, from whom the devil has to be cast -out, bathes, and takes her seat on the western side, holding a bunch -of palm flowers. The Pulluvan and his wife begin the music, vocal and -instrumental, the woman keeping time with the pot-drum by striking -on a metal vessel. As they sing songs in honour of the snake deity, -the young female members of the family, who have been purified by a -bath, and are seated, begin to quiver, sway their heads to and fro in -time with the music, and the tresses of their hair are let loose. In -their state of excitement, they beat upon the floor, and rub out the -figure of the snake with palm flowers. This done, they proceed to -the snake-grove, and prostrate themselves before the stone images -of snakes, and recover consciousness. They take milk, water from a -tender cocoanut, and plantains. The Pulluvan stops singing, and the -ceremony is over. "Sometimes," Mr. Gopal Panikkar writes, "the gods -appear in the bodies of all these females, and sometimes only in those -of a select few, or none at all. The refusal of the gods to enter into -such persons is symbolical of some want of cleanliness in them: which -contingency is looked upon as a source of anxiety to the individual. - -It may also suggest the displeasure of these gods towards the family, -in respect of which the ceremony is performed. In either case, -such refusal on the part of the gods is an index of their ill-will -or dissatisfaction. In cases where the gods refuse to appear in any -one of those seated for the purpose, the ceremony is prolonged until -the gods are so properly propitiated as to constrain them to manifest -themselves. Then, after the lapse of the number of days fixed for the -ceremony, and, after the will of the serpent gods is duly expressed, -the ceremonies close." Sometimes, it is said, it may be considered -necessary to rub away the figure as many as 101 times, in which case -the ceremony is prolonged over several weeks. Each time that the -snake design is destroyed, one or two men, with torches in their -hands, perform a dance, keeping step to the Pulluvan's music. The -family may eventually erect a small platform or shrine in a corner of -their grounds, and worship at it annually. The snake deity will not, -it is believed, manifest himself if any of the persons, or articles -required for the ceremony, are impure, e.g., if the pot-drum has been -polluted by the touch of a menstruating female. The Pulluvan, from -whom a drum was purchased for the Madras Museum, was very reluctant -to part with it, lest it should be touched by an impure woman. - -The Pulluvans worship the gods of the Brahmanical temples, from a -distance, and believe in spirits of all sorts and conditions. They -worship Velayuthan, Ayyappa, Rahu, Muni, Chathan, Mukkan, Karinkutti, -Parakutti, and others. Muni is a well-disposed deity, to whom, -once a year, rice, plantains, and cocoanuts are offered. To Mukkan, -Karinkutti, and others, sheep and fowls are offered. A floral device -(padmam) is drawn on the floor with nine divisions in rice-flour, -on each of which a piece of tender cocoanut leaf, and a lighted wick -dipped in cocoanut oil, are placed. Parched rice, boiled beans, jaggery -(crude sugar), cakes, plantains, and toddy are offered, and camphor -and incense burnt. If a sheep has to be sacrificed, boiled rice is -offered, and water sprinkled over the head of the sheep before it is -killed. If it shakes itself, so that it frees itself from the water, -it is considered as a favourable omen. On every new-moon day, offerings -of mutton, fowls, rice-balls, toddy, and other things, served up on a -plantain leaf, are made to the souls of the departed. The celebrants, -who have bathed and cooked their own food on the previous day, -prostrate themselves, and say "Ye dead ancestors, we offer what we -can afford. May you take the gifts, and be pleased to protect us." - -The Pulluvans bury their dead. The place of burial is near a river, -or in a secluded spot near the dwelling of the deceased. The corpse -is covered with a cloth, and a cocoanut placed with it. Offerings of -rice-balls are made by the son daily for fifteen days, when pollution -ceases, and a feast is held. - -At the present day, some Pulluvans work at various forms of labour, -such as sowing, ploughing, reaping, fencing, and cutting timber, for -which they are paid in money or kind. They are, in fact, day-labourers, -living in huts built on the waste land of some landlord, for which they -pay a nominal ground-rent. They will take food prepared by Brahmans, -Nayars, Kammalans, and Izhuvas, but not that prepared by a Mannan -or Kaniyan. Carpenters and Izhuvas bathe when a Pulluvan has touched -them. But the Pulluvans are polluted by Cherumas, Pulayas, Paraiyans, -Ulladans, and others. The women wear the kacha, like Izhuva women, -folded twice, and worn round the loins, and are seldom seen with an -upper body-cloth. [116] - -Puluvan.--The Puluvans have been described [117] as "a small tribe -of cultivators found in the district of Coimbatore. Puluvans are -the learned men among the Coimbatore Vellalas, and are supposed -to be the depositaries of the poet Kamban's works. One authority -from Coimbatore writes that the traditional occupation of this -caste is military service, and derives the word from bhu, earth, -and valavan, a ruler; while another thinks that the correct word -is Puruvan, aborigines. Their girls are married usually after they -attain maturity. In the disposal of the dead, both cremation and -burial are in vogue, the tendency being towards the former. They -are flesh-eaters. Their customs generally resemble those of the -Konga Vellalas." - -The Puluvans call themselves Puluva Vellalas. - -Punamalli.--The name of a division of Vellalas derived from -Poonamallee, an old military station near Madras. - -Puni.--A sub-division of Golla. - -Punjala (cock, or male).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Puppalli.--See Unni. - -Puragiri Kshatriya.--A name assumed by some Perikes. - -Puramalai, Puramalainadu or Piramalainadu.--A territorial sub-division -of Kallan. - -Puranadi.--Barbers and priests of the Velans of Travancore, who are -also called Velakkuruppu. - -Purattu Charna.--A sub-division of Nayar. - -Purusha.--See Jogi Purusha. - -Pusa (beads).--A sub-division of Balija. A sub-division of the -Yerukalas is known as Pusalavadu, or sellers of glass beads. - -Pusali.--A title of Occhans, or pujaris (priests) at temples of Grama -Devatas (village deities). - -Pusapati.--The family name of the Maharajahs of Vizianagram. From the -Kshatriyas in Rajputana people of four gotrams are said to have come -to the Northern Circars several centuries ago, having the Pusapati -family at their head. [118] The name of the present Maharaja is Mirza -Rajah Sri Pusapati Viziarama Gajapati Raj Manya Sultan Bahadur Garu. - -Pushpakan.--A class of Ambalavasis in Malabar and Travancore. "As -their name (pushpam, a flower) implies, they are employed in bringing -flowers and garlands to the temples." [119] See Unni. - -Puthukka Nattar (people of the new country).--A sub-division of -Idaiyan. - -Putiya Islam.--Pu Islam or Putiya Islam is the name returned mostly -by Mukkuvans, in reference to their new conversion to the Muhammadan -faith. - -Putta (ant-hill).--An exogamous sept of Kamma, Kuruba, Mala, Medara, -and Padma Sale. 'White-ant' (Termites) hills are frequently worshipped -as being the abode of snakes. - -Puttiya.--A sub-division of Rona. - -Puttur.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-division of Nayar. - -Puzhi Tacchan (sand carpenter).--The name of a small section of -Malabar Kammalans. - - - - - - - -R - - -Racha (= Raja).--Racha or Rachu, signifying regal, occurs as the -title of various Telugu classes, for example, Balija, Golla, Kapu, -Konda Dora, Koya, Majjulu, and Velama. Some Perikes, who claim to be -Kshatriyas, call themselves Racha Perikes. Racha is further given as -an abbreviated form of Mutracha. - -Rachevar.--It is noted, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, that "there -are three broad distinctions founded on the traditional occupation, -but there are two main exclusive divisions of Telugu and Kannada -Rachevars. One set, called Ranagare, are military, and most of them -are found employed in His Highness the Maharaja's Rachevar and Bale -forces. The second, consisting of the Chitragaras or Bannagaras, make -good paintings, decorations, and lacquered ware and toys. The last -consists of the Sarige, or gold lace makers. These people claim to -be Kshatriyas--a pretension not generally acquiesced in by the other -castes. They trace their origin to a passage in Brahmanda Purana, -wherein it is said that, for an injury done to a Brahman, they were -condemned to follow mechanical occupations." In connection with recent -Dasara festivities at Mysore, I read that there were wrestling matches, -acrobatic feats, dumb-bell and figure exercises by Rachevars. - -In the Tanjore Manual it is noted that the Rachevars are "descendants -of immigrants from the Telugu country, who apparently followed the -Nayak viceroys of the Vijayanagar empire in the sixteenth century. They -are more or less jealous of the purity of their caste. Their language -is Telugu. They wear the sacred thread." - -In the city of Madras, and in other places in Tamil country, the -Rachevars are called Razus or Mucchis, who must not be confused with -the Mucchis of Mysore and the Ceded districts, who are shoe-makers, -and speak Marathi. In the Telugu country, there are two distinct -sections of Rachevars, viz., Saivite and Vaishnavite. The Saivite -Rachevars in the Kistna district style themselves Arya Kshatriyalu, -but they are commonly called Nakash-vandlu, which is a Hindustani -synonym of Chitrakara or Jinigiri-vandlu. The Vaishnavites are known -as Jinigiri-vandlu, and are said not to intermarry with the Saivites. - -Rafizi.--A term, meaning a forsaker, used by Sunni Muhammadans for -any sect of Shiahs. The name appears, in the Madras Census Report, -1901, as Rabjee. - -Ragala (ragi: Eleusine Coracana).--An exogamous sept of Chembadi, -Korava and Madiga. The equivalent Ragithannaya occurs as an exogamous -sept of Bant. Ragi grain constitutes the staple diet of the poorer -classes, who cannot afford rice, and of prisoners in jails, for -whom it is ground into flour, and boiled into a pudding about the -consistency of blanc-mange. The name is derived from raga, red, -in reference to the red colour of the grain. - -Raghindala (pipal: Ficus religiosa).--A gotra of Gollas, the members -of which are not allowed to use the leaves of this tree as food-plates. - -Rajakan.--A Sanskrit equivalent of Vannan (washerman). - -Rajamahendram.--The name, in reference to the town of Rajahmundry in -the Godavari district, of a sub-division of Balija. - -Rajamakan.--A Tamil synonym for the Telugu Razu. - -Rajavasal.--The name, denoting those who are servants of Rajas, -of a sub-division of Agamudaiyans, which has been transformed -into Rajavamsu, meaning those of kingly parentage. The equivalent -Rajavamsam is recorded, in the Census Report, 1901, as being returned -by some Maravans in Madura and Kurumbans in Trichinopoly. Rajakulam, -Rajabasha, or Rajaboga occurs as a sub-division of Agamudaiyan. - -Rajpinde.--See Arasu. - -Rajpuri.--The Rajpuris, or Rajapuris, are a Konkani-speaking -caste of traders and cultivators in South Canara. Concerning them, -Mr. H. A. Stuart writes as follows. [120] "The Rajapuris, also called -Balolikars, were originally traders, and perhaps have some claim -to be considered Vaisyas. In social status they admit themselves to -be inferior only to Brahmans. They wear the sacred thread, profess -the Saiva faith, and employ Karadi Brahmans as priests in all their -ceremonies. Their girls should be married before the age of puberty, -and marriage of widows is not permitted. The marriage ceremony -chiefly consists in the hands of the bride and bridegroom being united -together, and held by the bride's father while her mother pours water -over them. The water should first fall on the bride's hands, and then -flow on to those of the bridegroom. This takes place at the bride's -house. A curious feature in the ceremony is that for four days either -the bride or bridegroom should occupy the marriage bed; it must never -be allowed to become vacant. [This ceremony is called pajamadmai, or -mat marriage.] On the fourth day, the couple go to the bridegroom's -house, where a similar 'sitting' on the marriage bed takes place. They -are mostly vegetarians, rice being their chief food, but some use fish, -and rear fowls and goats for sale as food. Many are now cultivators." - -It may be noted that, among the Shivalli Brahmans, the mat is taken -to a tank in procession. The bride and bridegroom make a pretence of -catching fish, and, with linked hands, touch their foreheads. - -In the Madras Census Report, 1891, Rajapuri Konkanasta is given as -a synonym of the Rajapuris, who are said to be one of the sixty-six -classes of Konkanasta people, who inhabited the sixty-six villages of -the Konkan. In the Census Report, 1901, Kudaldeshkara and Kudlukara -are returned as sub-divisions of Rajapuri. The Kudlukaras are -Konkani-speaking confectioners, who follow the Brahmanical customs. - -Rajput.--The Rajputs (Sanskrit, raja-putra, son of a king) have -been defined [121] as "the warrior and land-owning race of Northern -India, who are also known as Thakur, lord, or Chhatri, the modern -representative of the ancient Kshatriya." At the Madras census, -1891 and 1901, the number of individuals, who returned themselves as -Rajputs, was 13,754 and 15,273. "It needs," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, -[122] "but a cursory examination of the sub-divisions returned under -the head Rajput to show that many of these individuals have no claim -whatever to the title of Rajput. The number of pure Rajputs in this -Presidency must be very small indeed, and I only mention the caste -in order to explain that the number of persons returning it is far -in excess of the actual number of Rajputs." Mr. Stuart writes further -[123] concerning the Rajputs of the North Arcot district that "there -are but few of this caste in the district, and they chiefly reside in -Vellore; a few families are also found in Chittoor and Tirupati. They -assert that they are true Kshatriyas who came from Rajputana with -the Muhammadan armies, and they, more than any other claimants to -a Kshatriya descent, have maintained their fondness for military -service. Almost all are sepoys or military pensioners. Their names -always end with Singh, and in many of their customs they resemble the -Muhammadans, speaking Hindustani, and invariably keeping their wives -gosha. They are often erroneously spoken of by the people as Bondilis, -a term which is applicable only to the Vaisya and Sudra immigrants -from Northern India; but doubtless many of these lower classes have -taken the title Singh, and called themselves Rajputs. Members of -the caste are, therefore, very suspicious of strangers professing -to be Rajputs. Their cooking apartment, called chowka, is kept most -religiously private, and a line is drawn round it, beyond which none -but members of the family itself may pass. At marriages and feasts, -for the same reason, cooked food is never offered to the guests, -but raw grain is distributed, which each cooks in a separate and -private place." - -It is noted, [124] in connection with the battle of Padmanabham -in the Vizagapatam district, in 1794, that "no correct list of the -wounded was ever procured, but no less than three hundred and nine -were killed. Of these two hundred and eight were Rajputs, and the -bodies of forty Rajputs, of the first rank in the country, formed a -rampart round the corpse of Viziarama Razu. Padmanabham will long be -remembered as the Flodden of the Rajputs of Vizianagram." - -Rakshasa (a mythological giant).--An exogamous sept of Toreya. - -Ralla (precious stones).--A sub-division of Balijas who cut, polish, -and trade in precious stones. A further sub-division into Mutiala -(pearl) and Kempulu (rubies) is said to exist. - -Ramadosa (Cucumis Melo: sweet melon).--A sept of Viramushti. - -Rama Kshatri.--A synonym of Servegara. - -Ramanuja.--Satanis style themselves people of the Ramanuja Matham -(religious sect) in reference to Ramanuja, the Tamil Brahman, who -founded the form of Vaishnavism which prevails in Southern India. - -Ranaratod.--An exogamous sept of the Kuruvikkarans, who call themselves -Ratodi. - -Ranaviran.--A name, meaning a brave warrior, returned by some -Chakkiliyans. - -Randam Parisha (second party).--A section of Elayad. - -Rangari.--The Rangaris are summed up, in the Madras Census Report, -1891, as being "a caste of dyers and tailors found in almost all the -Telugu districts. They are of Maratha origin, and still speak that -language. They worship the goddess Ambabhavani. The dead are either -burned or buried. Their title is Rao." - -In an account of the Rangaris of the North Arcot district, -Mr. H. A. Stuart writes that "Rangari is a caste of dyers, chiefly -found in Walajapet. They claim to be Kshatriyas, who accompanied -Rama in his conquest of Ceylon, from which fact one of their names, -Langari (lanka, the island, i.e., Ceylon), is said to be derived. Rama, -for some reason or other, became incensed against, and persecuted -them. Most were destroyed, but a respectable Kshatriya lady saved -her two sons by taking off their sacred threads and causing one -to pretend that he was a tailor sewing, and the other that he -was a dyer, colouring his thread with the red betel nut and leaf, -which she hurriedly supplied out of her mouth. The boys became the -progenitors of the caste, the members of which now wear the thread. The -descendants of the one brother are tailors, and of the other, the -most numerous, dyers. Their chief feasts are the Dassara and Kaman, -the former celebrated in honour of the goddess Tuljabhavani and the -latter of Manmada, the Indian Cupid, fabled to have been destroyed -by the flame of Siva's third eye. During the Kaman feast, fires of -combustible materials are lighted, round which the votaries gather, -and, beating their mouths, exclaim 'laba, laba', lamenting the death of -Cupid. In this feast Rajputs, Mahrattas, Bondilis, and Guzeratis also -join. The Rangaris speak Marathi, which they write in the northern -character, and name Poona and Sholapur as the places in which they -originally resided. In appearance they do not at all resemble the -other claimants to Kshatriya descent, the Razus and Rajputs, for they -are poorly developed and by no means handsome. Widow remarriage is -permitted where children have not been born, but remarried widows are -prohibited from taking part in religious processions, which seems a -sign that the concession has been reluctantly permitted. In most of -their customs they differ but little from the Razus, eating meat and -drinking spirits, but not keeping their women gosha." - -All the Rangaris examined by me at Adoni in the Bellary district were -tailors. Like other Maratha classes they had a high cephalic index -(av. 79; max. 92), and it was noticeable that the breadth of the head -exceeded 15 cm. in nine out of thirty individuals. - -In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Bahusagara, Malla or Mulla, and -Namdev are given as synonyms, and Chimpiga (tailor) and Unupulavadu -(dyer) as sub-castes of Rangari. - -Raniyava.--The Raniyavas are Canarese-speaking Holeyas, who are found -near Kap, Karkal, Mudibidri, and Mulki in South Canara. They consider -themselves to be superior to the Tulu-speaking Holeyas, such as the -Mari and Mundala Holeyas. - -The Raniyavas regard Virabadra Swami as their tribal deity, and also -worship Mari, to whom they sacrifice a buffalo periodically. The bhuta -(devil), which is most commonly worshipped, is Varthe. They profess -to be Saivites, because they are the disciples of the Lingayat priest -at Gurupur. - -Marriage is, as a rule, infant, though the marriage of adult girls is -not prohibited. The marriage rites are celebrated beneath a pandal -(booth) supported by twelve pillars. As among the Tulu castes, the -chief item in the marriage ceremony is the pouring of water over the -united hands of the bridal couple, who are not, like the Canarese -Holeyas in Mysore, separated by a screen. - -Women who are found guilty of adultery, or of illicit intercourse -before marriage, are not allowed to wear bangles, nose-screw, or -black bead necklaces, and are treated like widows. Men who have been -proved guilty of seduction are not allowed to take part in the caste -council meetings. - -On the occasion of the first menstrual period, a girl is under -pollution for twelve days. Eleven girls pour water over her head -daily. On the thirteenth day, the castemen are fed, and, if the girl -is married, consummation takes place. - -Married men and women are cremated, and unmarried persons buried. On -the day of death, toddy must be given to those who assemble. Cooked -meat and food are offered to the deceased on the third, seventh, and -thirteenth days, and, on the seventh day, toddy must be freely given. - -Rao.--The title of Desastha Brahmans, and various Maratha classes, -Jains, and Servegaras. Some Perikes, who claim Kshatriya origin, -have also assumed Rao (=Raya, king) instead of the more humble Anna -or Ayya as a title. - -Rarakkar.--The Rarakkars or Vicharakkars are exorcisers for the -Kuravans of Travancore. - -Rati (stone).--A sub-division of Odde. - -Ratna (precious stones).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. The equivalent -Ratnala is a synonym of Ralla Balijas, who deal in precious stones. - -Rattu.--A sub-division of Kaikolan. - -Ravari.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a trading -section of the Nayars. The word is said to be a corruption of Vyapari, -meaning trader. The equivalent Raveri occurs as a class inhabiting -the Laccadive islands. - -Ravi Chettu (pipal tree: Ficus religiosa).--An exogamous sept of -Kalingi. The pipal or aswatha tree may be seen, in many South Indian -villages, with a raised platform round it, before which Hindus remove -their shoes, and bow down. On the platform, village council meetings -are often held. It is believed that male offspring will be given to -childless couples, if they celebrate a marriage of the pipal with -the nim tree (Melia Azadirachta). - -Ravulo.--It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that -"there are three castes of temple servants among the Oriyas, the -Ravulos, the Malis and the Munis. The Ravulos blow conches (shells of -Turbinella rapa) in the Saivite temples and at Brahmans' weddings, sell -flowers, and regard themselves as superior to the other two. The Malis -do service in Saivite or Vaishnavite temples and sell flowers, but the -Munis are employed only in the temples of the village goddesses. Among -the Ravulos, infant marriage is compulsory, but widow marriage is -allowed, and also divorce in certain cases. A curious account is -given of the punishment sometimes inflicted by the caste panchayat -(council) on a man who ill-treats and deserts his wife. He is made to -sit under one of the bamboo coops with which fish are caught, and his -wife sits on the top of it. Five pots of water are then poured over -the pair of them in imitation of the caste custom of pouring five pots -of water over a dead body before it is taken to the burning-ground, -the ceremony taking place in the part of the house where a corpse -would be washed. The wife then throws away a ladle, and breaks a -cooking-pot just as she would have done had her husband really been -dead, and further breaks her bangles and tears off her necklace, -just as would have been done if she was really a widow. Having thus -signified that her husband is dead to her, she goes straight off to -her parents' house, and is free to marry again. Some Ravulos wear -the sacred thread. They employ Brahmans as priests for religious and -ceremonial purposes. They eat fish and meat, though not beef or fowls, -but do not drink alcohol. Nowadays many of them are earth-workers, -cart-drivers, bricklayers, carpenters and day labourers." It is -further noted, in the Census Report, that Mali is "an Oriya caste of -vegetable growers and sellers, and cultivators. Also a caste belonging -to Bengal and Orissa, the people of which are garland makers and -temple servants. The statistics confuse the two." In an account of -the Ravulos, as given to me, Ravulos, Munis, and Malis are not three -castes, but one caste. The Munis are said to worship, among others, -Munis or Rishis, Sakti, Siva, and Ganesa. A Muni, named Sarala Doss, -was the author of the most popular Oriya version of the Mahabharata, -and he is known as Sudra Muni, the Sudra saint. - -Ravulo occurs further as a title of Kurumos who officiate as priests -in Siva temples in Ganjam, and Muni as a title of the Sipiti temple -servants. - -Ravutan.--Ravutan, or Rowthan, is a title used by Labbai, Marakkayar, -and Jonagan Muhammadans. The equivalent Ravut or Raut has been recorded -as a sub-caste of Balija, and a title of Kannadiyan. - -Raya Rauturu.--The name of certain chunam [lime] burners in Mysore. - -Rayan.--A title assumed by some Pallis or Vanniyans, who wear the -sacred thread, and claim to be Kshatriyas. - -Rayi (stone).--An exogamous sept of Mala. - -Razu.--The Razus, or Rajus, are stated, in the Madras Census Report, -1901, to be "perhaps descendants of the military section of the Kapu, -Kamma, and Velama castes. At their weddings they worship a sword, -which is a ceremony which usually denotes a soldier caste. They say -they are Kshatriyas, and at marriages use a string made of cotton and -wool, the combination peculiar to Kshatriyas, to tie the wrist of the -happy couple. But they eat fowls, which a strict Kshatriya would not -do, and their claims are not universally admitted by other Hindus. They -have three endogamous sub-divisions, viz., Murikinati, Nandimandalam, -and Suryavamsam, of which the first two are territorial." According to -another version, the sub-divisions are Surya (sun), Chandra (moon), -and Nandimandalam. In a note on the Razus of the Godavari district, -the Rev. J. Cain sub-divides them into Suryavamsapu, Chandravamsapu, -Veliveyabadina, or descendants of excommunicated Suryavamsapu and -Razulu. It may be noted that some Konda Doras call themselves Raja -(= Razu) Kapus or Reddis, and Suryavamsam (of the solar race). "In -the Godavari delta," Mr. Cain writes, "there are several families -called Basava Razulu, in consequence, it is said, of their ancestors -having accidentally killed a basava or sacred bull. As a penalty for -this crime, before a marriage takes place in these families, they are -bound to select a young bull and young cow, and cause these two to -be duly married first, and then they are at liberty to proceed with -their own ceremony." - -Of the Razus, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes [125] that "this is a Telugu -caste, though represented by small bodies in some of the Tamil -districts. They are most numerous in Cuddapah and North Arcot, -to which districts they came with the Vijayanagar armies. It is -evident that Razu has been returned by a number of individuals who, -in reality, belong to other castes, but claim to be Kshatriyas. The -true Razus also make this claim, but it is, of course, baseless, -unless Kshatriya is taken to mean the military class without any -reference to Aryan origin. In religion they are mostly Vaishnavites, -and their priests are Brahmans. They wear the sacred thread, and in -most respects copy the marriage and other customs of the Brahmans." The -Razus, Mr. Stuart writes further, [126] are "the most numerous class -of those who claim to be Kshatriyas in North Arcot. They are found -almost entirely in the Karvetnagar estate, the zemindar being the head -of the caste. As a class they are the handsomest and best developed -men in the country, and differ so much in feature and build from other -Hindus that they may usually be distinguished at a glance. They seem to -have entirely abandoned the military inclinations of their ancestors, -never enlist in the native army, and almost wholly occupy themselves in -agriculture. Their vernacular is Telugu, since they are immigrants from -the Northern Circars, from whence most of them followed the ancestors -of the Karvetnagar zamindar within the last two centuries. In religion -they are mostly Vaishnavites, though a few follow Siva, and the worship -of village deities forms a part of the belief of all. Their peculiar -goddess is called Nimishamba who would seem to represent Parvati. She -is so called because in an instant (nimisham) she once appeared at -the prayer of certain rishis, and destroyed some rakshasas or giants -who were persecuting them. Claiming to be Kshatriyas, the Razus of -course assume the sacred thread, and are very proud and particular -in their conduct, though flesh-eating is allowed. In all the more -well-to-do families the females are kept in strict seclusion." - -In the Vizagapatam district Razus are recognised as belonging to -two classes, called Konda (hill) and Bhu (plains) Razu. The former -are further divided into the following sections, to which various -zamindars belong:--Konda, Kodu, Gaita, Muka, Yenati. The Konda Razus -are believed to be hill chiefs, who have, in comparatively recent -times, adopted the title of Razu. - -For the following note on the Razus of the Godavari district, I am -indebted to Mr. F. R. Hemingway. "They say they are Kshatriyas, -wear the sacred thread, have Brahmanical gotras, decline to eat -with other non-Brahmans, and are divided into the three classes, -Surya (sun), Chandra (moon), and Machi (fish). Of these, the first -claim to be descended from the kings of Oudh, and to be of the same -lineage as Rama; the second, from the kings of Hastinapura, of the -same line as the Pandavas; and the third, from Hanuman (the monkey -god) and a mermaid. Their women observe a very strict rule of gosha, -and this is said to be carried so far that a man may not see his -younger brother's wife, even if she is living in the same house, -without violating the gosha rule. The betrothal ceremony is called -nirnaya bhojanam, or meal of settlement. Written contracts of marriage -(subha reka) are exchanged. The wedding is performed at the bride's -house. At the pradanam ceremony, no bonthu (turmeric thread) is tied -round the bride's neck. The bridegroom has to wear a sword throughout -the marriage ceremonies, and he is paraded round the village with it -before they begin. The gosha rule prevents his womenfolk from attending -the marriage, and the bride has to wear a veil. The ceremonies, unlike -those of other castes, are attended with burnt offerings of rice, -etc. Among other castes, the turmeric-dyed thread (kankanam), which is -tied round the wrists of the contracting couple, is of cotton; among -the Razus it is of wool and cotton. The Razus are chiefly employed -in cultivation. Some of them are said to attain no small proficiency -in Telugu and Sanskrit scholarship. Zamindars of this caste regard -Kali as their patron deity. The Razus of Amalapuram specially adore -Lakshmi. Some peculiarities in their personal appearance may be -noted. Their turbans are made to bunch out at the left side above -the ear, and one end hangs down behind. They do not shave any part of -their heads, and allow long locks to hang down in front of the ears." - -A colony of Razus is settled at, and around Rajapalaiyam in the -Tinnevelly district. They are said to have migrated thither four or -five centuries ago with a younger brother of the King of Vizianagram, -who belonged to the Pusapati exogamous sept. To members of this and the -Gottimukkula sept special respect is paid on ceremonial occasions. The -descendants of the original emigrants are said to have served under -southern chieftains, especially Tirumala Naick. Concerning the origin -of the village Rajapalaiyam the following legend is narrated. One -Chinna Raju, a lineal descendant of the Kings of Vizianagram, settled -there with others of his caste, and went out hunting with a pack of -hounds. When they reached the neighbouring hill Sanjiviparvatham, -they felt thirsty, but could find no water. They accordingly prayed -to Krishna, who at once created a spring on the top of the hill. After -quenching their thirst thereat, they proceeded westward to the valley, -and the god informed them that there was water there, with which they -might again quench their thirst, and that their dogs would there be -attacked by hares. At this spot, which they were to consider sacred -ground, they were to settle down. The present tank to the westward of -Rajapalaiyam, and the chavadi (caste meeting-place) belonging to the -Pusapatis are said to indicate the spot where they originally settled. - -The Rajapalaiyam Razus have four gotras, named after Rishis, i.e., -Dhananjaya, Kasyapa, Kaundinya and Vasishta, which are each sub-divided -into a number of exogamous septs, named after villages, etc. They are -all Vadagalai or Tengalai Vaishnavites, but also worship Ayanar, and -send kavadi (portable canopy) to Palni in performance of vows. Their -family priests are Brahmans. - -The betrothal ceremony of the Razus of Rajapalaiyam is generally -carried out at the house of the girl. On a raised platform within -a pandal (booth), seven plates filled with plantain fruits, betel, -turmeric, cocoanuts, and flowers are placed. A plate containing -twenty-five rupees, and a ravike (female cloth), is carried by a -Brahman woman, and set in front of the girl. All the articles are -then placed in her lap, and the ceremony is consequently called odi -or madi ninchadam (lap-filling). - -The girl's hair is decked with flowers, and she is smeared with -sandal and turmeric. A certain quantity of paddy (unhusked rice) and -beans of Phaseolus Mungo are given to the Brahman woman, a portion of -which is set apart as sacred, some of the paddy being added to that -which is stored in the granary. The remainder of the paddy is husked -in a corner of the pandal, and the beans are ground in a mill. On -the marriage morning, the bride's party, accompanied by musicians, -carry to the house of the bridegroom a number of baskets containing -cocoanuts, plantains, betel, and a turban. The bridegroom goes with -a purohit (priest), and men and women of his caste, to a well, close -to which are placed some milk and the nose-screw of a woman closely -related to him. All the women sprinkle some of the milk over his head, -and some of them draw water from the well. The bridegroom bathes, -and dresses up. Just before their departure from the well, rice -which has been dipped therein is distributed among the women. At the -bridegroom's house the milk-post, usually made from a branch of the -vekkali (Anogeissus latifolia) tree, is tied to a pillar supporting -the roof of the marriage dais. To the top of the milk-post a cross-bar -is fixed, to one arm of which a cloth bundle containing a cocoanut, -betel and turmeric, is tied. The post is surmounted by leafy mango -twigs. Just before the milk-post is set up, cocoanuts are offered to -it, and a pearl and piece of coral are placed in a hole scooped out -at its lower end. The bundle becomes the perquisite of the carpenter -who has made the post. Only Brahmans, Razus and the barber musicians -are allowed to sit on the dais. After the distribution of betel, the -bridegroom and his party proceed to the house of the bride, where, in -like manner, the milk-post is set up. They then return to his house, -and the bridegroom has his face and head shaved, and nails pared by -a barber, who receives as his fee two annas and the clothes which -the bridegroom is wearing. After a bath, the bridegroom is conducted -to the chavadi, where a gaudy turban is put on his head, and he is -decorated with jewels and garlands. In the course of the morning, -the purohit, holding the right little finger of the bridegroom, -conducts him to the dais, close to which rice, rice stained yellow, -rice husk, jaggery (crude sugar), wheat bran, and cotton seed are -placed. The Brahmanical rites of punyahavaachanam (purification), -jatakarma (birth ceremony), namakaranam (name ceremony), chaulam -(tonsure), and upanayanam (thread ceremony) are performed. But, instead -of Vedic chants, the purohit recites slokas specially prepared for -non-Brahman castes. At the conclusion of these rites, the bridegroom -goes into the house, and eats a small portion of sweet cakes and -other articles, of which the remainder is finished off by boys and -girls. This ceremony is called pubanthi. The Kasiyatra (mock flight -to Benares) or Snathakavritham is then performed. Towards evening -the bridegroom, seated in a palanquin, goes to the bride's house, -taking with him a tray containing an expensive woman's cloth, the -tali tied to gold thread, and a pair of gold bracelets. When they -reach the house, the women who have accompanied the bridegroom throw -paddy over those who have collected at the entrance thereto, by whom -the compliment is returned. The bridegroom takes his seat on the dais, -and the bride is conducted thither by her brothers. A wide-meshed green -curtain is thrown over her shoulders, and her hands are pressed over -her eyes, and held there by one of her brothers, so that she cannot -see. Generally two brothers sit by her side, and, when one is tired, -the other relieves him. The purohit invests the bridegroom with a -second thread as a sign of marriage. Damp rice is scattered from a -basket all round the contracting couple, and the tali, after it has -been blessed by Brahmans, is tied round the neck of the bride by the -bridegroom and her brothers. At the moment when the tali is tied, -the bride's hands are removed from her face, and she is permitted -to see her husband. The pair then go round the dais, and the bride -places her right foot thrice on a grindstone. Their little fingers -are linked, and their cloths tied together. Thus united, they are -conducted to a room, in which fifty pots, painted white and with -various designs on them, are arranged in rows. In front of them, -two pots, filled with water, are placed, and, in front of the two -pots, seven lamps. Round the necks of these pots, bits of turmeric -are tied. They are called avareti kundalu or avireni kundalu, and are -made to represent minor deities. The pots are worshipped by the bridal -couple, and betel is distributed among the Brahmans and Razus, of whom -members of the Pusapati and Gottimukkala septs take precedence over the -others. On the following day, the purohit teaches the sandyavandhanam -(morning and evening ablutions), which is, however, quite different -from the Brahmanical rite. On the morning of the third or nagavali -day, a quantity of castor-oil seed is sent by the bride's people to -the bridegroom's house, and returned. The bride and bridegroom go, -in a closed and open palanquin, respectively, to the house of the -former. They take their seats on the dais, and the bride is once -more blindfolded. In front of them, five pots filled with water -are arranged in the form of a quincunx. Lighted lamps are placed by -the side of each of the corner pots. On the lids of the pots five -cocoanuts, plantains, pieces of turmeric, and betel are arranged, and -yellow thread is wound seven times round the corner pots. The pots -are then worshipped, and the bridegroom places on the neck of the -bride a black bead necklace, which is tied by the Brahman woman. In -front of the bridegroom some salt, and in front of the bride some -paddy is heaped up. An altercation arises between the bridegroom and -the brother of the bride as to the relative values of the two heaps, -and it is finally decided that they are of equal value. The bridal -pair then enter the room, in which the avireni pots are kept, and -throw their rings into one of the pots which is full of water. The -bridegroom has to pick out therefrom, at three dips, his own ring, -and his brother-in-law that of the bride. The purohit sprinkles water -over the heads of the pair, and their wrist-threads (kankanam) are -removed. They then sit in a swing on the pandal for a short time, -and the ceremonies conclude with the customary waving of coloured -water (arati) and distribution of betel. During the marriage ceremony, -Razu women are not allowed to sit in the pandal. The wives of the more -well-to-do members of the community remain gosha within their houses, -and, strictly speaking, a woman should not see her husband during the -daytime. Many of the women, however, go freely about the town during -the day, and go to the wells to fetch water for domestic purposes. - -The Razus of Rajapalaiyam have Razu as the agnomen, and, like other -Telugu classes, take the gotra for the first name, e.g., Yaraguntala -Mudduswami Razu, Gottimukkala Krishna Razu. The women adhere with -tenacity to the old forms of Telugu jewelry. The Razus, in some -villages, seem to object to the construction of a pial in front of -their houses. The pial, or raised platform, is the lounging place -by day, where visitors are received. The Razus, as has been already -stated, claim to be Kshatriyas, so other castes should not sit in their -presence. If pials were constructed, such people might sit thereon, -and so commit a breach of etiquette. - -In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Rajamakan is given as a Tamil -synonym for Razu, and Razu is returned as a title of the Bagata -fishermen of Vizagapatam. Razu is, further, a general name of the -Bhatrazus. - -Reddi.--See Kapu. - -Reddi Bhumi (Reddi earth).--A sub-division of Mala, Mangala, and -Tsakala. - -Rela (fig. Ficus, sp.).--A gotra of Medara. - -Relli.--See Haddi. - -Rendeddu.--A sub-division of Ganigas or Gandlas, who use two bullocks -for their oil-pressing mill. - -Rokkam (ready money).--An exogamous sept of Komati. - -Rolan.--Rolan, or Roli Cheruman, is a sub-division of Cheruman. - -Rona.--The Ronas are a class of Oriya-speaking hill cultivators, who -are said [127] to "hold a position superior in the social scale to the -Parjas (Porojas), from whom, by compulsion and cajolery, they have -gotten unto themselves estates. They are not of very long standing -(in Jeypore). Every Parja village head is still able to point out -the fields that have been taken from him to form the Rona hamlet; -and, if he is in antagonism with a neighbouring Parja village on the -subject of boundaries, he will include the fields occupied by the Rona -as belonging de jure to his demesne." In the Madras Census Report, -1891, it is noted that "the Ronas are supposed to be the descendants -of Ranjit, the great warrior of Orissa. In social status they are -said to be a little inferior to the so-called Kshatriyas. Some of -them serve as armed retainers and soldiers of the native chiefs, -and some are engaged in trade and cultivation." - -For the following note I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The word -rona means battle. According to a tradition current among the Ronas, -their ancestors, who were seven brothers, came many generations ago -to Nundapur, the former capital of the Rajas of Jeypore, and made -their first settlement in Borra. - -The caste is divided into four endogamous divisions, viz.:-- - - -(1) Rona Paiko. -(2) Odiya Paiko, said to rank a little higher than the preceding. -(3) Kottiya Paiko, the descendants of Rona Paikos and women of - hill tribes. -(4) Pattiya Paik, the descendants of Kottiya Paikos and women of - hill tribes. - - -As examples of septs among the Ronas, the following may be cited:--Kora -(sun), Bhag (tiger), Nag (cobra), Khinbudi (bear), and Matsya (fish). - -When a girl reaches puberty, she is placed apart in a portion of -the house where she cannot be seen by males, even of the household, -and sits in a space enclosed by seven arrows connected together by -a thread. On the seventh day she bathes, and is presented with a -new cloth. It is customary for a man to marry his paternal uncle's -daughter. At the time of marriage, the bridegroom's party repair to -the house of the bride with a sheep, goat, rice, and a female cloth -with a rupee placed on it, and four quarter-anna bits inserted within -its fold. The cloth and money are taken by the bride's mother, and -the animals and rice are used for a feast. On the following day, the -bride goes to the house of the bridegroom, in front of which a pandal -(booth), made out of nine poles of the neredu tree (Eugenia Jambolana) -has been set up. At the auspicious hour, which has been fixed by the -Desari who officiates, in the absence of a Brahman, at the marriage -rites, the bride and bridegroom take their seats in the pandal with a -curtain between them. The Desari joins their hands together, and ties -to the ends of their cloths a new cloth to which a quarter-anna piece -is attached, betel leaves and nuts, and seven grains of rice. The -curtain is then removed, and the pair enter the house. The knotted -new cloth is removed, and kept in the house during the next two days, -being untied and re-tied every morning. On the third day, the couple -again come within the pandal, and the new cloth is again tied to -them. They are bathed together in turmeric water, and the cloth is -then untied for the last time. The rice is examined to see if it -is in a good state of preservation, and its condition is regarded -as an omen for good or evil. The remarriage of widows is permitted, -and a younger brother usually marries the widow of his elder brother. - -There is for all the Ronas a headman of their caste, called Bhatho -Nayako, at Nundapur, who decides offences, such as eating in the house -of a man of inferior caste, and performs the ceremonial cleansing of -a man who has been beaten with a shoe. Divorce and civil suits are -settled by a caste council. - -The Ronas worship the deity Takurani. They wear the sacred thread, -and are said to have bought the right to do so from a former Raja -of Jeypore. They also wear a necklace of tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) -beads. The necklace is first tied on by Oriya Brahmans from Orissa, -or Vaishnava Brahmans from Srikurmam in Ganjam, who pay periodic visits -to the community, and receive presents of money and food. Rona Paikos -will eat at the hands of Brahmans only, whereas Puttiya Paikos will -eat in the houses of Koronos, Malis, Kummaras, and Gaudos. All eat -animal food, beef and pork excepted. - -Some Ronas are still the armed retainers of the Jeypore Rajas, and -their forefathers were versed in the use of the matchlock. Some Ronas -at the present day use bows and arrows. The caste title is Nayako. - -Ronguni.--The Rongunis are Oriya dyers and weavers. The caste name is -derived from rangu, dye. A noticeable fact is that they do not eat -flesh of any kind, but are vegetarians, pure and simple. They have -various titles, e.g., Behara, Daso, Prushti, and Sahu, of which some -practically constitute exogamous septs. - -Rottala (bread).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Rowthan.--See Ravutan. - -Rudra.--One of the various names of Siva. A sub-division of Palli. - -Rudrakshala (the drupe of Elæocarpus Ganitrus).--An exogamous sept of -Karna Sales. The drupes are polished, and worn as a rosary or necklet -by Saivite Brahmans, Pandarams, Nattukottai Chettis, and others. They -are supposed to be the tears of ecstasy which Siva (Rudra) once shed, -and are consequently sacred to him. They have a number of lobes -(or faces), varying from one to six, divided externally by deep -furrows. Those with five lobes are the most common, but those with -one (eka mukha) or six (shan mukha) are very rare, and have been -known to be sold for a thousand rupees. One form of the drupe is -called Gauri shanka, and is worn in a golden receptacle by Dikshitar -Brahmans at Chidambaram, and by some Pandarams who are managers -of matams (religious institutions). The plate represents a Telugu -Saivite Vaidiki Brahman clad in a coat of rudraksha beads, wearing -a head-dress of the same, and holding in his hand wooden castanets, -which are played as an accompaniment to his songs. Until he became too -old to bear the weight, he wore also a loin-cloth made of these beads. - -Runzu.--Runzu, Runza, or Runja is the name of a class of Telugu -mendicants, who beat a drum called runjalu, and beg only from Kamsalas -(q.v.). - - - - - - - -S - - -Sachchari.--A synonym of Relli. Another form of the word Chachchadi. - -Sadaru.--A sub-division of Lingayats, found mainly in the -Bellary and Anantapur districts, where they are largely engaged in -cultivation. Some Bedars or Boyas, who live amidst these Lingayats, -call themselves Sadaru. It is noted in the Mysore Census Reports that -the Sadas are "cultivators and traders in grain. A section of these -Sadas has embraced Lingayatism, while the others are still within -the pale of Hinduism." - -Saddikudu (cold rice or food).--An exogamous sept of Golla. - -Sadhana Surulu.--Sadhanasura is recorded, in the Madras Census -Report, 1901, as a synonym of Samayamuvadu. In a note on this class -of itinerant mendicants, Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao states that, unlike -the Samayamuvaru, they are attached only to the Padma Sale section -of the Sale caste. "They say," he writes, "that their name is an -abbreviated form of Renuka Sakthini Sadhinchinavaru, i.e., those who -conquered Renuka Sakthi. According to tradition, Renuka was the mother -of Parasurama, one of the avatars of Vishnu, and is identified with -the goddess Yellamma, whom the Padma Sales revere. The Sadhana Surulu -are her votaries. Ages ago, it is said, they prayed to her on behalf -of the Padma Sales, and made her grant boons to them. Since that -time they have been treated with marked respect by the Padma Sales, -who pay them annually four annas, and see to their marriages." - -Sadhu (meek or quiet).--A sub-division or exogamous sept of Ganiga -and Padma Sale. The equivalent Sadhumatam has been recorded, at -times of census, by Janappans. The name Sadhu is applied to ascetics -or Bairagis. - -Sagarakula.--A synonym of the Upparas, who claim descent from a king -Sagara Chakravarthi of the Mahabharata. - -Sahavasi.--The Sahavasis are described, in the Mysore Census Report, -1891, as "immigrants like the Chitpavanas. Sahavasi means co-tenant or -associate, and the name is said to have been earned by the community -in the following manner. In remote times a certain Brahman came upon -hidden treasure, but, to his amazement, the contents appeared in -his eye to be all live scorpions. Out of curiosity, he hung one of -them outside his house. A little while after, a woman of inferior -caste, who was passing by the house, noticed it to be gold, and, -upon her questioning him about it, the Brahman espoused her, and by -her means was able to enjoy the treasure. He gave a feast in honour -of his acquisition of wealth. He was subsequently outcasted for his -mésalliance with the low caste female, while those that ate with him -were put under a ban, and thus acquired the nickname." - -Sahu.