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<body>
<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 42995 ***</div>

<div class="front">
<div class="div1 cover">
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first"></p>
<div class="figure xd21e194width"><img src="images/front-cover.jpg"
alt="Original Front Cover." width="432" height="720"></div>
</div>
</div>
<div class="div1 titlepage">
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first"></p>
<div class="figure xd21e200width"><img src="images/titlepage.png" alt=
"Original Title Page." width="443" height="720"></div>
</div>
</div>
<div class="div1 frenchtitle">
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first xd21e206">Castes and Tribes of Southern India</p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="titlePage">
<div class="docTitle">
<div class="mainTitle">Castes and Tribes<br>
of<br>
Southern India</div>
</div>
<div class="byline">By<br>
<span class="docAuthor"><i>Edgar Thurston, C.I.E.</i></span>,<br>
Superintendent, Madras Government Museum; Correspondant
&Eacute;tranger, Soci&eacute;t&eacute; d&rsquo;Anthropologie de Paris;
Socio Corrispondante, Societa, Romana di Anthropologia.<br>
Assisted by <span class="docAuthor"><i>K. Rangachari,
M.A.</i></span>,<br>
of the Madras Government Museum.</div>
<div class="docImprint"><i>Volume V&mdash;M to P</i><br>
Government Press, Madras<br>
<span class="docDate">1909.</span></div>
</div>
<div class="div1 contents">
<div class="divHead">
<h2 class="main">List of Illustrations.</h2>
<table class="tocList">
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href="#pl5-043">Jallikattu
bull.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href="#pl5-127">M&#363;su Kamma
woman.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href="#pl5-141">Nalke
devil-dancer.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href="#pl5-143">Nalke
devil-dancer.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href="#pl5-145">Nalke
devil-dancer.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">VI.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href="#pl5-147">Jumadi
Bh&#363;ta.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">VII.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href="#pl5-176">Namb&#363;tiri
Br&#257;hman house.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">VIII.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href=
"#pl5-257">N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chetti children.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">IX.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href="#pl5-265">Jewelry of
N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">X.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href=
"#pl5-275">N&#257;y&#257;dis.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">XI.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href=
"#pl5-280">N&#257;y&#257;dis making fire.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">XII.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href="#pl5-305">Akattucharna
N&#257;yar.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">XIII.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href="#pl5-312">N&#257;yar
females.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">XIV.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href="#pl5-320">N&#257;yar
jewelry.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">XV.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href="#pl5-361">N&#257;yar
house.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">XVI.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href="#pl5-376">Bhagavati
temple, Pandal&#363;r.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">XVII.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href="#pl5-385">Aiyappan
temple.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">XVIII.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href="#pl5-393">Aiyappan temple,
near Calicut.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">XIX.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href="#pl5-397">Palni pilgrim
and K&#257;vadi.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">XX.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href=
"#pl5-425">Odd&#275;s.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">XXI.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href="#pl5-432">Odd&#275;
hut.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">XXII.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href="#pl5-441">Vakkaliga
bride.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">XXIII.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href=
"#pl5-465">Paliyan.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">XXIV.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href=
"#pl5-469">Paliyan.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tocDivNum">XXV.</td>
<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="5"><a href="#pl5-473">Pallan.</a></td>
<td class="tocPageNum"></td>
</tr>
</table>