--A title of Bolasis, Godiyas, and other Oriya castes. - -Saindla (belonging to the death-house).--A sub-division of Mala. - -Sajjana (good men).--A synonym of Lingayat Ganigas. - -Sajje (millet: Setaria italica).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Sakala.--See Tsakala. - -Sakkereya.--Some Upparas style themselves Mel (western) -Sakkereya-varu. Their explanation is that they used to work in salt, -which is more essential than sugar, and that Mel Sakkare means -superior sugar. - -Sakuna Pakshi.--For the following note on the Sakuna Pakshi -(prophetic bird) mendicant caste of Vizagapatam, I am indebted to -Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The name of the caste is due to the fact that -the members of the caste wear on their heads a plume composed of -the feathers of a bird called palagumma, which is probably Coracias -indica, the Indian roller, or "blue jay" of Europeans. This is one of -the birds called sakuna pakshi, because they are supposed to possess -the power of foretelling events, and on their movements many omens -depend. Concerning the roller, Jerdon writes [128] that "it is sacred -to Siva, who assumed its form, and, at the feast of the Dasserah at -Nagpore, one or more used to be liberated by the Rajah, amidst the -firing of cannon and musketry, at a grand parade attended by all the -officers of the station. Buchanan Hamilton also states that, before -the Durga Puja, the Hindus of Calcutta purchase one of these birds, -and, at the time when they throw the image of Durga into the river, -set it at liberty. It is considered propitious to see it on this day, -and those who cannot afford to buy one discharge their matchlocks to -put it on the wing." - -According to their own account, the Sakuna Pakshis are Telagas who -emigrated to Vizagapatam from Peddapuram in the Godavari district. - -A member of the caste, before proceeding on a begging expedition, -rises early, and has a cold meal. He then puts the Tengalai Vaishnava -namam mark on his forehead, slings on his left shoulder a deer-skin -pouch for the reception of the rice and other grain which will be -given him as alms, and takes up his little drum (gilaka or damaraka) -made of frog's skin. It is essential for a successful day's begging -that he should first visit a Mala house or two, after which he begs -from other castes, going from house to house. - -The members combine with begging the professions of devil-dancer, -sorcerer, and quack doctor. Their remedy for scorpion sting -is well-known. It is the root of a plant called thella visari -(scorpion antidote), which the Sakuna Pakshis carry about with -them on their rounds. The root should be collected on a new-moon -day which falls on a Sunday. On that day, the Sakuna Pakshi bathes, -cuts off his loin-string, and goes stark naked to a selected spot, -where he gathers the roots. If a supply thereof is required, and the -necessary combination of moon and day is not forthcoming, the roots -should be collected on a Sunday or Wednesday. - -Salangukaran.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Salangaikaran is -returned as a synonym of Karaiyan or Sembadavan fishermen. The word -salangu or slangu is used for pearl fisheries, and Salangukaran is, -I imagine, a name applied to pearl divers. - -Salapu.--The Salapus are a small caste of Telugu weavers in -Vizagapatam, for the following note on whom I am indebted to -Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The name Salapu seems to be a corruption -of Saluppan, a caste which formerly engaged in the manufacture -of gunny-bags and coarse cloths. The Salapus at the present day -make such cloths, commonly called gamanchalu. Like some other -weaving castes, they claim descent from Markandeya rishi, who was -remarkable for his austerities and great age, and is also known as -Dirghayus. The Salapus will not eat, or intermarry with Sales. The -caste is governed by a headman called Senapati. He decides disputes, -and, on occasions of marriage, receives the first share of betel and -sandal, and is the first to touch the sathamanam (marriage badge) -when it is passed round to be blessed by those assembled. He is, -at marriages, further presented with a rupee. At caste feasts, it is -his privilege to partake of food first. - -Like other Telugu castes, the Salapus have intiperulu, or exogamous -septs. Girls are generally married before puberty. The custom of -menarikam, by which a man should marry his maternal uncle's daughter, -is in force. The turmeric ceremony takes place some months before -marriage. Some male and female relations of the future bridegroom -repair to the house of the girl, taking with them a few rupees as the -bride-price (voli). The girl bathes, and daubs herself with turmeric -paste. A solid silver bangle is then put on her right wrist. The -remarriage of widows and divorce are permitted. - -The Salapus are divided into Lingavantas and Vaishnavas, who -intermarry. The former bury their dead in a sitting posture, and the -latter practice cremation. Jangams officiate for the Lingavantas, -and Satanis for Vaishnavas. Both sections observe the chinna (little) -and pedda rozu (big day) death ceremonies. - -The caste title is generally Ayya. - -Salapu.--A form of Sarapu, an occupational term for those who deal -in coins, jewelry, coral, etc. - -Sale.--The Sales are the great weaver class among the Telugus, for -the following note on whom I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. - -The name is derived from Sanskrit, Salika, a weaver. The Sales call -themselves Senapati (commander-in-chief), and this is further the -title of the caste headman. They are divided into two main endogamous -sections, Padma or lotus, and Pattu or silk. Between them there are -three well-marked points of difference, viz., (1) the Pattu Sales wear -the sacred thread, whereas the Padma Sales do not; (2) the Pattu Sales -do not take food or water at the hands of any except Brahmans, whereas -the Padma Sales will eat in Kapu, Golla, Telaga, Gavara, etc., houses; -(3) the Pattu Sales weave superfine cloths, and, in some places, work -in silk, whereas Padma Sales weave only coarse cloths. Each section -is divided into a number of exogamous septs or intiperulu. Both speak -Telugu, and are divided into Vaishnavites and Saivites. These religious -distinctions are no bar to intermarriage and interdining. - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district (1907), -that "on the plains, cotton cloths are woven in hundreds of villages -by Sales, Padma Sales, Pattu Sales, Devangas, and Salapus. The ryots -often spin their own cotton into thread, and then hand it over to the -weavers to be made into cloths, but large quantities of machine-made -yarn are used. In the south, the chief weaving centres are Nakkapalli -and Payakaraopeta in Sarvasiddhi taluk, the Pattu Sales in the latter -of which turn out fabrics of fine thread, enriched with much gold and -silver 'lace,' which are in great demand in the Godavari and Ganjam -districts. At Razam, coloured cloths for women are the chief product, -and in the country round this place the white garments so universal -everywhere give place to coloured dress. The cloths are sold locally, -and also sent in large quantities to Berhampur, Cuttack, and even -Calcutta. Most of the weaving is in the hands of Devangas, but the -dyeing of the thread is done with imported aniline and alizarine -colours by the Balijas of Sigadam in Chipurupalle taluk and Balijapeta -in Bobbili. In Siripuram and Ponduru, the Pattu Sales make delicate -fabrics from especially fine thread, called Pattu Sale nulu, or -silk-weaver's thread, which the women of their caste spin for them, and -which is as fine as imported 1508. These are much valued by well-to-do -natives for their softness and durability. The weaving industry is -on the decline throughout the district, except perhaps in Razam, -and the weaver castes are taking to other means of livelihood. Round -Chipurupalle, for example, the Pattu Sales have become experts in -tobacco-curing, and have made such profits that they are able to -monopolise much of the trade and money-lending of the locality." - -Concerning the origin of the Sale caste, it is stated, in the -Andhrapada Parijatamu, that it is the result of an union between -a Kamsala man and a potter woman. According to a current legend, -the celestials (devatas), being desirous of securing clothing -for themselves and their dependents, asked Markandeya Rishi to -supply them with it. He went to Vishnu, and prayed to him. The god -directed him to make a sacrificial offering to Indra, the celestial -king. Markandeya accordingly performed a great sacrifice, and from the -fire issued Bhavana Rishi, with a ball of thread in his hands, which -he had manufactured, under Vishnu's direction, from the fibre of the -lotus which sprang from the god's navel. With this ball of thread he -proceeded to make cloths for the celestials. He subsequently married -Bhadravathi, the daughter of Surya (the sun), who bore him a hundred -and one sons, of whom a hundred became the ancestors of the Padma -Sales, while the remaining man was the ancestor of the Pattu Sales. - -The caste worships Bhavana Rishi. At the close of the year, the caste -occupation is stopped before the Sankramanam for ten days. Before -they start work again, the Pattu Sales meet at an appointed spot, -where they burn camphor, and wave it before a ball of thread, which -represents Bhavana Rishi. A more elaborate rite is performed by -the Padma Sales. They set apart a special day for the worship of -the deified ancestor, and hold a caste feast. A special booth is -erected, in which a ball of thread is placed. A caste-man acts as -pujari (priest), and fruits, flowers, camphor, etc., are offered to -the thread. - -The Telugu Padma Sales, and Marathi-speaking Sukun and Suka Sales, -are, as will be seen from the following table, short of stature, -with high cephalic index:-- - - - Stature. cm. Cephalic index. - - Padma Sale 159.9 78.7 - Suka Sale 161.1 81.8 - Sukun Sale 160.3 82.2 - - -The Padma and Karna Sales are dealt with in special articles. - -Writing in the eighteenth century, Sonnerat remarks that the weaver -fixes his loom under a tree before his house in the morning, and at -night takes it home. And this observation holds good at the present -day. Weaving operations, as they may be seen going on at weaving -centres in many parts of Southern India, are thus described by -Mr. H. A. Stuart. [129] "The process of weaving is very simple. The -thread is first turned off upon a hand-spindle, and then the warp -is formed. Bamboo sticks, 120 in number, are fixed upright in the -ground, generally in the shade of a tope or grove, at a distance -of a cubit from one another, and ten women or children, carrying -ratnams (spindles) in their hands, walk up and down this line, -one behind the other, intertwining the thread between the bamboos, -until 1,920 threads of various colours, according to the pattern -desired, are thus arranged. For this work each gets half an anna--a -small remuneration for walking four miles. To form a warp sufficient -for eight women's cloths, forty miles have thus to be traversed. In -weaving silk cloths or the finer fabrics, the length of the warp is -less than sixty yards. As soon as the threads have been arranged, -the bamboos are plucked up, and rolled together with the threads -upon them. Trestles are then set out in the tope, and upon them -the warp with the bamboos is stretched horizontally, and sized by -means of large long brushes with ragi starch, and carried along by -two men. This having dried, the whole is rolled up, and placed in -the loom in the weaver's house. The weaving room is a long, narrow, -dark chamber, lighted by one small window close to where the workman -sits. The loom is constructed on the simplest principles, and can be -taken to pieces in a few minutes, forming a light load for a man. The -alternate threads of the warp are raised and depressed, to receive -the woof in the following manner. Two pairs of bamboos are joined -together by thin twine loops, and, being suspended from the roof, are -also joined to two pedals near the floor. Through the joining loops -of one pair of bamboos run half the threads, and through those of -the other run the other half. Thus, by depressing one pedal with the -foot and raising the other, one set of threads is depressed, and the -other raised so as to admit of the woof thread being shot across. This -thread is forced home by a light beam suspended from the roof, and -then, the position of the pedals being reversed, the woof thread is -shot back again between the reversed threads of the warp. In this way -about three yards can be woven in a day." Further Mr. J. D. Rees writes -as follows. [130] "As you enter a weaver's grove, it appears at first -sight as if those occupied in this industry were engaged in a pretty -game. Rows of women walk up and down the shady aisles, each holding -aloft in the left hand a spindle, and in the right a bamboo wand, -through a hook at the end of which the thread is passed. Alongside -are split bamboos reaching as high as their hips, and, as they pass, -they unwind the thread from the spindle by means of the wand, and -pass it over each alternate upright. The threads, thus separated, -are subsequently lifted with their bamboo uprights from the ground, -and, while extended from tree to tree in a horizontal position, are -washed with rice-water, and carefully brushed. The threads are now -ready to be made into cloth, and the actual weaving is carried on by -means of primitive hand looms inside the houses." - -Weavers, like many other classes in Southern India, are eminently -conservative. Even so trifling an innovation as the introduction -of a new arrangement for maintaining tension in the warp during the -process of weaving gave rise a short time ago to a temporary strike -among the hand-loom weavers at the Madras School of Arts. - -For the following note on the weaving industry, I am indebted to -Mr. A. Chatterton. "The hand-weavers may be divided into two great -classes--(1) plain weavers, who weave cloths or fabrics with a single -shuttle, which carries the weft from selvage to selvage; (2) bordered -cloth weavers, who weave cloths in which the threads of the weft of the -portion of the fabric forming the borders are distinct from the threads -of the weft of the main body of the cloth. To manufacture these cloths, -three shuttles are employed, and as yet no successful attempt has been -made to imitate them on the power loom. The bordered cloth weavers do -not suffer from the direct competition of machine-made piece-goods, -and the depression in their branch of the industry is due to changes -in the tastes of the people. [131] In the manufacture of a cloth -from the raw material there are three distinct processes: spinning, -warping, and weaving. Modern machinery has absolutely and completely -ousted hand-spinning; the primitive native methods of warping have -been to a large extent replaced by improved hand-machines, and power -looms have displaced hand looms to some extent; but there is still an -enormous hand-loom industry, some branches of which are in by no means -an unsatisfactory condition. In our efforts to place the hand-weaving -industry on a better footing, we are endeavouring to improve the -primitive methods of indigenous weavers both in regard to warping and -weaving. In respect to weaving we have met with considerable success, -as we have demonstrated that the output of the fly-shuttle loom is -fully double that of the native hand loom, and it is in consequence -slowly making its way in the weaving centres of Southern India. In -respect to warping, no definite solution has yet been effected, and -we are still experimenting. The problem is complicated by the fact -that the output of a warping mill must necessarily be sufficient to -keep at least a hundred hand looms at work, and at the present time -the hand-weaving industry is not organised on any basis, which gives -promise of development into co-operative working on so large a scale as -would give employment to this number of looms. In Madura, Coimbatore, -Madras and Salem, attempts are being made to establish organised -hand-loom weaving factories, and these represent the direction in which -future development must take place. At present all these factories -are running with fly-shuttle looms, and various modifications of -the old types of hand-warping machinery. The only experiments in -warping and sizing are now being conducted, at Government expense, -in the Government weaving factory at Salem, and in a small factory -established privately at Tondiarpet (Madras). A warping machinery, -suited to Indian requirements, has been specially designed for us in -England, and there is no doubt but that it will provide a solution -to the warping question, but whether it will be satisfactory or not -depends upon the efficiency of hank sizing. The superiority of native -cloths is commonly attributed to the fact that they are made in hand -looms, but in reality it is largely due to the methods of sizing -employed by native weavers, and it is still doubtful whether we can -attain the same results by any process which involves the production -of continuous warps of indefinite length. The ordinary native warp -is short, and it is stretched out to its full length in the street, -and the size carefully and thoroughly brushed into it. The warps -which our machines will produce may be thousands of yards in length, -and, if they are successful, will almost entirely do away with the -enormous waste of time involved in putting new warps into a loom at -frequent intervals. That they will be successful in a sense there is no -reasonable doubt, but whether the goods produced in our hand-weaving -factories will be what are now known as hand-woven goods, or whether -they will partake more of the nature of the power-loom productions, -remains to be seen. With the cheap labour available in Southern India, -there is probably a future for hand-weaving factories, but it will -depend almost entirely upon the successful training of the weavers, and -experience shows that they are not easily amenable to discipline, and -have very rigid objections to anything approaching a factory system." - -In a speech delivered at Salem in 1906, Sir Arthur Lawley, Governor -of Madras, spoke as follows. "I know something of the prosperity of -the weaving industry in days gone by, and I regret exceedingly to -learn that it is not in so flourishing a condition as at one time -it well claimed to be. Now, we have all of us heard a good deal of -Swadeshi, and the Government is being constantly urged, from time to -time, to do something to foster the industries of this country. We -made a beginning here by setting up a Weaving Institute. We believed -that by doing so we should put within the knowledge of the weavers -of this district methods whereby their output of cloth would be -greater, while the cost was reduced, and that thus their material -prosperity would be considerably advanced. Now it is somewhat of a -surprise, and considerable disappointment to me to learn that this -effort which we have made is regarded with suspicion, if not with -hostility. I am afraid our motives have been misunderstood, because -I need hardly assure you that the idea that the Government should -enter into competition with any of the industries of the country never -suggested itself to us. We desired simply and solely to infuse some -fresh spirit into an industry which was languishing." - -In a note on the weaving industry, Mr. E. B. Havell writes thus. [132] -"The principle of the Danish co-operative system as applied to -dairy-farming is the combination of a number of small proprietors for -sending their products to a central factory, in which each of them -has a share proportionate to the quantity of his contributions. In -the management of the factory, each member has an absolutely equal -voice, irrespective of his holdings. Adapting such a system to the -Indian weaving industry, each weaving community would have a central -establishment under its own control, which would arrange the purchase -of material at wholesale rates, prepare warps for the weavers' looms, -and organise the sale of the finished products. The actual weaving -would be carried on as at present in the weavers' houses by the -master weavers and their apprentices. If a system of this kind would -retain the economic advantages of the factory system, and eliminate -its many evils, it is obvious that a factory, owned and controlled -by the weavers themselves, and worked only for their advantage, is -a very different thing to a factory controlled by capitalists only -for the purpose of exploiting the labour of their employees." - -As bearing on the general condition of the weaving community, -the following extract from the Report of the Famine in the Madras -Presidency, 1896-97, may be quoted. "Among the people who felt the -distress at the beginning were the weavers. It is a well-known fact -that the people of the weaver castes, as well as Mussalman weavers, -are generally improvident, and consequently poor. In favourable times, -the weavers generally earn fair wages. They, however, spend all they -earn without caring to lay by anything, so that very few of their -caste are in well-to-do circumstances. The same is the case with the -Mussalman weavers. All these weavers are entirely in the hands of the -sowcars (money-lenders), who make advances to them, and get cloths in -return. The cloths thus obtained by the sowcars are exported to other -parts of the country. It may be taken as a general fact that most of -the professional weavers are indebted to the sowcars, and are bound to -weave for them. So long as the seasons are favourable, and sowcars get -indents for cloths from their customers, they continue their advances -to their dependent weavers. But when, owing to any cause, the demand -decreases, the sowcars curtail their advances proportionately, and -the weavers are at once put to difficulty. According to the fineness -and kind of fabrics turned out by the weavers, they may be divided -into fine cloth weavers and silk weavers, and weavers of coarse -cloths. It is the coarse cloth weavers that would be affected with -the first appearance of distress. The consumers of their manufactures -are the poorer classes, and, with the appearance of scarcity and high -prices, the demand for the coarser kinds of cloths would cease. Such -was actually the case at the beginning of the recent distress. The -weavers are, as a class, not accustomed to hard manual labour, nor -are they able to work exposed to heat and sun. If such people are put -on earth-work, they would certainly fail to turn out the prescribed -task, and consequently earn insufficient wages. They would thus be, -as it were, punished for no fault of theirs. This state of things -would last at least for some time, until the weavers got accustomed -to earth-work. Again, these people have, by constant work at their -own craft, attained to a certain degree of skill and delicacy, and, -if compelled to do earth-work during the temporary unfavourable -season, they would certainly lose, to some extent, their skill and -delicacy of hand, and would become unfit, in that degree, for their -accustomed work when favourable season returns. They would thus be put -to inconvenience doubly. During the first part of the distress, their -skill of hand, and delicacy of constitution would stand in their way, -and, after the return of good season, the loss of manual skill and -delicacy would place them at a disadvantage. It can be easily seen -that giving relief to the weavers in their own calling is the most -economical form of relief. In this form of special relief, Government -advances materials to the weavers to be woven into different kinds of -cloths. Government has no doubt to incur a large initial expenditure -in the shape of value of materials, and wages for weavers for making -these materials into cloths. But all the materials are returned woven -into cloths, so that, at the close of the operations, Government has -a stock of cloths, which can be disposed of without difficulty on the -return of favourable times, and the cost incurred recovered. In this -way, Government not only administers relief to a pretty large section -of its poor subjects, but keeps up, with little or no cost to itself, -the industrial skill of this section of the people." - -Of proverbs relating to the weaver, one runs to the effect that, "if -you want to narrow the breadth of a river, you should plant reeds on -its margin; and, if you desire to destroy the sanitation of a village, -you should bring weavers to it, and settle them there." When the dyes -have to be fixed, and the dyed twist has to be washed, the weavers -generally resort to running water, and pollute it. The several -processes of twisting and untwisting threads, preparing skeins, -etc., make combined labour a necessity in the weaving industry; -and, wherever one finds a weaver settlement, he must find there a -large number of these people, as is explained by the proverb that -"the Chetti (merchant) lost by partnership, while the weaver came -to grief by isolation." When plying shuttles in the weaving process, -the weavers always use their feet in shifting the warp, by treading -on a press. Thus, if a weaver unfortunately happens to have a sore -on his foot, it means loss to him; or, as the proverb says, "If a -dog gets a sore on its head, it never recovers from it; and even so -a weaver who gets a sore on his foot." [133] - -Salige (wire).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Saliyan.--The Saliyan weavers of Kornad and Ayyampet, in the Tanjore -district, are a Tamil-speaking class, who must not be confused with -the Telugu Sales. They afford an interesting example of how a limited -number of families, following the same occupation, can crystallise -into a separate caste. They claim to have a Puranam relating to -their origin, which is said to be found in the Sthalapuranam of the -Nalladai temple. They believe that they are the descendants of one -Saliya Maha Rishi, a low-caste man, who did service for one Visakar, -who was doing penance near Nalladai. Through the grace of the rishi -Visakar, Saliya became a rishi, and married two wives. The Saliyans -are said to be descended from the offspring of the first wife, and -the Mottai Saliyans from the offspring of the second. - -The Saliyans have taken to wearing the sacred thread, engage -Brahman purohits, and are guided by Brahman priests. They are said -to have had their own caste priests until a Brahman from Sendangudi, -near Mayavaram, accepted the office of priest. It is reported that, -in former days, the Saliyans were not allowed to sell their goods -except in a fixed spot called mamaraththumedu, where they set out -their cloths on bamboos. High-caste people never touched the cloths, -except with a stick. At the present day the Saliyans occupy a good -position in the social scale, and employ Brahman cooks, though no -other castes will eat in their houses. - -A curious feature in connection with the Saliyans is that, contrary to -the usual rule among Tamil castes, they have exogamous septs or vidu -(house), of which the following are examples:-- - - - Mandhi, black monkey. - Kottangkachchi, cocoanut shell. - Thuniyan, cloth. - Kachchandhi, gunny-bag. - Vellai parangi, white vegetable marrow. - Ettadiyan, eight feet. - Thadiyan, stout. - Kazhudhai, donkey. - Thavalai, frog. - Sappaikalan, crooked-legged. - Malaiyan, hill. - Kaththan, an attendant on Aiyanar. - Ozhakkan, a measure. - Thondhi, belly. - Munginazhi, bamboo measure. - Odakkazhinjan, one who defæcated when running. - Kamban, the Tamil poet. - Ottuvidu, tiled house. - Kalli, Euphorbia Tirucalli. - Sirandhan, a noble person. - Thambiran, master or lord. - Kollai, backyard. - Madividu, storeyed house. - Murugan, name of a person. - - -The Saliyans have further acquired gotras named after rishis, and, -when questioned as to their gotra, refer to the Brahman purohits. - -The Saliyan weavers of silk Kornad women's cloths, who have settled at -Mayavaram in the Tanjore district, neither intermarry nor interdine -with the Saliyans of the Tinnevelly district, though they belong -to the same linguistic division. The Tinnevelly Saliyans closely -follow the Kaikolans in their various ceremonials, and in their -social organisation, and interdine with them. Saliya women wear three -armlets on the upper arm, whereas Kaikola women only wear a single -armlet. The Saliyans may not marry a second wife during the lifetime -of the first wife, even if she does not bear children. They may, -however, adopt children. Some of the Tinnevelly Saliyans have taken -to trade and agriculture, while others weave coarse cotton cloths, -and dye cotton yarn. - -In the Census Report, 1901, Ataviyar is recorded as "a synonym for, -or rather title of the Tinnevelly Sales." Further, Pattariyar -is described as a Tamil corruption of Pattu Saliyan, returned -by some of the Tinnevelly Sales. The Adaviyar or Pattalia Settis -are Tamilians, probably an offshoot of the Kaikolans, and have no -connection with the Telugu Pattu Sales, who, like the Padma Sales, -retain their mother-tongue wherever they settle. It is recorded [134] -in connection with the Saliyar of the Chingleput district, many of -whom are Kaikolans, that "a story is current of their persecution -by one Salva Naik (said to have been a Brahman). The result of this -was that large bodies of them were forced to flee from Conjeeveram -to Madura, Tanjore, and Tinnevelly, where their representatives are -still to be found." - -The Adaviyars follow the Tamil Puranic type of marriage ceremonies, -and have a sirutali (small tali) as a marriage badge. The caste deity -is Mukthakshiamman. The dead are always cremated. - -Saluppan.--The Tamil equivalent of the Telugu Janappan, which is -derived from janapa, the sunn hemp (Crotolaria juncea). - -Samagara.--The Samagaras have been described [135] as "the principal -class of leather-workers in the South Canara district. They are -divided into two endogamous groups, the Canarese Samagaras and the -Arya Samagaras. The latter speak Marathi. Though the Samagaras are -in the general estimation as low a caste as the Holeyas, and do not -materially differ from them in their religious and other ceremonies -and customs, they are, as a rule, of much fairer complexion, and the -women are often very handsome. The tanning industry is chiefly carried -on by the Samagaras, and their modus operandi is as follows. The -hides are soaked for a period of one month in large earthen vats -containing water, to which chunam is added at the rate of two seers -per hide. After the expiry of the above period, they are soaked in -fresh water for three days, in view to the chunam being removed. They -are then put into an earthen vessel filled with water and the leaves -of Phyllanthus Emblica, in which they remain for twelve days. After -this, they are removed and squeezed, and replaced in the same vessel, -where they are allowed to remain for about a month, after which -period they are again removed, washed and squeezed. They are then -sewn up and stuffed with the bark of cashew, daddala, and nerale -trees, and hung up for a day. After this, the stitching is removed, -and the hides are washed and exposed to the sun to dry for a day, -when they become fit for making sandals. Some of the hides rot in -this process to such an extent as to become utterly unfit for use." - -The badge of the Are Samagara at Conjeeveram is said [136] to be the -insignia of the Mochis (or Mucchis), a boy's kite. - -Samantan.--"This," the Census Superintendent, 1891, writes, "may be -called the caste of Malayalam Rajahs and chieftains, but it is hardly -a separate caste at all, at any rate at present, for those Nayars and -others who have at any time been petty chieftains in the country, call -themselves Samantas. The primary meaning of the word Samanta is given -by Dr. Gundert [137] as the chief of a district." The number of people -who returned themselves as Samantas (including a few Samantan Brahmans) -at the Census, 1881, was 1,611, and in 1901 they increased to 4,351. - -In a suit brought against the Collector of Malabar (Mr. Logan) -some years ago by one Nilambur Thachara Kovil Mana Vikrama, alias -Elaya Tirumalpad, the plaintiff entered an objection to his being -said by the Collector to be of "a caste (Nayar), who are permitted -to eat fish and flesh, except of course beef." He stated in court -that he was "a Samantan by caste, and a Samantan is neither a -Brahman, nor a Kshatriya, nor a Vaisya, nor a Sudra." Samantan, -according to him, is a corruption of Samantran, which, he stated, -meant one who performs ceremonies without mantrams. He said that -his caste observes all the ceremonies that Brahmans do, but without -mantrams. And he gave the following as the main points in which his -caste differs from that of the Nayars. Brahmans can take their food -in the houses of members of his caste, while they cannot do so in -those of Nayars. At the performance of sradhs in his caste, Brahmans -are fed, while this is not done in the case of Nayars. Brahmans can -prepare water for the purpose of purification in his house, but not -in that of a Nayar. If a Nayar touches a Samantan, he has to bathe -in the same way as a Brahman would have to do. For the performance -of marriages and other ceremonies in his caste, Malabar Brahmans are -absolutely necessary. At marriages the tali is tied by Kshatriyas. A -Samantan has fourteen days' pollution, while a Nayar has fifteen. He -can only eat what a Brahman can eat. He added that he was of the same -caste as the Zamorin of Calicut. A number of witnesses, including the -author of the Keralavakhsha Kramam, were examined in support of his -assertions. It was noted by the District Judge that no documentary -evidence was produced, or reference to public records or works of -authority made in support of the theory as to the existence of a caste -of Samantas who are not Nayars, and are classed under Kshatriyas, and -above the Vaisyas. The following account is given by the author of the -Keralavakhsha Kramam of the origin of the Samantas. Some Kshatriyas -who, being afraid of Parasu Rama, were wandering in foreign parts, -and not observing caste rules, came to Malabar, visited Cheraman -Perumal, and asked for his protection. On this Cheraman Perumal, -with the sanction of the Brahmans, and in pursuance of the rules laid -down by the Maharajas who had preceded him, classed these people as -members of the Samantra caste. "That this book," the Judge observed, -"can be looked on as being in any way an authority on difficult and -obscure historical questions, or that the story can be classed as more -than a myth, there are no grounds for supposing." No linguistic work -of recognised authority was produced in support of the derivation of -the word Samantan from Samantran, meaning without mantrams. - -One exhibit in the case above referred to was an extract from the -report of a commission appointed to inspect the state and condition -of the province of Malabar. It is dated 11th October, 1793, and in it -allusion is made to the 'Tichera Tiroopaar' who is described as a chief -Nayar of Nilambur in the southern division of the country. Evidence was -given to show that Tichera Tiroopaar is the Nilambur Tirumulpad. And, -in a letter from the Supervisor of Malabar, dated 15th November, -1793, allusion is made to Tichera Tiroopaar as a Nayar. Two extracts -from Buchanan's well-known work on Mysore, Canara and Malabar, were -also filed as exhibits. In one Buchanan relates what was told him -by the Brahmans of the history of 'Malayala'. Among other things, -he mentions that Cheraman Perumal, having come to the resolution of -retiring to Mecca, went to Calicut. "He was there met by a Nayar who -was a gallant chief, but who, having been absent at the division, -had obtained no share of his master's dominions. Cheraman Perumal -thereupon gave him his sword, and desired him to keep all that he -could conquer. From this person's sisters are descended the Tamuri -Rajahs or Zamorins." In the second extract, Buchanan sums up the -result of enquiries that he had made concerning the Zamorin and his -family. He states that the head of the family is the Tamuri Rajah, -called by Europeans the Zamorin, and adds: "The Tamuri pretends to be -of a higher rank than the Brahmans, and to be inferior only to the -invisible gods, a pretension that was acknowledged by his subjects, -but which is held as absurd and abominable by the Brahmans, by whom -he is only treated as a Sudra." - -An important witness said that he knew the plaintiff, and that he was -a Sudra. He stated that he had lived for two years in the Zamorin's -kovilagom, and knew the customs of his family. According to him -there was no difference between his own caste customs and those of -the Zamorin. He said that Samantan means a petty chieftain, and drew -attention to the 'Sukra Niti,' edited by Dr. Oppert, where a Samantan -is said to be "he who gets annually a revenue of from one to three -lakhs karshom from his subjects without oppressing them." There are, -according to him, some Nayars who call themselves Samantas, and he -added that when, in 1887, the Collector of Malabar called for lists -of all stanom-holders [138] in the district, he examined these lists, -and found that some of the Nayar chiefs called themselves Samantan. - -"A consideration of all the evidence," the Judge writes, "appears to me -to prove conclusively that the plaintiff is a Nayar by caste.... What -appears to me, from a consideration of the evidence, to be the safe -inference to draw is that the members of the plaintiff's family, and -also the descendants of certain other of the old Nayar chieftains, -have for some time called themselves, and been called by others, -Samantas, but that there is no distinctive caste of that name, and -that the plaintiff is, as the defendant has described him, a Nayar -by caste." [139] - -The Samantans are summed up as follows in the Gazetteer of -Malabar. "Samantan is the generic name of the group of castes -forming the aristocracy of Malabar, and it includes the following -divisions:--Nambiyar, Unnitiri, Adiyodi, all belonging to North -Malabar; and Nedungadi, Vallodi, Eradi, and Tirumulpad, all belonging -to South Malabar. There are also Nayars with the title of Nambiyar -and Adiyodi. Nedungadi, Vallodi and Eradi, are territorial names -applied to the Samantans indigenous to Ernad, Walavanad, and Nedunganad -respectively; or perhaps it may be more correct to say that the tracts -in question take their names from the ruling classes, who formerly -bore sway there. Eradi is the caste to which belongs the Zamorin Raja -of Calicut. It is also the name of a section of Kiriyattil Nayars. The -Raja of Walavanad is a Vallodi. Tirumulpad is the title of a class of -Samantans, to which belong a number of petty chieftains, such as the -Karnamulpad of Manjeri and the Tirumulpad of Nilambur. The ladies -of this class are called Kolpads or Koilammahs. Many Nambiyars in -North Malabar claim to belong to the Samantan caste, but there is at -least reason to suppose that they are properly Nayars, and that the -claim to the higher rank is of recent date. That such recruitment is -going on is indicated by the difference between the number of persons -returned as Samantans in the censuses of 1901 and 1891 (4,351 and 1,225 -respectively), which is far above the normal percentage of increase of -population. Kshatriyas wear the punul (thread); Samantans as a rule do -not. Most Kshatriyas eat with Brahmans, and have a pollution period of -eleven nights, indicating that their position in the caste hierarchy -lies between the Brahmans with ten days and the Ambalavasis proper -with twelve. Samantans as a rule observe fifteen days' pollution, and -may not eat with Brahmans. Both follow marumakkatayam (inheritance -in the female line), and their women as a rule have sambandham -(alliance) only with Brahmans or Kshatriyas. Those who belong to the -old Royal families are styled Raja or Tamburan (lord), their ladies -Tamburattis, and their houses Kovilagams or palaces. Some Samantans -have the caste titles of Kartavu and Kaimal. But it does not appear -that there are really any material differences between the various -classes of Samantans, other than purely social differences due to -their relative wealth and influence." - -"Tradition," writes the Travancore Census Superintendent (1901), -"traces the Samantas to the prudent Kshatriyas, who cast off the holy -thread, to escape detection and slaughter by Parasu Rama. They are -believed to have then fled to uninhabited forests till they forgot -the Sandhyavandana prayers, and became in certain respects no better -than Sudras. Thus they came, it is said, to be called Amantrakas, -Samantrakas, Samantas, or having no mantra at all. Referring to -this, Mr. Stuart says [140] 'Neither philology, nor anything else, -supports this fable.' From the word Samantra, Samanta can, no doubt, -be conveniently derived, but, if they could not repeat mantras, they -should have been called Amantras and not Samantras. In the Kerala -Mahatmya we read that the Perumals appointed Samantas to rule over -portions of their kingdom. Taking the Sanskrit word Samanta, we may -understand it to mean a petty chief or ruler. It is supposed that -the Perumals who came to Malabar contracted matrimonial alliances -with high class Nayar women, and that the issue of such unions were -given chiefships over various extents of territories. Changes in -their manners and customs were, it is said, made subsequently, by way -of approximation to the Kshatriyas proper. Though the sacred thread, -and the Gayatri hymn were never taken up, less vital changes, as, for -instance, that of the wearing of the ornaments of the Kshatriya women, -or of consorting only with Nambutiri husbands, were adopted. Those who -lived in Ernat formed themselves by connections and alliances into -one large caste, and called themselves Eratis. Those who lived in -Valluvanat became Vallotis. The unification could not assume a more -cosmopolitan character as the several families rose to importance at -different times, and, in all probability, from different sections of -the Nayars." - -In the Travancore Census Report (1901) the chief divisions of the -Samantas are said to be Atiyoti, Unyatiri, Pantala, Erati, Valloti, -and Netungati. "The Unyatiris," the Travancore Census Superintendent -writes further, "look upon themselves as a higher class than the rest -of the Samantas, as they have an Aryapattar to tie the tali of their -girls, the other five castes employing only Kshatriyas (Tirumulpats) -for that duty. The word Atiyoti has sometimes been derived from Atiyan, -a slave or vassal, the tradition being that the Kattanat Raja, having -once been ousted from his kingdom by the Zamorin of Calicut, sought -the assistance of the Raja of Chirakkal. The latter is believed -to have made the Kattanat Raja his vassal as a condition for his -territory being restored. The Unnittiris are not found in Travancore, -their place being taken by the Unyatiris, who do not differ from them -materially in any of their manners and customs. The word Unnittiri -means the venerable boy, and is merely a title of dignity. The word -Pantala comes from Bhandarattil, meaning 'in or belonging to the -royal treasury'. They appear to have been once the ruling chiefs of -small territories. Their women are known as Kovilammamar, i.e., the -ladies of palaces or ranis. The Erati, the Valloti, and Netungati are -British Malabar castes, and receive their names from the localities, -to which they may have been indigenous--Ernat, Valluvanat, and -Netunganat. The Zamorin of Calicut is an Erati by caste. [In 1792, -the Joint Commissioners wrote that 'the Cartinaad and Samoory -(the principal families in point of extent of dominion) are of the -Samanth or Euree (cowherd) caste.'] [141] Some of these Eratis, such -as the Raja of Nilambur, are called Tirumulpats. The only peculiarity -with these Tirumulpats is that they may tie the tali of their women, -and need not call other Tirumulpats for the purpose, as the rest of -the Samantas have to do. A title that several Samantas often take is -Kartavu (agent or doer), their females being called Koilpats, meaning -literally those who live in palaces. The Samantas of Manchery and -Amarampalam in Malabar are also called Tirumulpats. The Samantas of -Chuntampattai and Cherupulasseri are called Kartavus. Both Kartas and -Tirumulpats are called by the Sudra castes Tampuran or prince. The -caste government of the Samantas rests with the Namputiri Vaidikas, -and their priesthood is undertaken by the Namputiris. They follow -the marumakkathayam law of inheritance (through the female line), and -observe both the forms of marriage in vogue in the country, namely, -tali-kettu and sambandham. Women wear the three special ornaments of -the Kshatriyas, viz., the mittil or cherutali, entram, and kuzhal. The -chief of these is the mittil, which is used as the wedding ornament. It -has the appearance of Rama's parasu or battle-axe. The houses of -those Samantas, who are or were till recently rulers of territories, -are known as kottarams or palaces, while those of the commonalty are -merely called mathams, a name given to the houses of Brahmans not -indigenous to Malabar. The occupations, which the Samantas pursue, are -chiefly personal attendance on the male and female members of Royal -families. Others are landlords, and a few have taken to the learned -professions." In the Cochin Census Report, 1901, it is stated that -"Samantas and Ambalavasis do not interdine. At public feasts they -sit together for meals. Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Nampidis, and most of -the Ambalavasi castes, do not take water from them. Birth and death -pollution last for eleven days." - -In the Madras Civil List of titles and title-holders, the Zamorin -of Calicut, and the Valiya Rajas of Chirakkal, Kadattanad, Palghat, -and Waluvanad, are returned as Samantas. - -Samanthi (Chrysanthemum indicum).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba and -Togata. The flowers of the chrysanthemum are largely used for garlands, -etc., in temple worship. - -Samantiya.--The Samantiyas are an Oriya caste of agricultural -labourers and firewood sellers. It has been suggested that the caste -name is derived from samantiba, which denotes sauntering to pick up -scattered things. The Samantiyas are one of the castes, whose touch -is supposed to convey pollution, and they consequently live apart in -separate quarters. - -All the Samantiyas are said to belong to the nagasa (cobra) gotra. The -headman is called Behara, and he is assisted by an official called -Poricha. There is also a caste servant entitled Dogara. The caste -title is Podhano, which is also frequently given out as being the -name of the caste. - -Samantiya women will not eat food prepared by Brahmans or members of -other castes, and they apparently object to cooking in open places -when travelling, and leave this work for the men to perform. An -Oriya Brahman purohit officiates at the marriage ceremonies, which, -with slight variations, conform to the standard Oriya type. The -marriage pandal (booth) is generally covered with cocoanut leaves and -leafy twigs of Eugenia Jambolana and Zizyphus Jujuba. Four lights, -and a vessel of water, are kept on the dais throughout the marriage -ceremonies. The knot, with which the cloths of the bride and bridegroom -are tied together, is untied on the evening of the bibha (wedding) -day, instead of on the seventh day as among many other castes. - -Samanto.--A title of Jatapus, and other Oriya castes. - -Samaya.--In his 'Inscriptions at Sravana Belgola' in Mysore, -Mr. Lewis Rice refers to the Samaya as "Dasaris or Vaishnava religious -mendicants, invested with authority as censors of morals. No religious -ceremony or marriage could be undertaken without gaining their consent -by the payment of fees, etc. Under the former Rajas the office was -farmed out in all the large towns, and credited in the public accounts -as samayachara. An important part of the profits arose either from the -sale of women accused of incontinency, or from fines imposed on them -for the same reason. The unfortunate women were popularly known as -Sarkar (Government) wives." "The rules of the system," Wilks writes, -[142] "varied according to the caste of the accused. Among Brahmans -and Komatis, females were not sold, but expelled from their caste, -and branded on the arm as prostitutes. They then paid to the ijardar -(or contractor) an annual sum as long as they lived, and, when -they died, all their property became his. Females of other Hindu -castes were sold without any compunction by the ijardar, unless some -relative stepped forward to satisfy his demand. These sales were not, -as might be supposed, conducted by stealth, nor confined to places -remote from general observation; for, in the large town of Bangalore, -under the very eyes of the European inhabitants, a large building -was appropriated to the accommodation of these unfortunate women, -and, so late as 1833, a distinct proclamation of the Commissioners -was necessary to enforce the abolition of this detestable traffic." - -Samayamuvaru.--An itinerant class of mendicants attached to the -Sale caste. From a note by Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, I gather that they -say that the name is an abbreviation of Ranasamayamuvaru, or men of -the day of battle. According to a legend, when Bhavana Rishi, the -patron saint of the caste, was challenged to battle by Kalavasina, -a rakshasa, these people were created, and, with their assistance, -the rakshasa was conquered. In recognition of their services, Bhavana -Rishi made the Sales maintain them. They wander from place to place in -single families, and, when they reach a halting-place, dress up, and -visit the house of the Pedda Senapati (headman), who feeds them for -the day, and gives a chit (note) showing the amount paid by him. At -their visits to Sale houses, Bhavana Rishi is praised. They marry in -the presence of, and with the aid of the Sales. - -Samban.--Samban, meaning Samba or Siva, has been recorded as a -sub-division of Idaiyan and Paraiyan. At times of census, Sambuni Kapu -has been returned as the caste name by some Palle fishermen in Nellore. - -Sambandham.