<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb1" href="#pb1" name=
"pb1">1</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class="body">
<div class="div0 volume">
<h2 class="super">Castes and Tribes of Southern India.</h2>
<h2 class="label">Volume V.</h2>
<p class="first"></p>
<div class="figure xd21e416width"><img src="images/leaf.png" alt=
"Fleuron." width="46" height="29"></div>
<div class="div1 chapter">
<div class="divHead">
<h2 class="main">M (Continued)</h2>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first"><b>MARAKK&#256;YAR.&mdash;</b>The Marakk&#257;yars are
described, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as &ldquo;a
Tamil-speaking Musalman tribe of mixed Hindu and Musalman origin, the
people of which are usually traders. They seem to be distinct from the
Labbais (<i>q.v.</i>) in several respects, but the statistics of the
two have apparently been confused, as the numbers of the
Marakk&#257;yars are smaller than they should be.&rdquo; Concerning the
Marakk&#257;yars of the South Arcot district, Mr. Francis writes as
follows.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e430src" href="#xd21e430" name=
"xd21e430src">1</a> &ldquo;The Marakk&#257;yars are largely big traders
with other countries such as Ceylon and the Straits Settlements, and
own most of the native coasting craft. They are particularly numerous
in Porto Novo. The word Marakk&#257;yar is usually derived from the
Arabic markab, a boat. The story goes that, when the first immigrants
of this class (who, like the Labbais, were driven from their own
country by persecutions) landed on the Indian shore, they were
naturally asked who they were, and whence they came. In answer they
pointed to their boats, and pronounced the word markab, and they became
in consequence known to the Hindus as Marakk&#257;yars, or <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb2" href="#pb2" name="pb2">2</a>]</span>the people
of markab. The Musalmans of pure descent hold themselves to be socially
superior to the Marakk&#257;ayars, and the Marakk&#257;yars consider
themselves better than the Labbais. There is, of course, no religious
bar to intermarriages between these different sub-divisions, but such
unions are rare, and are usually only brought about by the offer of
strong financial inducements to the socially superior party. Generally
speaking, the pure-bred Musalmans differ from those of mixed descent by
dressing themselves and their women in the strict Musalman fashion, and
by speaking Hindust&#257;ni at home among themselves. Some of the
Marakk&#257;yars are now following their example in both these matters,
but most of them affect the high hat of plaited coloured grass and the
tartan (kamb&#257;yam) waist-cloth. The Labbais also very generally
wear these, and so are not always readily distinguishable from the
Marakk&#257;yars, but some of them use the Hindu turban and
waist-cloth, and let their womankind dress almost exactly like Hindu
women. In the same way, some Labbais insist on the use of
Hindust&#257;ni in their houses, while others speak Tamil. There seems
to be a growing dislike to the introduction of Hindu rites into
domestic ceremonies, and the processions and music, which were once
common at marriages, are slowly giving place to a simpler ritual more
in resemblance with the nikka ceremony of the Musalman
faith.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Of 13,712 inhabitants of Porto Novo returned at the census, 1901, as
many as 3,805 were Muhammadans. &ldquo;The ordinary vernacular name of
the town is Farangip&#275;ttai or European town, but the Musalmans call
it Muhammad Bandar (Port). The interest of the majority of the
inhabitants centres in matters connected with the sea. A large
proportion of them earn their living either as owners of, or sailors
in, the boats which ply <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb3" href="#pb3"
name="pb3">3</a>]</span>between the place and Ceylon and other parts,
and it is significant that the most popular of the unusually large
number of Musalman saints who are buried in the town is one
M&#257;lumiyar, who was apparently in his lifetime a notable
sea-captain. His fame as a sailor has been magnified into the
miraculous, and it is declared that he owned ten or a dozen ships, and
used to appear in command of all of them simultaneously. He has now the
reputation of being able to deliver from danger those who go down to
the sea in ships, and sailors setting out on a voyage or returning from
one in safety usually put an offering in the little box kept at his
darga, and these sums are expended in keeping that building lighted and
whitewashed. Another curious darga in the town is that of Araik&#257;su
N&#257;chiyar, or the one pie lady. Offerings to her must on no account
be worth more than one pie (1/192 of a rupee); tributes in excess of
that value are of no effect. If sugar for so small an amount cannot be
procured, the devotee spends the money on chunam (lime) for her tomb,
and this is consequently covered with a superabundance of whitewash.