--Sambandham, meaning literally connexion, is "the term -used by the Nayars [and other castes] of South Malabar to denote that a -man and woman are united by a quasi-matrimonial bond." [143] In Act IV -of 1896, Madras, sambandham is defined as "an alliance between a man -and a woman, by reason of which they, in accordance with the custom -of the community, to which they belong, or either of them belongs, -cohabit or intend to cohabit as husband and wife." - -Same (millet: Panicum miliare).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Sami Puli (holy tiger).--An exogamous sept of Kallan. - -Sammathi Makkal (hammer-men).--An exogamous section of Kallan. - -Sammeraya.--A name for Telugu beggars employed as servants and -messengers by the heads of Lingayat mutts (religious institutions). It -is derived from samme, denoting confederacy or league, and denotes -those who are bound to the rules laid down by Lingayats. - -Samolo.--A title of Doluva. - -Sampige.--Sampige and Sampangi (champac: Michelia Champaca) have been -recorded as an exogamous sept of Kurni and Odde. Champac flowers are -used in the manufacture of temple garlands. - -Samudra.--Samudra, Samudram, or Samudrala, meaning the ocean, has been -recorded as an exogamous sept of Telugu Brahmans, Koravas, Kurubas, -Balijas, and Malas. The equivalent Tamudri occurs as the title of -the Zamorin, who is the sea-king or ruler of Calicut. - -Sani.--The Sanivallu, who are a Telugu dancing-girl caste, are -described, in the Vizagapatam Manual, as women who have not entered -into matrimony, gain money by prostitution, and acting as dancers at -feasts. Sani is also a title of the Oriya Doluvas in Ganjam, who are -said to be descended from Puri Rajas by their concubines. The streets -occupied by Sanis are, in Ganjam, known as Sani vidhi. I have heard of -missionaries, who, in consequence of this name, insist on their wives -being addressed as Ammagaru instead of by the customary name Dorasani. - -In a note on the Sanis of the Godavari district, Mr. F. R. Hemingway -writes as follows. "In this district, dancing-girls and prostitutes -are made up of six perfectly distinct castes, which are in danger -of being confused. These are the Sanis proper, Bogams, Dommara -Sanis, Turaka Sanis, Mangala Bogams, and Madiga Bogams. Of these, -the Bogams claim to be superior, and will not dance in the presence -of, or after a performance by any of the others. The Sanis do not -admit this claim, but they do not mind dancing after the Bogams, or -in their presence. All the other classes are admittedly inferior to -the Sanis and the Bogams. The Sanis would scorn to eat with any of -the other dancing castes. The Sani women are not exclusively devoted -to their traditional profession. Some of them marry male members -of the caste, and live respectably with them. The men do not, as -among the dancing castes of the south, assist in the dancing, or by -playing the accompaniments or forming a chorus, but are cultivators -and petty traders. Like the dancing-girls of the south, the Sanis -keep up their numbers by the adoption of girls of other castes. They -do service in the temples, but they are not required to be formally -dedicated or married to the god, as in the Tamil country. Those of -them who are to become prostitutes are usually married to a sword on -attaining puberty." - -Sani, meaning apparently cow-dung, occurs as a sub-division of the -Tamil Agamudaiyans. - -Sanjogi.--The Sanjogis are an Oriya class of religious mendicants, -who wear the sacred thread, and act as priests for Panos and other -lowly people. The name indicates connection, and that they are the -connecting link between ordinary people and those who have given up -earthly pleasures (Sanyasis). The Sanjogis follow the ordinary as -well as the ascetic life. Mr. G. Ramamurti Pantulu informs me that -they are believed to be the offspring of ascetics who have violated -their vow of celibacy, and women with whom they have lived. They make -and sell bead rosaries of the sacred tulsi or basil (Ocimum sanctum) -which are worn by various Oriya castes. Some are cultivators, while -others are beggars. A Sanjogi beggar goes about with a bell on the -thigh, and a coloured pot on the left shoulder. A few are employed -at Oriya maths (religious institutions), where it is their duty to -invite Bairagis and ascetics to a dinner party, and afterwards to -remove the leaf platters, and eat the food which is left. - -Sankati (ragi or millet pudding).--An exogamous sept of Boya. Ragi -is the staple dietary of many of the lower classes, who cannot -afford rice. - -Sanku.--Sanku, the conch or chank (Turbinella rapa) has been -recorded as a sub-division of Dasaris, Koppala Velamas, and -Paraiyans who act as conch-blowers at funerals, and as an exogamous -sept of Kuruba. Sankukatti, or those who tie the chank, occurs as a -sub-division of Idaiyan. The chank shell, which is regularly collected -by divers off Tuticorin in the Tinnevelly district, is highly prized by -Hindus, and used for offering libations, and as a musical instrument -at temple services, marriages, and other ceremonials. Vaishnavites -and Madhvas are branded with the emblems of the chank and chakram. The -rare right-handed chank shell is specially valued, and purchased for -large sums. A legend, recorded by Baldæus, runs to the effect that -"Garroude (Garuda) flew in all haste to Brahma, and brought to Kistna -the chianko or kinkhorn twisted to the right". Such a shell appears on -the coat-of-arms of the Raja of Cochin and on the coins of Travancore. - -Sanno (little).--A sub-division of Bottada, Omanaito, Pentiya, -and Sondi. - -Sanror.--A synonym of Shanans, who claim that Shanan is derived from -Sanror, meaning the learned or noble. - -Santarasi.--An exogamous sept of Dandasi. The members thereof may -not use mats made of the sedge of this name. - -Santha (a fair).--An exogamous sept of Devanga and Odde. - -Santo.--A sub-division of Oriya Brahmans and Bhayipuos. - -Sanyasi.--"A Sanyasi is literally a man who has forsaken all, and -who has renounced the world and leads a life of celibacy, devoting -himself to religious meditation and abstraction, and to the study -of holy books. He is considered to have attained a state of exalted -piety that places him above most of the restrictions of caste and -ceremony. His is the fourth Asrama or final stage of life recommended -for the three higher orders. ["Having performed religious acts in a -forest during the third portion of his life, let him become a Sanyasi, -for the fourth portion of it, abandoning all sensual affection." [144]] -The number of Brahman Sanyasis is very small; they are chiefly the -Gurus or High Priests of the different sects. These are, as a rule, -men of learning, and heads of monasteries, where they have a number of -disciples under instruction and training for religious discussion. They -are supported entirely by endowments and the contributions of their -disciples. They undertake periodical tours for the purpose of receiving -the offerings of their followers. Since the Sanyasi is considered to -be above all sin, and to have acquired sufficient merit for salvation, -no sradha is performed by the children born to him before he became -an anchorite. [The skull of a Sanyasi is broken after death, as a -guarantee of his passage to eternal bliss. Cf. Gosayi.] The corpse -of a Sanyasi is buried, and never burnt, or thrown into the river. - -"The majority of the Sanyasis found, and generally known as such, -are a class of Sudra devotees, who live by begging, and pretend to -powers of divination. They wear garments coloured with red ochre, -and allow the hair to grow unshorn. They often have settled abodes, -but itinerate. Many are married, and their descendants keep up the -sect, and follow the same calling." [145] - -Sapiri.--A synonym of Relli. - -Sappaliga.--It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that -"in some taluks of South Canara they are said to be identical with, -or a sub-caste of Ganiga." The Ganigas are a Canarese caste, of which -the traditional occupation is oil-pressing. In the Manual of the South -Canara district, it is recorded that "Sappaligs appear to be identical -with the Devadigas (temple musicians) in North Canara, though they -are regarded as distinct castes in South Canara. The Sappaligs are, -as the name sappal (noise) implies, a class of musicians in temples, -but a number of them are cultivators." Sappaliga is an occupational -term. The musicians among the Tulu Moger fishing caste are called -Sappaligas, in the same way that those Mogers who are engaged as -oil-pressers are called Ganigas, both being occupational names. - -Sara (thread).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Saragu (dried or withered leaves).--A sub-division of Valaiyan. - -Sarangulu.--Recorded, in the Nellore district, as being sailors. The -name is doubtless equivalent to Serang, which has been defined [146] -as meaning "a native boatswain, or chief of a lascar crew; the skipper -of a small native vessel." - -Sarattu (sacred thread).--A sub-division of Kanakkan, members of -which wear the sacred thread. - -Sarayi (alcoholic liquor).--A sub-division of Balija. - -Sarige (lace).--The name of a class of gold-lace makers in Mysore, -and of an exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Sastri.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Sastri (one learned in -the shastras) is described as "unrecognizable. The word is used as a -title by Smarta Brahmans in the Madras Presidency, but the persons -returning it came from Bombay, and were not Brahmans." Sastri is -recorded in my notes as a title of Devangas. - -Satani.--The Satanis are described in the Madras Census Report, -1891, as "a class of temple servants very much like the Malis of -Bengal. The word Satani is a corrupt form of Sattadavan, which, -literally means one who does not wear (the sacred thread and tuft -of hair). For temple services Ramanuja classed Vaishnavites into -Sattinavan and Sattadavan. The former are invariably Brahmans, -and the latter Sudras. Hence Satani is the professional name given -to a group of the Vaishnava creed. It is sometimes stated that the -Satanis of the Madras Presidency are the disciples of the famous -Bengali reformer Chaitanya (15th century), from whom, they say, the -term Satani took its origin. But, so far as I can ascertain, this -supposition rests on no better foundation than the similarity in sound -of the two names, and it seems to me more than doubtful. There is no -evidence of Chaitanya having ever preached in the Dravidian country, -and the tenets of the Satanis of this Presidency differ widely from -those of the followers of Chaitanya. The former worship only Krishna, -while the latter venerate Vishnu in the form of Narayana also. The -Satanis, too, have as much reverence for Ramanuja as the followers of -Chaitanya have towards their guru, who is said to be an incarnation -of Krishna. With regard to their religion, it will suffice to say that -they are Tengalai Vaishnavites. They shave their heads completely, and -tie their lower cloth like a Brahman bachelor. In their ceremonies they -more or less follow the Brahmans, but the sacred thread is not worn -by them. Though the consumption of alcoholic liquor and animal food -is strictly prohibited, they practice both to a considerable extent on -all festive occasions, and at sradhs. Drinking and other excesses are -common. Some Satanis bury the dead, and others burn them. The principal -occupations of Satanis are making garlands, carrying the torches during -the god's procession, and sweeping the temple floor. They also make -umbrellas, flower baskets and boxes of palmyra leaves, and prepare -the sacred balls of white clay (for making the Vaishnavite sectarian -mark), and saffron powder. Their usual agnomen is Aiya." - -In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the Satanis are summed up as -being "a Telugu caste of temple servants supposed to have come -into existence in the time of the great Vaishnavite reformer Sri -Ramanujacharya (A.D. 1100). The principal endogamous sub-divisions -of this caste are (1) Ekakshari, (2) Chaturakshari, (3) Ashtakshari, -and (4) Kulasekhara. The Ekaksharis (eka, one, and akshara, syllable) -hope to get salvation by reciting the one mystic syllable Om; the -Chaturaksharis believe in the religious efficacy of the four syllables -Ra-ma-nu-ja; the Ashtaksharis hold that the recitation of the eight -syllables Om-na-mo-na-ra-ya-na-ya (Om! salutation to Narayana) -will ensure them eternal bliss; and the Kulasekharas, who wear the -sacred thread, claim to be the descendants of the Vaishnava saint -Kulasekhara Alvar, formerly a king of the Kerala country. The first -two sections make umbrellas, flower garlands, etc., and are also -priests to Balijas and other Sudra castes of the Vaishnava sects, -while the members of the other two have taken to temple service. In -their social and religious customs, all the sub-divisions closely -imitate the Tengalai Vaishnava Brahmans. The marriage of girls after -puberty, and the remarriage of widows, are strictly prohibited. Most -of them employ Brahman purohits, but latterly they have taken to -getting priests from their own caste. They attach no importance to -the Sanskrit Vedas, or to the ritual sanctioned therein, but revere -the sacred hymns of the twelve Vaishnava saints or Alvars, called -Nalayira Prabandham (book of the four thousand songs), which is in -Tamil. From this their purohits recite verses during marriages and -other ceremonies." At the census, 1901, Ramanuja was returned as -a sub-caste of Satani. In the Manual of the North Arcot district, -Mr. H. A. Stuart describes the Satanis as "a mixed religious sect, -recruited from time to time from other castes, excepting Paraiyans, -leather-workers, and Muhammadans. All the Satanis are Vaishnavites, -but principally revere Bashyakar (another name for Ramanuja), whom they -assert to have been an incarnation of Vishnu. The Satanis are almost -entirely confined to the large towns. Their legitimate occupations are -performing menial services in Vishnu temples, begging, tending flower -gardens, selling flower garlands, making fans, grinding sandalwood -into powder, and selling perfumes. They are the priests of some Sudra -castes, and in this character correspond to the Saivite Pandarams." - -In the Census Report, 1871, the Satanis are described as being -"frequently religious mendicants, priests of inferior temples, -minstrels, sellers of flowers used as offerings, etc., and have -probably recruited their numbers by the admission into their ranks -of individuals who have been excommunicated from higher castes. As a -matter of fact, many prostitutes join this sect, which has a recognised -position among the Hindus. This can easily be done by the payment of -certain fees, and by eating in company with their co-religionists. And -they thus secure for themselves decent burial with the ceremonial -observances necessary to ensure rest to the soul." - -In the Mysore Census Report, 1891, it is noted that Satanis are -also styled Khadri Vaishnavas, Sattadaval, Chatali, Kulasekhara, -and Sameraya. These names, however, seem to have pricked their -amour propre in the late census, and they took considerable pains -not only to cast them off, but also to enrol themselves as Prapanna -Vaishnavas, Nambi, Venkatapura Vaishnavas, etc. The idea of being -tabulated as Sudras was so hateful to them that, in a few places, the -enumerators, who had so noted down their caste according to precedent, -were prosecuted by them for defamation. The cases were of course thrown -out. Further, the Mysore Census Superintendent, 1901, writes that "the -sub-divisions of the Satanis are Khadri Vaishnavas, Natacharamurti, -Prathama Vaishnava, Sameraya or Samogi, Sankara, Suri, Sattadhava, -Telugu Satani, and Venkatapurada. Some are employed in agriculture, -but as a rule they are engaged in the service of Vishnu temples, -and are flower-gatherers, torch-bearers, and strolling minstrels." - -The Satanis are also called Dasa Nambis. They are flesh-eaters, -but some have now become pure vegetarians. There are, for example, -at Srivilliputtur in the Tinnevelly district, a large number who have -abandoned a meat dietary. They are connected with the temple of Andal, -and supply flowers and tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) leaves for worship, -carry torches before the goddess during processions, and watch the -gate of the temple during the night. The small income which they -derive from the temple is supplemented by the manufacture and sale of -palmyra leaf baskets, and umbrellas made from Pandanus leaves. As a -class, the Satanis are given to liquor, and all important ceremonial -occasions are made the excuse for copious potations. This weakness is -so well known that, in the north of the Presidency, the term Ramanuja -Matham is used to denote the consumption of meat and drink at death or -sradh ceremonies, just as Saivam signifies vegetarianism. The Satani -mendicant can be recognised by the peculiar flat gourd-shaped brass pot -and palm leaf fan which he carries. The Satanis claim to have sprung -from the sweat of Virat Purusha (lord of the universe). The following -legend is told, as accounting for the removal of the kudumi (tuft of -hair on the head), and wearing the cloth without a fold behind. In -the time of Ramanuja, the Satanis enjoyed certain privileges in the -temples, but, not satisfied with these, they claimed to take rank next -to Brahmans. This privilege was accorded, and, when flowers and other -things used in the worship of the god were to be distributed, they -were handed over to the Satanis. They, however, were unable to decide -who should be deputed to represent the community, each person decrying -the others as being of low caste. Ramanuja accordingly directed that -they should shave their heads, and wear their loin-cloths with a fold -in front only. - -In addition to other occupations already noted, Satanis sell -turmeric, coloured powders, and sacred balls of white clay used by -Vaishnavites. Some act as priests to Balijas and Komatis, at whose -death ceremonies the presence of a Satani is essential. Immediately -after death, the Satani is summoned, and he puts sect marks on -the corpse. At the grave, cooked food is offered, and eaten by the -Satani and members of the family of the deceased. On the last day of -the death ceremonies (karmandiram), the Satani comes to the house -of the dead person late in the evening, bringing with him certain -idols, which are worshipped with offerings of cooked rice, flesh, -and liquor in jars. The food is distributed among those present, -and the liquor is doled out from a spoon called parikam, or a broom -dipped in the liquor, which is drunk as it drips therefrom. - -Satani women dress just like Vaishnava Brahman women, from whom it -is difficult to distinguish them. In former days, the Satanis used to -observe a festival called ravikala (bodice) utchavam, which now goes -by the name of gandapodi (sandal powder) utchavam. The festival, as -originally carried out, was a very obscene rite. After the worship -of the god by throwing sandal powder, etc., the Satanis returned -home, and indulged in copious libations of liquor. The women threw -their bodices into vessel, and they were picked out at random by the -men. The woman whose bodice was thus secured became the partner of -the man for the day. - -For the following note on Satanis in the Vizagapatam district, I am -indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. Satani is said to be the shortened -form of Saththadavan, the uncovered man. They are prohibited from -covering three different parts of their bodies, viz., the head with -the usual tuft of hair, the body with the sacred thread, and the waist -with the customary strip of cloth. All devout Satanis shave their -heads completely. [There is a proverb "Tie a knot on the Satani's -tuft of hair, and on the ascetic's holy thread." The Satanis shave -the whole head, and the Sanyasis have no sacred thread.] [147] The -caste is divided into exogamous septs, or intiperulu. The custom of -menarikam, according to which a man marries his maternal uncle's -daughter, is observed. The remarriage of widows and divorce are -not allowed. Attempts have been made by some members of the caste, -in other parts of the Madras Presidency, to connect themselves with -Chaitanya. But, so far as the Vizagapatam district is concerned, -this is repudiated. They are Ramanuja Vaishnavas of the Tenkalai -persuasion. Their gurus are known as Paravasthuvaru--a corruption of -Paravasu Deva, whose figure is on the vimana of the Srirangam temple, -and who must be visited before entering the principal sanctuary. They -live at Gumsur in Ganjam, and have Sadacharulu, or ever-devout -followers, who act as their agents in Vizagapatam. They brand the -shoulders of Satanis with the Vaishnavite emblems, the sankha and -chakra, and initiate them into the mysteries of the Vaishnava religion -by whispering into their ears the word Ramanuja. The Satani learns by -heart various songs in eulogy of Srirangam and its deity, by means -of which he earns his living. He rises in the early morning, and, -after a bath, adorns his forehead and body with the Vaishnavite namam, -ties round his clean-shaved head a string of tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) -beads known as thirupavithram, puts a tulsi garland round his neck, -and takes a fan called gajakarnam, or elephant's ear, in his right -hand. In his left hand he carries a copper gourd-shaped vessel. He -is generally accompanied by another Satani similarly got up. When -begging, they sing the songs referred to above, and collect the rice -which is given to them in their vessels. At the end of their round -they return home, and their wives clean the rice, bow down before -it, and cook it. No portion of the rice obtained by begging should -be sold for money. The Satanis play an important part in the social -life of the Vaishnavites of the district, and are the gurus of some -of the cultivating and other classes. They preside at the final -death ceremonies of the non-Brahman Vaishnavite castes. They burn -their dead, and perform the chinna (little) and pedda rozu (big day) -death ceremonies. - -Sathu.--A synonym, meaning a company of merchants or travellers, -of Perike and Janappan. - -Saurashtra.--A synonym of the Patnulkarans, derived from the Saurashtra -country, whence they came southward. They also style themselves -Saurashtra Brahmans. - -Savalaikkaran.--A Tamil name for fishermen, who fish in the -sea. Savalai or saval thadi is the flattened paddle used for rowing -boats. The Savalaikkarans are more akin to the Pallis or Vanniyans -than to the Sembadavans. Though a large number are agriculturists, -some play on the nagasaram (reed instrument). In the Tinnevelly -district, where Melakkarans are scarce, the temple musicians are either -Savalaikkarans or Panisavans. The agricultural Savalaikkarans use the -title Padayachi, and the musicians the title Annavi. Their marriages -last three days, and the milk-post is made of teak-wood. Widow -remarriage is prohibited. The dead are always buried. Socially they -are on a par with the Maravans, with whom they interdine. - -Savali.--A synonym of Budubudike. - -Savantiya.--A synonym of Samantiya. - -Savara.--The Savaras, Sawaras, or Saoras, are an important -hill-tribe in Ganjam and Vizagapatam.The name is derived by -General Cunningham from the Scythian sagar, an axe, in reference -to the axe which they carry in their hands. In Sanskrit, sabara or -savara means a mountaineer, barbarian, or savage. The tribe has -been identified by various authorities with the Suari of Pliny -and Sabarai of Ptolemy. "Towards the Ganges," the latter writes, -"are the Sabarai, in whose country the diamond is found in great -abundance." This diamond-producing country is located by Cunningham -near Sambalpur in the Central Provinces. In one of his grants, -Nandivarma Pallavamalla, a Pallava king, claims to have released -the hostile king of the Sabaras, Udayana by name, and captured his -mirror-banner made of peacock's feathers. The Rev. T. Foulkes [148] -identifies the Sabaras of this copper-plate grant with the Savaras of -the eastern ghats. But Dr. E. Hultzsch, who has re-edited the grant, -[149] is of opinion that these Sabaras cannot be identified with -the Savaras. The Aitareya Brahmana of the Rig-veda makes the Savaras -the descendants of the sons of Visvamitra, who were cursed to become -impure by their father for an act of disobedience, while the Ramayana -describes them as having emanated from the body of Vasishta's cow to -fight against the sage Visvamitra. - -The language of the Savaras is included by Mr. G. A. Grierson [150] -in the Munda family. It has, he writes, "been largely influenced by -Telugu, and is no longer an unmixed form of speech. It is most closely -related to Kharia and Juang, but in some characteristics differs from -them, and agrees with the various dialects of the language which has -in this (linguistic) survey been described under the denomination -of Kherwari." - -The Savaras are described by Mr. F. Fawcett [151] as being much more -industrious than the Khonds. "Many a time," he writes, "have I tried -to find a place for an extra paddy (rice) field might be made, but -never with success. It is not too much to say that paddy is grown on -every available foot of arable ground, all the hill streams being -utilized for this purpose. From almost the very tops of the hills, -in fact from wherever the springs are, there are paddy fields; at the -top of every small area a few square yards, the front perpendicular -revetment [of large masses of stones] sometimes as large in area -as the area of the field; and larger and larger, down the hillside, -taking every advantage of every available foot of ground there are -fields below fields to the bottoms of the valleys. The Saoras show -remarkable engineering skill in constructing their paddy fields, and -I wish I could do it justice. They seem to construct them in the most -impossible places, and certainly at the expense of great labour. Yet, -with all their superior activity and industry, the Saoras are decidedly -physically inferior to the Khonds. It seems hard the Saoras should -not be allowed to reap the benefit of their industry, but must give -half of it to the parasitic Bissoyis and their retainers. The greater -part of the Saoras' hills have been denuded of forest owing to the -persistent hacking down of trees for the purpose of growing dry crops, -so much so that, in places, the hills look almost bare in the dry -weather. Nearly all the jungle (mostly sal, Shorea robusta) is cut -down every few years. When the Saoras want to work a piece of new -ground, where the jungle has been allowed to grow for a few years, -the trees are cut down, and, when dry, burned, and the ground is -grubbed up by the women with a kind of hoe. The hoe is used on the -steep hill sides, where the ground is very stony and rocky, and the -stumps of the felled trees are numerous, and the plough cannot be -used. In the paddy fields, or on any flat ground, they use ploughs -of lighter and simpler make than those used in the plains. They use -cattle for ploughing." It is noted by Mr. G. V. Ramamurti Pantulu, -in an article on the Savaras, that "in some cases the Bissoyi, -who was originally a feudatory chief under the authority of the -zemindar, and in other cases the zemindar claims a fixed rent in -kind or cash, or both. Subject to the rents payable to the Bissoyis, -the Savaras under them are said to exercise their right to sell or -mortgage their lands. Below the ghats, in the plains, the Savara has -lost his right, and the mustajars or the renters to whom the Savara -villages are farmed out take half of whatever crops are raised by the -Savaras." Mr. Ramamurti states further that a new-comer should obtain -the permission of the Gomongo (headman) and the Boya before he can -reclaim any jungle land, and that, at the time of sale or mortgage, -the village elders should be present, and partake of the flesh of the -pig sacrificed on the occasion. In some places, the Savaras are said to -be entirely in the power of Paidi settlers from the plains, who seize -their entire produce on the plea of debts contracted at a usurious -rate of interests. In recent years, some Savaras emigrated to Assam -to work in the tea-gardens. But emigration has now stopped by edict. - -The sub-divisions among the Savaras, which, so far as I can gather, -are recognised, are as follows:-- - -A.--Hill Savaras. - -(1) Savara, Jati Savara (Savaras par excellence), or Maliah -Savara. They regard themselves as superior to the other divisions. They -will eat the flesh of the buffalo, but not of the cow. - -(2) Arsi, Arisi, or Lombo Lanjiya. Arsi means monkey, and Lombo -Lanjiya, indicating long-tailed, is the name by which members of this -section are called, in reference to the long piece of cloth, which -the males allow to hang down. The occupation is said to be weaving -the coarse cloths worn by members of the tribe, as well as agriculture. - -(3) Luara or Muli. Workers in iron, who make arrow heads, and other -articles. - -(4) Kindal. Basket-makers, who manufacture rough baskets for holding -grain. - -(5) Jadu. Said to be a name among the Savaras for the hill country -beyond Kollakota and Puttasingi. - -(6) Kumbi. Potters who make earthen pots. "These pots," Mr. Fawcett -writes, "are made in a few villages in the Saora hills. Earthen -vessels are used for cooking, or for hanging up in houses as fetishes -of ancestral spirits or certain deities." - -B.--Savaras of the low country. - -(7) Kapu (denoting cultivator), or Pallapu. - -(8) Suddho (good). - -It has been noted that the pure Savara tribes have restricted -themselves to the tracts of hill and jungle-covered valleys. But, -as the plains are approached, traces of amalgamation become apparent, -resulting in a hybrid race, whose appearance and manners differ but -little from those of the ordinary denizens of the low country. The -Kapu Savaras are said to retain many of the Savara customs, whereas -the Suddho Savaras have adopted the language and customs of the Oriya -castes. The Kapu section is sometimes called Kudunga or Baseng, and the -latter name is said by Mr. Ramamurti to be derived from the Savara word -basi, salt. It is, he states, applied to the plains below the ghats, -as, in the fairs held there, salt is purchased by the Savaras of the -hills, and the name is used to designate the Savaras living there. A -class name Kampu is referred to by Mr. Ramamurti, who says that the -name "implies that the Savaras of this class have adopted the customs -of the Hindu Kampus (Oriya for Kapu). Kudumba is another name by which -they are known, but it is reported that there is a sub-division of them -called by this name." He further refers to Bobbili and Bhima as the -names of distinct sub-divisions. Bobbili is a town in the Vizagapatam -district, and Bhima was the second of the five Pandava brothers. - -In an account of the Maliya Savarulu, published in the 'Catalogue -Raisonné of Oriental Manuscripts,' [152] it is recorded that "they -build houses over mountain torrents, previously throwing trees across -the chasms; and these houses are in the midst of forests of fifty -or more miles in extent. The reason of choosing such situations is -stated to be in order that they may more readily escape by passing -underneath their houses, and through the defile, in the event of -any disagreement and hostile attack in reference to other rulers or -neighbours. They cultivate independently, and pay tax or tribute -to no one. If the zemindar of the neighbourhood troubles them for -tribute, they go in a body to his house by night, set it on fire, -plunder, and kill; and then retreat, with their entire households, -into the wilds and fastnesses. They do in like manner with any of the -zemindar's subordinates, if troublesome to them. If they are courted, -and a compact is made with them, they will then abstain from any wrong -or disturbance. If the zemindar, unable to bear with them, raise -troops and proceed to destroy their houses, they escape underneath -by a private way, as above mentioned. The invaders usually burn the -houses, and retire. If the zemindar forego his demands, and make an -agreement with them, they rebuild their houses in the same situations, -and then render assistance to him." - -The modern Savara settlement is described by Mr. Fawcett as having -two rows of huts parallel and facing each other. "Huts," he writes, -"are generally built of upright pieces of wood stuck in the ground, -6 or 8 inches apart, and the intervals filled in with stones and mud -laid alternately, and the whole plastered over with red mud. Huts are -invariably built a few feet above the level of the ground, often, when -the ground is very uneven, 5 feet above the ground in front. Roofs are -always thatched with grass. There is usually but one door, near one -end wall; no windows or ventilators, every chink being filled up. In -front of the doorway there is room for six or eight people to stand, -and there is a loft, made by cross-beams, about 5 feet from the floor, -on which grain is stored in baskets, and under which the inmates -crawl to do their cooking. Bits of sun-dried buffalo meat and bones, -not smelling over-sweet, are suspended from the rafters, or here and -there stuck in between the rafters and the thatch; knives, a tangi -(battle-axe), a sword, and bows and arrows may also be seen stuck in -somewhere under the thatch. Agricultural implements may be seen, too, -small ones stuck under the roof or on the loft, and larger ones against -the wall. As in Ireland, the pig is of sufficient importance to have -a room in the house. There is generally merely a low wall between the -pig's room and the rest of the house, and a separate door, so that it -may go in and out without going through that part of the house occupied -by the family. Rude drawings are very common in Saora houses. They -are invariably, if not always, in some way that I could never clearly -apprehend, connected with one of the fetishes in the house." "When," -Mr. Ramamurti writes, "a tiger enters a cottage and carries away -an inmate, the villages are deserted, and sacrifices are offered to -some spirits by all the inhabitants. The prevalence of small-pox in -a village requires its abandonment. A succession of calamities leads -to the same result. If a Savara has a number of wives, each of them -sometimes requires a separate house, and the house sites are frequently -shifted according to the caprice of the women. The death or disease -of cattle is occasionally followed by the desertion of the house." - -When selecting a site for a new dwelling hut, the Maliah Savaras place -on the proposed site as many grains of rice in pairs as there are -married members in the family, and cover them over with a cocoanut -shell. They are examined on the following day, and, if they are all -there, the site is considered auspicious. Among the Kapu Savaras, -the grains of rice are folded up in leaflets of the bael tree (Ægle -Marmelos), and placed in split bamboo. - -It is recorded by Mr. Fawcett, in connection with the use of the -duodecimal system by the Savaras that, "on asking a Gomango how -he reckoned when selling produce to the Panos, he began to count -on his fingers. In order to count 20, he began on the left foot -(he was squatting), and counted 5; then with the left hand 5 more; -then with the two first fingers of the right hand he made 2 more, -i.e., 12 altogether; then with the thumb of the right hand and the -other two fingers of the same, and the toes of the right foot he made 8 -more. And so it was always. They have names for numerals up to 12 only, -and to count 20 always count first twelve and then eight in the manner -described, except that they may begin on either hand or foot. To count -50 or 60, they count by twenties, and put down a stone or some mark -for each twenty. There is a Saora story accounting for their numerals -being limited to 12. One day, long ago, some Saoras were measuring -grain in a field, and, when they had measured 12 measures of some -kind, a tiger pounced in on them and devoured them. So, ever after, -they dare not have a numeral above 12, for fear of a tiger repeating -the performance." - -The Savaras are described by Mr. Fawcett as "below the middle height; -face rather flat; lips thick; nose broad and flat; cheek bones high; -eyes slightly oblique. They are as fair as the Uriyas, and fairer -than the Telugus of the plains. Not only is the Saora shorter and -fairer than other hill people, but his face is distinctly Mongolian, -the obliquity of the eyes being sometimes very marked, and the inner -corners of the eyes are generally very oblique. [The Mongolian type -is clearly brought out in the illustration.] The Saora's endurance -in going up and down hill, whether carrying heavy loads or not, -is wonderful. Four Saoras have been known to carry a 10-stone man -in a chair straight up a 3,800 feet hill without relief, and without -rest. Usually, the Saora's dress (his full dress) consists of a large -bunch of feathers (generally white) stuck in his hair on the crown -of his head, a coloured cloth round his head as a turban, and worn -much on the back of the head, and folded tightly, so as to be a good -protection to the head. When feathers are not worn, the hair is tied -on the top of the head, or a little at the side of it. A piece of -flat brass is another head ornament. It is stuck in the hair, which -is tied in a knot at the crown of the head, at an angle of about 40° -from the perpendicular, and its waving up and down motion as a man -walks has a curious effect. Another head ornament is a piece of wood, -about 8 or 9 inches in length and 3/4 inch in diameter, with a flat -button about 2 inches in diameter on the top, all covered with hair -or coloured thread, and worn in the same position as the flat piece -of brass. A peacock's feather, or one or two of the tail feathers -of the jungle cock, may be often seen stuck in the knot of hair on -the top of the head. A cheroot or two, perhaps half smoked, may -often be seen sticking in the hair of a man or woman, to be used -again when wanted. They also smoke pipes, and the old women seem -particularly fond of them. Round the Saora's neck are brass and bead -necklaces. A man will wear as many as thirty necklaces at a time, -or rather necklaces of various lengths passed as many as thirty times -round his neck. Round the Saora's waist, and under his fork, is tied a -cloth with coloured ends hanging in front and behind. When a cloth on -the body is worn, it is usually worn crossed in front. The women wear -necklaces like the men. Their hair is tied at the back of the head, -and is sometimes confined with a fillet. They wear only one cloth, tied -round the waist. During feasts, or when dancing, they generally wear -a cloth over the shoulders. Every male wears a small ring, generally -of silver, in the right nostril, and every female wears a similar ring -in each nostril, and in the septum. As I have been told, these rings -are put in the nose on the eighth or tenth day after birth. Bangles -are often worn by men and women. Anklets, too, are sometimes worn by -the women. Brass necklets and many other ornaments are made in Saora -hills by the Gangsis, a low tribe of workers in brass. The Saora's -weapons are the bow, sometimes ornamented with peacock's feathers, -sword, dagger, and tangi. The bow used by the Saoras is much smaller -than the bow used by any of the other hill people. It is generally -about 3 1/2 feet long, and the arrows from 18 to 21 inches. The bow -is always made of bamboo, and so is the string. The arrows are reeds -tipped with iron, and leathered on two sides only. A blunt-headed -arrow is used for shooting birds. Every Saora can use the bow from -boyhood, and can shoot straight up to 25 or 30 yards." - -As regards the marriage customs of the Savaras, Mr. Fawcett writes that -"a Saora may marry a woman of his own or of any other village. A man -may have as many as three wives, or, if he is a man of importance, -such as Gomango of a large village, he may have four. Not that there -is any law in the matter, but it is considered that three, or at -most four, are as many as a man can manage. For his first marriage, -a man chooses a young woman he fancies; his other wives are perhaps -her sisters, or other women who have come to him. A woman may leave -her husband whenever she pleases. Her husband cannot prevent her. When -a woman leaves her husband to join herself to another, the other pays -the husband she has left a buffalo and a pig. Formerly, it is said, -if he did not pay up, the man she left would kill the man to whom she -went. Now arbitration comes into play. I believe a man usually takes -a second wife after his first has had a child; if he did so before, -the first wife would say he was impotent. As the getting of the -first wife is more troublesome and expensive than getting the others, -she is treated the best. In some places, all a man's wives are said -to live together peaceably. It is not the custom in the Kolakotta -villages. Knowing the wives would fight if together, domestic felicity -is maintained by keeping up different establishments. A man's wives -will visit one another in the daytime, but one wife will never spend -the night in the house of another. An exception to this is that the -first wife may invite one of the other wives to sleep in her house -with the husband. As each wife has her separate house, so has she her -separate piece of ground on the hill-side to cultivate. The wives will -not co-operate in working each other's cultivation, but they will work -together, with the husband, in the paddy fields. Each wife keeps the -produce of the ground she cultivates in her own house. Produce of the -paddy fields is divided into equal shares among the wives. If a wife -will not work properly, or if she gives away anything belonging to -her husband, she may be divorced. Any man may marry a divorced woman, -but she must pay to her former husband a buffalo and a pig. If a man -catches his wife in adultery (he must see her in the act), he thinks he -has a right to kill her, and her lover too. But this is now generally -(but not always) settled by arbitration, and the lover pays up. A wife -caught in adultery will never be retained as a wife. As any man may -have as many as three wives, illicit attachments are common. During -large feasts, when the Saoras give themselves up to sensuality, -there is no doubt a great deal of promiscuous intercourse. A widow -is considered bound to marry her husband's brother, or his brother's -sons if he has no younger brothers. A number of Saoras once came to me -to settle a dispute. They were in their full dress, with feathers and -weapons. The dispute was this. A young woman's husband was dead, and -his younger brother was almost of an age to take her to wife. She had -fixed her affections on a man of another village, and made up her mind -to have him and no one else. Her village people wanted compensation -in the shape of a buffalo, and also wanted her ornaments. The men of -the other village said no, they could not give a buffalo. Well, they -should give a pig at least--no, they had no pig. Then they must give -some equivalent. They would give one rupee. That was not enough--at -least three rupees. They were trying to carry the young woman off -by force to make her marry her brother-in-law, but were induced to -accept the rupee, and have the matter settled by their respective -Bissoyis. The young woman was most obstinate, and insisted on having -her own choice, and keeping her ornaments. Her village people had no -objection to her choice, provided the usual compensation was paid. - -"In one far out-of-the-way village the marriage ceremony consists -in this. The bride's father is plied with liquor two or three times; -a feast is made in the bridegroom's house, to which the bride comes -with her father; and after the feast she remains in the man's house -as his wife. They know nothing of capture. In the Kolakotta valley, -below this village, a different custom prevails. The following is -an account of a Saora marriage as given by the Gomango of one of the -Kolakotta villages, and it may be taken as representative of the purest -Saora marriage ceremony. 'I wished to marry a certain girl, and, with -my brother and his son, went to her house. I carried a pot of liquor, -and arrow, and one brass bangle for the girl's mother. Arrived at -the house, I put the liquor and the arrow on the floor. I and the -two with me drank the liquor--no one else had any. The father of the -girl said 'Why have you brought the liquor?' I said 'Because I want -your daughter.' He said 'Bring a big pot of liquor, and we will talk -about it.' I took the arrow I brought with me, and stuck it in the -thatch of the roof just above the wall, took up the empty pot, and -went home with those who came with me. Four days afterwards, with the -same two and three others of my village, I went to the girl's father's -house with a big pot of liquor. About fifteen or twenty people of -the village were present. The father said he would not give the girl, -and, saying so, he smashed the pot of liquor, and, with those of his -village, beat us so that we ran back to our village. I was glad of the -beating, as I know by it I was pretty sure of success. About ten days -afterwards, ten or twenty of my village people went with me again, -carrying five pots of liquor, which we put in the girl's father's -house. I carried an arrow, which I stuck in the thatch beside the -first one. The father and the girl's nearest male relative each took -one of the arrows I had put in the thatch, and, holding them in their -left hands, drank some of the liquor. I now felt sure of success. I -then put two more arrows in the father's left hand, holding them in -his hand with both of my hands over his, and asked him to drink. Two -fresh arrows were likewise placed in the left hands of all the girl's -male relatives, while I asked them to drink. To each female relative -of the girl I gave a brass bangle, which I put on their right wrists -while I asked them to drink. The five pots of liquor were drunk by -the girl's male and female relations, and the villagers. When the -liquor was all drunk, the girl's father said 'Come again in a month, -and bring more liquor.' In a month I went again, with all the people -of my village, men, women and children, dancing as we went (to music -of course), taking with us thirty pots of liquor, and a little rice -and a cloth for the girl's mother; also some hill dholl (pulse), -which we put in the father's house. The liquor was set down in the -middle of the village, and the villagers, and those who came with me, -drank the liquor and danced. The girl did not join in this; she was -in the house. When the liquor was finished, my village people went -home, but I remained in the father's house. For three days I stayed, -and helped him to work in his fields. I did not sleep with the girl; -the father and I slept in one part of the house, and the girl and her -mother in another. At the end of the three days I went home. About -ten days afterwards, I, with about ten men of my village, went to -watch for the girl going to the stream for water. When we saw her, -we caught her, and ran away with her. She cried out and the people of -her village came after us, and fought with us. We got her off to my -village, and she remained with me as my wife. After she became my wife, -her mother gave her a cloth and a bangle." The same individual said -that, if a man wants a girl, and cannot afford to give the liquor, -etc., to her people, he takes her off by force. If she likes him, -she remains, but, if not, she runs home. He will carry her off three -times, but not oftener; and, if after the third time she again runs -away, he leaves her. The Saoras themselves say that formerly every -one took his wife by force. In a case which occurred a few years ago, -a bridegroom did not comply with the usual custom of giving a feast -to the bride's people, and the bride's mother objected to the marriage -on that account. The bridegroom's party, however, managed to carry off -the bride. Her mother raised an alarm, whereon a number of people ran -up, and tried to stop the bridegroom's party. They were outnumbered, -and one was knocked down, and died from rupture of the spleen. - -A further account of the Saora marriage customs is given by -Mr. Ramamurti Pantulu, who writes as follows. "When the parents of -a young man consider it time to seek a bride for him, they make -enquiries and even consult their relatives and friends as to a -suitable girl for him. The girl's parents are informally apprised of -their selection. On a certain day, the male relatives of the youth -go to the girl's house to make a proposal of marriage. Her parents, -having received previous notice of the visit, have the door of the -house open or closed, according as they approve or disapprove of -the match. On arrival at the house, the visitors knock at the door, -and, if it is open, enter without further ceremony. Sometimes the -door is broken open. If the girl's parents object to the match, they -remain silent, and will not touch the liquor brought by the visitors, -and they go away. Should, however, they regard it with favour, they -charge the visitors with intruding, shower abuse on them, and beat -them, it may be, so severely that wounds are inflicted, and blood is -shed. This ill-treatment is borne cheerfully, and without resistance, -as it is a sign that the girl's hand will be bestowed on the young -man. The liquor is then placed on the floor, and, after more abuse, -all present partake thereof. If the girl's parents refuse to give -her in marriage after the performance of this ceremony, they have -to pay a penalty to the parents of the disappointed suitor. Two or -three days later, the young man's relatives go a second time to the -girl's house, taking with them three pots of liquor, and a bundle -composed of as many arrows as there are male members in the girl's -family. The liquor is drunk, and the arrows are presented, one to each -male. After an interval of some days, a third visit is paid, and three -pots of liquor smeared with turmeric paste, and a quantity of turmeric, -are taken to the house. The liquor is drunk, and the turmeric paste -is smeared over the back and haunches of the girl's relatives. Some -time afterwards, the marriage ceremony takes place. The bridegroom's -party proceed to the house of the bride, dancing and singing to -the accompaniment of all the musical instruments except the drum, -which is only played at funerals. With them they take twenty big -pots of liquor, a pair of brass bangles and a cloth for the bride's -mother, and head cloths for the father, brothers, and other male -relatives. When everything is ready, the priest is called in. One of -the twenty pots is decorated, and an arrow is fixed in the ground at -its side. The priest then repeats prayers to the invisible spirits -and ancestors, and pours some of the liquor into leaf-cups prepared -in the names of the ancestors [Jojonji and Yoyonji, male and female], -and the chiefs of the village. This liquor is considered very sacred, -and is sprinkled from a leaf over the shoulders and feet of the -elders present. The father of the bride, addressing the priest, says -'Boya, I have drunk the liquor brought by the bridegroom's father, -and thereby have accepted his proposal for a marriage between his son -and my daughter. I do not know whether the girl will afterwards agree -to go to her husband, or not. Therefore it is well that you should ask -her openly to speak out her mind.' The priest accordingly asks the girl -if she has any objection, and she replies 'My father and mother, and -all my relatives have drunk the bridegroom's liquor. I am a Savara, and -he is a Savara. Why then should I not marry him?' Then all the people -assembled proclaim that the pair are husband and wife. This done, the -big pot of liquor, which has been set apart from the rest, is taken -into the bride's house. This pot, with another pot of liquor purchased -at the expense of the bride's father, is given to the bridegroom's -party when it retires. Every house-holder receives the bridegroom -and his party at his house, and offers them liquor, rice, and flesh, -which they cannot refuse to partake of without giving offence." - -"Whoever," Mr. Ramamurti continues, "marries a widow, whether it is her -husband's younger brother or some one of her own choice, must perform a -religious ceremony, during which a pig is sacrificed. The flesh, with -some liquor, is offered to the ghost of the widow's deceased husband, -and prayers are addressed by the Boyas to propitiate the ghost, so -that it may not torment the woman and her second husband. 'Oh! man,' -says the priest, addressing the deceased by name, 'Here is an animal -sacrificed to you, and with this all connection between this woman -and you ceases. She has taken with her no property belonging to -you or your children. So do not torment her within the house or -outside the house, in the jungle or on the hill, when she is asleep -or when she wakes. Do not send sickness on her children. Her second -husband has done no harm to you. She chose him for her husband, and he -consented. Oh! man, be appeased; Oh! unseen ones; Oh! ancestors, be you -witnesses.' The animal sacrificed on this occasion is called long danda -(inside fine), or fine paid to the spirit of a dead person inside the -earth. The animal offered up, when a man marries a divorced woman, -is called bayar danda (outside fine), or fine paid as compensation -to a man living outside the earth. The moment that a divorcée marries -another man, her former husband pounces upon him, shoots his buffalo -or pig dead with an arrow, and takes it to his village, where its -flesh is served up at a feast. The Boya invokes the unseen spirits, -that they may not be angry with the man who has married the woman, -as he has paid the penalty prescribed by the elders according to the -immemorial custom of the Savaras. - -From a still further account of the ceremonial observances in -connection with marriage, with variations, I gather that the liquor -is the fermented juice of the salop or sago palm (Caryota urens), -and is called ara-sal. On arrival at the girl's house, on the -first occasion, the young man's party sit at the door thereof, and, -making three cups from the leaves kiredol (Uncaria Gambier) or jak -(Artocarpus integrifolia), pour the liquor into them, and lay them on -the ground. As the liquor is being poured into the cups, certain names, -which seem to be those of the ancestors, are called out. The liquor -is then drunk, and an arrow (am) is stuck in the roof, and a brass -bangle (khadu) left, before the visitors take their departure. If the -match is unacceptable to the girl's family, the arrow and bangle are -returned. The second visit is called pank-sal, or sang-sang-dal-sol, -because the liquor pots are smeared with turmeric paste. Sometimes -it is called nyanga-dal-sol, because the future bridegroom carries -a small pot of liquor on a stick borne on the shoulder; or pojang, -because the arrow, which has been stuck in the roof, is set up in the -ground close to one of the pots of liquor. In some places, several -visits take place subsequent to the first visit, at one of which, -called rodai-sal, a quarrel arises. - -It is noted by Mr. Ramamurti Pantulu that, among the Savaras who -have settled in the low country, some differences have arisen in -the marriage rites "owing to the introduction of Hindu custom, i.e., -those obtaining among the Sudra castes. Some of the Savaras who are -more Hinduised than others consult their medicine men as to what -day would be most auspicious for a marriage, erect pandals (booths), -dispense with the use of liquor, substituting for it thick jaggery -(crude sugar) water, and hold a festival for two or three days. But -even the most Hinduised Savara has not yet fallen directly into the -hands of the Brahman priest." At the marriage ceremony of some Kapu -Savaras, the bride and bridegroom sit side by side at the auspicious -moment, and partake of boiled rice (korra) from green leaf-cups, the -pair exchanging cups. Before the bridegroom and his party proceed to -their village with the bride, they present the males and females of -her village with a rupee, which is called janjul naglipu, or money paid -for taking away the girl. In another form of Kapu Savara marriage, the -would-be bridegroom and his party proceed, on an auspicious day, to the -house of the selected girl, and offer betel and tobacco, the acceptance -of which is a sign that the match is agreeable to her parents. On a -subsequent day, a small sum of money is paid as the bride-price. On -the wedding day the bride is conducted to the home of the bridegroom, -where the contracting couple are lifted up by two people, who dance -about with them. If the bride attempts to enter the house, she is -caught hold of, and made to pay a small sum of money before she is -permitted to do so. Inside the house, the officiating Desari ties -the ends of the cloths of the bride and bridegroom together, after -the ancestors and invisible spirits have been worshipped. - -Of the marriage customs of the Kapu Savaras, the following account -is given in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district. "The Kapu -Savaras are taking to menarikam (marriage with the maternal uncle's -daughter), although the hill custom requires a man to marry outside -his village. Their wedding ceremonies bear a distant resemblance to -those among the hill Savaras. Among the Kapu Savaras, the preliminary -arrow and liquor are similarly presented, but the bridegroom goes at -length on an auspicious day with a large party to the bride's house, -and the marriage is marked by his eating out of the same platter with -her, and by much drinking, feasting, and dancing." - -Children are named after the day of the week on which they were -born, and nicknames are frequently substituted for the birth -name. Mr. Fawcett records, for example, that a man was called Gylo -because, when a child, he was fond of breaking nuts called gylo, and -smearing himself with their black juice. Another was called Dallo -because, in his youthful days, he was fond of playing about with a -basket (dalli) on his head. - -Concerning the death rites, Mr. Fawcett writes as follows. "As soon -as a man, woman, or child dies in a house, a gun, loaded with powder -only, is fired off at the door, or, if plenty of powder is available, -several shots are fired, to frighten away the Kulba (spirit). The -gun used is the ordinary Telugu or Uriya matchlock. Water is poured -over the body while in the house. It is then carried away to the -family burning-ground, which is situated from 30 to 80 yards from the -cluster of houses occupied by the family, and there it is burned. [It -is stated by Mr. S. P. Rice [153] that "the dead man's hands and feet -are tied together, and a bamboo is passed through them. Two men then -carry the corpse, slung in this fashion, to the burning-ground. When -it is reached, two posts are stuck up, and the bamboo, with the -corpse tied to it, is placed crosswise on the posts. Then below the -corpse a fire is lighted. The Savara man is always burnt in the -portion of the ground--one cannot call it a field--which he last -cultivated."] The only wood used for the pyre is that of the mango, -and of Pongamia glabra. Fresh, green branches are cut and used. No -dry wood is used, except a few twigs to light the fire. Were any one -to ask those carrying a body to the burning-ground the name of the -deceased or anything about him, they would be very angry. Guns are -fired while the body is being carried. Everything a man has, his bows -and arrows, his tangi, his dagger, his necklaces, his reaping-hook -for cutting paddy, his axe, some paddy and rice, etc., are burnt with -his body. I have been told in Kolakotta that all a man's money too is -burned, but it is doubtful if it really ever is--a little may be. A -Kolakotta Gomango told me "If we do not burn these things with the -body, the Kulba will come and ask us for them, and trouble us." The -body is burned the day a man dies. The next day, the people of the -family go to the burning-place with water, which they pour over the -embers. The fragments of the bones are then picked out, and buried -about two feet in the ground, and covered over with a miniature hut, -or merely with some thatching grass kept on the place by a few logs -of wood, or in the floor of a small hut (thatched roof without walls) -kept specially for the Kulba at the burning-place. An empty egg-shell -(domestic hen's) is broken under foot, and buried with the bones. It -is not uncommon to send pieces of bone, after burning, to relations -at a distance, to allow them also to perform the funeral rites. The -first sacrificial feast, called the Limma, is usually made about -three or four days after the body has been burnt. In some places, -it is said to be made after a longer interval. For the Limma a fowl -is killed at the burning-place, some rice or other grain is cooked, -and, with the fowl, eaten by the people of the family, with the usual -consumption of liquor. Of course, the Kudang (who is the medium of -communication between the spirits of the dead and the living) is on -the spot, and communicates with the Kulba. If the deceased left debts, -he, through the Kudang, tells how they should be settled. Perhaps -the Kulba asks for tobacco and liquor, and these are given to the -Kudang, who keeps the tobacco, and drinks the liquor. After the -Limma, a miniature hut is built for the Kulba over the spot where -the bones are buried. But this is not done in places like Kolakotta, -where there is a special hut set apart for the Kulba. In some parts -of the Saora country, a few logs with grass on the top of them, logs -again on the top to keep the grass in its place, are laid over the -buried fragments of bones, it is said to be for keeping rain off, -or dogs from disturbing the bones. In the evening previous to the -Limma, bitter food--the fruits or leaves of the margosa tree (Melia -Azadirachta)--are eaten. They do not like this bitter food, and partake -of it at no other time. [The same custom, called pithapona, or bitter -food, obtains among the Oriya inhabitants of the plains.] After the -Limma, the Kulba returns to the house of the deceased, but it is -not supposed to remain there always. The second feast to the dead, -also sacrificial, is called the Guar. For this, a buffalo, a large -quantity of grain, and all the necessary elements and accompaniments -of a feast are required. It is a much larger affair than the Limma, -and all the relations, and perhaps the villagers, join in. The evening -before the Guar, there is a small feast in the house for the purpose -of calling together all the previously deceased members of the family, -to be ready for the Guar on the following day. The great feature of -the Guar is the erection of a stone in memory of the deceased. From 50 -to 100 yards (sometimes a little more) from the houses occupied by a -family may be seen clusters of stones standing upright in the ground, -nearly always under a tree. Every one of the stones has been put up -at one of these Guar feasts. There is a great deal of drinking and -dancing. The men, armed with all their weapons, with their feathers -in their hair, and adorned with coloured cloths, accompanied by the -women, all dancing as they go, leave the house for the place where -the stones are. Music always accompanies the dancing. At Kolakotta -there is another thatched hut for the Kulba at the stones. The stone -is put up in the deceased's name at about 11 A.M., and at about 2 -P.M. a buffalo is killed close to it. The head is cut off with an -axe, and blood is put on the stone. The stones one sees are generally -from 1 1/2 to 4 feet high. There is no connection between the size -of the stone and the importance of the deceased person. As much of -the buffalo meat as is required for the feast is cooked, and eaten -at the spot where the stones are. The uneaten remains are taken away -by the relatives. In the evening the people return to the village, -dancing as they go. The Kolakotta people told me they put up the -stones under trees, so that they can have all their feasting in -the shade. Relations exchange compliments by presenting one another -with a buffalo for the Guar feast, and receive one in return on a -future occasion. The Guar is supposed to give the Kulba considerable -satisfaction, and it does not injure people as it did before. But, as -the Guar does not quite satisfy the Kulba, there is the great biennial -feast to the dead. Every second year (I am still speaking of Kolakotta) -is performed the Karja or biennial feast to the dead, in February -or March, after the crops are cut. All the Kolakotta Saoras join in -this feast, and keep up drinking and dancing for twelve days. During -these days, the Kudangs eat only after sunset. Guns are continually -fired off, and the people give themselves up to sensuality. On the -last day, there is a great slaughter of buffaloes. In front of every -house in which there has been a death in the previous two years, at -least one buffalo, and sometimes two or three, are killed. Last year -(1886) there were said to be at least a thousand buffaloes killed in -Kolakotta on the occasion of the Karja. The buffaloes are killed in the -afternoon. Some grain is cooked in the houses, and, with some liquor, -is given to the Kudangs, who go through a performance of offering the -food to the Kulbas, and a man's or a woman's cloth, according as the -deceased is a male or female, is at this time given to the Kudang for -the Kulba of each deceased person, and of course the Kudang keeps the -offerings. The Kudang then tells the Kulba to begone, and trouble the -inmates no more. The house people, too, sometimes say to the Kulba -'We have now done quite enough for you: we have given you buffaloes, -liquor, food, and cloths; now you must go'. At about 8 P.M., the house -is set fire to, and burnt. Every house, in which there has been a death -within the last two years, is on this occasion burnt. After this, -the Kulba gives no more trouble, and does not come to reside in the -new hut that is built on the site of the burnt one. It never hurts -grown people, but may cause some infantile diseases, and is easily -driven away by a small sacrifice. In other parts of the Saora country, -the funeral rites and ceremonies are somewhat different to what they -are in Kolakotta. The burning of bodies, and burning of the fragments -of the bones, is the same everywhere in the Saora country. In one -village the Saoras said the bones were buried until another person -died, when the first man's bones were dug up and thrown away, and the -last person's bones put in their place. Perhaps they did not correctly -convey what they meant. I once saw a gaily ornamented hut, evidently -quite new, near a burning-place. Rude figures of birds and red rags -were tied to five bamboos, which were sticking up in the air about -8 feet above the hut, one at each corner, and one in the centre, -and the bamboos were split, and notched for ornament. The hut was -about 4 1/2 feet square, on a platform three feet high. There were -no walls, but only four pillars, one at each corner, and inside -a loft just as in a Saora's hut. A very communicative Saora said -he built the hut for his brother after he had performed the Limma, -and had buried the bones in the raised platform in the centre of the -hut. He readily went inside, and showed what he kept there for the -use of his dead brother's Kulba. On the loft were baskets of grain, -a bottle of oil for his body, a brush to sweep the hut; in fact -everything the Kulba wanted. Generally, where it is the custom to -have a hut for the Kulba, such hut is furnished with food, tobacco, -and liquor. The Kulba is still a Saora, though a spiritual one. In a -village two miles from that in which I saw the gaily ornamented hut, -no hut of any kind is built for the Kulba; the bones are merely covered -with grass. Weapons, ornaments, etc., are rarely burned with a body -outside the Kolakotta villages. In some places, perhaps one weapon, -or a few ornaments will be burned with it. In some places the Limma -and Guar feasts are combined, and in other places (and this is most -common) the Guar and Karja are combined, but there is no burning -of houses. In some places this is performed if crops are good. One -often sees, placed against the upright stones to the dead, pieces -of ploughs for male Kulbas, and baskets for sifting grain for female -Kulbas. I once came across some hundreds of Saoras performing the Guar -Karja. Dancing, with music, fantastically dressed, and brandishing -their weapons, they returned from putting up the stones to the village, -and proceeded to hack to pieces with their axes the buffaloes that -had been slaughtered--a disgusting sight. After dark, many of the -feasters passed my camp on their way home, some carrying legs and other -large pieces of the sacrificed buffaloes, others trying to dance in a -drunken way, swinging their weapons. During my last visit to Kolakotta, -I witnessed a kind of combination of the Limma and Guar (an uncommon -arrangement there) made owing to peculiar circumstances. A deceased -Saora left no family, and his relatives thought it advisable to get -through his Limma and Guar without delay, so as to run no risk of the -non-performance of these feasts. He had been dead about a month. The -Limma was performed one day, the feast calling together the deceased -ancestors the same evening; and the Guar on the following day. Part of -the Limma was performed in a house. Three men, and a female Kudang sat -in a row; in front of them there was an inverted pot on the ground, -and around it were small leaf cups containing portions of food. All -chanted together, keeping excellent time. Some food in a little leaf -cup was held near the earthen pot, and now and then, as they sang, -passed round it. Some liquor was poured on the food in the leaf cup, -and put on one side for the Kulba. The men drank liquor from the leaf -cups which had been passed round the earthen pot. After some silence -there was a long chant, to call together all spirits of ancestors -who had died violent deaths, and request them to receive the spirit -of the deceased among them; and portions of food and liquor were put -aside for them. Then came another long chant, calling on the Kulbas -of all ancestors to come, and receive the deceased and not to be -angry with him." - -It is stated [154] that, in the east of Gunupur, the Savaras commit -much cattle theft, partly, it is said, because custom enjoins big -periodical sacrifices of cattle to their deceased ancestors. In -connection with the Guar festival, Mr. Ramamurti Pantulu writes that -well-to-do individuals offer each one or two animals, while, among -the poorer members of the community, four or five subscribe small sums -for the purchase of a buffalo, and a goat. "There are," he continues, -"special portions of the sacrificed animals, which should, according -to custom, be presented to those that carried the dead bodies to -the grave, as well as to the Boya and Gomong. If a man is hanged, -a string is suspended in the house on the occasion of the Guar, so -that the spirit may descend along it. If a man dies of wounds caused -by a knife or iron weapon, a piece of iron or an arrow is thrust into -a rice-pot to represent the deceased." I gather further that, when a -Savara dies after a protracted illness, a pot is suspended by a string -from the roof of the house. On the ground is placed a pot, supported on -three stones. The pots are smeared with turmeric paste, and contain a -brass box, chillies, rice, onions, and salt. They are regarded as very -sacred, and it is believed that the ancestors sometimes visit them. - -Concerning the religion of the Savaras, Mr. Fawcett notes that their -name for deity is Sonnum or Sunnam, and describes the following:-- - -(1) Jalia. In some places thought to be male, and in others female. The -most widely known, very malevolent, always going about from one Saora -village to another causing illness or death; in some places said to eat -people. Almost every illness that ends in death in three or four days -is attributed to Jalia's malevolence. When mangoes ripen, and before -they are eaten cooked (though they may be eaten raw), a sacrifice of -goats, with the usual drinking and dancing, is made to this deity. In -some villages, in the present year (1887), there were built for -the first time, temples--square thatched places without walls--in -the villages. The reason given for building in the villages was that -Jalia had come into them. Usually erections are outside villages, and -sacrifice is made there, in order that Jalia may be there appeased, and -go away. But sometimes he will come to a village, and, if he does, it -is advisable to make him comfortable. One of these newly built temples -was about four feet square, thatched on the top, with no walls, just -like the hut for departed spirits. A Saora went inside, and showed -us the articles kept for Jalia's use and amusement. There were two -new cloths in a bamboo box, two brushes of feathers to be held in the -hand when dancing, oil for the body, a small looking-glass, a bell, -and a lamp. On the posts were some red spots. Goats are killed close -by the temple, and the blood is poured on the floor of the platform -thereof. There are a few villages, in or near which there are no -Jalia erections, the people saying that Jalia does not trouble them, -or that they do not know him. In one village where there was none, -the Saoras said there had been one, but they got tired of Jalia, -and made a large sacrifice with numerous goats and fowls, burnt his -temple, and drove him out. Jalia is fond of tobacco. Near one village -is an upright stone in front of a little Jalia temple, by a path-side, -for passers-by to leave the ends of their cheroots on for Jalia. - -(2) Kitung. In some parts there is a story that this deity produced -all the Saoras in Orissa, and brought them with all the animals of -the jungles to the Saora country. In some places, a stone outside the -village represents this deity, and on it sacrifices are made on certain -occasions to appease this deity. The stone is not worshipped. There -are also groves sacred to this deity. The Uriyas in the Saora hills -also have certain sacred groves, in which the axe is never used. - -(3) Rathu. Gives pains in the neck. - -(4) Dharma Boja, Lankan (above), Ayungang (the sun). The first name is, -I think, of Uriya origin, and the last the real Saora name. There is -an idea in the Kolakotta country that it causes all births. This deity -is not altogether beneficent, and causes sickness, and may be driven -away by sacrifices. In some villages, this deity is almost the only -one known. A Saora once told me, on my pointing to Venus and asking -what it was, that the stars are the children of the sun and moon, and -one day the sun said he would eat them all up. Woman-like, the moon -protested against the destruction of her progeny, but was obliged to -give in. She, however, managed to hide Venus while the others were -being devoured. Venus was the only planet he knew. In some parts, -the sun is not a deity. - -(5) Kanni. Very malevolent. Lives in big trees, so they are never -cut in groves which this deity is supposed to haunt. I frequently -saw a Saora youth of about 20, who was supposed to be possessed by -this deity. He was an idiot, who had fits. Numerous buffaloes had -been sacrificed to Kanni, to induce that deity to leave the youth, -but to no purpose. - -"There are many hill deities known in certain localities--Derema, -supposed to be on the Deodangar hill, the highest in the neighbourhood, -Khistu, Kinchinyung, Ilda, Lobo, Kondho, Balu, Baradong, etc. These -deities of the hills are little removed from the spirits of the -deceased Saoras. [Mr. Ramamurti Pantulu refers to two hills, one at -Gayaba called Jum-tang Baru, or eat cow hill, and the other about -eight miles from Parlakimedi, called Media Baru. At the former, a cow -or bull is sacrificed, because a Kuttung once ate the flesh of a cow -there; at the latter the spirits require only milk and liquor. This -is peculiar, as the Savaras generally hold milk in abhorrence.]" - -"There is invariably one fetish, and generally there are several -fetishes in every Saora house. In some villages, where the sun is the -chief deity (and causes most mischief), there are fetishes of the sun -god; in another village, fetishes of Jalia, Kitung, etc. I once saw -six Jalia fetishes, and three other fetishes in one house. There are -also, especially about Kolakotta, Kulba fetishes in houses. The fetish -is generally an empty earthen pot, about nine inches in diameter, -slung from the roof. The Kudang slings it up. On certain occasions, -offerings are made to the deity or Kulba represented by the fetish -on the floor underneath it. Rude pictures, too, are sometimes -fetishes. The fetish to the sun is generally ornamented with a rude -pattern daubed in white on the outside. In the village of Bori in the -Vizagapatam Agency, offerings are made to the sun fetish when a member -of the household gets pains in the legs or arms, and the fetish is -said on such occasion to descend of itself to the floor. Sacrifices -are sometimes made inside houses, under the fetishes, sometimes at -the door, and blood put on the ground underneath the fetish." - -It is noted by Mr. Ramamurti Pantulu that "the Kittungs are ten -in number, and are said to be all brothers. Their names are Bhima, -Rama, Jodepulu, Peda, Rung-rung, Tumanna, Garsada, Jaganta, Mutta, -and Tete. On some occasions, ten figures of men, representing the -Kittungs, are drawn on the walls of a house. Figures of horses and -elephants, the sun, moon and stars, are also drawn below them. The -Boya is also represented. When a woman is childless, or when her -children die frequently, she takes a vow that the Kittungpurpur -ceremony shall be celebrated, if a child is born to her, and grows -in a healthy state. If this comes to pass, a young pig is purchased, -and marked for sacrifice. It is fattened, and allowed to grow till -the child reaches the age of twelve, when the ceremony is performed. - -The Madras Museum possesses a series of wooden votive offerings -which were found stacked in a structure, which has been described to -me as resembling a pigeon-cot. The offerings consisted of a lizard -(Varanus), paroquet, monkey, peacock, human figures, dagger, gun, -sword, pick-axe, and musical horn. The Savaras would not sell them -to the district officer, but parted with them on the understanding -that they would be worshipped by the Government. - -I gather that, at the sale or transfer of land, the spirits are invoked -by the Boya, and, after the distribution of liquor, the seller or -mortgager holds a pipal (Ficus religiosa) leaf with a lighted wick -in it in his hand, while the purchaser or mortgagee holds another -leaf without a wick. The latter covers the palm of the former with -his leaf, and the terms of the transaction are then announced. - -Concerning the performance of sacrifices, Mr. Fawcett writes that -"the Saoras say they never practiced human sacrifice. Most Saora -sacrifices, which are also feasts, are made to appease deities or -Kulbas that have done mischief. I will first notice the few which do -not come in this category. (a) The feast to Jalia when mangoes ripen, -already mentioned, is one. In a village where the sun, and not Jalia, -is the chief deity, this feast is made to the sun. Jalia does not -trouble the village, as the Kudung meets him outside it now and -then, and sends him away by means of a sacrifice. [Sacrifices and -offerings of pigs or fowls, rice, and liquor, are also made at the -mahua, hill grain, and red gram festivals.] (b) A small sacrifice, -or an offering of food, is made in some places before a child is -born. About Kolakotta, when a child is born, a fowl or a pound or so -of rice, and a quart of liquor provided by the people of the house, -will be taken by the Kudang to the jungle, and the fowl sacrificed -to Kanni. Blood, liquor, and rice are left in leaf cups for Kanni, -and the rest is eaten. In every paddy field in Kolakotta, when the -paddy is sprouting, a sacrifice is made to Sattira for good crops. A -stick of the tree called in Uriya kendhu, about five or six feet -long, is stuck in the ground. The upper end is sharpened to a point, -on which is impaled a live young pig or a live fowl, and over it an -inverted earthen pot daubed over with white rings. If this sacrifice -is not made, good crops cannot be expected. [It may be noted that -the impaling of live pigs is practiced in the Telugu country.] [155] -When crops ripen, and before the grain is eaten, sacrifice is made -to Lobo (the earth). Lobo Sonnum is the earth deity. If they eat the -grain without performing this sacrifice, it will disagree with them, -and will not germinate properly when sown again. If crops are good, -a goat is killed, if not good, a pig or a fowl. A Kolakotta Saora told -me of another sacrifice, which is partly of a propitiatory nature. If -a tiger or panther kills a person, the Kudang is called, and he, -on the following Sunday, goes through a performance, to prevent -a similar fate overtaking others. Two pigs are killed outside the -village, and every man, woman, and child is made to walk over the -ground whereon the pig's blood is spilled, and the Kudang gives to -each individual some kind of tiger medicine as a charm. The Kudang -communicates with the Kulba of the deceased, and learns the whole -story of how he met his death. In another part of the Saora country, -the above sacrifice is unknown; and, when a person is killed by a tiger -or panther, a buffalo is sacrificed to the Kulba of the deceased three -months afterwards. The feast is begun before dark, and the buffalo -is killed the next morning. No medicine is used. Of sacrifices after -injury is felt, and in order to get rid of it, that for rain may be -noticed first. The Gomango, another important man in the village, -and the Kudang officiate. A pig and a goat are killed outside the -village to Kitung. The blood must flow on the stone. Then liquor and -grain are set forth, and a feast is made. About Kolakotta the belief -in the active malevolence of Kulbas is more noticeable than in other -parts, where deities cause nearly all mischief. Sickness and death are -caused by deities or Kulbas, and it is the Kudang who ascertains which -particular spirit is in possession of, or has hold of any sick person, -and informs him what is to be done in order to drive it away. He -divines in this way usually. He places a small earthen saucer, with -a little oil and lighted wick in it, in the patient's hand. With his -left hand he holds the patient's wrist, and with his right drops from -a leaf cup grains of rice on to the flame. As each grain drops, he -calls out the name of different deities, and Kulbas, and, whichever -spirit is being named as a grain catches fire, is that causing the -sickness. The Kudang is at once in communication with the deity or -Kulba, who informs him what must be done for him, what sacrifice made -before he will go away. There is, in some parts of the Saora country, -another method by which a Kudang divines the cause of sickness. He -holds the patient's hand for a quarter of an hour or so, and goes -off in a trance, in which the deity or Kulba causing the sickness -communicates with the Kudang, and says what must be done to appease -him. The Kudang is generally, if not always, fasting when engaged in -divination. If a deity or Kulba refuses to go away from a sick person, -another more powerful deity or Kulba can be induced to turn him out. - -A long account of a big sacrifice is given by Mr. Fawcett, of which -the following is a summary. The Kudang was a lean individual of about -40 or 45, with a grizzled beard a couple of inches in length. He -had a large bunch of feathers in his hair, and the ordinary Saora -waist-cloth with a tail before and behind. There were tom-toms with -the party. A buffalo was tied up in front of the house, and was to be -sacrificed to a deity who had seized on a young boy, and was giving him -fever. The boy's mother came out with some grain, and other necessaries -for a feed, in a basket on her head. All started, the father of the -boy carrying him, a man dragging the buffalo along, and the Kudang -driving it from behind. As they started, the Kudang shouted out some -gibberish, apparently addressed to the deity, to whom the sacrifice -was to be made. The party halted in the shade of some big trees. They -said that the sacrifice was to the road god, who would go away by the -path after the sacrifice. Having arrived at the place, the woman set -down her basket, the men laid down their axes and the tom-toms, and a -fire was lighted. The buffalo was tied up 20 yards off on the path, -and began to graze. After a quarter of an hour, the father took the -boy in his lap as he sat on the path, and the Kudang's assistant sat -on his left with a tom-tom before him. The Kudang stood before the -father on the path, holding a small new earthen pot in his hand. The -assistant beat the tom-tom at the rate of 150 beats to the minute. The -Kudang held the earthen pot to his mouth, and, looking up to the sun -(it was 9 A.M.), shouted some gibberish into it, and then danced round -and round without leaving his place, throwing up the pot an inch or so, -and catching it with both hands, in perfect time with the tom-tom, -while he chanted gibberish for a quarter of an hour. Occasionally, -he held the pot up to the sun, as if saluting it, shouted into it, and -passed it round the father's head and then round the boy's head, every -motion in time with the tom-tom. The chant over, he put down the pot, -and took up a toy-like bow and arrow. The bow was about two feet long, -through which was fixed an arrow with a large head, so that it could be -pulled only to a certain extent. The arrow was fastened to the string, -so that it could not be detached from the bow. He then stuck a small -wax ball on to the point of the arrow head, and, dancing as before, -went on with his chant accompanied by the tom-tom. Looking up at -the sun, he took aim with the bow, and fired the wax ball at it. He -then fired balls of wax, and afterwards other small balls, which the -Uriyas present said were medicine of some kind, at the boy's head, -stomach, and legs. As each ball struck him, he cried. The Kudang, -still chanting, then went to the buffalo, and fired a wax ball at -its head. He came back to where the father was sitting, and, putting -down the bow, took up two thin pieces of wood a foot long, an inch -wide, and blackened at the ends. The chant ceased for a few moments -while he was changing the bow for the pieces of wood, but, when he -had them in his hands, he went on again with it, dancing round as -before, and striking the two pieces of wood together in time. This -lasted about five minutes, and, in the middle of the dance, he put -an umbrella-like shade on his head. The dance over, he went to the -buffalo, and stroked it all over with the two pieces of wood, first -on the head, then on the body and rump, and the chant ceased. He then -sat in front of the boy, put a handful of common herbs into the earthen -pot, and poured some water into it. Chanting, he bathed the boy's head -with the herbs and water, the father's head, the boy's head again, -and then the buffalo's head, smearing them with the herbs. He blew -into one ear of the boy, and then into the other. The chant ceased, -and he sat on the path. The boy's father got up, and, carrying the -boy, seated him on the ground. Then, with an axe, which was touched -by the sick boy, he went up to the buffalo, and with a blow almost -buried the head of the axe in the buffalo's neck. He screwed the axe -about until he disengaged it, and dealt a second and a third blow -in the same place, and the buffalo fell on its side. When it fell, -the boy's father walked away. As the first blow was given, the Kudang -started up very excited as if suddenly much overcome, holding his arms -slightly raised before him, and staggered about. His assistant rushed -at him, and held him round the body, while he struggled violently as -if striving to get to the bleeding buffalo. He continued struggling -while the boy's father made his three blows on the buffalo's neck. The -father brought him some of the blood in a leaf cup, which he greedily -drank, and was at once quiet. Some water was then given him, and he -seemed to be all right. After a minute or so, he sat on the path with -the tom-tom before him, and, beating it, chanted as before. The boy's -father returned to the buffalo, and, with a few more whacks at it, -stopped its struggles. Some two or three men joined him, and, -with their axes and swords, soon had the buffalo in pieces. All -present, except the Kudang, had a good feed, during which the tom-tom -ceased. After the feed, Kudang went at it again, and kept it up at -intervals for a couple of hours. He once went for 25 minutes at 156 -beats to the minute without ceasing. - -A variant of the ceremonial here described has been given to me by -Mr. G. F. Paddison from the Gunapur hills. A buffalo is tied up to -the door of the house, where the sick person resides. Herbs and rice -in small platters, and a little brass vessel containing toddy, balls -of rice, flowers, and medicine, are brought with a bow and arrow. The -arrow is thicker at the basal end than towards the tip. The narrow -part goes, when shot, through a hole in the bow, too small to allow -of passage of the rest of the arrow. The Beju (wise woman) pours toddy -over the herbs and rice, and daubs the sick person over the forehead, -breasts, stomach, and back. She croons out a long incantation to -the goddess, stopping at intervals to call out "Daru," to attract -her attention. She then takes the bow and arrow, and shoots into the -air. She then stands behind the kneeling patient, and shoots balls -of medicine stuck on the tip of the arrow at her. The construction -of the arrow is such that the balls are dislodged from the tip of the -arrow. The patient is thus shot at all over the body, which is bruised -by the impact of the balls. Afterwards the Beju shoots one or two balls -at the buffalo, which is taken to a path forming the village boundary, -and killed with a tangi (axe). The patient is then daubed with blood -of the buffalo, rice and toddy. A feast concludes the ceremonial. - -The following account of a sacrifice to Rathu, who had given fever -to the sister of the celebrant Kudang, is given by Mr. Fawcett. "The -Kudang was squatting, facing west, his fingers in his ears, and -chanting gibberish with continued side-shaking of his head. About -two feet in front of him was an apparatus made of split bamboo. A -young pig had been killed over it, so that the blood was received in a -little leaf cup, and sprinkled over the bamboo work. The Kudang never -ceased his chant for an hour and a half. While he was chanting, some -eight Saoras were cooking the pig with some grain, and having a good -feed. Between the bamboo structure and the Kudang were three little -leaf cups, containing portions of the food for Rathu. A share of the -food was kept for the Kudang, who when he had finished his chant, -got up and ate it. Another performance, for which some dried meat -of a buffalo that had been sacrificed a month previously was used, -I saw on the same day. Three men, a boy, and a baby, were sitting -in the jungle. The men were preparing food, and said that they were -about to do some reverence to the sun, who had caused fever to some -one. Portions of the food were to be set out in leaf cups for the -sun deity." - -It is recorded by Mr. Ramamurti Pantulu that, when children are -seriously ill and become emaciated, offerings are made to monkeys and -blood-suckers (lizards), not in the belief that illness is caused by -them, but because the sick child, in its emaciated state, resembles -an attenuated figure of these animals. Accordingly, a blood-sucker -is captured, small toy arrows are tied round its body, and a piece of -cloth is tied on its head. Some drops of liquor are then poured into -its mouth, and it is set at liberty. In negotiating with a monkey, -some rice and other articles of food are placed in small baskets, -called tanurjal, which are suspended from branches of trees in the -jungle. The Savaras frequently attend the markets or fairs held -in the plains at the foot of the ghats to purchase salt and other -luxuries. If a Savara is taken ill at the market or on his return -thence, he attributes the illness to a spirit of the market called -Biradi Sonum. The bulls, which carry the goods of the Hindu merchants -to the market, are supposed to convey this spirit. In propitiating -it, the Savara makes an image of a bull in straw, and, taking it -out of his village, leaves it on the foot-path after a pig has been -sacrificed to it. - -"Each group of Savaras," Mr. Ramamurti writes, "is under the government -of two chiefs, one of whom is the Gomong (or great man) and the other, -his colleague in council, is the Boya, who not only discharges, in -conjunction with the Gomong, the duties of magistrate, but also holds -the office of high priest. The offices of these two functionaries are -hereditary, and the rule of primogeniture regulates succession, subject -to the principle that incapable individuals should be excluded. The -presence of these two officers is absolutely necessary on occasions -of marriages and funerals, as well as at harvest festivals. Sales -and mortgages of land and liquor-yielding trees, partition and -other dispositions of property, and divorces are effected in the -council of village elders, presided over by the Gomong and Boya, by -means of long and tedious proceedings involving various religious -ceremonies. All cases of a civil and criminal nature are heard -and disposed of by them. Fines are imposed as a punishment for all -sorts of offences. These invariably consist of liquor and cattle, -the quantity of liquor and the number of animals varying according -to the nature of the offence. The murder of a woman is considered -more heinous than the murder of a man, as woman, being capable of -multiplying the race, is the more useful. A thief, while in the -act of stealing, may be shot dead. It is always the man, and not -the woman, that is punished for adultery. Oaths are administered, -and ordeals prescribed. Until forty or fifty years ago, it is said -that the Savara magistrate had jurisdiction in murder cases. He -was the highest tribunal in the village, the only arbitrator in -all transactions among the villagers. And, if any differences arose -between his men and the inhabitants of a neighbouring village, for -settling which it was necessary that a battle should be fought, the -Gomong became the commander, and, leading his men, contested the cause -with all his might. These officers, though discharging such onerous -and responsible duties, are regarded as in no special degree superior -to others in social position. They enjoy no special privileges, and -receive no fees from the suitors who come up to their court. Except -on occasions of public festivals, over which they preside, they are -content to hold equal rank with the other elders of the village. Each -cultivates his field, and builds his house. His wife brings home fuel -and water, and cooks for his family; his son watches his cattle and -crops. The English officials and the Bissoyis have, however, accorded -to these Savara officers some distinction. When the Governor's -Agent, during his annual tour, invites the Savara elders to bheti -(visit), they make presents of a fowl, sheep, eggs, or a basket of -rice, and receive cloths, necklaces, etc. The Bissoyis exempt them -from personal service, which is demanded from all others." At the -Sankaranthi festival, the Savaras bring loads of firewood, yams -(Dioscorea tubers), pumpkins, etc., as presents for the Bissoyi, -and receive presents from him in return. - -Besides cultivating, the Savaras collect Bauhinia leaves, and sell -them to traders for making leaf platters. The leaves of the jel-adda -tree (Bauhinia purpurea) are believed to be particularly appreciated -by the Savara spirits, and offerings made to them should be placed -in cups made thereof. The Savaras also collect various articles of -minor forest produce, honey and wax. They know how to distil liquor -from the flowers of the mahua (Bassia latifolia). The process of -distillation has been thus described. [156] "The flowers are soaked -in water for three or four days, and are then boiled with water in an -earthenware chatty. Over the top of this is placed another chatty, -mouth downwards, the join between the two being made air-tight by -being tied round with a bit of cloth, and luted with clay. From a -hole made in the upper chatty, a hollow bamboo leads to a third pot, -specially made for the purpose, which is globular, and has no opening -except that into which the bamboo pipe leads. This last is kept cool -by pouring water constantly over it, and the distillate is forced -into it through the bamboo, and there condenses." - -In a report on his tour through the Savara country in 1863, the Agent -to the Governor of Madras reported as follows. "At Gunapur I heard -great complaints of the thievish habits of the Soura tribes on the -hills dividing Gunapur from Pedda Kimedy. They are not dacoits, but -very expert burglers, if the term can be applied to digging a hole -in the night through a mud wall. If discovered and hard pressed, -they do not hesitate to discharge their arrows, which they do with -unerring aim, and always with fatal result. Three or four murders -have been perpetrated by these people in this way since the country -has been under our management. I arranged with the Superintendent of -Police to station a party of the Armed Reserve in the ghaut leading -to Soura country. One or two cases of seizure and conviction will -suffice to put a check to the crime." - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district, that -"in 1864 trouble occurred with the Savaras. One of their headmen -having been improperly arrested by the police of Pottasingi, they -effected a rescue, killed the Inspector and four constables, and -burnt down the station-house. The Raja of Jeypore was requested to use -his influence to procure the arrest of the offenders, and eventually -twenty-four were captured, of whom nine were transported for life, -and five were sentenced to death, and hanged at Jalteru, at the foot -of the ghat to Pottasingi. Government presented the Raja with a rifle -and other gifts in acknowledgment of his assistance. The country did -not immediately calm down, however, and, in 1865, a body of police, -who were sent to establish a post in the hills, were attacked, -and forced to beat a retreat down the ghat. A large force was then -assembled, and, after a brief but harassing campaign, the post was -firmly occupied in January, 1866. Three of the ringleaders of this -rising were transported for life. The hill Savaras remained timid -and suspicious for some years afterwards, and, as late as 1874, -the reports mention it as a notable fact that they were beginning to -frequent markets on the plains, and that the low-country people no -longer feared to trust themselves above the ghats." - -In 1905, Government approved the following proposals for the -improvement of education among the Savaras and other hill tribes in -the Ganjam and Vizagapatam Agencies, so far as Government schools -are concerned:-- - -(1) That instruction to the hill tribes should be given orally -through the medium of their own mother tongue, and that, when a Savara -knows both Uriya and Telugu, it would be advantageous to educate him -in Uriya; - -(2) That evening classes be opened whenever possible, the buildings in -which they are held being also used for night schools for adults who -should receive oral instruction, and that magic-lantern exhibitions -might be arranged for occasionally, to make the classes attractive; - -(3) That concessions, if any, in the matter of grants admissible to -Savaras, Khonds, etc., under the Grant-in-aid Code, be extended to -the pupils of the above communities that attend schools in the plains; - -(4) That an itinerating agency, who could go round and look after the -work of the agency schools, be established and that, in the selection -of hill school establishments, preference be given to men educated -in the hill schools; - -(5) That some suitable form of manual occupation be introduced, -wherever possible, into the day's work, and the schools be supplied -with the requisite tools, and that increased grants be given for -anything original. - -Savara.--A name, denoting hill-men, adopted by Male Kudiyas. - -Savu (death).--A sub-division of Mala. - -Sayakkaran.--An occupational term, meaning a dyer, returned, at times -of census, by Tamil dyers. - -Sayumpadai Tangi.