Stories are told of the way in which the valuable offerings of rich men
have altogether failed to obtain her favour, and have had to be
replaced by others of the regulation diminutive dimensions. The chief
mosque is well kept. Behind it are two tombs, which stand at an odd
angle with one another, instead of being parallel as usual. The legend
goes that once upon a time there was a great saint called H&#257;fiz
Mir S&#257;hib, who had an even more devout disciple called Saiyad
Shah. The latter died and was duly buried, and not long after the saint
died also. The disciple had always asked to be buried at the feet of
his master, and so the grave of this latter was so placed that his feet
were opposite the head <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb4" href="#pb4"
name="pb4">4</a>]</span>of his late pupil. But his spirit recognised
that the pupil was really greater than the master, and when men came
later to see the two graves they found that the saint had turned his
tomb round so that his feet no longer pointed with such lack of respect
towards the head of his disciple.&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e441src" href="#xd21e441" name="xd21e441src">2</a></p>
<p>In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the J&#333;nagans are separated
from the Marakk&#257;yars, and are described as Musalman traders of
partly Hindu parentage. And, in the Gazetteer of South Arcot, Mr.
Francis says that &ldquo;the term J&#333;nagan or S&#333;nagan, meaning
a native of S&#333;nagan or Arabia, is applied by Hindus to both
Labbais and Marakk&#257;yars, but it is usually held to have a
contemptuous flavour about it.&rdquo; There is some little confusion
concerning the exact application of the name J&#333;nagan, but I gather
that it is applied to sea-fishermen and boatmen, while the more
prosperous traders are called Marakk&#257;yars. A point, in which the
Labbais are said to differ from the Marakk&#257;yars, is that the
former are Hanafis, and the latter Sh&#257;fis.</p>
<p>The Marakk&#257;yars are said to admit converts from various Hindu
classes, who are called Pulukkais, and may not intermarry with the
Marakk&#257;yars for several generations, or until they have become
prosperous.</p>
<p>In one form of the marriage rites, the ceremonial extends over four
days. The most important items on the first day are fixing the mehr
(bride-price) in the presence of the vakils (representatives), and the
performance of the nikka rite by the K&#257;zi. The nikka kudbha is
read, and the hands of the contracting couple are united by male
elders, the bride standing within a screen. During the reading of the
kudbha, a sister of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb5" href="#pb5"
name="pb5">5</a>]</span>the bridegroom ties a string of black beads
round the bride&rsquo;s neck. All the women present set up a roar,
called kulavi-idal. On the following day, the couple sit among women,
and the bridegroom ties a golden t&#257;li on the bride&rsquo;s neck.
On the third or fourth day a ceremony called p&#257;p&#257;rakkolam, or
Br&#257;hman disguise, is performed. The bride is dressed like a
Br&#257;hman woman, and holds a brass vessel in one hand, and a stick
in the other. Approaching the bridegroom, she strikes him gently, and
says &ldquo;Did not I give you buttermilk and curds? Pay me for
them.&rdquo; The bridegroom then places a few tamarind seeds in the
brass vessel, but the bride objects to this, and demands money,
accompanying the demand with strokes of the stick. The man then places
copper, silver, and gold coins in the vessel, and the bride retires in
triumph to her chamber.</p>
<p>Like the Labbais, the Marakk&#257;yars write Tamil in Arabic
characters, and speak a language called Arab-Tamil, in which the
Kur&#257;n and other books have been published. (<i>See</i>
Labbai.)</p>
<p><b>Maralu</b> (sand).&mdash;A g&#333;tra of Kurni.</p>
<p><b>M&#257;r&#257;n or M&#257;r&#257;yan.&mdash;</b>The
M&#257;r&#257;yans are summed up, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as
being &ldquo;temple servants and drummers in Malabar. Like many of the