--The name, meaning supporter of the vanquished army, -of a section of Kallans. - -Sedan.--A synonym of Devanga. At times of census, Seda Dasi has been -returned by Devanga dancing-girls in the Madura district. The following -legend of Savadamma, the goddess of the weaver caste in Coimbatore, is -narrated by Bishop Whitehead. [157] "Once upon a time, when there was -fierce conflict between the men and the rakshasas, the men, who were -getting defeated, applied for help to the god Siva, who sent his wife -Parvati as an avatar or incarnation into the world to help them. The -avatar enabled them to defeat the rakshasas, and, as the weaver caste -were in the forefront of the battle, she became the goddess of the -weavers, and was known in consequence as Savadamman, a corruption of -Sedar Amman, Sedan being a title of the weavers. It is said that her -original home was in the north of India, near the Himalayas." - -Segidi.--The Segidis are a Telugu caste of toddy sellers and distillers -of arrack, who are found mainly in Ganjam and Vizagapatam. - -For the purposes of the Madras Abkari Act, toddy means fermented or -unfermented juice drawn from a cocoanut, palmyra, date, or any other -kind of palm-tree. It is laid down, in the Madras Excise Manual, that -"unfermented toddy is not subject to any taxation, but it must be -drawn in pots freshly coated internally with lime. Lime is prescribed -as the substance with which the interior of pots or other receptacles -in which sweet toddy is drawn should be coated, as it checks the -fermentation of the toddy coming in contact with it; but this effect -cannot be secured unless the internal lime coating of the toddy pot -or vessel is thorough, and is renewed every time that the pot is -emptied of its contents." It is noted by Bishop Caldwell [158] that -"it is the unfermented juice of the palmyra (and other palms) which -is used as food. When allowed to ferment, which it will do before -midday, if left to itself, it is changed into a sweet intoxicating -drink called kal or toddy." Pietro Della Valle records [159] that -he stayed on board till nightfall, "entertaining with conversation -and drinking tari, a liquor which is drawn from the cocoanut trees, -of a whitish colour, a little turbid, and of a somewhat rough taste, -though with a blending in sweetness, and not unpalatable, something -like one of our vini piccanti. It will also intoxicate, like wine, -if drunk over freely." Writing in 1673, Fryer [160] describes the -Natives as "singing and roaring all night long; being drunk with toddy, -the wine of the Cocoe." - -Arrack is a spirituous liquor distilled from the fermented sap of -various palms. In some parts of the Madras Presidency, arrack vendors -consider it unlucky to set their measures upside down. Some time ago, -the Excise Commissioner informs me, the Excise department had some -aluminium measures made for measuring arrack in liquor shops. It was -found that the arrack corroded the aluminium, and the measures soon -leaked. The shopkeepers were told to turn their measures upside down, -in order that they might drain. This they refused to do, as it would -bring bad luck to their shop. New measures with round bottoms were -evolved, which would not stand up. But the shopkeepers began to use -rings of india-rubber from soda-water bottles, to make them stand. An -endeavour has since been made to induce them to keep their measures -inverted by hanging them on pegs, so that they will drain without -being turned upside down. The case illustrates well how important a -knowledge of the superstitions of the people is in the administration -of their affairs. - -The Segidis do not draw the liquor from the palm-tree themselves, -but purchase it from the toddy-drawing castes, the Yatas and Gamallas. - -They have a caste headman, called Kulampedda, who settles disputes -with the assistance of a council. Like other Telugu castes, they have -intiperulu or house names, which are strictly exogamous. Girls are -married either before or after puberty. The custom of menarikam is -practiced, in accordance with which a man marries his maternal aunt's -daughter. A Brahman officiates at marriages, except the remarriage -of widows. When a widow is remarried, the caste-men assemble, and the -Kulampedda ties the sathamanam (marriage badge) on the bride's neck. - -The dead are usually cremated, and the washerman of the village -assists the chief mourner in igniting the pyre. A Satani conducts -the funeral ceremonies. - -The Segidis worship various village deities, and perantalammas, -or women who killed themselves during their husbands' lives or on -their death. - -The more well-to-do members of the caste take the title Anna. - -Sekkan (oil-man).--A synonym of Vaniyan. - -Sembadavan.--The Sembadavans are the fishermen of the Tamil country, -who carry on their calling in freshwater tanks (ponds), lakes and -rivers, and never in the sea. Some of them are ferrymen, and the name -has been derived from sem (good), padavan (boatmen). A legend runs -to the effect that the goddess Ankalamman, whom they worship with -offerings of sheep, pigs, fowls, rice, etc., was a Sembadava girl, of -whom Siva became enamoured, and Sembadavan is accordingly derived from -Sambu (Siva) or a corruption of Sivan padavan (Siva's boatmen). Some -members of the caste in the Telugu country returned themselves, at the -census, 1901, as Sambuni Reddi or Kapu. According to another legend, -the name is derived from sembu padavor or copper boatmen. Parvatha -Raja, disguised as a boatman, when sailing in a copper boat, threw -out his net to catch fish. Four Vedas were transformed into nets, with -which to catch the rakshasas, who assumed the form of fishes. Within -the nets a rishi was also caught, and, getting angry, asked the boatman -concerning his pedigree. On learning it, he cursed him, and ordained -that his descendants should earn their living by fishing. Hence the -Sembadavans call themselves Parvatha Rajavamsam. Yet another legend -states that the founder of the caste, while worshipping God, was -tried thus. God caused a large fish to appear in the water near the -spot at which he was worshipping. Forgetting all about his prayers, -he stopped to catch the fish, and was cursed with the occupation -of catching fish for ever. According to yet another account of the -origin of the Sembadavans, Siva was much pleased with their ancestors' -devotion to him when they lived upon the sea-shore by catching a few -fish with difficulty, and in recognition of their piety furnished them -with a net, and directed various other castes to become fish-eaters, -so that the Sembadavar might live comfortably. - -Of the Sembadavans of the North Arcot district, Mr. H. A. Stuart -writes [161] that they "act as boatmen and fishers. They have little -opportunity of exercising the former profession, but during heavy -freshes in big rivers they ferry people from bank to bank in round -leather-covered basket coracles, which they push along, swimming -or wading by the side, or assist the timid to ford by holding their -hands. At such times they make considerable hauls. During the rest -of the year they subsist by fishing in the tanks." - -"The Sembadavans of the South Arcot district," Mr. Francis writes, -[162] "are fresh-water fishermen and boatmen. Both their occupations -being of a restricted character, they have now in some cases taken to -agriculture, weaving, and the hawking of salted sea-fish, but almost -all of them are poor. They make their own nets, and, when they have -to walk any distance for any purpose, they often spin the thread -as they go along. Their domestic priests are Panchangi Brahmans, -and these tie the tali at weddings, and perform the purificatory -ceremonies on the sixteenth day after deaths." - -The Sembadavans consider themselves to be superior to Pattanavans, -who are sea-fishermen. They usually take the title Nattan, Kavandan, -Maniyakkaran, Paguththar, or Pillai. Some have assumed the title Guha -Vellala, to connect themselves with Guha, who rowed the boat of Rama -to Ceylon. At the census, 1901, Savalakkaran (q.v.) was returned as -a sub-caste. Savalalai or saval thadi is the flattened paddle for -rowing boats. A large number call themselves Pujari, (priest), and -wear the lingam enclosed in a silver casket or pink cloth, and the -sacred thread. It is the pujari who officiates at the temple services -to village deities. At Malayanur, in the South Arcot district, all -the Sembadavans call themselves pujari, and seem to belong to a single -sept called Mukkali (three-legged). - -Most of the Sembadavans call themselves Saivites, but a few, -e.g., at Kuppam in North Arcot, and other places, say that they -are Vaishnavites, and belong to Vishnu gotram. Even among those -who claimed to be Vaishnavites, a few were seen with a sandal paste -(Saivite) mark on the forehead. Their explanation was that they were -returning from the fields, where they had eaten their food. This they -must not do without wearing a religious emblem, and they had not with -them the mirror, red powder, water, etc., necessary for making the -Vaishnavite namam mark. They asserted that they never take a girl -in marriage from Saivite families without burning her tongue with a -piece of gold, and purifying her by punyavachanam. - -The Sembadavans at Chidambaram are all Saivites, and point out -with pride their connection with the temple. It appears that, on -a particular day, they are deputed to carry the idol in procession -through the streets, and their services are paid for with a modest -fee and a ball of cooked rice for each person. Some respect is shown -to them by the temple authorities, as the goddess, when being carried -in procession, is detained for some time in their quarters, and they -make presents of female cloths to the idol. - -The Sembadavans have exogamous septs, named after various heroes, -etc. The office of Nattan or Nattamaikkaran (headman) is confined to -a particular sept, and is hereditary. In some places he is assisted -by officers called Sangathikkar or Sangathipillai, through whom, -at a council, the headman should be addressed. At their council -meetings, representatives of the seven nadus (villages), into which -the Sembadavans of various localities are divided, are present. At -Malayanur these nadus are replaced by seven exogamous septs, viz., -Devar, Seppiliyan, Ethinayakan, Sangili, Mayakundali, Pattam, -and Panikkan. If a man under trial pleads not guilty to the charge -brought against him, he has to bear the expenses of the members of -council. Sometimes, as a punishment, a man is made to carry a basket -of rubbish, with tamarind twigs as the emblem of flogging, and a -knife to denote cutting of the tongue. Women are said to be punished -by having to carry a basket of rubbish and a broom round the village. - -Sembadavans who are ferrymen by profession do special worship to -Ganga, the goddess of water, to whom pongal (rice) and goats are -offered. It is believed that their immunity from death by drowning, -caused by the upsetting of their leather coracles, is due to the -protection of the goddess. - -The ceremonial when a girl reaches puberty corresponds to that -of various other Tamil castes. Meat is forbidden, but eggs are -allowed to be eaten. To ward off devils twigs of Vitex Negundo, -margosa (Melia Azadirachta), and Eugenia Jambolana are stuck in the -roof. Sometimes a piece of iron is given to the girl to keep. During -the marriage ceremonies, a branch of Erythrina indica is cut, and -tied, with sprays of the pipal (Ficus religiosa) and a piece of a -green bamboo culm, to one of the twelve posts, which support the -marriage pandal (booth). A number of sumangalis (married women) -bring sand, and spread it on the floor near the marriage dais, -with pots, two of which are filled with water, over it. The bride -and bridegroom go through a ceremony called sige kazhippu, with the -object of warding off the evil eye, which consists in pouring a few -drops of milk on their foreheads from a fig or betel leaf. To their -foreheads are tied small gold or silver plates, called pattam, of -which the most conspicuous are those tied by the maternal uncles. The -plate for the bridegroom is V-shaped like a namam, and that for the -bride like a pipal leaf. The bride and bridegroom go through a mock -ceremony representative of domestic life, and pot-searching. Seven -rings are dropped into a pot. If the girl picks up three of these, her -first-born will be a girl. If the bridegroom picks up five, it will -be a boy. Married women go in procession to an ant-hill, and bring -to the marriage booth a basket-load of the earth, which they heap up -round the posts. Offerings of balls of rice, cooked vegetables, etc., -are then made. After the wrist-threads (kankanam) have been removed, -the bride and bridegroom go to a tank, and go through a mock ploughing -ceremony. In some places, the purohits give the bridegroom a sacred -thread, which is finally thrown into a tank or well. - -By some Sembadavans a ceremony, called muthugunir kuththal (pouring -water on the back) is performed in the seventh month of pregnancy. The -woman stands on the marriage dais, and red-coloured water, and lights -are waved. Bending down, she places her hands on two big pots, and -milk is poured over her back from a betel leaf by all her relations. - -The Vaishnava Sembadavans burn, and the Saivites bury their dead in a -sitting posture. Fire is carried to the burial-ground by the barber. In -cases of burial the face is covered over by a cloth, in which a slit -is made, so that the top of the head and a portion of the forehead -are exposed. A figure representing Ganesa is made on the head with -ashes. All present throw sacred ashes, and a pie (copper coin) into -the grave, which is then filled in. While this is being done, a bamboo -stick is placed upright on the head of the corpse. On the surface -of the filled-in grave an oblong space is cleared, with the bamboo -in the centre. The bamboo is then removed, and water poured through -the hole left by it, and a lingam made, and placed over the opening. - -At Malayanur a ceremony called mayana or smasana kollai (looting the -burning-ground) is performed. The village of Malayanur is famous for -its Ankalamman temple, and, during the festival which takes place -immediately after the Sivaratri, some thousands of people congregate -at the temple, which is near the burning-ground. In front of the stone -idol is a large ant-hill, on which two copper idols are placed, and -a brass vessel, called korakkudai, is placed at the base of the hill, -to receive the various votive offerings. Early in the day, the pujari -(a Sembadavan) goes to a tank, and brings a decorated pot, called -pungkaragam, to the temple. Offerings are made to a new pot, and, -after a sheep has been sacrificed, the pot is filled with water, and -carried on the head of the pujari, who shows signs of possession by -the deity, through the streets of the village to the temple, dancing -wildly, and never touching the pot with his hands. It is believed that -the pot remains on the head, without falling, through the influence -of the goddess. When the temple is reached, another pujari takes up -a framework, to which are tied a head made of rice flour, with three -faces coloured white, black and red, representing the head of Brahma -which was cut off by Siva, and a pot with three faces on it. The -eyes of the flour figure are represented by hen's eggs. The pot is -placed beneath the head. Carrying the framework, and accompanied -by music, the pujari goes in procession to the burning-ground, and, -after offerings of a sheep, arrack, betel and fruits have been made -to the head of Brahma, it is thrown away. Close to the spot where -corpses are burnt, the pujaris place on the ground five conical heaps -(representing Ganesa), made of the ashes of a corpse. To these are -offered the various articles brought by those who have made vows, -which include cooked pulses, bangles, betel, parts of the human body -modelled in rice flour, etc. The offerings are piled up in a heap, -which is said to reach ten or twelve feet in height. Soon afterwards, -the people assembled fall on the heap, and carry off whatever they -can secure. Hundreds of persons are said to become possessed, eat the -ashes of the corpses, and bite any human bones, which they may come -across. The ashes and earth are much prized, as they are supposed to -drive away evil spirits, and secure offspring to barren women. Some -persons make a vow that they will disguise themselves as Siva, for -which purpose they smear their faces with ashes, put on a cap decorated -with feathers of the crow, egret, and peacock, and carry in one hand -a brass vessel called Brahma kapalam. Round their waist they tie a -number of strings, to which are attached rags and feathers. Instead -of the cap, Paraiyans and Valluvans wear a crown. The brass vessel, -cap, and strings are said to be kept by the pujari, and hired out -for a rupee or two per head. The festival is said to be based on the -following legend. Siva and Brahma had the same number of faces. During -the swayamvaram, Parvati, the wife of Siva, found it difficult to -recognise her husband, so Siva cut off Brahma's head. The head stuck -on to Siva's hand, and he could not get rid of it. To get rid of the -skull, and throw off the crime of murder, Siva wandered far and wide, -and came to the burning-ground at Malayanur, where various bhuthas -(devils) were busy eating the remains of corpses. Parvati also arrived -there, and failed to recognise Siva. Thereon the skull laughed, -and fell to the ground. The bhuthas were so delighted that they put -various kinds of herbs into a big vessel, and made of them a sweet -liquor, by drinking which Siva was absolved from his crime. For this -reason arrack is offered to him at the festival. A very similar rite is -carried out at Walajapet. A huge figure, representing the goddess, is -made at the burning-ground out of the ashes of burnt bodies mixed with -water, the eyes being made of hen's eggs painted black in the centre -to represent the pupils. It is covered over with a yellow cloth, and -a sweet-smelling powder (kadampam) is sprinkled over it. The following -articles, which are required by a married woman, are placed on it:--a -comb, pot containing colour-powder, glass bangles, rolls of palm leaf -for dilating the ear-lobes, and a string of black beads. Devotees -present as offerings limes, plantains, arrack, toddy, sugar-cane, -and various kinds of cooked grains, and other eatables. The goddess -is taken in procession from her shrine to the burning-ground, and -placed in front of the figure. The pujari (fisherman), who wears a -special dress for the occasion, walks in front of the idol, carrying -in one hand a brass cup representing the skull which Siva carried in -his hand, and in the other a piece of human skull bone, which he bites -and chews as the procession moves onward. When the burning-ground is -reached, he performs puja by breaking a cocoanut, and going round -the figure with lighted camphor in his hand. Goats and fowls are -sacrificed. A woman, possessed by a devil, seats herself at the feet -of the figure, and becomes wild and agitated. The puja completed, the -assembled multitude fall on the figure, and carry off whatever they -can grab of the articles placed on it, which are believed to possess -healing and other virtues. They also smear their bodies with the -ashes. The pujari, and some of the devotees, then become possessed, -and run about the burning-ground, seizing and gnawing partly burnt -bones. Tradition runs to the effect that, in olden times, they used to -eat the dead bodies, if they came across any. And the people are so -afraid of their doing this that, if a death should occur, the corpse -is not taken to the burning-ground till the festival is over. "In -some cases," Herbert Spencer writes, [163] "parts of the dead are -swallowed by the living, who seek thus to inspire themselves with the -good qualities of the dead; and we saw that the dead are supposed to -be honoured by this act." - -Sembunadu.--The name, meaning the Pandya country, of a sub-division -of Maravan. - -Semmadi.--A Telugu form of Sembadavan. - -Semman.--The Semmans are described, in the Madras Census Report, -1891, as "an insignificant caste of Tamil leather-workers, found only -in the districts of Madura and Tinnevelly (and in the Pudukottai -State). Though they have returned tailor and lime-burner as their -occupations, the original occupation was undoubtedly leather-work. In -the Tamil dictionaries Semman is explained as a leather-worker, and -a few of them, living in out-of-the way villages, have returned -shoe-making as their occupation. The Semmans are, in fact, a -sub-division of the Paraiyans, and they must have been the original -leather-workers of the Tamil tribes. The immigrant Chakkiliyans have, -however, now taken their place." The Semmans are described, in the -Madura Manual, as burning and selling lime for building purposes. In -the Census Report, 1901, the caste is said to have "two hypergamous -sub-divisions, Tondaman and Tolmestri, and men of the former take -wives from the latter, but men of the latter may not marry girls of -the former." - -Girls are married after puberty, and divorce and remarriage are freely -allowed. As the caste is a polluting one, the members thereof are -not allowed to use village wells, or enter caste Hindu temples. The -caste title is Mestri. - -Sem Puli (red tiger).--A section of Kallan. - -Senaikkudaiyan.--The Senaikkudaiyans are betel vine (Piper Betel) -cultivators and betel leaf sellers, who are found in large numbers -in the Tinnevelly district, and to a smaller extent in other parts -of the Tamil country. The original name of the caste is said to -have been Elai (leaf) Vaniyan, for which the more high-sounding -Senaikkudaiyan (owner of an army) or Senaittalavan (chief of an army) -has been substituted. They also called themselves Kodikkal Pillaimar, -or Pillaimars who cultivate betel gardens, and have adopted the title -Pillai. The titles Muppan and Chetti are also borne by members of -the caste. - -It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that "the priests of -the Senaikkudaiyans are Vellalas, and occasionally Brahmans. They do -not wear the sacred thread. They burn their dead, and perform annual -sraddhas (memorial services). In 1891, following the Tanjore Manual, -they were wrongly classed with Vaniyans or oil-mongers, but they are -superior to these in social position, and are even said to rank above -Nattukottai Chettis. Yet it is stated that, in Tanjore, Paraiyans -will not enter the Senaikkudaiyans' houses to carry away dead cattle, -and ordinary barbers will not serve them, and food prepared by them -will not be accepted even by barbers or washermen. Somewhat similar -anomalies occur in the case of the Kammalas, and the explanation -may be that these two castes belonged to the old left-hand faction, -while the Pariyans, and the barbers and washermen belonged to the -right-hand. Paraiyans similarly will not eat in the houses of Beri -Chettis, who were of the left-hand faction." - -Senapati.--A title, denoting commander-in-chief, said to be sold to -Khoduras, and also occurring as a title of other Oriya castes, e.g., -Kurumo and Ronguni. Among the Rongunis, the title is practically an -exogamous sept. Senapati is further a name for Sales (Telugu weavers), -the headman among whom is called Pedda (big) Senapati. The headman -of the Salapu weavers, who do not intermarry with the Sales, is also -styled Senapati. It is also a title of the Raja of Sandur. - -Sendalai (red-headed man).--Returned as a sub-division of Konga -Vellalas at times of census. - -Sengundam (red dagger).--A synonym, connected with a caste legend, -of Kaikolan. - -Seniga (Bengal gram: Cicer arietinum).--An exogamous sept of Medara -and Pedakanti Kapu. - -Seniyan.--The name Seniyan is generally used to denote the -Karna Sale weavers, but at Conjeeveram it is applied to Canarese -Devangas. Elsewhere Canarese Devangas belong to the left-hand section, -but at Conjeeveram they are classed with the right-hand section. Like -other Devangas, the Conjeeveram Seniyans have exogamous house-names -and gotras, which are interesting inasmuch as new names have been, in -recent times, substituted for the original ones, e.g., Chandrasekhara -rishi, Nilakanta rishi, Markandeya rishi. The Devangas claim Markandeya -as their ancestor. The old house-name Picchi Kaya (water-melon: -Citrullus vulgaris) has been changed to Desimarada, and eating the -melon is tabu. A list of the house-names and gotras is kept by the -headman for reference. The Conjeeveram Seniyans are Lingayats, but are -not so strict as the Canarese Lingayats. Jangams are respected, but -rank after their own stone lingams. In the observance of death rites, a -staunch Lingayat should not bathe, and must partake of the food offered -to the corpse. These customs are not observed by the Seniyans. Until -quite recently, a man might tie a tali (marriage badge) secretly on -a girl's neck, with the consent of the headman and his relatives, -and the girl could then be given in marriage to no other man. This -custom is said to have been very common, especially in the case of a -man's maternal uncle's or paternal aunt's daughter. At Conjeeveram it -was extended to girls not so related, and a caste council was held, -at which an agreement was drawn up that the secret tali-tying was -forbidden, and, if performed, was not to be regarded as binding. The -priest of the Conjeeveram Seniyans is a Vellala Pandaram, who is the -head of the Tirugnana Sambanda Murti mutt (religious institution) -at Conjeeveram. - -Servai.--Servai, meaning service, has been recorded as the title of -Agamudaiyans and Valaiyans. Servaikaran or Servaigaran (captain or -commander) is the title of Agamudaiyan, Ambalakaran, Kallan, Maravan, -and Parivaram. It further occurs as the name for a headman among the -Vallambans, and it has been adopted as a false caste name by some -criminal Koravas in the south. - -Servegara.--The Servegaras are a caste found in South Canara, and to -a small extent in Bellary. "They are said to be a branch of the Konkan -Marathis of Goa, from whence they were invited by the Lingayat kings of -Nagara to serve as soldiers and to defend their forts (kote), whence -the alternative name of Koteyava (or Kotegara). Another name for them -is Ramakshatri. The mother-tongue of the Servegaras of South Canara is -Canarese, while their brethren in the north speak Konkani. They have -now taken to cultivation, but some are employed in the Revenue and -Police departments as peons (orderlies) and constables, and a few are -shopkeepers. The name Servegara is derived from the Canarese serve, an -army. In religion they are Hindus, and, like most West Coast castes, -are equally partial to the worship of Siva and Vishnu. They wear -the sacred thread. Karadi Brahmans are their priests, and they owe -allegiance to the head of the Sringeri mutt. Their girls are married -before puberty, and the remarriage of widows is neither allowed nor -practiced. Divorce is permitted only on the ground of the unchastity -of the wife. The body of a child under three years is buried, and that -of any person exceeding that age is cremated. They eat flesh, but do -not drink. Their titles are Nayak, Aiya, Rao, and Sheregar." [164] -In the Census Report, 1901, Bomman Valekara is returned as a synonym, -and Vilayakara as a sub-caste of Servegara. - -Setti.--See Chetti. - -Settukkaran.--A castle title, meaning economical people, sometimes -used by Devangas instead of Setti or Chetti. - -Sevagha Vritti.--A sub-division of Kaikolan. - -Sevala (service).--An exogamous sept of Golla. - -Shanan.--The great toddy-drawing caste of the Tamil country, which, -a few years ago, came into special prominence owing to the Tinnevelly -riots in 1899. "These were," the Inspector-General of Police writes, -[165] "due to the pretensions of the Shanans to a much higher position -in the religio-social scale than the other castes are willing to -allow. Among other things, they claimed admission to Hindu temples, -and the manager of the Visvanatheswara temple at Sivakasi decided to -close it. This partial victory of the Shanans was keenly resented by -their opponents, of whom the most active were the Maravans. Organised -attacks were made on a number of the Shanan villages; the inhabitants -were assailed; houses were burnt; and property was looted. The most -serious occurrence was the attack on Sivakasi by a body of over -five thousand Maravans. Twenty-three murders, 102 dacoities, and -many cases of arson were registered in connection with the riots in -Sivakasi, Chinniapuram, and other places. Of 1,958 persons arrested, -552 were convicted, 7 being sentenced to death. One of the ring-leaders -hurried by train to distant Madras, and made a clever attempt to prove -an alibi by signing his name in the Museum visitor's book. During -the disturbance some of the Shanans are said to have gone into the -Muhammadan fold. The men shaved their heads, and grew beards; and the -women had to make sundry changes in their dress. And, in the case of -boys, the operation of circumcision was performed." - -The immediate bone of contention at the time of the Tinnevelly -riots was, the Census Superintendent, 1901, writes, "the claim of the -Shanans to enter the Hindu temples, in spite of the rules in the Agama -Shastras that toddy-drawers are not to be allowed into them; but the -pretensions of the community date back from 1858, when a riot occurred -in Travancore, because female Christian converts belonging to it gave -up the caste practice of going about without an upper cloth." On this -point Mr. G. T. Mackenzie informs us [166] that "in the first quarter -of the nineteenth century, the female converts to Christianity in the -extreme south ventured, contrary to the old rules for the lower castes, -to clothe themselves above the waist. This innovation was made the -occasion for threats, violence, and series of disturbances. Similar -disturbances arose from the same cause nearly thirty years later, -and, in 1859, Sir Charles Trevelyan, Governor of Madras, interfered, -and granted permission to the women of the lower castes to wear a -cloth over the breasts and shoulders. The following proclamation was -issued by the Maharaja of Travancore:--We hereby proclaim that there -is no objection to Shanan women either putting on a jacket like the -Christian Shanan women, or to Shanan women of all creeds dressing in -coarse cloth, and tying themselves round with it as the Mukkavattigal -(fisherwomen) do, or to their covering their bosoms in any manner -whatever, but not like women of high castes." "Shortly after 1858, -pamphlets began to be written and published by people of the caste, -setting out their claims to be Kshatriyas. In 1874 they endeavoured -to establish a right to enter the great Minakshi temple at Madura, -but failed, and they have since claimed to be allowed to wear the -sacred thread, and to have palanquins at their weddings. They say -they are descended from the Chera, Chola and Pandya kings; they have -styled themselves Kshatriyas in legal papers; labelled their schools -Kshatriya academy; got Brahmans of the less particular kind to do -purohit's work for them; had poems composed on their kingly origin; -gone through a sort of incomplete parody of the ceremony of investiture -with the sacred thread; talked much but ignorantly of their gotras; -and induced needy persons to sign documents agreeing to carry them -in palanquins on festive occasions." [During my stay at Nazareth in -Tinnevelly, for the purpose of taking measurements of the Shanans, -I received a visit from some elders of the community from Kuttam, -who arrived in palanquins, and bearing weapons of old device.] Their -boldest stroke was to aver that the coins commonly known as Shanans' -cash were struck by sovereign ancestors of the caste. The author -of a pamphlet entitled 'Bishop Caldwell and the Tinnevelly Shanars' -states that he had met with men of all castes who say that they have -seen the true Shanar coin with their own eyes, and that a Eurasian -gentleman from Bangalore testified to his having seen a true Shanar -coin at Bangalore forty years ago. The coin referred to is the gold -Venetian sequin, which is still found in considerable numbers in the -south, and bears the names of the Doges (Paul Rainer, Aloy Mocen, -Ludov Manin, etc.) and a cross, which the Natives mistake for a toddy -palm. "If," Mr. Fawcett writes, [167] "one asks the ordinary Malayali -(native of Malabar) what persons are represented on the sequin, one -gets for answer that they are Rama and Sita: between them a cocoanut -tree. Every Malayali knows what an Amâda is; it is a real or imitation -Venetian sequin. I have never heard any explanation of the word Amâda -in Malabar. The following comes from Tinnevelly. Amâda was the consort -of Bhagavati, and he suddenly appeared one day before a Shanar, -and demanded food. The Shanar said he was a poor man with nothing -to offer but toddy, which he gave in a palmyra leaf. Amâda drank the -toddy, and performing a mantram (consecrated formula) over the leaf, -it turned into gold coins, which bore on one side the pictures of -Amâda, the Shanar, and the tree, and these he gave to the Shanar as -a reward for his willingness to assist him." - -In a petition to myself from certain Shanans of Nazareth, signed by -a very large number of the community, and bearing the title "Short -account of the Cantras or Tamil Xatras, the original but down-trodden -royal race of Southern India," they write as follows. "We humbly -beg to say that we are the descendants of the Pandya or Dravida -Xatra race, who, shortly after the universal deluge of Noah, first -disafforested and colonized this land of South India under the guidance -of Agastya Muni. The whole world was destroyed by flood about B.C. 3100 -(Dr. Hale's calculation), when Noah, otherwise called Vaivasvata-manu -or Satyavrata, was saved with his family of seven persons in an -ark or covered ship, which rested upon the highest mountain of the -Aryavarta country. Hence the whole earth was rapidly replenished by -his descendants. One of his grandsons (nine great Prajapatis) was -Atri, whose son Candra was the ancestor of the noblest class of the -Xatras ranked above the Brahmans, and the first illustrious monarch -of the post-diluvian world." - -"Apparently," the Census Superintendent continues, "judging from the -Shanan's own published statements of their case, they rest their -claims chiefly upon etymological derivations of their caste name -Shanan, and of Nadan and Gramani, their two usual titles. Caste -titles and names are, however, of recent origin, and little can -be inferred from them, whatever their meaning may be shown to -be. Brahmans, for example, appear to have borne the titles of -Pillai and Mudali, which are now only used by Sudras, and the -Nayak kings, on the other hand, called themselves Aiyar, which -is now exclusively the title of Saivite Brahmans. To this day the -cultivating Vellalas, the weaving Kaikolars, and the semi-civilised -hill tribe of the Jatapus use equally the title of Mudali, and the -Balijas and Telagas call themselves Rao, which is properly the title -of Mahratta Brahmans. Regarding the derivation of the words Shanan, -Nadan and Gramani, much ingenuity has been exercised. Shanan is not -found in the earlier Tamil literature at all. In the inscriptions -of Rajaraja Chola (A. D. 984-1013) toddy-drawers are referred to as -Iluvans. According to Pingalandai, a dictionary of the 10th or 11th -century, the names of the toddy-drawer castes are Palaiyar, Tuvasar, -and Paduvar. To these the Chudamani Nikandu, a Tamil dictionary of -the 16th century, adds Saundigar. Apparently, therefore, the Sanskrit -word Saundigar must have been introduced (probably by the Brahmans) -between the 11th and 16th centuries, and is a Sanskrit rendering of -the word Iluvan. From Saundigar to Shanan is not a long step in the -corruption of words. The Shanans say that Shanan is derived from the -Tamil word Sanrar or Sanror, which means the learned or the noble. But -it does not appear that the Shanans were ever called Sanrar or Sanror -in any of the Tamil works. The two words Nadan and Gramani mean the -same thing, namely, ruler of a country or of a village, the former -being a Tamil, and the latter a Sanskrit word. Nadan, on the other -hand, means a man who lives in the country, as opposed to Uran, the -man who resides in a village. The title of the caste is Nadan, and -it seems most probable that it refers to the fact that the Iluvan -ancestors of the caste lived outside the villages. (South Indian -Inscriptions, vol. II, part 1.) But, even if Nadan and Gramani both -mean rulers, it does not give those who bear these titles any claim -to be Kshatriyas. If it did, all the descendants of the many South -Indian Poligars, or petty chiefs, would be Kshatriyas." - -The Census Superintendent, 1891, states that the "Shanans are in -social position usually placed only a little above the Pallas and -the Paraiyans, and are considered to be one of the polluting castes, -but of late many of them have put forward a claim to be considered -Kshatriyas, and at least 24,000 of them appear as Kshatriyas in the -caste tables. This is, of course, absurd, as there is no such thing as -a Dravidian Kshatriya. But it is by no means certain that the Shanans -were not at one time a warlike tribe, for we find traces of a military -occupation among several toddy-drawing castes of the south, such -as the Billavas (bowmen), Halepaik (old foot soldiers), Kumarapaik -(junior foot). Even the Kadamba kings of Mysore are said to have -been toddy-drawers. 'The Kadamba tree appears to be one of the palms, -from which toddy is extracted. Toddy-drawing is the special occupation -of the several primitive tribes spread over the south-west of India, -and bearing different names in various parts. They were employed by -former rulers as foot-soldiers and bodyguards, being noted for their -fidelity. [168]' The word Shanan is ordinarily derived from Tamil saru, -meaning toddy; but a learned missionary derives it from san (a span) -and nar (fibre or string), that is the noose, one span in length, -used by the Shanans in climbing palm-trees." The latter derivation -is also given by Vellalas. - -It is worthy of note that the Tiyans, or Malabar toddy-drawers, -address one another, and are addressed by the lower classes as Shener, -which is probably another form of Shanar. [169] - -The whole story of the claims and pretensions of the Shanans is -set out at length in the judgment in the Kamudi temple case (1898) -which was heard on appeal before the High Court of Madras. And I may -appropriately quote from the judgment. "There is no sort of proof, -nothing, we may say, that even suggests a probability that the Shanars -are descendants from the Kshatriya or warrior castes of Hindus, -or from the Pandiya, Chola or Chera race of kings. Nor is there any -distinction to be drawn between the Nadars and the Shanars. Shanar is -the general name of the caste, just as Vellala and Maravar designate -castes. 'Nadar' is a mere title, more or less honorific, assumed by -certain members or families of the caste, just as Brahmins are called -Aiyars, Aiyangars, and Raos. All 'Nadars' are Shanars by caste, unless -indeed they have abandoned caste, as many of them have by becoming -Christians. The Shanars have, as a class, from time immemorial, -been devoted to the cultivation of the palmyra palm, and to the -collection of the juice, and manufacture of liquor from it. There -are no grounds whatever for regarding them as of Aryan origin. Their -worship was a form of demonology, and their position in general social -estimation appears to have been just above that of Pallas, Pariahs, -and Chucklies (Chakkiliyans), who are on all hands regarded as unclean, -and prohibited from the use of the Hindu temples, and below that of -Vellalas, Maravans, and other classes admittedly free to worship in -the Hindu temples. In process of time, many of the Shanars took to -cultivating, trade, and money-lending, and to-day there is a numerous -and prosperous body of Shanars, who have no immediate concern with -the immemorial calling of their caste. In many villages they own much -of the land, and monopolise the bulk of the trade and wealth. With -the increase of wealth they have, not unnaturally, sought for social -recognition, and to be treated on a footing of equality in religious -matters. The conclusion of the Sub-Judge is that, according to the -Agama Shastras which are received as authoritative by worshippers of -Siva in the Madura district, entry into a temple, where the ritual -prescribed by these Shastras is observed, is prohibited to all those -whose profession is the manufacture of intoxicating liquor, and the -climbing of palmyra and cocoanut trees. No argument was addressed to -us to show that this finding is incorrect, and we see no reason to -think that it is so.... No doubt many of the Shanars have abandoned -their hereditary occupation, and have won for themselves by education, -industry and frugality, respectable positions as traders and merchants, -and even as vakils (law pleaders) and clerks; and it is natural to -feel sympathy for their efforts to obtain social recognition, and -to rise to what is regarded as a higher form of religious worship; -but such sympathy will not be increased by unreasonable and unfounded -pretensions, and, in the effort to rise, the Shanars must not invade -the established rights of other castes. They have temples of their own, -and are numerous enough, and strong enough in wealth and education, to -rise along their own lines, and without appropriating the institutions -or infringing the rights of others, and in so doing they will have the -sympathy of all right-minded men, and, if necessary, the protection -of the Courts." - -In a note on the Shanans, the Rev. J. Sharrock writes [170] that they -"have risen enormously in the social scale by their eagerness for -education, by their large adoption of the freedom of Christianity, -and by their thrifty habits. Many of them have forced themselves -ahead of the Maravars by sheer force of character. They have still -to learn that the progress of a nation, or a caste, does not depend -upon the interpretation of words, or the assumption of a title, but -on the character of the individuals that compose it. Evolutions are -hindered rather than advanced by such unwise pretensions resulting -in violence; but evolutions resulting from intellectual and social -development are quite irresistible, if any caste will continue to -advance by its own efforts in the path of freedom and progress." - -Writing in 1875, Bishop Caldwell remarks [171] that "the great majority -of the Shanars who remain heathen wear their hair long; and, if they -are not allowed to enter the temples, the restriction to which they -are subject is not owing to their long hair, but to their caste, -for those few members of the caste, continuing heathens, who have -adopted the kudumi--generally the wealthiest of the caste--are as -much precluded from entering the temples as those who retain their -long hairs. A large majority of the Christian Shanars have adopted -the kudumi together with Christianity." - -By Regulation XI, 1816, it was enacted that heads of villages have, in -cases of a trivial nature, such as abusive language and inconsiderable -assaults or affrays, power to confine the offending members in the -village choultry (lock-up) for a time not exceeding twelve hours; -or, if the offending parties are of the lower castes of the people, -on whom it may not be improper to inflict so degrading a punishment, -to order them to be put in the stocks for a time not exceeding six -hours. In a case which came before the High Court it was ruled that -by "lower castes" were probably intended those castes which, prior to -the introduction of British rule, were regarded as servile. In a case -which came up on appeal before the High Court in 1903, it was ruled -that the Shanars belong to the lower classes, who may be punished by -confinement in the stocks. - -With the physique of the Shanans, whom I examined at Nazareth and -Sawyerpuram in Tinnevelly, and their skill in physical exercises I -was very much impressed. The programme of sports, which were organised -in my honour, included the following events:-- - - - Fencing and figure exercises with long sticks of iron-wood - (Mesua ferrea). - Figure exercises with sticks bearing flaming rags at each end. - Various acrobatic tricks. - Feats with heavy weights, rice-pounders, and pounding stones. - Long jump. - Breaking cocoanuts with the thrust of a knife or the closed fist. - Crunching whiskey-bottle glass with the teeth. - Running up, and butting against the chest, back, and shoulders. - Swallowing a long silver chain. - Cutting a cucumber balanced on a man's neck in two with a sword. - Falconry. - - -One of the good qualities of Sir Thomas Munro, formerly Governor of -Madras, was that, like Rama and Rob Roy, his arms reached to his knees, -or, in other words, he possessed the kingly quality of an Ajanubahu, -which is the heritage of kings, or those who have blue blood in -them. This particular anatomical character I have met with myself -only once, in a Shanan, whose height was 173 cm. and span of the arms -194 cm. (+ 21 cm.). Rob Roy, it will be remembered, could, without -stooping, tie his garters, which were placed two inches below the knee. - -For a detailed account of demonolatry among the Shanans, I would refer -the reader to the Rev. R. (afterwards Bishop) Caldwell's now scarce -'Tinnevelly Shanans' (1849), written when he was a young and impulsive -missionary, and the publication of which I believe that the learned -and kind-hearted divine lived to regret. - -Those Shanans who are engaged in the palmyra (Borassus flabellifer) -forests in extracting the juice of the palm-tree climb with marvellous -activity and dexterity. There is a proverb that, if you desire to -climb trees, you must be born a Shanan. A palmyra climber will, -it has been calculated, go up from forty to fifty trees, each forty -to fifty feet high, three times a day. The story is told by Bishop -Caldwell of a man who was sitting upon a leaf-stalk at the top of a -palmyra palm in a high wind, when the stalk gave way, and he came down -to the ground safely and quietly, sitting on the leaf, which served -the purpose of a natural parachute. Woodpeckers are called Shanara -kurivi by birdcatchers, because they climb trees like Shanars. "The -Hindus," the Rev. (afterwards Canon) A. Margöschis writes, [172] -"observe a special day at the commencement of the palmyra season, -when the jaggery season begins. Bishop Caldwell adopted the custom, -and a solemn service in church was held, when one set of all the -implements used in the occupation of palmyra-climbing was brought -to the church, and presented at the altar. Only the day was changed -from that observed by the Hindus. The perils of the palmyra-climber -are great, and there are many fatal accidents by falling from trees -forty to sixty feet high, so that a religious service of the kind was -particularly acceptable, and peculiarly appropriate to our people." The -conversion of a Hindu into a Christian ceremonial rite, in connection -with the dedication of ex votos, is not devoid of interest. In a note -[173] on the Pariah caste in Travancore, the Rev. S. Mateer narrates -a legend that the Shanans are descended from Adi, the daughter of a -Pariah woman at Karuvur, who taught them to climb the palm tree, and -prepared a medicine which would protect them from falling from the high -trees. The squirrels also ate some of it, and enjoy a similar immunity. - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that Shanan -toddy-drawers "employ Pallans, Paraiyans, and other low castes to -help them transport the liquor, but Musalmans and Brahmans have, -in several cases, sufficiently set aside the scruples enjoined -by their respective faiths against dealings in potent liquor to -own retail shops, and (in the case of some Musalmans at least) -to serve their customers with their own hands." In a recent note, -[174] it has been stated that "L.M.S. Shanar Christians have, in many -cases, given up tapping the palmyra palm for jaggery and toddy as a -profession beneath them; and their example is spreading, so that a -real economic impasse is manifesting itself. The writer knows of one -village at least, which had to send across the border (of Travancore) -into Tinnevelly to procure professional tree-tappers. Consequent on -this want of professional men, the palm trees are being cut down, -and this, if done to any large extent, will impoverish the country." - -In the palmyra forests of Attitondu, in Tinnevelly, I came across a -troop of stalwart Shanan men and boys, marching out towards sunset, -to guard the ripening cholum crop through the night, each with a -trained dog, with leash made of fibre passed through a ring on the -neck-collar. The leash would be slipped directly the dog scented a -wild pig, or other nocturnal marauder. Several of the dogs bore the -marks of encounters with pigs. One of the party carried a musical -instrument made of a 'bison' horn picked up in the neighbouring jungle. - -The Shanans have a great objection to being called either Shanan or -Marameri (tree-climber), and much prefer Nadan. By the Shanans of -Tinnevelly, whom I visited, the following five sub-divisions were -returned:-- - -1. Karukku-pattayar (those of the sharp sword), which is considered -to be superior to the rest. In the Census Report, 1891, the division -Karukku-mattai (petiole of the palmyra leaf with serrated edges) -was returned. Some Shanans are said to have assumed the name of -Karukku-mattai Vellalas. - -2. Kalla. Said to be the original servants of the Karukku-pattayar, -doing menial work in their houses, and serving as palanquin-bearers. - -3. Nattati. Settled at the village of Nattati near Sawyerpuram. - -4. Kodikkal. Derived from kodi, a flag. Standard-bearers of the -fighting men. According to another version, the word means a betel -garden, in reference to those who were betel cultivators. - -5. Mel-natar (mel, west). Those who live in the western part of -Tinnevelly and in Travancore. - -At the census, 1891, Konga (territorial) and Madurai were returned as -sub-divisions. The latter apparently receives its name, not from the -town of Madura, but from a word meaning sweet juice. At the census, -1901, Tollakkadan (man with a big hole in his ears) was taken as -being a sub-caste of Shanan, as the people who returned it, and sell -husked rice in Madras, used the title Nadan. Madura and Tinnevelly are -eminently the homes of dilated ear-lobes. Some Tamil traders in these -two districts, who returned themselves as Pandyan, were classified -as Shanans, as Nadan was entered as their title. In Coimbatore, -some Shanans, engaged as shop-keepers, have been known to adopt the -name of Chetti. In Coimbatore, too, the title Muppan occurs. This -title, meaning headman or elder, is also used by the Ambalakaran, -Valayan, Sudarman, Senaikkudaiyan, and other castes. In the Tanjore -Manual, the Shanans are divided into Tennam, Panam, and Ichcham, -according as they tap the cocoanut, palmyra, or wild date (Phoenix -sylvestris). The name Enadi for Shanans is derived from Enadi Nayanar, -a Saivite saint. But it also means a barber. - -The community has, among its members, land-owners, and graduates in -theology, law, medicine, and the arts. Nine-tenths of the Native clergy -in Tinnevelly are said to be converted Shanans, and Tinnevelly claims -Native missionaries working in Madagascar, Natal, Mauritius, and the -Straits. The occupations of those whom I saw at Nazareth were merchant, -cultivator, teacher, village munsif, organist, cart-driver, and cooly. - -The Shanans have established a school, called Kshatriya Vidyasala, -at Virudupati in Tinnevelly. This is a free school, for attendance at -which no fee is levied on the pupils, for the benefit of the Shanan -community, but boys of other castes are freely admitted to it. It -is maintained by Shanans from their mahimai fund, and the teachers -are Brahmans, Shanans, etc. The word mahimai means greatness, glory, -or respectability. - -Shanbog.--The Magane Shanbog takes the place, in South Canara, of the -village Karnam or accountant. There are also temple Shanbogs, who are -employed at the more important temples. When social disputes come up -for decision at caste council meetings, the Shanbog appointed by the -caste records the evidence, and the Moktessor or Mukhtesar (chief -man) of the caste decides upon the facts. In some places in South -Canara Shanbog is used as a synonym for Sarasvat Brahman. In Mysore, -the Shanbog is said [175] to be "the village accountant, with hardly -an exception of the Brahman caste. The office is hereditary. In -some places they hold land free of rent, and in others on light -assessment. In some few places a fixed money allowance is given. In -all instances there are certain fixed fees payable to them in money -or kind by the ryots." - -It is noted by Mr. W. Robinson, in a report on the Laccadive islands -(1869), that "the Monegar has the assistance of one of the islanders -as a Karany, to take down depositions, and to read them, for the -character used is the Arabic. In addition to these duties, the Karany -has those of the Shanbogue. He keeps the accounts of the trees, and -the coir (cocoanut fibre) in the islands, and makes out and delivers -the accounts of coir brought to the coast." - -Shikari.--Shikari, meaning a sportsman or hunter, occurs as a synonym -of Irula, and a sub-division of Korava. The name shikari is also -applied to a Native who "accompanies European sportsmen as a guide -and aid, and to the European sportsman himself." [176] - -Sholaga.--In his account of the Sholagas or Solagas, early in the -last century, Buchanan [177] writes that they "speak a bad or old -dialect of the Karnata language, have scarcely any clothing, and sleep -round a fire, lying on a few plantain leaves, and covering themselves -with others. They live chiefly on the summits of mountains, where -the tigers do not frequent, but where their naked bodies are exposed -to a disagreeable cold. Their huts are most wretched, and consist of -bamboos with both ends stuck into the ground, so as to form an arch, -which is covered with plantain leaves." The up-to-date Sholaga, who -inhabits the jungles of Coimbatore between Dimbhum and Kollegal near -the Mysore frontier, is clad in a cotton loin-cloth, supplemented -by a coat of English pattern with regimental buttons, and smears -himself freely on special occasions, such as a visit to the Government -anthropologist, with sacred ashes in mimicry of the Lingayats. - -I gather from a correspondent that the following tradition concerning -their origin is current. In days of yore there lived two brothers in -the Geddesala hills, by name Karayan and Billaya or Madheswara. The -Uralis and Sholagas are descended from Karayan, and the Sivacharis -(Lingayats) from Madheswara. The two brothers fell into the hands -of a terrible Rakshasha (demon), by name Savanan, who made Karayan -a shepherd, but imprisoned Madheswara for not paying him sufficient -respect, and extracted all kinds of menial work from him. Last of all -he ordered him to make a pair of shoes, whereupon Madheswara asked -for his liberty for a few days, to enable him to have the shoes well -made. His request being granted, Madheswara betook himself to the -god Krishnamurti, and asked him for his help in his troubles. The -god was only too happy to assist, and suggested that the shoes -should be made of wax. Helped by Krishnamurti, Madheswara made a very -beautiful-looking pair of shoes. Krishnamurti then ordered him to pile -up and light a huge bonfire on a bare rocky hill east of Geddesala, -so as to make it nearly red-hot. The ashes were then cleared away, so -as to leave no trace of their plot. Madheswara then took the shoes, -and presented them to Savanan, who was much pleased with them, and -willingly acceded to Madheswara's request that he would put them on, -and walk along the rock. But, as soon as he stepped upon it, the -shoes melted, and Savanan fell heavily on the rock, clutching hold -of Madheswara as he fell, and trying to strangle him. Krishnamurti -had assembled all the gods to witness the carrying out of the plot, -and, telling each of them to pile a stone on Savanan's head, himself -rescued Madheswara from his clutches, and all jumped upon the Rakshasha -till no trace of him was left. While this was going on, Karayan was -tending Savanan's herds in the forest, and, when he came to hear -about it, was angry with his brother for not consulting him before -destroying Savanan. Flying from Karayan, who was armed with a knife, -Madheswara implored Krishnamurti's help, by which he was able to leap -from Kotriboli to the hill called Urugamalai, a distance of some ten -miles. The force of the leap caused the hill to bend--hence its name -meaning the bending hill. Finding that the hill was bending, and being -still hotly pursued by his brother, knife in hand, Madheswara again -appealed to Krishnamurti, and was enabled to make another leap of about -five miles to a hill called Eggaraimalai, which immediately began to -subside. Hence its name, meaning the subsiding hill. Thence he fled -to Munikanal, and concealed himself under a rock, closely followed -by Karayan, who slashed the rock with his knife, and left marks which -are visible to this day. From Munikanal he fled to the hill now known -as Madheswaranamalai, and hid in a rat hole. Karayan, not being able -to unearth him, sent for a lot of shepherds, and made them pen their -sheep and cattle over the hole. The effluvium became too strong for -the fugitive, so he surrendered himself to his brother, who pardoned -him on the understanding that, on deification, Karayan should have -prior claim to all votive offerings. To this Madheswara agreed, and -to this day Sivacharis, when doing puja, first make their offerings to -Karayan and afterwards to Madheswara. In connection with this legend, -any one proceeding to the top of Kotriboli hill at the present day is -expected to place a stone upon the rock, with the result that there -are many piles of stones there. Even Europeans are asked to do this. - -The Sholagas are said to call themselves men of five kulams, -or exogamous septs, among which are Chalikiri, Teneru, Belleri, -Surya (the sun), and Aleru. By members of the twelve kulam class, -everything is done by twelves. For example, on the twelfth day after a -birth, twelve elders are invited to the house to bless the child. At -a marriage, twelve of the bridegroom's relations go and fetch the -bride, and the wedding pandal (booth) has twelve posts. The parents -of the bridegroom pay twelve rupees to the bride's father, and a tali -(marriage badge) worth twelve annas is tied round the bride's neck. In -case of death, the body is borne on a stretcher made of twelve bamboos, -and mourning lasts for twelve days. - -Tribal disputes, e.g., quarrelling and adultery, are decided by -the Yejamana, assisted by a Pattagara and a few leading men of the -community. Under the orders of the two former is the Chalavathi or -village servant. The Yejamana, Pattagara, and Chalavathi must belong -respectively to the Chalikiri, Teneri, and Surya septs. - -When a girl reaches puberty, she occupies a separate hut for five days, -and then returns home after a bath. The maternal uncle should present -her with a new cloth, betel leaves and areca nuts, and plantain -fruits. In the formal marriage ceremony, the tali is tied by the -bridegroom inside a booth; the maternal uncle, if he can afford it, -presents a new cloth to the bride, and a feast is held. Sometimes -even this simple rite is dispensed with, and the couple, without any -formality, live together as man and wife, on the understanding that, at -some time, a feast must be given to a few of the community. I am told -that the Sholagas of the Burghur hills have a very extraordinary way -of treating expectant mothers. A few days before the event is expected -to take place, the husband takes his wife right away into the jungle, -and leaves her there alone with three days' supply of food. There -she has to stay, and do the best she can for herself. If she does not -come back at the end of the three days, the husband goes out and takes -her more food. But she may not return to her village till the baby is -born. When one of these unfortunate creatures comes back safely, there -is a great celebration in her honour, with beating of tom-tom, etc. - -The dead are buried with the body lying on its left side, and the -head to the south. On their return home from a funeral, those who -have been present thereat salute a lighted lamp. On the spot where -the dead person breathed his last, a little ragi (Eleusine Coracana) -paste and water are placed, and here, on the fourth day, a goat is -sacrificed, and offered up to the soul of the departed. After this -the son proceeds to the burial ground, carrying a stone, and followed -by men selected from each of the exogamous septs. Arrived near the -grave, they sit down, while the son places the stone on the ground, -and they then lift it in succession. The last man to do so is said -to fall into a trance. On his recovery, leaves (plantain, teak, -etc.) corresponding in number to the exogamous septs, are arranged -round the stone, and, on each leaf, different kinds of food are -placed. The men partake of the food, each from the leaf allotted to -his sept. The meal concluded, the son holds the stone in his hands, -while his companions pour ragi and water over it, and then carries it -away to the gopamane (burial-ground) of his sept, and sets it up there. - -On the occasion of a death in a Mala Vellala village, the Sholagas -come in crowds, with clarionets and drums, and bells on their legs, -and dance in front of the house. And the corpse is borne, in musical -procession, to the burning-ground. - -The staple food of the Sholagas is ragi paste and yams (Dioscorea), -which, like the Uralis, they supplement by sundry jungle animals -and birds. Paroquets they will not eat, as they regard them as their -children. - -Their main occupation is to collect minor forest produce, myrabolams, -vembadam bark (Ventilago madraspatana), avaram bark (Cassia -auriculata), deers' horns, tamarinds, gum, honey, soap-nuts, sheekoy -(Acacia Concinna),etc. The forests have been divided into blocks, -and a certain place within each block has been selected for the -forest depôt. To this place the collecting agents, mostly Sholagas -and Uralis, bring the produce, and there it is sorted and paid for -by special supervisors appointed for the work. - -In the Coimbatore district the Sholagas are said to collect honey -from rocky crevices. The combs are much larger than those found on -trees, and are supposed to contain twice as much wax in proportion -to the honey. On the Nilgiri hills honey-combs are collected by Jen -Kurumbas and Sholagas. The supply of honey varies according to the -nature of the season, and is especially plentiful and of good quality -when Strobilanthes Wightianus, S. Kunthiana, and other species are -in flower. - -It has been said that even wild beasts will scent a Sholaga, and flee -before the aroma. - -The Sholagas, who were examined by Dr. Rivers and myself, came to the -conclusion that the object of our enquiry was to settle them in a -certain place near London, and that the wools of different colours -(used for testing colour vision) given to them for selection, -were for tying them captive with. Others said that they could not -understand why the different organs of their bodies were measured; -perhaps to reduce or increase the size of their body to suit the -different works, which they were expected to do near London. It has -been pointed out to me, as an interesting fact, that a similarity -of idea concerning the modification of different organs to suit men -for the doing of special work has been arrived at by the jungle folk, -and by Mr. Wells in his book, 'The first men in the moon,' where the -lunar inhabitants are described as carrying on the practice. - -Of the experiences of a Sholaga when out with a European on a shooting -expedition, the following account has recently been given. [178] -"My husband was after a bear, and tracked Bruin to his cave. He had -torches made, and these he ordered to be thrust into the cave in the -hope of smoking the bear out, but, as nothing happened, he went into -the cave, accompanied by a Sholigar carrying a torch. As soon as they -got used to the light, they saw a small aperture leading into an inner -cave, and the Sholigar was told to put the torch in there. Hardly was -this done, when out rushed a large bear, knocking over the Sholigar, -and extinguishing the torch. My husband could not get his gun up in -time to fire, as the bear rushed through the cave into the jungle. Just -as the Sholigar was picking himself up, out rushed another bear. This -time my husband was ready, and fired. To the Sholigar's horror, Bruin -sank down wounded at the entrance to the outer cave, thus blocking the -exit, and keeping both tracker and my husband prisoners. The Sholigar -began whimpering, saying he was the father of a large family, and -did not wish to leave the children fatherless. Soon the bear, though -very badly wounded, managed to get to its feet, and crawl away into -the jungle, so liberating the prisoners." - -Concerning the Sholagas of the Mysore Province, [179] I gather -that they "inhabit the depths of the forests clothing the foot and -slopes of the Biligirirangam hills. They cultivate with the hoe small -patches of jungle clearings. Their chief god is Biligiri Rangasvami, -but they also worship Karaiyya, their tribal tutelary deity. Their -principal food is the ragi, which they grow, supplemented by wild -forest produce. They are partial to the flesh of deer, antelope, -pigs, sheep and goats. A few of them have, in recent years, come to -own lands. Like the Jenu Kurumbas, they are perfect trackers of wild -animals. Three kinds of marriage prevail among them. The first is -affected by the more well-to-do, who perform the ceremony with much -éclat under a shed with twelve pillars (bamboo posts), accompanied -by music and festivities, which continue for three days. The second -is more common, and seems to be a modified form of concubinage. The -poorer members resort to the third kind, which consists in the couple -eloping to a distant jungle, and returning home only after the bride -has become a mother. They speak a patois, allied to old Canarese or -Hale Kannada." [180] - -Shola Naiker.--A synonym of Jen Kurumbas in the Wynad. - -Sibbi Dhompti (brass vessel offering).--A subdivision of Madigas, -who, at marriages, offer food to the god in brass vessels. - -Siddaru.--A synonym of Jogi mendicants. - -Sika (kudumi or hair-knot).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Sikili (broom).--An exogamous sept of Madiga. - -Sikligar.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, eleven individuals -are returned as belonging to an Upper India caste of knife-grinders -(Sikligar). In the Madura Manual, Sikilkarars are described as -knife-grinders, who wander about in quest of work from village -to village. - -Sila (stone).--An exogamous sept of Omanaito. - -Silam (good conduct).--An exogamous sept of Mala. - -Silavant.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Silavant is recorded -as meaning the virtuous, and as being a sub-sect of Lingayats. In -the Mysore Census Report, Silavanta is given as a name for Lingayat -Nayindas. For the following note on the Silavantalu or Silevantalu -of Vizagapatam, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. - -They are a sect of Lingayats, who, though they do not admit it, appear -to be an offshoot of Pattu Sales, who became converts to the Lingayat -religion. They are engaged in the manufacture of fine cloths for males -and females. The religious observances which secured them their name, -meaning those who practice or possess particular religious customs, -have been thus described. In the seventh month of pregnancy, at the -time of quickening, a small stone linga is enclosed in black lac, -wrapped in a piece of silk cloth, and tied to the thread of the linga -which is on the woman's neck. The child is thus invested with the -linga while still in utero. When it is about a year old, and weaned, -the linga is taken off the mother's neck, and replaced by a silver -locket. The linga is tied on the neck of the child. At the beginning -of the twelfth year in the case of boys, and just before the marriage -of girls, this linga is taken off, and a fresh one suspended round -the neck by a guru. - -The Silavantalu are divided into exogamous septs, or intiperulu. The -custom of menarikam, whereby a man marries his maternal uncle's -daughter, is the rule. But, if the maternal uncle has no daughter, -he must find a suitable bride for his nephew. Girls are married before -puberty, and a Jangam, known as Mahesvara, officiates at weddings. - -The dead are buried in a sitting posture, facing north. The linga is -suspended round the neck of the corpse, and buried with it. Six small -copper plates are made, each containing a syllable of the invocation -Om na ma Si va ya. Two of these are placed on the thighs of the corpse, -one on the head, one on the navel, and two on the shoulders, and stuck -on with guggilam paste. The corpse is then tied up in a sack. The -relatives offer flowers to it, and burn camphor before it. The grave -is dug several feet deep, and a cavity or cell is made on the southern -side of it, and lined with bamboo matting. The corpse is placed within -the cell, and salt thrown into the grave before it is filled in. A -Jangam officiates at the funeral. Monthly and annual death ceremonies -are performed. A samathi or monument is erected over the grave. Such -a monument may be either in the form of a square mound (brindavan) -with niches for lights and a hole in the top, in which a tulsi (Ocimum -sanctum) is planted, or in the form of a small chamber. Relations go -occasionally to the grave, whereon they deposit flowers, and place -lights in the niches or chamber. - -The Silavantalu are strict vegetarians and total abstainers. Their -titles are Ayya and Lingam. - -Silpa (artisan).--A sub-division of the Kammalans, Panchalas or -Kamsalas, whose hereditary occupation is that of stone-masons. In the -Silpa Sastra, the measurements necessary in sculpture, the duties -of a Silpi, etc., are laid down. I am informed that the carver of -a stone idol has to select a male or female stone, according as the -idol is to be a god or goddess, and that the sex of a stone can be -determined by its ring when struck. - -Sindhu.--The Sindhuvallu (drummers) are Madigas, who go about -acting scenes from the Ramayana or Mahabharatha, and the story of -Ankamma. Sindhu also occurs as a gotra of Kurni. The beating of -the drum called sindhu is, I gather, sometimes a nuisance, for a -missionary writes to the paper enquiring whether there is any order -of Government against it, as the practice "causes much crime, and -creates extra work for police and magistrates. Village officials -believe they have no authority to suppress it, but there are some -who assert that it is nominally forbidden." - -Singamu-varu.--Singam is described, in the Madras Census Report, -1901, as a class of beggars, who beg only from Sales. They are, -however, described by Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao as a class of itinerant -mendicants attached to the Devangas. "The name," he writes, "is -a variant of Simhamu-varu, or lion-men, i.e., as valourous as a -lion. They are paid a small sum annually by each Devanga village -for various services which they render, such as carrying fire before -a Devanga corpse to the burial-ground, acting as caste messengers, -and cleaning the weaving instruments." - -Sinnata (gold).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Siolo.--A small class of Oriya toddy-drawers, whose touch conveys -pollution. The Sondis, who are an Oriya caste of toddy-sellers, -purchase their liquor from the Siolos. - -Sipiti.--The Sipitis are described, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, -as "Oriya temple priests and drummers; a sub-caste of Ravulo." In -an account of them as given to me, they are stated to be Smartas, -and temple priests of village deities, who wear the sacred thread, -but do not employ Brahmans as purohits, and are regarded as somewhat -lower in the social scale than the Ravulos. Some of their females are -said to have been unrecognised prostitutes, but the custom is dying -out. The caste title is Muni. (See Ravulo.) - -Sir.--A sub-division of Kanakkan. - -Sirpadam.--A sub-division of Kaikolan. - -Sirukudi.--A nadu or territorial division of Kallan. - -Siru Tali.--The name, indicating those who wear a small tali (marriage -badge), of a sub-division of Kaikolan and Maravan. - -Sitikan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as an -occupational sub-division of Maran. - -Sitra.--See Pano. - -Siva Brahmana.--Recorded as a synonym of Stanika. - -Sivachara.--It is noted, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, -that the Lingayats call themselves "Vira Saivas, Sivabhaktas, or -Sivachars. The Virasaiva religion consists of numerous castes. It -is a religion consisting of representatives from almost every caste -in Hindu society. People of all castes, from the highest to the -lowest, have embraced the religion. There are Sivachar Brahmins, -Sivachar Kshatriyas, Sivachar Vaisyas, Sivachar carpenters, Sivachar -weavers, Sivachar goldsmiths, Sivachar potters, Sivachar washermen, -and Sivachar barbers, and other low castes who have all followed the -popular religion in large numbers." - -Sivadvija.--The name, denoting Saivite Brahman, by which Mussads like -to be called. Also recorded as a synonym of Stanika. - -Sivaratri.--An exogamous sept of Odde, named after the annual -Mahasivaratri festival in honour of Siva. Holy ashes, sacred to Siva, -prepared by Smartas on this day, are considered to be very pure. - -Sivarchaka.--The word means those who do puja (worship) to -Siva. Priests at the temple of village deities are ordinarily known -as Pujari, Pusali, Occhan, etc., but nowadays prefer the title of -Umarchaka or Sivarchaka. The name Sivala occurs in the Madras Census -Report, 1901. - -Siviyar.--Siviyar means literally a palanquin-bearer, and is an -occupational name applied to those employed in that capacity. For this -reason a sub-division of the Idaiyans is called Siviyar. The Siviyars -of Coimbatore say that they have no connection with either Idaiyans or -Toreyas, but are Besthas who emigrated from Mysore during the troublous -times of the Muhammadan usurpation. The name Siviyar is stated to have -been given to them by the Tamils, as they were palanquin-bearers to -officers on circuit and others in the pre-railway days. They claim -origin, on the authority of a book called Parvatharaja Charithum, -from Parvatharaja. Their main occupations at the present day are tank -and river fishing, but some are petty traders, physicians, peons, -etc. Their language is Canarese, and their title Naickan. They have -eighteen marriage divisions or gotras, named after persons from whom -the various gotras are said to have been descended. On occasions -of marriage, when betel leaf is distributed, it must be given to -members of the different gotras in their order of precedence. In -cases of adultery, the guilty parties are tied to a post, and beaten -with tamarind switches. When a grown-up but unmarried person dies, -the corpse is made to go through a mock marriage with a human figure -cut out of a palm leaf. - -Sodabisiya.--A sub-division of Domb. - -Soi.--A title of Doluva. It is a form of Sui or Swayi. - -Solaga.--See Sholaga. - -Soliyan.--Soliyan or Soliya is a territorial name, meaning an -inhabitant of the Chola country, recorded as a sub-division of Karnam, -Idaiyan, Pallan, and Vellala. The equivalent Solangal occurs as an -exogamous sept of Vallamban, and Soliya illam (Malayalam, house) -as an exogamous sept of Panikkans in the Tamil country. Some Pallis -style themselves Solakanar (descendants of Chola kings), or Solakula -Kshatriya. (See Sozhia.) - -Somakshatri.--A name sometimes adopted by Canarese Ganigas in South -Canara. - -Somara.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small -class of potters in the Vizagapatam hills. - -Somari (idler).--A division of Yanadis, who do scavenging work, and eat -the refuse food thrown away by people from the leaf plate after a meal. - -Soma Varada (Sunday).--The name of Kurubas who worship their god -on Sundays. - -Sonagan.--See Jonagan. - -Sonar.--The Sonars or Sonagaras of South Canara are described by -Mr. H. A. Stuart [181] as a goldsmith caste, who "speak Konkani, which -is a dialect of Marathi, and are believed to have come from Goa. The -community at each station has one or two Mukhtesars or headmen, -who enquire into, and settle the caste affairs. Serious offences are -reported to the swamy of Sode, who has authority to excommunicate, or -to inflict heavy fines. They wear the sacred thread. Marriages within -the same gotra are strictly prohibited. Most of them are Vaishnavites, -but a few follow Siva. The dead are burned, and the ashes are thrown -into a river. They eat fish, but not flesh. Their title is Setti." They -consider it derogatory to work in metals other than gold and silver. - -In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the Sunnari (or Sonnari) are -described as Oriya goldsmiths (see Risley, Tribes and Castes of -Bengal, Sonar). These goldsmiths, in the Oriya portion of the -Madras Presidency, are, I am informed, Kamsalas from the Telugu -country. Unlike the Oriyas, and like other Telugu classes, they -invariably have a house-name, and their mother tongue is Telugu. They -are Saivites, bury their dead, claim to be descendants of Viswakarma, -and call themselves Viswa Brahmans. They do not eat meals prepared -by Brahmans, or drink water at the hands of Brahmans. - -In former times, goldsmiths held the post of Nottakaran (tester) or -village shroff (money-changer). His function was to test the rupees -tendered when the land revenue was being gathered in, and see that -they were not counterfeit. There is a proverb, uncomplimentary to the -goldsmiths, to the effect that a goldsmith cannot make an ornament -even for his wife, without first secreting some of the gold or silver -given him for working upon. - -It has been noted [182] that "in Madras, an exceedingly poor country, -there is one male goldsmith to every 408 of the total population; in -England, a very rich country, there is only one goldsmith to every -1,200 inhabitants. In Europe, jewellery is primarily for ornament, -and is a luxury. In India it is primarily an investment, its ornamental -purpose being an incident." - -The South Indian goldsmith at work has been well described as -follows. [183] "A hollow, scooped out in the middle of the mud -floor (of a room or verandah), does duty for the fireplace, while, -close by, there is raised a miniature embankment, semi-circular in -shape, with a hole in the middle of the base for the insertion of -the bellows. Crucibles of clay or cow-dung, baked hard in the sun, -tongs and hammers, potsherds of charcoal, dirty tins of water, and -little packets of sal-ammoniac, resin, or other similar substances, -all lie scattered about the floor in picturesque confusion. Sitting, -or rather crouching on their haunches, are a couple of the Panchala -workmen. One of them is blowing a pan of charcoal into flame through an -iron tube some eighteen inches long by one in diameter, and stirring -up the loose charcoal. Another is hammering at a piece of silver -wire on a little anvil before him. With his miserable tools the Hindu -goldsmith turns out work that well might, and often deservedly does, -rank with the greatest triumphs of the jeweller's art." - -Sondi.--The Sondis or Sundis are summed up in the Madras Census Report, -1901, as "Oriya toddy-selling caste. They do not draw toddy themselves, -but buy it from Siolos, and sell it. They also distill arrack." The -word arrack or arak, it may be noted en passant, means properly -"perspiration, and then, first the exudation of sap drawn from the -date-palm; secondly, any strong drink, distilled spirit, etc." [184] -A corruption of the word is rack, which occurs, e.g., in rack punch. - -According to a Sanskrit work, entitled Parasarapaddati, Soundikas -(toddy-drawers and distillers of arrack) are the offspring of a -Kaivarata male and a Gaudike female. Both these castes are pratiloma -(mixed) castes. In the Matsya Purana, the Soundikas are said to -have been born to Siva of seven Apsara women on the bank of the -river Son. Manu refers to the Soundikas, and says that a Snataka -[185] may not accept food from trainers of hunting dogs, Soundikas, -a washerman, a dyer, pitiless man, and a man in whose house lives a -paramour of his wife. - -In a note on the allied Sunris or Sundis of Bengal, Mr. Risley writes -[186] that "according to Hindu ideas, distillers and sellers of strong -drink rank among the most degraded castes, and a curious story in the -Vaivarta Purana keeps alive the memory of their degradation. It is said -that when Sani, the Hindu Saturn, failed to adapt an elephant's head -to the mutilated trunk of Ganesa, who had been accidentally beheaded -by Siva, Viswakarma, the celestial artificer, was sent for, and by -careful dissection and manipulation he fitted the incongruous parts -together, and made a man called Kedara Sena from the slices cut off in -fashioning his work. This Kedara Sena was ordered to fetch a drink of -water for Bhagavati, weary and athirst. Finding on the river's bank a -shell full of water, he presented it to her, without noticing that a -few grains of rice left in it by a parrot had fermented and formed an -intoxicating liquid. Bhagavati, as soon as she had drunk, became aware -of the fact, and in her anger condemned the offender to the vile and -servile occupation of making spirituous liquor for mankind. Another -story traces their origin to a certain Bhaskar or Bhaskar Muni, who -was created by Krishna's brother, Balaram, to minister to his desire -for strong drink. A different version of the same legend gives them -for ancestor Niranjan, a boy found by Bhaskar floating down a river -in a pot full of country liquor, and brought up by him as a distiller." - -For the following note on the Sondis of Vizagapatam, I am indebted to -Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. According to a current tradition, there was, in -days of old, a Brahman, who was celebrated for his magical powers. The -king, his patron, asked him if he could make the water in a tank (pond) -burn, and he replied in the affirmative. He was, however, in reality -disconsolate, because he did not know how to do it. By chance he met a -distiller, who asked him why he looked so troubled, and, on learning -his difficulty, promised to help him on condition that he gave him -his daughter in marriage. To this the Brahman consented. The distiller -gave him a quantity of liquor to pour into the tank, and told him to -set it alight in the presence of the king. The Brahman kept his word, -and the Sondis are the descendants of the offspring of his daughter and -the distiller. The caste is divided into several endogamous divisions, -viz., Bodo Odiya, Madhya kula, and Sanno kula. The last is said to -be made up of illegitimate descendants of the two first divisions. - -The Sondis distil liquor from the ippa (Bassia) flower, rice, and -jaggery (crude sugar). There is a tradition that Brahma created the -world, and pinched up from a point between his eyebrows a little mud, -from which he made a figure, and endowed it with life. Thus Suka Muni -was created, and authorised to distil spirit from the ippa flowers, -which had hitherto been eaten by birds. - -When a girl reaches puberty, she is set apart in a room within -a square enclosure made with four arrows connected together by a -thread. Turmeric and oil are rubbed over her daily, and, on the -seventh day, she visits the local shrine. - -Girls are married before puberty. Some days before a wedding, a sal -(Shorea robusta) or neredu (Eugenia Jambolana) post is set up in -front of the bridegroom's house, and a pandal (booth) erected round -it. On the appointed day, a caste feast is held, and a procession -of males proceeds to the bride's house, carrying with them finger -rings, silver and glass bangles, and fifty rupees as the jholla tonka -(bride price). On the following day, the bride goes to the house of the -bridegroom. On the marriage day, the contracting couple go seven times -round the central post of the pandal, and their hands are joined by -the presiding Oriya Brahman. They then sit down, and the sacred fire -is raised. The females belonging to the bridegroom's party sprinkle -them with turmeric and rice. On the following day, a Bhondari (barber) -cleans the pandal, and draws patterns in it with rice flour. A mat -is spread, and the couple play with cowry shells. These are five -in number, and the bridegroom holds them tightly in his right hand, -while the bride tries to wrest them from him. If she succeeds in so -doing, her brothers beat the bridegroom, and make fun of him; if -she fails, the bridegroom's sisters beat and make fun of her. The -bride then takes hold of the cowries, and the same performance is -gone through. A basket of rice is brought, and some of it poured -into a vessel. The bridegroom holds a portion of it in his hand, and -the bride asks him to put it back. This, after a little coaxing, he -consents to do. These ceremonies are repeated during the next five -days. On the seventh day, small quantities of food are placed on -twelve leaves, and twelve Brahmans, who receive a present of money, -sit down, and partake thereof. The marriage of widows is permitted, -and a younger brother may marry the widow of an elder brother. - -The dead are burned, and death pollution lasts for ten days. Daily, -during this period, cooked food is strewed on the way leading to the -burning-ground. On the eleventh day, those under pollution bathe, -and the sacred fire (homam) is raised by a Brahman. As at a wedding, -twelve Brahmans receive food and money. Towards midnight, a new pot -is brought, and holes are bored in it. A lighted lamp and food are -placed in it, and it is taken towards the burning-ground and set down -on the ground. The dead man's name is then called out three times. He -is informed that food is ready, and asked to come. - -Men, but not women, eat animal food. The women will not partake of -the remnants of their husbands' meal on days on which they eat meat, -because, according to the legend, their female ancestor was a Brahman -woman. - -Among the Sondis of Ganjam, if a girl does not secure a husband -before she reaches maturity, she goes through a form of marriage -with an old man of the caste, or with her elder sister's husband, -and may not marry until the man with whom she has performed this -ceremony dies. On the wedding day, the bridegroom is shaved, and his -old waist-thread is replaced by a new one. The ceremonies commence -with the worship of Ganesa, and agree in the main with those of many -other Oriya castes. The remarriage of widows is permitted. If a widow -was the wife of the first-born or eldest son in a family, she may not, -after his death, marry one of his younger brothers. She may, however, -do so if she was married in the first instance to a second son. - -It is noted by Mr. C. F. MacCartie, in the Madras Census Report, 1881, -that "a good deal of land has been sold by Khond proprietors to other -castes. It was in this way that much territory was found some years -ago to be passing into the hands of the Sundis or professional liquor -distillers. As soon as these facts were brought to the notice of -Government, no time was lost in the adoption of repressive measures, -which have been completely successful, as the recent census shows a -great reduction in the numbers of these Sundis, who, now that their -unscrupulous trade is abolished, have emigrated largely to Boad -and other tracts. This is the only case to my knowledge in which a -special trade has decayed, and with the best results, as, had it not -been so, there is no doubt that the Khond population would very soon -have degenerated into pure adscripti glebæ, and the Sundis become -the landlords." - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district, that -"besides ippa (liquor distilled from the blossom of Bassia latifolia), -the hill people brew beer from rice, samai (the millet Panicum -miliare), and ragi (Eleusine Coracana). They mash the grain in the -ordinary manner, add some more water to it, mix a small quantity -of ferment with it, leave it to ferment three or four days, and -then strain off the grain. The beer so obtained is often highly -intoxicating, and different kinds of it go by different names, -such as londa, pandiyam, and maddikallu. The ferment which is used -is called the saraiya-mandu (spirit drug) or Sondi-mandu (Sondi's -drug), and can be bought in the weekly market. There are numerous -recipes for making it, but the ingredients are always jungle roots -and barks. [187] It is sold made up into small balls with rice. The -actual shop-keepers and still-owners in the hills, especially in the -Parvatipur and Palkonda agencies, are usually immigrants of the Sondi -caste, a wily class who know exactly how to take advantage of the sin -which doth so easily beset the hill man, and to wheedle from him, in -exchange for the strong drink which he cannot do without, his ready -money, his little possessions, his crops, and finally his land itself. - -"The Sondis are gradually getting much of the best land into -their hands, and many of the guileless hill ryots into their -power. Mr. Taylor stated in 1892 that 'the rate of interest on loans -extorted by these Sondis is 100 per cent. and, if this is not cleared -off in the first year, compound interest at 100 per cent. is charged on -the balance. The result is that, in many instances, the cultivators -are unable to pay in cash or kind, and become the gotis or serfs -of the sowcars, for whom they have to work in return for mere batta -(subsistence allowance), whilst the latter take care to manipulate -their accounts in such a manner that the debt is never paid off. A -remarkable instance of this tyranny was brought to my notice a few -days since. A ryot some fifty years ago borrowed Rs. 20; he paid back -Rs. 50 at intervals, and worked for the whole of his life, and died -in harness. For the same debt the sowcar (money-lender) claimed the -services of his son, and he too died in bondage, leaving two small sons -aged 13 and 9, whose services were also claimed for an alleged arrear -of Rs. 30 on a debt of Rs. 20 borrowed 50 years back, for which Rs. 50 -in cash had been repaid in addition to the perpetual labour of a man -for a similar period.' This custom of goti is firmly established, and, -in a recent case, an elder brother claimed to be able to pledge for -his own debts the services of his younger brother, and even those of -the latter's wife. Debts due by persons of respectability are often -collected by the Sondis by an exasperating method, which has led -to at least one case of homicide. They send Ghasis, who are one of -the lowest of all castes, and contact with whom is utter defilement -entailing severe caste penalties, to haunt the house of the debtor who -will not pay, insult and annoy him and his family, and threaten to -drag him forcibly before the Sondi." A friend was, on one occasion, -out after big game in the Jeypore hills, and shot a tiger. He asked -his shikari (tracker) what reward he should give him for putting him -on to the beast. The shikari replied that he would be quite satisfied -with twenty-five rupees, as he wanted to get his younger brother out -of pledge. Asked what he meant, he replied that, two years previously, -he had purchased as his wife a woman who belonged to a caste higher -than his own for a hundred rupees. He obtained the money by pledging -his younger brother to a sowcar, and had paid it all back except -twenty-five rupees. Meanwhile his brother was the bondsman of the -sowcar, and cultivating his land in return for simple food. - -It is further recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district, -that Dombu (or Domb) dacoits "force their way into the house of -some wealthy person (for choice the local Sondi liquor-seller and -sowcar--usually the only man worth looting in an Agency village, -and a shark who gets little pity from his neighbours when forced to -disgorge), tie up the men, rape the women, and go off with everything -of value." - -The titles of the Ganjam Sondis are Behara, Chowdri, Podhano, -and Sahu. In the Vizagapatam agency tracts, their title is said to -be Bissoyi. - -Sonkari.--The Sonkaris are a small class of Oriya lac bangle (sonka) -makers in Ganjam and Vizagapatam, who should not be confused with the -Telugu Sunkaris. The men are engaged in agriculture, and the women -manufacture the bangles, chains, chamaras (fly-flappers), kolatam -sticks (for stick play), and fans ornamented with devices in paddy -(unhusked rice) grains, which are mainly sold to Europeans as curios. - -Sonkari girls are married before puberty. A man should marry his -paternal aunt's daughter, but at the present day this custom is -frequently disregarded. Brahmans officiate at their marriages. The -dead are cremated. The caste title is Patro. - -Sonkuva.--A sub-division of Mali. - -Sonti (dried ginger).--An exogamous sept of Asili. - -Soppu (leaf).--The name for Koragas, who wear leafy garments. - -Sozhia.--A territorial name of sub-divisions of various Tamil classes -who are settled in what was formerly the Chola country, e.g., Brahman, -Chetti, Kaikolan, Kammalan, Pallan, and Vellala. - -Srishti Karnam.--A sub-division of Karnam. The name is variously spelt, -e.g., Sristi, Sishta, Sishti. The name Sishti Karanamalu is said to -have been assumed by Oddilu, who have raised themselves in life. [188] - -Stala (a place).--Lingayats sometimes use the word Staladavaru, -or natives of a place, to distinguish them from recent settlers. - -Stanika.--The Stanikas are summed up, in the Madras Census Report, -1901, as being "Canarese temple servants. They claim to be Brahmans, -though other Brahmans do not admit the claim; and, as the total of the -caste has declined from 4,650 in 1891 to 1,469, they have apparently -returned themselves as Brahmans in considerable numbers." The Stanikas -are, in the South Canara Manual, said to be "the descendants of -Brahmins by Brahmin widows and outcast Brahmin women, corresponding -with Manu's Golaka. They however now claim to be Siva Brahmins, -forcibly dispossessed of authority by the Madhvas, and state that -the name Stanika is not that of a separate caste, but indicates their -profession as managers of temples, with the title of Deva Stanika. This -claim is not generally conceded, and as a matter of fact the duties -in which Stanikas are employed are clearly those of temple servants, -namely, collecting flowers, sweeping the interiors of temples, looking -after the lamps, cleaning the temple vessels, ringing bells, and the -like. Many of them, however, are landowners and farmers. They are -generally Sivites, and wear the sacred thread. Their special deities -are Venkatramana and Ganapati. Dravida Brahmins officiate as their -priests, but of late some educated men of the caste have assumed the -priestly office. The caste has two sub-divisions, viz., Subramania and -Kumbla. Girls must be married in infancy, i.e., before they attain -puberty. Widow remarriage is neither permitted nor practiced. Their -other customs are almost the same as those of the Kota Brahmans. They -neither eat flesh nor drink liquor." It is stated in the Manual that -the Stanikas are called Shanbogs and Mukhtesars. But I am informed that -at an inquest or a search the Moktessors or Mukhtesars (chief men) -of a village are assembled, and sign the inquest report or search -list. The Moktessors of any caste can be summoned together. Some of -the Moktessors of a temple may be Stanikas. In the case of social -disputes decided at caste meetings, the Shanbog (writer or accountant) -appointed by the caste would record the evidence, and the Moktessor -would decide upon the facts. - -Of the two sections Subramanya and Kumbla, the former claim -superiority, and there is no intermarriage between them. The members of -the Subramanya section state that they belong to Rig Saka (Rig Veda) -and have gotras, such as Viswamitra, Angirasa, and Baradwaja, and -twelve exogamous septs. Of these septs, the following are examples:-- - - - Arli (Ficus religiosa). Konde, tassel or hair-knot. - Aththi (Ficus glomerata). Adhikari. - Bandi, cart. Pandita. - Kethaki (Pandanus fascicularis). Heggade. - - -The famous temple of Subramanya is said to have been in charge of the -Subramanya Stanikas, till it was wrested from them by the Shivalli -Brahmans. In former times, the privilege of sticking a golden ladle -into a heap of food piled up in the temple, on the Shasti day or sixth -day after the new moon in December, is said to have belonged to the -Stanikas. They also brought earth from an ant-hill on the previous -day. Food from the heap and earth are received as sacred articles by -devotees who visit the sacred shrine. A large number of Stanikas are -still attached to temples, where they perform the duties of cleaning -the vessels, washing rice, placing cooked food on the bali pitam (altar -stone), etc. The food placed on the stone is eaten by Stanikas, but -not by Brahmans. In the Mysore province, a Brahman woman who partakes -of this food loses her caste, and becomes a prostitute. - -At times of census, Sivadvija and Siva Brahman have been given as -synonyms of Stanika. - -Sthavara.--Recorded, at times of census, as a sub-division of -Jangam. The lingam, which Lingayats carry on some part of the body, -is called the jangama lingam or moveable lingam, to distinguish it -from the sthavara or fixed lingam of temples. - -Subuddhi.--A title, meaning one having good sense, among several -Oriya castes. - -Sudarman.--See Udaiyan. - -Suddho.--Two distinct castes go by this name, viz., the Savaras who -have settled in the plains, and a small class of agriculturists and -paiks (servants) in the low country of Ganjam. The Suddhos who live -in the hills eat fowls and drink liquor, which those in the plains -abstain from. The caste name Suddho means pure, and is said to have its -origin in the fact that Suddho paiks used to tie the turbans of the -kings of Gumsur. Like other Oriya castes, the Suddhos have Podhano, -Bissoyi, Behara, etc., as titles. The caste has apparently come into -existence in recent times. - -Sudra.--The fourth of the traditional castes of Manu. The Sudra Nayars -supply the female servants in the houses of Nambutiris. - -Sudra Kavutiyan.--A name adopted by barbers who shave Nayars, to -distinguish them from other barbers. - -Sudugadusiddha.--The name is derived from sudugadu, a -burning-ground. In the Mysore Census Report, 1901, they are -described as being "mendicants like the Jogis, like whom they -itinerate. They were once lords of burning-grounds, to whom the -Kulavadi (see Holeya), who takes the cloth of the deceased and a fee -for every dead body burned, paid something as acknowledging their -overlordship." These people are described by Mr. J. S. F. Mackenzie, -[189] under the name Sudgudu Siddha, or lords of the burning-ground, -as agents who originally belonged to the Gangadikara Vakkaliga caste, -and have become a separate caste, called after their head Sudgudu -Siddharu. They intermarry among themselves, and the office of agent is -hereditary. They have particular tracts of country assigned to them, -when on tour collecting burial fees. They can be recognised by the -wooden bell in addition to the usual metal one, which they always -carry about. Without this no one would acknowledge the agent's right -to collect the fees. - -Sugali.--Sugali and Sukali are synonyms of Lambadi. - -Sugamanchi Balija.--A name said to mean the best of Balijas, and used -as a synonym for Gazula Balija. - -Sukka (star).--An exogamous sept of Yerukala. The equivalent Sukra -occurs as a gotra of Oriya Kalinjis. - -Sule.--A Canarese name for professional prostitutes. Temple -dancing-girls object to the name, as being low. They call themselves -Vesyas or Besyas, Naiksani, or Naikini (Naik females). - -Sullokondia.--The highest sub-division of the Gaudos, from whose -hands Oriya Brahmans will accept water. - -Sunar.--See Sonar. - -Sundarattan.--A sub-division of Nattukottai Chetti. - -Sundi.--See Sondi. - -Sunkari.--The Sunkari or Sunkara-vandlu are cultivators, fishermen, -and raftsmen in the Godavari district. According to the Rev. J. Cain -[190] they come from some part of the Central Provinces, and are not -regarded as outcasts, as stated in the Central Provinces Gazetteer. - -Sunna Akki (thin rice).--A family name or bedagu of Donga Dasari. - -Sunnambukkaran (lime man).--An occupational name for Paravas, -Paraiyans, and other classes, who are employed as lime (chunam) -burners. Sunnapu, meaning shell or quick-lime, occurs as an exogamous -sept of Balija. - -Sunnata.--A sub-division of Kurumbas, who are said to make only -white blankets. - -Surakkudi.--A section or kovil (temple) of Nattukottai Chetti. - -Surti.--The name for domestic servants of Europeans in Bombay, who -come from Surat. - -Surya (the sun).--Recorded as a sept of Domb, Kuruba, and Pentiya, -and a sub-division of Ambalakkaran. The equivalent Suryavamsam (people -of the solar race) occurs as a sub-division of Razu, and as a synonym -of the Konda Doras or Konda Kapus, some of whom style themselves Raja -(= Razu) Kapus or Reddis. - -Sutakulam.--A name by which the Besthas call themselves. They claim -descent from the Rishi Suta Mahamuni. It has been suggested [191] -as probable that the Besthas gained the name from their superiority -in the culinary art, suta meaning cook. - -Sutarlu.--Recorded by the Rev. J. Cain [192] as bricklayers and masons -in the Godavari district. - -Suthala (needle).--An exogamous sept of Kamma. - -Svarupam.--Svarupam has been defined [193] as "a dynasty, -usually confined to the four principal dynasties, termed the Kola, -Nayaririppu, Perimbadappu, and Trippa Svarupam, represented by the -Kolatiri or Chirakal Rajah, the Zamorin, and the Cochin and Travancore -Rajahs." Svarupakkar or Svarupathil, meaning servants of Svarupams -or kingly houses, is an occupational sub-division of Nayar. - -Swayi.--A title of Alia, Aruva, Kalinji, and other Oriya classes. - -Swetambara (clad in white).--One of the two main divisions of the -Jains. - -Syrian Christian.--The following note, containing a summary of the -history of a community in connection with which the literature is -considerable, is mainly abstracted from the Cochin Census Report, -1901, with additions. - -The Syrian Christians have "sometimes been called the Christians of -the Serra (a Portuguese word, meaning mountains). This arose from the -fact of their living at the foot of the ghauts." [194] The glory of the -introduction of the teachings of Christ to India is, by time-honoured -tradition, ascribed to the apostle Saint Thomas. According to -this tradition so dearly cherished by the Christians of this coast, -about 52 A.D. the apostle landed at Malankara, or, more correctly, at -Maliankara near Cranganur (Kodungallur), the Mouziris of the Greeks, -or Muyirikode of the Jewish copper plates. Mouziris was a port near -the mouth of a branch of the Alwaye river, much frequented in their -early voyages by the Phoenician and European traders for the pepper and -spices of this coast, and for the purpose of taking in fresh water and -provisions. The story goes that Saint Thomas founded seven churches -in different stations in Cochin and Travancore, and converted, among -others, many Brahmans, notably the Cally, Calliankara, Sankarapuri, -and Pakalomattam Nambudri families, the members of the last claiming -the rare distinction of having been ordained as priests by the apostle -himself. He then extended his labours to the Coromandel coast, where, -after making many converts, he is said to have been pierced with a -lance by some Brahmans, and to have been buried in the church of -St. Thomé, in Mylapore, a suburb of the town of Madras. Writing -concerning the prevalence of elephantiasis in Malabar, Captain -Hamilton records [195] that "the old Romish Legendaries impute the -cause of those great swell'd legs to a curse Saint Thomas laid upon his -murderers and their posterity, and that was the odious mark they should -be distinguished by." "Pretty early tradition associates Thomas with -Parthia, [196] Philip with Phrygia, Andrew with Syria, and Bartholomew -with India, but later traditions make the apostles divide the various -countries between them by lot." [197] Even if the former supposition -be accepted, there is nothing very improbable in Saint Thomas having -extended his work from Parthia to India. Others argue that, even if -there be any truth in the tradition of the arrival of Saint Thomas -in India, this comprised the countries in the north-west of India, -or at most the India of Alexander the Great, and not the southern -portion of the peninsula, where the seeds of Christianity are said to -have been first sown, because the voyage to this part of India, then -hardly known, was fraught with the greatest difficulties and dangers, -not to speak of its tediousness. It may, however, be observed that -the close proximity of Alexandria to Palestine, and its importance -at the time as the emporium of the trade between the East and West, -afforded sufficient facilities for a passage to India. If the Roman -line of traffic viâ Alexandria and the Red Sea was long and tedious, -the route viâ the Persian Gulf was comparatively easy. - -When we come to the second century, we read of Demetrius of Alexandria -receiving a message from some natives of India, earnestly begging for -a teacher to instruct them in the doctrines of Christianity. Hearing -this, Pantænus, Principal of the Christian College of Alexandria, -an Athenian stoic, an eminent preacher and "a very great gnosticus, -who had penetrated most profoundly into the spirit of scripture," -sailed from Berenice for Malabar between 180 and 190 A.D. He found -his arrival "anticipated by some who were acquainted with the Gospel -of Mathew, to whom Bartholomew, one of the apostles, had preached, -and had left them the same Gospel in Hebrew, which also was preserved -until this time. Returning to Alexandria, he presided over the -College of Catechumens." Early in the third century, St. Hippolytus, -Bishop of Portus, also assigns the conversion of India to the apostle -Bartholomew. To Thomas he ascribes Persia and the countries of Central -Asia, although he mentions Calamina, "a city of India," as the place -where Thomas suffered death. The Rev. J. Hough [198] observes that -"it is indeed highly problematical that Saint Bartholomew was ever -in India." It may be remarked that there are no local traditions -associating the event with his name, and, if Saint Bartholomew -laboured at all on this coast, there is no reason why the earliest -converts of Malabar should have preferred the name of Thomas to that -of Bartholomew. Though Mr. Hough and Sir W. W. Hunter, [199] among -others, discredit the mission of St. Thomas in the first century, -they both accept the story of the mission of Pantænus. Mr. Hough says -that "it is probable that these Indians (who appealed to Demetrius) -were converts or children of former converts to Christianity." If, -in the second century, there could be children of former converts in -India, it is not clear why the introduction of Christianity to India -in the first century, and that by St. Thomas, should be so seriously -questioned and set aside as being a myth, especially in view of the -weight of the subjoined testimony, associating the work with the name -of the apostle. - -In the Asiatic Journal (Vol. VI), Mr. Whish refutes the assertions made -by Mr. Wrede in the Asiatic Researches (Vol. VII) that the Christians -of Malabar settled in that country "during the violent persecution -of the sect of Nestorius under Theodosius II, or some time after," -and says, with reference to the date of the Jewish colonies in India, -that the Christians of the country were settled long anterior to the -period mentioned by Mr. Wrede. Referring to the acts and journeyings -of the apostles, Dorotheus, Bishop of Tyre (254-313 A.D.), says "the -Apostle Thomas, after having preached the Gospel to the Parthians, -Medes, Persians, Germanians, Bactrians, and Magi, suffered martyrdom -at Calamina, a town of India." It is said that, at the Council of -Nice held in 325 A.D., India was represented by Johannes, Bishop of -India Maxima and Persia. St. Gregory of Nazianzen (370-392 A.D.), -in answering the reproach of his being a stranger, asks "Were not -the apostles strangers? Granting that Judæa was the country of -Peter, what had Paul in common with the Gentiles, Luke with Achaia, -Andrew with Epirus, John with Ephesus, Thomas with India, Mark with -Italy"? St. Jerome (390 A.D.) testifies to the general belief in -the mission of St. Thomas to India. He too mentions Calamina as the -town where the apostle met with his death. Baronius thinks that, -when Theodoret, the Church historian (430-458 A.D.), speaks of the -apostles, he evidently associates the work in India with the name of -St. Thomas. St. Gregory of Torus relates that "in that place in India, -where the body of Thomas lay before it was transferred to Edessa, -there is a monastery and temple of great size." Florentius asserts -that "nothing with more certainty I find in the works of the Holy -Fathers than that St. Thomas preached the Gospel in India." Rufinus, -who stayed twenty-five years in Syria, says that the remains of -St. Thomas were brought from India to Edessa. Two Arabian travellers -of the ninth century, referred to by Renaudot, assert that St. Thomas -died at Mailapur. - -Coming to modern times, we have several authorities, who testify to -the apostolic origin of the Indian Church, regarded as apocryphal by -Mr. Milne Rae, Sir W. W. Hunter, and others. The historian of the -'Indian Empire,' while rejecting some of the strongest arguments -advanced by Mr. Milne Rae, accepts his conclusions in regard to the -apostolic origin. The Romanist Portuguese in their enthusiasm coloured -the legends to such an extent as to make them appear incredible, -and the Protestant writers of modern times, while distrusting -the Portuguese version, are not agreed as to the rare personage -that introduced Christianity to India. Mr. Wrede asserts that the -Christians of Malabar settled in that country during the violent -persecution of the sect of Nestorius under Theodosius II, or some -time after. Dr. Burnell traces the origin to the Manichæan Thomas, -who flourished towards the end of the third century. Mr. Milne Rae -brings the occurrence of the event down to the sixth century of the -Christian era. Sir William Hunter, without associating the foundation -of the Malabar Church with the name of any particular person, states -the event to have taken place some time in the second century, -long before the advent of Thomas the Manichæan, but considers that -the name St. Thomas Christians was adopted by the Christians in the -eighth century. He observes that "the early legend of the Manichæan -Thomas in the third century and the later labours of the Armenian -Thomas, the rebuilder of the Malabar Church in the eighth century, -endeared that name to the Christians of Southern India." [It has -recently been stated, with reference to the tradition that it was -St. Thomas the apostle who first evangelised Southern India, that, -"though this tradition is no more capable of disproof than of proof, -those authorities seem to be on safer ground, who are content to -hold that Christianity was first imported into India by Nestorian or -Chaldæan missionaries from Persia and Mesopotamia, whose apostolic -zeal between the sixth and twelfth centuries ranged all over Asia, -even into Tibet and Tartary. The seat of the Nestorian Patriarchate -of Babylon was at Bagdad, and, as it claimed to be par excellence -the Church of St. Thomas, this might well account for the fact that -the proselytes it won over in India were in the habit of calling -themselves Christians of St. Thomas. It is, to say the least, a -remarkable coincidence that one of the three ancient stone crosses -preserved in India bears an inscription and devices, which are stated -to resemble those on the cross discovered near Singanfu in China, -recording the appearance of Nestorian missionaries in Shenshi in the -early part of the seventh century."] - -As already said, there are those who attribute the introduction of -the Gospel to a certain Thomas, a disciple of Manes, who is supposed -to have come to India in 277 A.D., finding in this an explanation -of the origin of the Manigramakars (inhabitants of the village -of Manes) of Kayenkulam near Quilon. Coming to the middle of the -fourth century, we read of a Thomas Cana, an Aramæan or Syrian -merchant, or a divine, as some would have it, who, having in his -travels seen the neglected conditions of the flock of Christ on the -Malabar coast, returned to his native land, sought the assistance of -the Catholics of Bagdad, came back with a train of clergymen and a -pretty large number of Syrians, and worked vigorously to better their -spiritual condition. He is said to have married two Indian ladies, -the disputes of succession between whose children appear, according -to some writers, to have given rise to the two names of Northerners -(Vadakkumbagar) and Southerners (Thekkumbagar)--a distinction which -is still jealously kept up. The authorities are, however, divided as -to the date of his arrival, for, while some assign 345 A.D., others -give 745 A.D. It is just possible that this legend but records the -advent of two waves of colonists from Syria at different times, and -their settlement in different stations; and Thomas Cana was perhaps -the leader of the first migration. The Syrian tradition explains -the origin of the names in a different way, for, according to it, -the foreigners or colonists from Syria lived in the southern street -of Cranganur or Kodungallur, and the native converts in the northern -street. After their dispersion from Cranganur, the Southerners kept -up their pride and prestige by refusing to intermarry, while the name -of Northerners came to be applied to all Native Christians other than -the Southerners. At their wedding feasts, the Southerners sing songs -commemorating their colonization at Kodungallur, their dispersion -from there, and settlement in different places. They still retain -some foreign tribe names, to which the original colony is said -to have belonged. A few of these names are Baji, Kojah, Kujalik, -and Majamuth. Their leader Thomas Cana is said to have visited the -last of the Perumals and to have obtained several privileges for the -benefit of the Christians. He is supposed to have built a church at -Mahadevarpattanam, or more correctly Mahodayapuram, near Kodungallur -in the Cochin State, the capital of the Perumals or Viceroys of Kerala, -and, in their documents, the Syrian Christians now and again designate -themselves as being inhabitants of Mahadevarpattanam. - -In the Syrian seminary at Kottayam are preserved two copper-plate -charters, one granted by Vira Raghava Chakravarthi,and the -other by Sthanu Ravi Gupta, supposed to be dated 774 A.D. and 824 -A.D. Specialists, who have attempted to fix approximately the dates -of the grants, however, differ, as will be seen from a discussion of -the subject by Mr. V. Venkayya in the Epigraphia Indica. [200] - -Concerning the plate of Vira Raghava, Mr. Venkayya there writes -as follows. "The subjoined inscription is engraved on both sides -of a single copper-plate, which is in the possession of the Syrian -Christians at Kottayam. The plate has no seal, but, instead, a conch is -engraved about the middle of the left margin of the second side. This -inscription has been previously translated by Dr. Gundert. [201] -Mr. Kookel Keloo Nair has also attempted a version of the grant. [202] -In the translation I have mainly followed Dr. Gundert." - -Translation. - -Hari! Prosperity! Adoration to the great Ganapati! On the day of (the -Nakshatra) Rohini, a Saturday after the expiration of the twenty-first -(day) of the solar month Mina (of the year during which) Jupiter (was) -in Makara, while the glorious Vira-Raghava-Chakravartin,--(of the race) -that has been wielding the sceptre for several hundred thousands -of years in regular succession from the glorious king of kings, -the glorious Vira-Kerala-Chakravartin--was ruling prosperously:-- - -While (we were) pleased to reside in the great palace, we conferred -the title of Manigramam on Iravikorttan, alias Seramanloka-pperun-jetti -of Magodaiyarpattinam. - -We (also) gave (him the right of) festive clothing, house pillars, -the income that accrues, the export trade (?), monopoly of trade, (the -right of) proclamation, forerunners, the five musical instruments, -a conch, a lamp in day-time, a cloth spread (in front to walk on), -a palanquin, the royal parasol, the Telugu (?) drum, a gateway with -an ornamental arch, and monopoly of trade in the four quarters. - -We (also) gave the oilmongers and the five (classes of) artisans as -(his) slaves. - -We (also) gave, with a libation of water--having (caused it to be) -written on a copper-plate--to Iravikorttan, who is the lord of -the city, the brokerage on (articles) that may be measured with -the para, weighed by the balance or measured with the tape, that -may be counted or weighed, and on all other (articles) that are -intermediate--including salt, sugar, musk (and) lamp oil--and also -the customs levied on these (articles) between the river mouth of -Kodungallur and the gate (gopura)--chiefly between the four temples -(tali) and the village adjacent to (each) temple. - -We gave (this) as property to Sêramân-lôka-pperun-jetti, alias -Iravikorttan, and to his children's children in due succession. - -(The witnesses) who know this (are):--We gave (it) with the knowledge -of the villagers of Panniyûr and the villagers of Sôgiram. We gave -(it) with the knowledge (of the authorities) of Vênâdu and Odunâdu. We -gave (it) with the knowledge (of the authorities) of Eranâdu and -Valluvanâdu. We gave (it) for the time that the moon and the sun -shall exist. - -The hand-writing of Sêramân-lôka-pperun-dattan Nambi Sadeyan, who wrote -(this) copper-plate with the knowledge of these (witnesses). - -Mr. Venkayya adds that "it was supposed by Dr. Burnell [203] that -the plate of Vîra-Râghava created the principality of Manigramam, -and the Cochin plates that of Anjuvannam. [204] The Cochin plates -did not create Anjuvannam, but conferred the honours and privileges -connected therewith to a Jew named Rabbân. Similarly, the rights -and honours associated with the other corporation, Manigrâmam, were -bestowed at a later period on Ravikkorran. It is just possible that -Ravikkorran was a Christian by religion. But his name and title give -no clue in this direction, and there is nothing Christian in the -document, except its possession by the present owners. On this name, -Dr. Gundert first said [205] 'Iravi Corttan must be a Nasrani name, -though none of the Syrian priests whom I saw could explain it, or had -ever heard of it.' Subsequently he added: 'I had indeed been startled -by the Iravi Corttan, which does not look at all like the appellation -of a Syrian Christian; still I thought myself justified in calling -Manigrâmam a Christian principality--whatever their Christianity may -have consisted in--on the ground that, from Menezes' time, these grants -had been regarded as given to the Syrian colonists.' Mr. Kookel Keloo -Nair considered Iravikkorran a mere title, in which no shadow of a -Syrian name is to be traced." - -Nestorius, a native of Germanicia, was educated at Antioch, where, -as Presbyter, he became celebrated, while yet very young, for his -asceticism, orthodoxy, and eloquence. On the death of Sisinnius, -Patriarch of Constantinople, this distinguished preacher of Antioch -was appointed to the vacant See by the Emperor Theodosius II, and -was consecrated as Patriarch in 428 A.D. The doctrine of a God-man -respecting Christ, and the mode of union of the human and the divine -nature in Him left undefined by the early teachers, who contented -themselves with speaking of Him and regarding Him as "born and unborn, -God in flesh, life in death, born of Mary, and born of God," had, long -before the time of Nestorius, begun to tax the genius of churchmen, and -the controversies in respect of this double nature of Christ had led -to the growth and spread of important heretical doctrines. Two of the -great heresies of the church before that of Nestorius are associated -with the names of Arius and Apollinaris. Arius "admitted both the -divine and the human nature of Christ, but, by making Him subordinate -to God, denied His divinity in the highest sense." Apollinaris, -undermining the doctrine of the example and atonement of Christ, -argued that "in Jesus the Logos supplied the place of the reasonable -soul." As early as 325 A.D. the first OEcumenical Council of Nice -had defined against the Arians, and decreed that "the Son was not -only of like essence, but of the same essence with the Father, and -the human nature, maimed and misinterpreted by the Apollinarians, had -been restored to the person of Christ at the Council of Constantinople -in 381." Nestorius, finding the Arians and Apollinarians, condemned -strongly though they were, still strong in numbers and influence -at Constantinople, expressed in his first sermon as Patriarch his -determination to put down these and other heretical sects, and -exhorted the Emperor to help him in this difficult task. But, while -vigorously engaged in the effectual extinction of all heresies, he -incurred the displeasure of the orthodox party by boldly declaring, -though in the most sincerely orthodox form, against the use of the -term Theotokos, that is, Mother of God, which, as applied to the -Virgin Mary, had then grown into popular favour, especially amongst -the clergy at Constantinople and Rome. While he himself revered the -Blessed Virgin as the Mother of Christ, he declaimed against the use -of the expression Mother of God in respect of her, as being alike -"unknown to the Apostles, and unauthorised by the Church," besides -its being inherently absurd to suppose that the Godhead can be born or -suffer. Moreover, in his endeavour to avoid the extreme positions taken -up by Arians and Apollinarians, he denied, while speaking of the two -natures in Christ, that there was any communication of attributes. But -he was understood on this point to have maintained a mechanical rather -than a supernatural union of the two natures, and also to have rent -Christ asunder, and divided Him into two persons. Explaining his -position, Nestorius said "I distinguish the natures, but I unite my -adoration." But this explanation did not satisfy the orthodox, who -understood him to have "preached a Christ less than divine." The clergy -and laity of Constantinople, amongst whom Nestorius had thus grown -unpopular, and was talked of as a heretic, appealed to Cyril, Bishop -of the rival See of Alexandria, to interfere on their behalf. Cyril, -supported by the authority of the Pope, arrived on the scene, and, at -the Council of Ephesus, hastily and informally called up, condemned -Nestorius as a heretic, and excommunicated him. After Nestorianism -had been rooted out of the Roman Empire in the time of Justinian, -it flourished "in the East," especially in Persia and the countries -adjoining it, where the churches, since their foundation, had been -following the Syrian ritual, discipline, and doctrine, and where -a strong party, among them the Patriarch of Seleucia or Babylon, -and his suffragan the Metropolitan of Persia, with their large -following, revered Nestorius as a martyr, and faithfully and formally -accepted his teachings at the Synod of Seleucia in 448 A.D. His -doctrines seem to have spread as far east as China, so that, in 551, -Nestorian monks who had long resided in that country are said to have -brought the eggs of the silkworm to Constantinople. Cosmos, surnamed -Indicopleustes, the Indian traveller, who, in 522 A.D., visited Male, -"the country where the pepper grows," has referred to the existence -of a fully organised church in Malabar, with the Bishops consecrated -in Persia. His reference, while it traces the origin of the Indian -church to the earlier centuries, also testifies to the fact that, -at the time of his visit, the church was Nestorian in its creed -"from the circumstance of its dependence upon the Primate of Persia, -who then unquestionably held the Nestorian doctrines." - -The next heresy was that of Eutyches, a zealous adherent of Cyril in -opposition to Nestorius at the Council of Ephesus in 431 A.D. But -Eutyches, in opposing the doctrine of Nestorius, went beyond Cyril -and others, and affirmed that, after the union of the two natures, -the human and the divine, Christ had only one nature the divine, -His humanity being absorbed in His divinity. After several years -of controversy, the question was finally decided at the Council of -Chalcedon in 451, when it was declared, in opposition to the doctrine -of Eutyches, that the two natures were united in Christ, but "without -any alteration, absorption, or confusion"; or, in other words, in the -person of Christ there were two natures, the human and the divine, -each perfect in itself, but there was only one person. Eutyches was -excommunicated, and died in exile. Those who would not subscribe to -the doctrines declared at Chalcedon were condemned as heretics; they -then seceded, and afterwards gathered themselves around different -centres, which were Syria, Mesopotamia, Asia Minor, Cyprus and -Palestine, Armenia, Egypt, and Abyssinia. The Armenians embraced -the Eutychian theory of divinity being the sole nature in Christ, -the humanity being absorbed, while the Egyptians and Abyssinians -held in the monophysite doctrine of the divinity and humanity being -one compound nature in Christ. The West Syrians, or natives of Syria -proper, to whom the Syrians of this coast trace their origin, adopted, -after having renounced the doctrines of Nestorius, the Eutychian -tenet. Through the influence of Severus, Patriarch of Antioch, they -gradually became Monophysites. The Monophysite sect was for a time -suppressed by the Emperors, but in the sixth century there took place -the great Jacobite revival of the monophysite doctrine under James -Bardæus, better known as Jacobus Zanzalus, who united the various -divisions, into which the Monophysites had separated themselves, -into one church, which at the present day exists under the name of -the Jacobite church. The head of the Jacobite church claims the rank -and prerogative of the Patriarch of Antioch--a title claimed by no -less than three church dignitaries. Leaving it to subtle theologians -to settle the disputes, we may briefly define the position of the -Jacobites in Malabar in respect of the above controversies. While -they accept the qualifying epithets pronounced by the decree passed -at the Council of Chalcedon in regard to the union of the two natures -in Christ, they object to the use of the word two in referring to -the same. So far they are practically at one with the Armenians, for -they also condemn the Eutychian doctrine; and a Jacobite candidate -for holy orders in the Syrian church has, among other things, to take -an oath denouncing Eutyches and his teachers. - -We have digressed a little in order to show briefly the position -of the Malabar church in its relation to Eastern Patriarchs in -the early, mediæval, and modern times. To resume the thread of our -story, from about the middle of the fourth century until the arrival -of the Portuguese, the Christians of Malabar in their spiritual -distress generally applied for Bishops indiscriminately to one of -the Eastern Patriarchs, who were either Nestorian or Jacobite; for, -as observed by Sir W. W. Hunter, "for nearly a thousand years from -the 5th to the 15th century, the Jacobite sect dwelt in the middle -of the Nestorians in the Central Asia," so that, in response to the -requests from Malabar, both Nestorian and Jacobite Bishops appear -to have visited Malabar occasionally, and the natives seem to have -indiscriminately followed the teachings of both. We may here observe -that the simple folk of Malabar, imbued but with the primitive form -of Christianity, were neither conversant with nor ever troubled -themselves about the subtle disputations and doctrinal differences -that divided their co-religionists in Europe and Asia Minor, and -were, therefore, not in a position to distinguish between Nestorian -or any other form of Christianity. Persia also having subsequently -neglected the outlying Indian church, the Christians of Malabar seem -to have sent their applications to the Patriarch of Babylon, but, -as both prelates then followed the Nestorian creed, there was little -or no change in the rituals and dogmas of the church. Dr. Day [206] -refers to the arrival of a Jacobite Bishop in India in 696 A.D. About -the year 823 A.D., two Nestorian Bishops, Mar Sapor and Mar Aprot, -appear to have arrived in Malabar under the command of the Nestorian -Patriarch of Babylon. They are said to have interviewed the native -rulers, travelled through the country, built churches, and looked -after the religious affairs of the Syrians. - -We know but little of the history of the Malabar Church for nearly six -centuries prior to the arrival of the Portuguese in India. We have, -however, the story of the pilgrimage of the Bishop of Sherborne to the -shrine of St. Thomas in India about 883 A.D., in the reign of Alfred -the Great; and the reference made to the prevalence of Nestorianism -among the St. Thomas' Christians of Malabar by Marco Polo, the -Venetian traveller. - -The Christian community seem to have been in the zenith of their glory -and prosperity between the 9th and 14th centuries, as, according -to their tradition, they were then permitted to have a king of -their own, with Villiarvattam near Udayamperur (Diamper) as his -capital. According to another version, the king of Villiarvattam was -a convert to Christianity. The dynasty seems to have become extinct -about the 14th century, and it is said that, on the arrival of the -Portuguese, the crown and sceptre of the last Christian king were -presented to Vasco da Gama in 1502. We have already referred to the -high position occupied by the Christians under the early kings, as -is seen from the rare privileges granted to them, most probably in -return for military services rendered by them. The king seems to have -enjoyed, among other things, the right of punishing offences committed -by the Christian community, who practically followed his lead. A more -reasonable view of the story of a Christian king appears to be that -a Christian chief of Udayamperur enjoyed a sort of socio-territorial -jurisdiction over his followers, which, in later times, seems to have -been so magnified as to invest him with territorial sovereignty. We -see, in the copper-plate charters of the Jews, that their chief was -also invested with some such powers. - -Mention is made of two Latin Missions in the 14th century, with -Quilon as head-quarters, but their labours were ineffectual, and their -triumphs but short-lived. Towards the end of the 15th, and throughout -the whole of the 16th century, the Nestorian Patriarch of Mesopotamia -seems to have exercised some authority over the Malabar Christians, as -is borne out by the occasional references to the arrival of Nestorian -Bishops to preside over the churches. - -Until the arrival of the Portuguese, the Malabar church was following -unmolested, in its ritual, practice and communion, a creed of the -Syro-Chaldæan church of the East. When they set out on their voyages, -conquest and conversion were no less dear to the heart of Portuguese -than enterprise and commerce. Though, in the first moments, the -Syrians, in their neglected spiritual condition, were gratified at -the advent of their co-religionists, the Romanist Portuguese, and -the Portuguese in their turn expected the most beneficial results -from an alliance with their Christian brethren on this coast, -"the conformity of the Syrians to the faith and practice of the 5th -century soon disappointed the prejudices of the Papist apologists. It -was the first care of the Portuguese to intercept all correspondence -with the Eastern Patriarchs, and several of their Bishops expired -in the prisons of their Holy Office." The Franciscan and Dominican -Friars, and the Jesuit Fathers, worked vigorously to win the Malabar -Christians over to the Roman Communion. Towards the beginning of -the last quarter of the 16th century, the Jesuits built a church at -Vaippacotta near Cranganur, and founded a college for the education of -Christian youths. In 1584, a seminary was established for the purpose -of instructing the Syrians in theology, and teaching them the Latin, -Portuguese and Syriac languages. The dignitaries who presided over -the churches, however, refused to ordain the students trained in the -seminary. This, and other causes of quarrel between the Jesuits and -the native clergy, culminated in an open rupture, which was proclaimed -by Archdeacon George in a Synod at Angamali. When Alexes de Menezes, -Archbishop of Goa, heard of this, he himself undertook a visitation -of the Syrian churches. The bold and energetic Menezes carried all -before him. Nor is his success to be wondered at. He was invested with -the spiritual authority of the Pope, and armed with the terrors of the -Inquisition. He was encouraged in his efforts by the Portuguese King, -whose Governors on this coast ably backed him up. Though the ruling -chiefs at first discountenanced the exercise of coercive measures -over their subjects, they were soon won over by the stratagems of the -subtle Archbishop. Thus supported, he commenced his visitation of the -churches, and reduced them in A.D. 1599 by the decrees of the Synod of -Diamper (Udayamperur), a village about ten miles to the south-east of -the town of Cochin. The decrees passed by the Synod were reluctantly -subscribed to by Archdeacon George and a large number of Kathanars, -as the native priests are called; and this practically converted -the Malabar Church into a branch of the Roman Church. Literature -sustained a very great loss at the hands of Menezes, "for this blind -and enthusiastic inquisitor destroyed, like a second Omar, all the -books written in the Syrian or Chaldæan language, which could be -collected, not only at the Synod of Diamper, but especially during -his subsequent circuit; for, as soon as he had entered into a Syrian -Church, he ordered all their books and records to be laid before him, -which, a few indifferent ones excepted, he committed to the flames, -so that at present neither books nor manuscripts are any more to be -found amongst the St. Thomé Christians." [207] - -Immediately after the Synod of Diamper, a Jesuit Father, Franciscus -Roz, a Spaniard by birth, was appointed Bishop of Angamali by Pope -Clement VIII. The title was soon after changed to that of Archbishop -of Cranganur. By this time, the rule of the Jesuits had become so -intolerable to the Syrians that they resolved to have a Bishop from -the East, and applied to Babylon, Antioch, Alexandria, and other -ecclesiastical head-quarters for a Bishop, as if the ecclesiastical -heads who presided over these places professed the same creed. The -request of the Malabar Christians for a Bishop was readily responded -to from Antioch, and Ahattala, otherwise known as Mar Ignatius, -was forthwith sent. Authorities, however, differ on this point, -for, according to some, this Ahattala was a Nestorian, or a protégé -of the Patriarch of the Copts. Whatever Ahattala's religious creed -might have been, the Syrians appear to have believed that he was -sent by the Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch. The Portuguese, however, -intercepted him, and took him prisoner. The story goes that he -was drowned in the Cochin harbour, or condemned to the flames of -the Inquisition at Goa in 1653. This cruel deed so infuriated the -Syrians that thousands of them met in solemn conclave at the Coonen -Cross at Mattancheri in Cochin, and, with one voice, renounced their -allegiance to the Church of Rome. This incident marks an important -epoch in the history of the Malabar Church, for, with the defection -at the Coonen Cross, the Malabar Christians split themselves up into -two distinct parties, the Romo-Syrians who adhered to the Church of -Rome, and the Jacobite Syrians, who, severing their connection with -it, placed themselves under the spiritual supremacy of the Patriarch -of Antioch. The following passage explains the exact position of the -two parties that came into existence then, as also the origin of the -names since applied to them. "The Pazheia Kuttukar, or old church, -owed its foundation to Archbishop Menezes and the Synod of Diamper in -1599, and its reconciliation, after revolt, to the Carmelite Bishop, -Joseph of St. Mary, in 1656. It retains in its services the Syrian -language, and in part the Syrian ritual. But it acknowledges the -supremacy of the Pope and his Vicars Apostolic. Its members are -now known as Catholics of the Syrian rite, to distinguish them from -the converts made direct from heathenism to the Latin Church by the -Roman missionaries. The other section of the Syrian Christians of -Malabar is called the Puttan Kuttukar, or new church. It adheres -to the Jacobite tenets introduced by its first Jacobite Bishop, -Mar Gregory, in 1665." [208] We have at this time, and ever after, -to deal with a third party, that came into existence after the advent -of the Portuguese. These are the Catholics of the Latin rite, and -consist almost exclusively of the large number of converts gained by -the Portuguese from amongst the different castes of the Hindus. To -avoid confusion, we shall follow the fortunes of each sect separately. - -When the Portuguese first came to India, the Indian trade was -chiefly in the hands of the Moors, who had no particular liking -for the Hindus or Christians, and the arrival of the Portuguese was -therefore welcome alike to the Hindus and Christians, who eagerly -sought their assistance. The Portuguese likewise accepted their offers -of friendship very gladly, as an alliance, especially with the former, -gave them splendid opportunities for advancing their religious mission, -while, from a friendly intercourse with the latter, they expected not -only to further their religious interests, but also their commercial -prosperity. In the work of conversion they were successful, more -especially among the lower orders, the Illuvans, Mukkuvans, Pulayans, -etc. The labours of Miguel Vaz, afterwards Vicar-General of Goa, and -of Father Vincent, in this direction were continued with admirable -success by St. Francis Xavier. - -We have seen how the strict and rigid discipline of the Jesuit -Archbishops, their pride and exclusiveness, and the capture and murder -of Ahattala brought about the outburst at the Coonen Cross. Seeing -that the Jesuits had failed, Pope Alexander VII had recourse to the -Carmelite Fathers, who were specially instructed to do their best to -remove the schism, and to bring about a reconciliation; but, because -the Portuguese claimed absolute possession of the Indian Missions, -and as the Pope had despatched the Carmelite Fathers without the -approval of the King of Portugal, the first batch of these missionaries -could not reach the destined field of their labours. Another body of -Carmelites, who had taken a different route, however, succeeded in -reaching Malabar in 1656, and they met Archdeacon Thomas who had -succeeded Archdeacon George. While expressing their willingness -to submit to Rome, the Syrians declined to place themselves under -Archbishop Garcia, S.J., who had succeeded Archbishop Roz, S.J. The -Syrians insisted on their being given a non-Jesuit Bishop, and, in -1659, Father Joseph was appointed Vicar Apostolic of the "Sierra of -Malabar" without the knowledge of the King of Portugal. He came out -to India in 1661, and worked vigorously for two years in reconciling -the Syrian Christians to the Church of Rome. But he was not allowed -to continue his work unmolested, because, when the Dutch, who were -competing with the Portuguese for supremacy in the Eastern seas, took -the port of Cochin in 1663, Bishop Joseph was ordered to leave the -coast forthwith. When he left Cochin, he consecrated Chandy Parambil, -otherwise known as Alexander de Campo. - -By their learning, and their skill in adapting themselves to -circumstances, the Carmelite Fathers had continued to secure the -good-will of the Dutch, and, returning to Cochin, assisted Alexander -de Campo in his work. Father Mathew, one of their number, was allowed -to build a church at Chatiath near Ernakulam. Another church was -built at Varapuzha (Verapoly) on land given rent-free by the Raja of -Cochin. Since this time, Varapuzha, now in Travancore, has continued -to be the residence of a Vicar Apostolic. - -The history of a quarter of a century subsequent to this is -uneventful, except for the little quarrels between the Carmelite -Fathers and the native clergy. In 1700, however, the Archbishop of -Goa declined to consecrate a Carmelite Father nominated by the Pope -to the Vicariate Apostolic. But Father Anjelus, the Vicar Apostolic -elect, got himself consecrated by one Mar Simon, who was supposed -to be in communion with Rome. The Dutch Government having declined -admission to Archbishop Ribeiro, S.J., the nominee of the Portuguese -King to their dominions, Anjelus was invested with jurisdiction over -Cochin and Cranganur. Thereupon, the Jesuit Fathers sought shelter in -Travancore, and in the territories of the Zamorin. With the capture -of Cranganur by the Dutch, which struck the death-blow to Portuguese -supremacy in the East, the last vestige of the church, seminary and -college founded by the Jesuits disappeared. As the Dutch hated the -Jesuits as bigoted Papists and uncompromising schismatics, several -of the Jesuit Fathers, who were appointed Archbishops of Cranganur, -never set foot within their diocese, and such of them as accepted the -responsibility confined themselves to the territories of the Raja of -Travancore. It was only after the establishment of British supremacy -that the Jesuit Fathers were able to re-enter the scene of their early -labours. An almost unbroken line of Carmelite Fathers appointed by the -Pope filled the Vicariate till 1875, though the Archbishop of Goa and -the Bishop of Cochin now and then declined to consecrate the nominee, -and thus made feeble attempts on behalf of their Faithful King to -recover their lost position. - -Salvador, S.J., Archbishop of Cranganur, died in 1777. Five years -after this, the King of Portugal appointed Joseph Cariatil and -Thomas Paramakal, two native Christians, who had been educated at -the Propaganda College at Rome, as Archbishop and Vicar-General, -respectively, of the diocese of Cranganur. - -The native clergy at the time were mostly ignorant, and the discipline -amongst them was rather lax. The Propaganda attempted reforms in this -direction, which led to a rupture between the Latin and the native -clergy. The Carmelite Fathers, like the Jesuits, had grown overbearing -and haughty, and an attempt at innovation made by the Pope through -them became altogether distasteful to the natives. Serious charges -against the Carmelites were, therefore, formally laid before the -Pope and the Raja of Travancore by the Syrians. They also insisted -that Thomas should be consecrated Bishop. At this time, the Dutch -were all-powerful at the courts of native rulers, and, though the -Carmelite missionaries who had ingratiated themselves into the good -graces of the Dutch tried their best to thwart the Syrians in their -endeavours, Thomas was permitted to be consecrated Bishop, and the -Syrians were allowed the enjoyment of certain rare privileges. It -is remarkable that, at this time and even in much earlier times, -the disputes between the foreign and the native clergy, or between -the various factions following the lead of the native clergy, were -often decided by the Hindu kings, and the Christians accepted and -abided by the decisions of their temporal heads. - -In 1838, Pope Gregory XVI issued a Bull abolishing the Sees of -Cranganur and Cochin, and transferring the jurisdiction to the Vicar -Apostolic of Varapuzha. But the King of Portugal questioned the -right of the Pope, and this led to serious disputes. The abolition -of the smaller seminaries by Archbishop Bernardin of Varapuzha, and -his refusal to ordain candidates for Holy Orders trained in these -seminaries by the Malpans or teacher-priests, caused much discontent -among the Syrian Christians, and, in 1856, a large section of the -Syrians applied to the Catholic Chaldæan Patriarch of Babylon for -a Chaldæan Bishop. This was readily responded to by the Patriarch, -who, though under the Pope, thought that he had a prescriptive right -to supremacy over the Malabar Christians. Bishop Roccos was sent -out to Malabar in 1861, and though, owing to the charm of novelty, a -large section of the Christians at once joined him, a strong minority -questioned his authority, and referred the matter to the Pope. Bishop -Roccos was recalled, and the Patriarch was warned by the Pope against -further interference. - -Subsequently, the Patriarch, again acting on the notion that he had -independent jurisdiction over the Chaldæan Syrian church of Malabar, -sent out Bishop Mellus to Cochin. The arrival of this Bishop in 1874 -created a distinct split among the Christians of Trichur, one faction -acknowledging the supremacy of the Pope, and the other following the -lead of Bishop Mellus. This open rupture had involved the two factions -in a costly litigation. The adherents of Bishop Mellus contend that -their church, ever since its foundation in 1810 or 1812, has followed -the practice, ritual, and communion of the Chaldæan church of Babylon, -without having ever been in communion with Rome. The matter is sub -judice. They are now known by the name of Chaldæan Syrians. The Pope, -in the meanwhile, excommunicated Bishop Mellus, but he continued -to exercise spiritual authority over his adherents independently of -Rome. In 1887 the Patriarch having made peace with the Pope, Bishop -Mellus left India, and submitted to Rome in 1889. On the departure of -Bishop Mellus, the Chaldæan Syrians chose Anthony Kathanar, otherwise -known as Mar Abdeso, as their Archbishop. He is said to have been -a Rome Syrian priest under the Archbishop of Varapuzha. It is also -said that he visited Syria and Palestine, and received ordination -from the anti-Roman Patriarch of Babylon. Before his death in 1900, -he ordained Mar Augustine, who, under the title of Chorepiscopus, -had assisted him in the government of the Chaldæan church, and he -now presides over the Chaldæan Syrian churches in the State. - -In 1868, Bishop Marcellinus was appointed Coadjutor to the Vicar -Apostolic of Varapuzha, and entrusted with the spiritual concerns -of the Romo-Syrians. On his death in 1892, the Romo-Syrians were -placed under the care of two European Vicars Apostolic. We have -seen how the Jesuits had made themselves odious to the native -Christians, and how reluctantly the latter had submitted to their -rigid discipline. We have seen, too, how the Carmelites who replaced -them, in spite of their worldly wisdom and conciliatory policy, had -their own occasional quarrels and disputes with the native clergy and -their congregations. From the time of the revolt at the Coonen Cross, -and ever afterwards, the Christians had longed for Bishops of their -own nationality, and made repeated requests for the same. For some -reason or other, compliance with these requisitions was deferred for -years. Experience showed that the direct rule of foreign Bishops had -failed to secure the unanimous sympathy and hearty co-operation of the -people. The Pope was, however, convinced of the spiritual adherence of -the native clergy and congregation to Rome. In these circumstances, -it was thought advisable to give the native clergy a fair trial in -the matter of local supremacy. Bishops Medlycott and Lavigne, S.J., -who were the Vicars Apostolic of Trichur and Kottayam, were therefore -withdrawn, and, in 1896, three native Syrian priests, Father John -Menacheri, Father Aloysius Pareparambil, and Father Mathew Mackil, -were consecrated by the Papal Delegate as the Vicars Apostolic of -Trichur, Ernakulam, and Chenganacheri. - -The monopoly of the Indian missions claimed by the Portuguese, and the -frequent disputes which disturbed the peace of the Malabar church, -were ended in 1886 by the Concordat entered into between Pope Leo -XIII and the King of Portugal. The Archbishop of Goa was by this -recognised as the Patriarch of the East Indies with the Bishop of -Cochin as a suffragan, whose diocese in the Cochin State is confined -to the seaboard taluk of Cochin. The rest of the Latin Catholics of -this State, except a small section in the Chittur taluk under the -Bishop of Coimbatore, are under the Archbishop of Varapuzha. - -Since the revolt of the Syrians at the Coonen Cross in 1653, the -Jacobite Syrians have been governed by native Bishops consecrated by -Bishops sent by the Patriarch of Antioch, or at least always received -and recognised as such. In exigent circumstances, the native Bishops -themselves, before their death, consecrated their successors by the -imposition of hands. Immediately after the defection, they chose -Archdeacon Thomas as their spiritual leader. He was thus the first -Metran or native Bishop, having been formally ordained after twelve -years of independent rule by Mar Gregory from Antioch, with whose -name the revival of Jacobitism in Malabar is associated. The Metran -assumed the title of Mar Thomas I. He belonged to the family that -traced its descent from the Pakalomattom family, held in high respect -and great veneration as one of the Brahman families, the members of -which are supposed to have been converted and ordained as priests -by the apostle himself. Members of the same family continued to hold -the Metranship till about the year 1815, when the family is supposed -to have become extinct. This hereditary succession is supposed -by some to be a relic of the Nestorian practice. It may, however, -be explained in another way. The earliest converts were high-caste -Hindus, amongst whom an Anandravan (brother or nephew) succeeded to -the family estates and titles in pursuance of the joint family system -as current in Malabar. The succession of a brother or a nephew might, -therefore, be quite as much a relic of the Hindu custom. The Metrans -possessed properties. They were, therefore, interested in securing the -succession of their Anandravans, so that their properties might not -pass to a different family. Mar Thomas I was succeeded by his brother -Mar Thomas II, on whose death his nephew became Metran under the title -of Mar Thomas III. He held office only for ten days. Mar Thomas IV, -who succeeded him, presided over the church till 1728. Thomas III and -IV are said to have been consecrated by Bishop John, a scholar of great -repute, who, with one Bishop Basil, came from Antioch in 1685. During -the régime of Mar Thomas IV, and of his nephew Thomas V, Mar Gabriel, -a Nestorian Bishop, appeared on the scene in 1708. He seems to have -been a man without any definite creed, as he proclaimed himself a -Nestorian, a Jacobite, or a Romanist, according as one or the other -best suited his interests. He had his own friends and admirers among -the Syrians, with whose support he ruled over a few churches in the -north till 1731. The consecration of Mar Thomas V by Mar Thomas IV -was felt to be invalid, and, to remedy the defect, the assistance -of the Dutch was sought; but, being disappointed, the Christians had -recourse to a Jewish merchant named Ezekiel, who undertook to convey -their message to the Patriarch of Antioch. He brought from Bassorah -one Mar Ivanius, who was a man of fiery temper. He interfered with -the images in the churches. This led to quarrels with the Metran, -and he had forthwith to quit the State. Through the Dutch authorities -at Cochin, a fresh requisition was sent to the Patriarch of Antioch, -who sent out three Bishops named Basil, John, and Gregory. Their -arrival caused fresh troubles, owing to the difficulty of paying the -large sum claimed by them as passage money. In 1761, Mar Thomas V, -supposed to have died in 1765, consecrated his nephew Mar Thomas -VI. About this time, Gregory consecrated one Kurilos, the leader -of a faction that resisted the rule of Thomas VI. The disputes and -quarrels which followed were ended with the flight of Kurilos, who -founded the See of Anjoor in the north of Cochin and became the first -Bishop of Tholiyur. Through the kind intercession of the Maharaja of -Travancore, Thomas VI underwent formal consecration at the hands of -the Bishops from Antioch, and took the title of Dionysius I, known -also as Dionysius the Great. In 1775, the great Carmelite father Paoli -visited Mar Dionysius, and tried to persuade him to submit to Rome. It -is said that he agreed to the proposal, on condition of his being -recognised as Metropolitan of all the Syrians in Malabar, but nothing -came of it. A few years after this, the struggle for supremacy between -the Dutch and the English had ended in the triumph of the latter, -who evinced a good deal of interest in the Syrian Christians, and, -in 1805, the Madras Government deputed Dr. Kerr to study the history -of the Malabar Church. In 1809, Dr. Buchanan visited Mar Dionysius, -and broached the question of a union of the Syrian Church with -the Church of England. The proposal, however, did not find favour -with the Metropolitan, or his congregation. Mar Dionysius died in -1808. Before his death, he had consecrated Thomas Kathanar as Thomas -VIII. He died in 1816. His successor, Thomas IX, was weak and old, -and he was displaced by Ittoop Ramban, known as Pulikot Dionysius or -Dionysius II. He enjoyed the confidence and good-will of Colonel Munro, -the British Resident, through whose good offices a seminary had been -built at Kottayam in 1813 for the education of Syrian youths. He died -in 1818. Philixenos, who had succeeded Kurilos as Bishop of Tholiyur, -now consecrated Punnathara Dionysius, or Dionysius III. - -We have now to refer to an important incident in the history of the -Jacobite Syrians. Through the influence of the British Resident, -and in the hope of effecting the union proposed by Dr. Buchanan, -the Church Mission Society commenced their labours in 1816. The -English Missionaries began their work under favourable circumstances, -and the most cordial relations existed between the Syrians and the -missionaries for some years, so much so that the latter frequently -visited the Syrian churches, and even preached sermons. On the death -of Dionysius III in 1825, or as some say 1827, Cheppat Dionysius -consecrated by Mar Philixenos again, succeeded as Metropolitan under -the title of Dionysius IV. During his régime, there grew up among the -Syrians a party, who suspected that the missionaries were using their -influence with the Metropolitan, and secretly endeavouring to bring -the Syrians under the Protestant Church. The conservative party of -Syrians stoutly opposed the movement. They petitioned the Patriarch of -Antioch, who at once sent out a Bishop named Athanasius. On arrival -in 1825, a large number of Syrians flocked to him. He even went to -the length of threatening Mar Dionysius with excommunication. But the -Protestant missionaries and the British Resident came to the rescue -of the Metropolitan, and exercised their influence with the ruler -of Travancore, who forthwith deported Athanasius. The deportation -of Athanasius strengthened the position of the missionaries. The -British Resident, and through his influence the native ruler, often -rendered them the most unqualified support. The missionaries who -superintended the education of the Syrian students in the seminary, -having begun to teach them doctrines contrary to those of the Jacobite -Church, the cordiality and friendship that had existed between the -missionaries and the Metropolitan gradually gave place to distrust -and suspicion. The party that clung to the time-honoured traditions -and practices of their church soon fanned the flame of discord, and -snapped asunder the ties of friendship that had bound the Metropolitan -to the missionaries. Bishop Wilson of Calcutta proceeded to Travancore -to see if a reconciliation could be effected. But his attempts in this -direction proved fruitless, because the Syrians could not accept his -proposal to adopt important changes affecting their spiritual and -temporal concerns, such as doing away with prayers for the dead, -the revision of their liturgy, the management of church funds, -etc., and the Syrians finally parted company with the missionaries -in 1838. Soon after this, disputes arose in regard to the funds and -endowments of the seminary, but they were soon settled by arbitration -in 1840, and the properties were divided between the Metropolitan and -the missionaries. The missionaries had friends among the Jacobites, -some of whom became members of the Church of England. - -The Syrians were rather distressed, because they thought that -the consecration of their Metropolitan by Mar Philixenos was -insufficient. They therefore memorialised the Patriarch of -Antioch. There grew up also a party hostile to the Metropolitan, -and they sent to Antioch a Syrian Christian named Mathew. His -arrival at Antioch was most opportune. The Patriarch was looking -out for a proper man. Mathew was therefore welcomed, and treated -very kindly. He was consecrated as Metropolitan by the Patriarch -himself in 1842, and sent out with the necessary credentials. He -arrived in 1843 as Metropolitan of Malankara under the title of -Mathew Anastatius, and advanced his claims to the headship of the -Church, but Mar Dionysius resisted him, and sent an appeal to the -Patriarch of Antioch, in which he denounced Mathew as one who had -enlisted his sympathies with the Protestant missionaries. Upon this, -the Patriarch sent out one Cyril with power to expel Mathew, and, -with the connivance of Mar Dionysius, Cyril cut the gordian knot by -appointing himself as Metropolitan of Malabar. Disputes arising, -a committee was appointed to examine the claims of Athanasius and -Cyril. The credentials of Cyril were proved to be forged, whereupon -Athanasius was duly installed in his office in 1862, and Cyril fled -the country. Cyril having failed, the Patriarch sent another Bishop -named Stephanos, who contributed his mite towards widening the breach, -and, on the British Resident having ordered the Bishop to quit the -country, an appeal was preferred to the Court of Directors, who -insisted on a policy of non-interference. This bestirred Mar Cyril, -who reappeared on the scene, and fanned the flame of discord. Being -ordered to leave Mar Athanasius unmolested, he and his friends sent -one Joseph to Antioch, who returned with fresh credentials in 1866, -assumed the title of Dionysius V, claimed the office of Metropolitan, -and applied to the Travancore Government for assistance. Adopting -a policy of non-interference, the darbar referred him to the Law -Courts, in case he could not come to terms with Mar Athanasius. The -Patriarch of Antioch himself visited Cochin and Travancore in 1874, -and presided over a Synod which met at Mulanthurutha in the Cochin -State. Resolutions affirming the supremacy of Antioch, recognising Mar -Dionysius as the accredited Metropolitan of Malabar, and condemning -Mathew Athanasius as a schismatic, were passed by the members of the -assembly, and the Patriarch returned to Mardin in 1876. This, however, -did not mend matters, and the two parties launched themselves into a -protracted law suit in 1879, which ended in favour of Mar Dionysius -in 1889. Mar Athanasius, who had taken up an independent position, -died in 1875, and his cousin, whom he had consecrated, succeeded as -Metropolitan under the title of Mar Thomas Anastatius. He died in -1893, and Titus Mar Thoma, consecrated likewise by his predecessor, -presides over the Reformed Party of Jacobite Syrians, who prefer to -be called St. Thomas' Syrians. We have thus traced the history of the -Jacobite Syrians from 1653, and shown how they separated themselves -into two parties, now represented by the Jacobite Syrians under -Mar Dionysius, owing allegiance to the Patriarch of Antioch, and the -Reformed Syrians or St. Thomas' Syrians owning Titus Mar Thoma as their -supreme spiritual head. Thus, while the Jacobite Syrians have accepted -and acknowledged the ecclesiastical supremacy of the Patriarch of -Antioch, the St. Thomas' Syrians, maintaining that the Jacobite creed -was introduced into Malabar only in the seventeenth century after a -section of the church had shaken off the Roman supremacy, uphold the -ecclesiastical autonomy of the church, whereby the supreme control -of the spiritual and temporal affairs of the church is declared to be -in the hands of the Metropolitan of Malabar. The St. Thomas' Syrians -hold that the consecration of a Bishop by, or with the sanction of the -Patriarch of Babylon, Alexandria or Antioch, gives no more validity -or sanctity to that office than consecration by the Metropolitan of -Malabar, the supreme head of the church in Malabar, inasmuch as this -church is as ancient and apostolic as any other, being founded by the -apostle St. Thomas; while the Jacobites hold that the consecration of -a Bishop is not valid, unless it be done with the sanction of their -Patriarch. The St. Thomas' Syrians have, however, no objection to -receiving consecration from the head of any other episcopal apostolic -church, but they consider that such consecrations do not in any way -subject their church to the supremacy of that prelate or church. - -Both the Latins and the Romo-Syrians use the liturgy of the Church -of Rome, the former using the Latin, and the latter the Syriac -language. It is believed by some that the Christians of St. Thomas -formerly used the liturgy of St. Adæus, East Syrian, Edessa, but that -it was almost completely assimilated to the Roman liturgy by Portuguese -Jesuits at the Synod of Diamper in 1599. The Chaldæan Syrians also use -the Roman liturgy, with the following points of difference in practice, -communicated to me by their present ecclesiastical head:--(1) They -perform marriage ceremonies on Sundays, instead of week days as the -Romo-Syrians do. (2) While reading the Gospel, their priests turn -to the congregation, whereas the Romo-Syrian priests turn to the -altar. (3) Their priests bless the congregation in the middle of -the mass, a practice not in vogue among the Romo-Syrians. (4) They -use two kinds of consecrated oil in baptism, which does away with -the necessity of confirmation. The Romo-Syrians, on the other hand, -use only one kind of oil, and hence they have to be subsequently -confirmed by one of their Bishops. - -The liturgy used by the Jacobite Syrians and the St. Thomas' Syrians -is the same, viz., that of St. James. The St. Thomas' Syrians have, -however, made some changes by deleting certain passages from it. [A -recent writer observes that "a service which I attended at the quaint -old Syrian church at Kottayam, which glories in the possession of -one of the three ancient stone crosses in India, closely resembled, -as far as my memory serves me, one which I attended many years ago at -Antioch, except that the non-sacramental portions of the mass were -read in Malayalam instead of in Arabic, the sacramental words alone -being in both cases spoken in the ancient Syriac tongue.] In regard to -doctrine and practice, the following points may be noted:--(1) While -the Jacobite Syrians look upon the Holy Bible as the main authority in -matters of doctrine, practice, and ritual, they do not allow the Bible -to be interpreted except with the help of the traditions of the church, -the writings of the early Fathers, and the decrees of the Holy Synods -of the undivided Christian period; but the St. Thomas' Syrians believe -that the Holy Bible is unique and supreme in such matters. (2) While -the Jacobites have faith in the efficacy and necessity of prayers, -charities, etc., for the benefit of departed souls, of the invocation -of the Virgin Mary and the Saints in divine worship, of pilgrimages, -and of confessing sins to, and obtaining absolution from priests, the -St. Thomas' Syrians regard these and similar practices as unscriptural, -tending not to the edification of believers, but to the drawing away -of the minds of believers from the vital and real spiritual truths -of the Christian Revelation. (3) While the Jacobites administer the -Lord's Supper to the laity and the non-celebrating clergy in the -form of consecrated bread dipped in consecrated wine, and regard it -a sin to administer the elements separately after having united them -in token of Christ's resurrection, the St. Thomas' Syrians admit -the laity to both the elements after the act of uniting them. (4) -While the Jacobite Syrians allow marriage ceremonies on Sundays, -on the plea that, being of the nature of a sacrament, they ought to -be celebrated on Sundays, and that Christ himself had taken part in a -marriage festival on the Sabbath day, the St. Thomas' Syrians prohibit -such celebrations on Sundays as unscriptural, the Sabbath being -set apart for rest and religious exercises. (5) While the Jacobites -believe that the mass is as much a memorial of Christ's oblation on -the cross as it is an unbloody sacrifice offered for the remission -of the sins of the living and of the faithful dead, the St. Thomas' -Syrians observe it as a commemoration of Christ's sacrifice on the -cross. (6) The Jacobites venerate the cross and the relics of Saints, -while the St. Thomas' Syrians regard the practice as idolatry. (7) -The Jacobites perform mass for the dead, while the St. Thomas' Syrians -regard it as unscriptural. (8) With the Jacobites, remarriage, marriage -of widows, and marriage after admission to full priesthood, reduce a -priest to the status of a layman, and one united in any such marriage -is not permitted to perform priestly functions, whereas priests of -the St. Thomas' Syrian party are allowed to contract such marriages -without forfeiture of their priestly rights. (9) The Jacobite Syrians -believe in the efficacy of infant baptism, and acknowledge baptismal -regeneration, while the St. Thomas' Syrians, who also baptise infants, -deny the doctrine of regeneration in baptism, and regard the ceremony -as a mere external sign of admission to church communion. (10) The -Jacobites observe special fasts, and abstain from certain articles -of food during such fasts, while the St. Thomas' Syrians regard the -practice as superstitious. - -The Jacobite Syrian priests are not paid any fixed salary, but are -supported by voluntary contributions in the shape of fees for baptism, -marriages, funerals, etc. The Romo-Syrian and Latin priests are paid -fixed salaries, besides the above perquisites. The Syrian priests -are called Kathanars, while the Latin priests go by the name of -Padres. For the Jacobite Syrians, the morone or holy oil required -for baptism, consecration of churches, ordination of priests, etc., -has to be obtained from Antioch. The churches under Rome get it from -Rome. Unlike the Catholic clergy, the Jacobite clergy, except their -Metropolitan and the Rambans, are allowed to marry. - -The generality of Syrians of the present day trace their descent from -the higher orders of the Hindu society, and the observance by many of -them of certain customs prevalent more or less among high-caste Hindus -bears out this fact. It is no doubt very curious that, in spite of -their having been Christians for centuries together, they still retain -the traditions of their Hindu forefathers. It may sound very strange, -but it is none the less true, that caste prejudices which influence -their Hindu brethren in all social and domestic relations obtain -to some extent among some sections of the Syrian Christians, but, -with the spread of a better knowledge of the teachings of Christ, the -progress of English education, and contact with European Christians, -caste observances are gradually dying out. The following relics of -old customs may, however, be noted:-- - -(1) Some Christians make offerings to Hindu temples with as much -reverence as they do in their own churches. - -Some non-Brahman Hindus likewise make offerings to Christian churches. - -(2) Some sections of Syrians have faith in horoscopes, and get them -cast for new-born babies, just as Hindus do. - -(3) On the wedding day, the bridegroom ties round the neck of the bride -a tali (small ornament made of gold). This custom is prevalent among -all classes of Native Christians. On the death of their husbands, -some even remove the tali to indicate widowhood, as is the custom -among the Brahmans. - -(4) When a person dies, his or her children, if any, and near -relatives, observe pula (death pollution) for a period ranging from -ten to fifteen days. The observance imposes abstinence from animal -food. The pula ends with a religious ceremony in the church, with -feasting friends and relatives in the house, and feeding the poor, -according to one's means. Sradha, or anniversary ceremony for the soul -of the dead, is performed with services in the church and feasts in -the house. - -(5) In rural parts especially, the Onam festival of the Malayali -Hindus is celebrated with great éclat, with feasting, making presents -of cloths to children and relatives, out-door and in-door games, etc. - -(6) Vishu, or new-year's day, is likewise a gala day, when presents -of small coins are made to children, relatives, and the poor. - -(7) The ceremony of first feeding a child with rice (annaprasanam -or chorunu of the Hindus) is celebrated generally in the sixth month -after birth. Parents often make vows to have the ceremony done in a -particular church, as Hindu parents take their children to particular -temples in fulfilment of special vows. - -(8) The Syrians do not admit within their premises low-castes, e.g., -Pulayans, Paraiyans, etc., even after the conversion of the latter -to Christianity. They enforce even distance pollution, though not -quite to the same extent as Malayali Hindus do. Iluvans are allowed -admission to their houses, but are not allowed to cook their meals. In -some parts, they are not even allowed to enter the houses of Syrians. - -There are no intermarriages between Syrians of the various -denominations and Latin Catholics. Under very exceptional -circumstances, a Romo-Syrian contracts a marriage with one of -Latin rite, and vice versâ, but this entails many difficulties -and disabilities on the issues. Among the Latins themselves, there -are, again, no intermarriages between the communities of the seven -hundred, the five hundred, and the three hundred. The difference of -cult and creed has led to the prohibition of marriages between the -Romo-Syrians and Jacobite Syrians. The Jacobite Syrians properly so -called, St. Thomas' Syrians, and the Syro-Protestants do, however, -intermarry. The Southerners and Northerners do not intermarry; any -conjugal ties effected between them subject the former to some kind of -social excommunication. This exclusiveness, as we have already said, -is claimed on the score of their descent from the early colonists -from Syria. The Syrians in general, and the Jacobite Syrians in -particular, are greater stricklers to customs than other classes of -Native Christians. - -We have already referred to the privileges granted to the Syrians by -the Hindu kings in early times. They not only occupied a very high -position in the social scale, but also enjoyed at different times the -rare distinction of forming a section of the body-guard of the king and -the militia of the country. Education has of late made great progress -among them. The public service has now been thrown open to them, so -that those who have had the benefit of higher education now hold some -of the important posts in the State. In enterprises of all kinds, they -are considerably ahead of their Hindu and Musalman brethren, so that -we see them take very kindly to commerce, manufacture, agriculture, -etc.; in fact, in every walk of life, they are making their mark by -their industry and enterprise. [209] - -The following additional information is contained in the Gazetteer of -Malabar. "The men are to be distinguished by the small cross worn round -the neck, and the women by their tali, which has 21 beads on it, set -in the form of a cross. Their churches are ugly rectangular buildings -with flat or arched wooden roofs and whitewashed facades. They have no -spire, but the chancel, which is at the east end, is usually somewhat -higher than the nave. Between the chancel and the body of the church -is a curtain, which is drawn while the priest consecrates the elements -at the mass. Right and left of the chancel are two rooms, the vestry -and the sacristy. At the west end is a gallery, in which the unmarried -priests sometimes live. Most churches contain three altars, one in the -chancel, and the other two at its western ends on each side. There are -no images in Jacobite or Reformed churches, but there are sometimes -pictures. Crucifixes are placed on the altars, and in other parts of -the churches. The clergy and men of influence are buried in the nave -just outside the chancel. The Syrian Bishops are called Metrans. They -are celibates, and live on the contributions of their churches. They -wear purple robes and black silk cowls figured with golden crosses, a -big gold cross round the neck, and a ring on the fourth finger of the -right hand. Bishops are nominated by their predecessors from the body -of Rambans, who are men selected by priests and elders in advance to -fill the Episcopate. Metrans are buried in their robes in a sitting -posture. Their priests are called Cattanars. They should strictly -pass through the seven offices of ostiary, reader, exorcist, acolyte, -sub-deacon and deacon before becoming priests; but the first three -offices practically no longer exist. The priestly office is often -hereditary, descending by the marumakkattayam system (inheritance -in the female line). Jacobite and St. Thomas' Syrian priests are -paid by contributions from their parishioners, fees at weddings, -and the like. Their ordinary dress consists of white trousers, and -a kind of long white shirt with short sleeves and a flap hanging -down behind, supposed to be in the form of a cross. Over this the -Jacobites now wear a black coat. Priests are allowed to marry, except -in the Romo-Syrian community; but, among the Jacobites, a priest may -not marry after he has once been ordained, nor may he re-marry or -marry a widow. Malpans, or teachers, are the heads of the religious -colleges, where priests are trained. Jacobites also now shave clean, -while other Syrian priests wear the tonsure. Every church has not -more than four Kaikkars or churchwardens, who are elected from the -body of parishioners. They are the trustees of the church property, -and, with the priest, constitute a disciplinary body, which exercises -considerable powers in religious and social matters over the members -of the congregation. The Romo-Syrians follow the doctrines and ritual -of the Roman Catholics, but they use a Syriac version [210] of the -Latin liturgy. Jacobites and St. Thomas' Christians use the Syriac -liturgy of St. James. Few even of the priests understand Syriac, and, -in the Reformed Syrian churches, a Malayalam translation of the Syriac -liturgy has now been generally adopted. The Jacobites say masses for -the dead, but do not believe in purgatory; they invoke the Virgin -Mary, venerate the cross and relics of saints; they recognise only -three sacraments, baptism, marriage (which they always celebrate on -Sundays) and the mass; they prescribe auricular confession before -mass, and at the mass administer the bread dipped in the wine; they -recite the Eastern form of the Nicene Creed, and discourage laymen -from studying the Bible. The Reformed Syrians differ from them in -most of these points. The Jacobites observe the ordinary festivals of -the church; the day of the patron saint of each church is celebrated -with special pomp, and on the offerings made on that day the priests -largely depend for their income. They keep Lent, which they call the -fifty days' fast, strictly from the Sunday before Ash Wednesday, -abjuring all meat, fish, ghee, and toddy; and on Maundy Thursday -they eat a special kind of unsweetened cake marked with a cross, in -the centre of which the karnavan of the family should drive a nail, -and drink a kanji of rice and cocoanut-milk (the meal is said to -symbolize the Passover and the Last Supper, and the nail is supposed -to be driven into the eye of Judas Iscariot). - -"Amongst the Syrian Christians, as amongst the Mappillas, there -are many survivals of Hindu customs and superstitions, and caste -prejudices have by no means disappeared amongst the various sections -of the community. Southerners and Northerners will not intermarry, -and families who trace their descent from Brahmans and Nayars will, in -many cases, not admit lower classes to their houses, much less allow -them to cook for them or touch them. Most of the Syrians observe the -Onam and Vishnu festivals; the astrologer is frequently consulted to -cast horoscopes and tell omens; while it is a common custom for persons -suffering from diseases to seek a cure by buying silver or tin images -of the diseased limb, which their priest has blessed. Similar survivals -are to be noticed in their social ceremonies. A Pulikudi ceremony, -similar to that of the Hindus, was commonly performed till recently, -though it has now fallen into disuse. Immediately on the birth of a -child, three drops of honey in which gold has been rubbed are poured -into its mouth by its father, and the mother is considered to be under -pollution till the tenth day. Baptism takes place on the fourteenth -day amongst the Southern Jacobites, and amongst other divisions on -the fifty-sixth day. A rice-giving ceremony similar to the Hindu -Chorunnu is still sometimes performed in the fifth or sixth month, -when the child is presented by the mother with a gold cross, if a boy, -or a small gold coin or taluvam if a girl, to be worn round the neck. - -"Among the Jacobites early marriage was the rule until comparatively -recently, boys being married at ten or twelve years of age, and girls -at six or seven. Now the more usual age for marriage is sixteen in the -case of boys, and twelve in the case of girls. Weddings take place on -Sundays, and, amongst the Northerners, may be celebrated in either -the bride's or the bridegroom's parish church. On the two Sundays -before the wedding, the banns have to be called in the two churches, -and the marriage agreements concluded in the presence of the parish -priests (Ottu kalyanam). The dowry, which is an essential feature of -Syrian weddings, is usually paid on the Sunday before the wedding. It -should consist of an odd number of rupees, and should be tied up in a -cloth. On the Thursday before the wedding day, the house is decorated -with rice flour, and on the Saturday the marriage pandal (booth), is -built. The first ceremonial takes place on Saturday night when bride -and bridegroom both bathe, and the latter is shaved. Next morning -both bride and bridegroom attend the ordinary mass, the bridegroom -being careful to enter the church before the bride. Now-a-days -both are often dressed more or less in European fashion, and it -is essential that the bride should wear as many jewels as she has -got, or can borrow for the occasion. Before leaving his house, -the bridegroom is blessed by his guru to whom he gives a present -(dakshina) of clothes and money. He is accompanied by a bestman, -usually his sister's husband, who brings the tali. After mass, -a tithe (pathuvaram) of the bride's dowry is paid to the church as -the marriage fee, a further fee to the priest (kaikasturi), and a fee -called kaimuttupanam for the bishop. The marriage service is then read, -and, at its conclusion, the bridegroom ties the tali round the bride's -neck with threads taken from her veil, making a special kind of knot, -while the priest holds the tali in front. The priest and the bridegroom -then put a veil (mantravadi) over the bride's head. The tali should -not be removed so long as the girl is married, and should be buried -with her. The veil should also be kept for her funeral. The bridal -party returns home in state, special umbrellas being held over the -bride and bridegroom. At the gate they are met by the bride's sister -carrying a lighted lamp, and she washes the bridegroom's feet. The -married couple then go to the pandal, where they are ceremonially -fed with sweets and plantains by the priest and by representatives -of their two families, to the accompaniment of the women's kurava -(cry), and in the presence of the guests, who are seated in order of -precedence, the chief persons having seats of honour covered with -black rugs and white cloths (vellayum karimbadavum), traditionally -a regal honour. The bride and bridegroom are then led into the house -by the bestman and bride's uncle, the bride being careful to enter it -right foot first; and the guests are feasted in order of rank. It is -a peculiar custom of the Syrian Christians at these feasts to double -up the ends of the plantain leaves which serve them as plates, and -is supposed to be symbolical of the royal privilege of eating off a -double plate. Until the following Wednesday, the bestman sleeps with -the bridegroom in the bridal chamber, the bride occupying another -room. On Wednesday evening comes the ceremony called nalam kuli, -or fourth day bath. The bridegroom and the bestman, who are in the -bridal chamber, lock the door; the bride's mother knocks and begs the -bridegroom to come out, which he at last does after she has sung a -song (vathilturapattu) celebrating the attractions and virtues of the -bride. The bridegroom and bride then bathe, dress in new clothes, -and go to the pandal, where they perform paradakshinams round a -lighted lamp, and the bridegroom gives cloths to the bride's uncle, -mother, and grand-parents. The married couple are then escorted to the -bridal chamber, which has in the interval been cleaned and prepared for -them. The next morning they have to go to the bridegroom's or bride's -house as the case may be, and there eat together and go through a -ceremonial similar to that which they performed on the wedding day -in the other house. This concludes the marriage ceremonies, but on -Sunday the bridegroom and bride should attend mass together in the -bride's parish church if they were married in the bridegroom's, and -vice versâ. Amongst the Southern Jacobites, the ceremonies are very -similar, but the dowry is not paid till the marriage day, or till the -girl's first confinement. Half the pathuvaram is paid to the priest -instead of a kaikasturi, and the bridegroom puts a ring on the bride's -finger during the marriage service. After the church service, the -couple go to the bridegroom's house, where they are fed ceremonially -by the bride's mother, and the subsequent feast is at the expense of -the bride's people. On Monday morning, the bridegroom is ceremonially -fed by the bride's mother in the bridal chamber (manavalan choru), -and in the evening there is a ceremony called manavalan tazhukkal, in -which the bride and bridegroom are embraced in turn by their respective -parents and relations, after which there is a feast with singing of -hymns. Before the couple leave for the bride's house on Thursday, -there is a big feast, called kudivirunnu, given by the bridegroom to -the bride's people, followed by a ceremony called vilakku toduga, in -which men and women sing hymns and dance round a lighted lamp, which -they touch at intervals. Amongst the Romo-Syrians and the Reformed -sect, the marriage ceremonies have less trace of Hindu ritual; they -do not celebrate weddings on Sundays, and have no nalam kuli ceremony, -but a tali is usually tied in addition to the giving of a ring. - -"At funerals (except amongst the Reformed sect) it is usual for -each of the dead man's connections to bring a cloth to serve as -a shroud. Before the body is lowered into the grave, holy oil is -poured into the eyes, nostrils and ears. The mourners are under -pollution, and fast till the day of the second funeral or pula kuli -(purification), and till then masses should be said daily for the -dead. The pula kuli is celebrated usually on the 11th day, but -may be deferred till the 15th, 17th or 21st, or sometimes to the -41st. The mourners are incensed, while hymns are sung and prayers -offered. Each then gives a contribution of money to the priest, -and receives in return a pinch of cummin. A feast is then given to -the neighbours and the poor. On the 40th day there is another feast, -at which meat is eaten by the mourners for the first time. A requiem -mass should be said each month on the day of death for twelve months, -and on the first anniversary the mourning concludes with a feast." - -To the foregoing account of the Syrian Christians, a few stray notes -may be added. - -It is recorded by Sir M. E. Grant Duff, formerly Governor of Madras, -[211] that "the interesting body known as the Syrian Christians or -Christians of St. Thomas is divided into several groups much opposed -to each other. In an excellent address presented to me they said -that this was the occasion which, for the first time after ages of -separation, witnessed the spectacle of all the different sects of -their community, following divergent articles of faith, sinking for -once their religious differences to do honour to their friend." - -Some years ago, the wife of a District Judge of Calicut asked the -pupils of a school how long they had been Christians. "We were," came -the crushing reply, "Christians when you English were worshipping -Druids, and stained with woad." More recently, the master at a -college in Madras called on all Native Christians in his class to -stand up. Noticing that one boy remained seated, he called on him -for an explanation, when the youth explained that he was a Syrian -Christian, and not a Native Christian. - -It is noted by the Rev. W. J. Richards that "at the very time that -our King John was pulling out Jews' teeth to make them surrender -their treasures, Hindu princes were protecting Jewish and Christian -subjects, whose ancestors had been honoured by Royal grants for -hundreds of years." - -The Southerners say that they can be distinguished from the Northerners -by the red tinge of their hair. A man with reddish moustache, and -a dark-skinned baby with brilliant red hair, whose father had red -whiskers, were produced before me in support of the claim. - -As examples of Old and New Testament names occurring, in a changed -form, among Syrian Christians, the following may be cited:-- - - - Abraham, Abragam. - Joshua, Koshi. - Peter, Puthros, Ittiyerah, Itte. - Paul, Powlos. - John, Yohan, Sonanan, Chona. - Titus, Tetos. - Matthew, Mathai, Mathen. - Philip, Philippos, Papi, Eippe, Eapen. - Thomas, Thoma, Thommi, Thommen. - Joseph, Ouseph. - Jacob, Yacob, Chako - Alexander, Chandi. - Samuel, Chamuel. - Mary, Maria, Mariam. - Sarah, Sara. - Susannah, Sosa. - Rebecca, Rabka, Raca. - Elizabeth, Elspeth, Elia, Elacha. - Rachael, Rachi, Raghael, Chacha. - - -Syrian Christians take the name of their father, their own name, and -that of their residence. Whence arise such names as Edazayhikkal Mathoo -Philippos, Kunnampuram Thommen Chandi, and Chandakadayil Joseph Chommi. - -I have seen some Syrian Christian men tattooed with a cross on the -upper arm, and a cross and their initials on the forearm. - -In conclusion, I may, for the sake of comparison, place on record the -averages of the more important physical measurements of Northerner -and Southerner Syrian Christians and Nayars. - - - 30 Syrian 40 Nayars. - Christians. - Northerner. Southerner. - Stature 165.3 164.8 165.2 - Cephalic length 18.7 18.9 18.7 - Cephalic breadth 14.3 14.1 13.9 - Cephalic index 76.3 74.8 74.4 - Nasal height 4.9 4.9 4.9 - Nasal breadth 3.5 3.5 3.5 - Nasal index 72.3 71.6 71.1 - - -It may be noted that, in his 'Letters from Malabar,' Canter Visscher, -in the middle of the eighteenth century, writes that the St. Thomas' -Christians "keep very strict genealogical records, and they will -neither marry nor in any way intermingle with the new low-caste -Christians, being themselves mostly Castade Naiross, that is, nobility -of the Nayar caste, in token of which they generally carry a sword -in the hand, as a mark of dignity." - -It is stated by E. Petersen and F. V. Luschan [212] that "probably a -single people originally occupied the greater part of Asia Minor. They -are still represented as a compact group by the Armenians. The type -resembles the Dissentis type of His and Rütimeyer; the head extremely -short and high, stature moderate, skin dark, eyes dark, and hair dark -and smooth. It extends through the S. half of Asia Minor, N.E. to -the Caucasus, and E. to the Upper Euphrates. The Tachtadschy people, -a hill people living without serious mixture with other peoples, -give measurements closely like the Armenians." [The cephalic index -of Armenians is given by E. Chantre [213] as 85-86.] - -In the following table, the averages of some of the more important -measurements of the Syrian Christians and Tachtadschy people are -recorded:-- - - - Stature, Cephalic Cephalic Cephalic, - cm. length, cm. breadth, index. - cm. - - Syrian 165.3 18.7 14.3 76.3 - Christians, - Northerner - Syrian 164.8 18.9 14.1 74.8 - Christians, - Southerner - Tachtadschy 168. 17.9 15.3 85.7 - - - - - - - -NOTES - - -[1] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[2] Pulikesin II, the Chalukyan King of Badami. - -[3] Manual of the Madura district. - -[4] South Indian Inscriptions, III, 31, page 82. - -[5] In the Oriental Manuscripts Library, Madras. - -[6] J. Burgess. Archæological Survey. Tamil and Sanskrit Inscriptions, -No. 11, p. 150. - -[7] Ibid. No. 12, p. 152. - -[8] History of the Military Transactions of the British Nation in -Indostan, 1861. - -[9] Geographical, statistical, and historical description of Hindostan -and the adjacent countries, 1820. - -[10] Ceylon, 1860. - -[11] South Indian Inscriptions, 1, 86-7, 105, 136, and III, I, -121, 123. - -[12] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[13] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[14] Vannikula Vilakkam. - -[15] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[16] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[17] Vannikula Vilakkam. - -[18] Gazetteer of the Tanjore district. - -[19] Manual of the Salem district. - -[20] Journey through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar. - -[21] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[22] Gazetteer of the Tanjore district. - -[23] Gazetteer of the Tanjore district. - -[24] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[25] Madras Mail, 1906. - -[26] Malabar and its Folk, 1900. - -[27] Manual of Malabar. - -[28] Madras Mus. Bull., III, 3, 1901. - -[29] Monograph, Eth. Survey of Cochin. - -[30] A. Chatterton. Monograph on Tanning and Working in Leather, 1904. - -[31] Journey through Mysore, etc., 1807. - -[32] How we teach the Paraiya, 3rd ed., Madras, 1906. - -[33] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[34] Works, 1, 225, foot-note. - -[35] History of Mysore. - -[36] Op. cit. - -[37] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[38] Madras Journ. Lit. and Science, XI, 1840. - -[39] Native Life in Travancore. - -[40] Yule and Burnell. Hobson-Jobson. - -[41] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[42] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[43] Manual of the North Arcot district; Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[44] Report on the Methods of Capture and Supply of Fish in the Rivers -of the Nilgiri district, 1907. - -[45] Gazetteer of the Malabar district. - -[46] Gazetteer of Malabar. - -[47] Madras Census Report, 1881. - -[48] Madras Mus. Bull., V, 2, 1906. - -[49] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[50] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[51] Voyage to the East Indies, 1774 and 1781. - -[52] Loc. cit. - -[53] Ind. Ant., III, 1874. - -[54] The name Black Town was changed to Georgetown to commemorate -the visit of H.R.H. the Prince of Wales to Madras in 1906. - -[55] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[56] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[57] Ind. Ant. II, 1873. - -[58] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[59] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[60] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[61] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[62] A. P. Smith. Malabar Quart. Review, 1904. - -[63] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[64] Classified Collection of Tamil Proverbs, 1897. - -[65] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[66] Op. cit. - -[67] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[68] Madras Census Report, 1871. - -[69] Monograph Eth. Survey. Cochin. - -[70] Malabar and its Folk, 1900. - -[71] Journ. Roy. As. Soc., XVI. - -[72] C.M. Record, 1850. - -[73] Origin and History of the Paravas. Simon Casie -Chitty. Journ. Roy. As. Soc., IV, 1837. - -[74] Occasional Essays on Native South Indian Life, 1901. - -[75] A description of ye East India Coasts of Malabar and Coromandel, -1703. - -[76] History of Tinnevelly. - -[77] Report on the Indian Pearl Fisheries in the Gulf of Manaar, 1905. - -[78] Shell of the gastropod mollusc, Turbinella rapa. - -[79] "This," Mr. Hornell writes, "is most improbable. They are more -probably the descendants of Naga fishermen settled in the district -prior to the immigration of Tamil invaders." - -[80] The Zamorin of Calicut. - -[81] Madras Mail, 1907. - -[82] Risley. Tribes and Castes of Bengal. - -[83] Gazetteer of the Malabar district. - -[84] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[85] Madras Mail, 1907. - -[86] By the Saurashtra Literary Societies of Madura and Madras, 1891. - -[87] Gazetteer of the Madura district. - -[88] A reddish geological formation, found all over Southern India. - -[89] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[90] Letters from Madras. By a Lady, 1843. - -[91] My Indian Journal, 1864. - -[92] Our Viceregal Life in India, 1889. - -[93] Roe and Fryer. Travels in India in the seventeenth century. - -[94] See Civil Suit No. 102 of 1880. - -[95] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[96] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[97] Manuals of Nellore and Kurnool. - -[98] Manual of Malabar. - -[99] Malabar Quarterly Review. V, 4, 1907. - -[100] Yule and Burnell. Hobson-Jobson. - -[101] This note is from an account by Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. - -[102] Gazetteer of the Malabar district. - -[103] Malabar Law and Custom. - -[104] Ibid. - -[105] Hobson-Jobson. - -[106] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[107] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[108] Linguistic Survey of India, IV, 1906. - -[109] Ind. Ant., II, 1873. - -[110] Loc. cit. - -[111] Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district. - -[112] Gazetteer of the Tanjore district. - -[113] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[114] Men and Women of India, February 1906. - -[115] Malabar and its Folk, 1900. - -[116] This account is mainly based on a note by Mr. L. K. Anantha -Krishna Aiyar. - -[117] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[118] Manual of the Vizagapatam district. - -[119] Manual of Malabar. - -[120] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[121] W. Crooke. Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces -and Oudh. - -[122] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[123] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[124] Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district. - -[125] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[126] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[127] Madras Census Report, 1871. - -[128] Birds of India. - -[129] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[130] Twelfth Tour of Lord Connemara, 1890. - -[131] See Thurston. Monograph on the Cotton Industry of the Madras -Presidency, 1897. - -[132] East and West, VI, 70, 1907. - -[133] Madras Mail, 1904. - -[134] Manual of the Chingleput district. - -[135] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[136] Ind. Ant., IV, 1875. - -[137] Malayalam and English Dictionary. - -[138] Sthanam = a station, rank or dignity. Moore: Malabar Law -and Custom. - -[139] Original Suit No. 31, 1887, Court of Calicut. Appeal No. 202, -1888, High Court of Madras. - -[140] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[141] See Malabar Quart. Review, II, 4, 1903. - -[142] Historical Sketches of the South of India: Mysore. - -[143] Moore: Malabar Law and Custom, 1905. - -[144] Manu. - -[145] Mysore Census Report, 1891, 1901. - -[146] Yule and Burnell. Hobson-Jobson. - -[147] Rev. H. Jensen. Classified Collection of Tamil Proverbs, 1897. - -[148] Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879. - -[149] South Indian Inscriptions, II, Part III, 1895. - -[150] Linguistic Survey of India, IV, 1906. - -[151] Journ. Anthrop. Soc., Bombay, 1, 1901. - -[152] The Rev. W. Taylor, Vol. III, 1862. - -[153] Occasional Essays on Native South Indian Life, 1901. - -[154] Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district. - -[155] See Bishop Whitehead. Madras Museum Bull., Vol. 3, 136, 1907. - -[156] Gazetteer of Vizagapatam district. - -[157] Madras Museum Bulletin, V, 3, 1907. - -[158] Lectures on Tinnevelly Missions, 1857. - -[159] Viaggi, 1614-26. - -[160] A New Account of East India and Persia, 1698. - -[161] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[162] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[163] Principles of Sociology. - -[164] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[165] Administration Report, 1899. - -[166] Christianity in Travancore, 1901. - -[167] Madras Museum Bull., III, 3, 1901. - -[168] Rice. Mysore Inscriptions, p. 33. - -[169] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[170] Madras Mail, 1901. - -[171] Ind. Ant., IV, 1875. - -[172] Christianity and Caste, 1893. - -[173] Journ. Roy. As. Soc., XVI. - -[174] Madras Mail, 1907. - -[175] L. Rice, Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer. - -[176] Yule and Burnell. Hobson-Jobson. - -[177] Journey through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar, 1807. - -[178] Madras Mail, 1907. - -[179] Mysore Census Report, 1891. - -[180] Mysore Census Report, 1891. - -[181] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[182] Madras Census Report, 1881. - -[183] A Native. Pen-and-ink Sketches of Native Life in Southern -India, 1880. - -[184] Yule and Burnell. Hobson-Jobson. - -[185] A Snataka is a Brahman, who has just finished his student's -career. - -[186] Tribes and Castes of Bengal. - -[187] A very complicated recipe is given in the Manual of the -Vizagapatam district, 1869, p. 264. - -[188] Rev. J. Cain, Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879. - -[189] Ind. Ant. II, 1873. - -[190] Ind. Ant. VIII, 1879. - -[191] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[192] Ind. Ant. VIII, 1879. - -[193] Wigram, Malabar Law and Customs. - -[194] Rev. W. J. Richards. The Indian Christians of Saint Thomas. - -[195] A New Account of the East Indies, 1744. - -[196] Vide G. Milne Rae. The Syrian Church in India, 1892. - -[197] Encyclopædia Britannica, 9th ed. - -[198] See Hough, the History of Christianity in India from the -commencement of the Christian Era. - -[199] Indian Empire, 3rd edition. - -[200] IV. 290-97, 1896-7. - -[201] Madras Journ. Lit. and Science, XIII, part, 118. Dr. Gundert's -translation is reprinted in Mr. Logan's Malabar, Vol. II, Appendix XII. - -[202] Madras Journ. Lit. and Science, XXI, 35-38. - -[203] Ind. Ant., III, 1874. - -[204] See article on the Jews of Cochin. - -[205] Loc. cit. - -[206] Land of the Perumauls: Cochin past and present, 1863. - -[207] F. Wrede. Asiatic Researches, VII, 181. Account of the St. Thomé -Christians. - -[208] Hunter. Indian Empire. - -[209] In the preparation of the above sketch, the following -authorities, among others, were consulted: Sir W. W. Hunter, -Indian Empire and History of British India; J. Hough, History of -Christianity in India; T. Whitehouse, Lingerings of Light in a Dark -Land; G. T. Mackenzie, Christianity in Travancore; F. Day, Land of the -Perumauls; T. Logan, Manual of Malabar; Christian College Magazine, -Madras, Vol. VI; and Judgments of the Civil Courts of Travancore and -Cochin. To the bibliography relating to the Syrian Christians may also -be added L. M. Agur, Church History of Travancore, the Rev. G. Milne -Rae, the Syrian Church in India, and the Rev. W. J. Richards, the -Indian Christians of St. Thomas. The Malabar Quarterly Review, VI, -1 and 2, 1907, may also be consulted. - -[210] The Syriac is not a modern Syriac dialect, but is very like -the ancient Aramaic. - -[211] Notes from a Diary, 1881-86. - -[212] Recherches Anthropologiques dans le Caucase, IV, 1887. - -[213] Reisen in Lykien, Melyas, und Kibyratis, II, 1889. - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Castes and Tribes of Southern India, by -Edgar Thurston - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA *** - -***** This file should be named 42996-8.txt or 42996-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/2/9/9/42996/ - -Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project -Gutenberg. - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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