Malabar castes, they must have come from the east coast, as their name
frequently occurs in the Tanjore inscriptions of 1013 A.D. They
followed then the same occupation as that by which they live to-day,
and appear to have held a tolerably high social position. In parts of
North Malabar they are called Oc&rsquo;chan.&rdquo;</p>
<p>&ldquo;The development of this caste,&rdquo; Mr. H. A. Stuart
writes,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e467src" href="#xd21e467" name=
"xd21e467src">3</a> &ldquo;is interesting. In Chirakkal, the
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb6" href="#pb6" name=
"pb6">6</a>]</span>northernmost t&#257;luk of the Malabar district, and
in the adjoining Kasarg&#333;d t&#257;luk of South Canara,
M&#257;r&#257;yans are barbers, serving N&#257;yars and higher castes;
in the Kottayam and Kurumbran&#257;d t&#257;luks they are barbers and
drummers, and also officiate as pur&#333;hits (priests) at the funeral
ceremonies of N&#257;yars. In the latter capacity they are known in
those parts also as Attikurissi M&#257;r&#257;yan. Going still further
south, we find the N&#257;yar pur&#333;hit called simply Attikurissi,
omitting the M&#257;r&#257;yan, and he considers it beneath his dignity
to shave. Nevertheless, he betrays his kinship with the
M&#257;r&#257;yan of the north by the privilege which he claims of
cutting the first hair when a N&#257;yar is shaved after funeral
obsequies. On the other hand, the drummer, who is called
M&#257;r&#257;yan, or honorifically M&#257;r&#257;r, poses as a temple
servant, and would be insulted if it were said that he was akin to the
shaving M&#257;r&#257;yan of the north. He is considered next in rank
only to Br&#257;hmans, and would be polluted by the touch of
N&#257;yars. He loses caste by eating the food of N&#257;yars, but the
N&#257;yars also lose caste by eating his food. A proverb says that a
M&#257;r&#257;yan has four privileges:&mdash;</p>
<ul>
<li><span>1.</span> P&#257;ni, or drum, beaten with the hand.</li>
<li><span>2.</span> K&#333;ni, or bier, <i>i.e.</i>, the making of the
bier.</li>
<li><span>3.</span> Natumittam, or shaving.</li>
<li><span>4.</span> Tirumittam, or sweeping the temple courts.</li>
</ul>
<p>&ldquo;In North Malabar a M&#257;r&#257;yan performs all the above
duties even now. In the south there appears to have been a division of
labour, and there a M&#257;r&#257;yan is in these days only a drummer
and temple servant. Funeral rites are conducted by an Attikurissi
M&#257;r&#257;yan, otherwise known as simply Attikurissi, and shaving
is the duty of the Velakattalavan. This appears to have been the case
for many generations, but I have not attempted to distinguish between
the two sections, and have classed all as <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb7" href="#pb7" name="pb7">7</a>]</span>barbers. Moreover, it is only
in parts of South Malabar that the caste has entirely given up the
profession of barber; and, curiously enough, these are the localities
where Namb&#363;diri influence is supreme. The M&#257;r&#257;yans there
appear to have confined themselves to officiating as drummers in
temples, and to have obtained the title of Ambalav&#257;si; and, in
course of time, they were even honoured with sambandham of
Namb&#363;diris. In some places an attempt is made to draw a
distinction between M&#257;r&#257;yan and M&#257;r&#257;yar, the former
denoting the barber, and the latter, which is merely the honorific
plural, the temple servant. There can, however, be little doubt that
this is merely an <i>ex post facto</i> argument in support of the
alleged superiority of those M&#257;r&#257;yans who have abandoned the
barber&rsquo;s brush. It may be here noted that it is common to find
barbers acting as musicians throughout the Madras Presidency, and that
there are several other castes in Malabar, such as the Tiyyans,
Mukkuvans, etc., who employ barbers as pur&#333;hits at their funeral
ceremonies.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In the Cochin Census Report, 1901, Mr. M. Sankara Menon writes that
the M&#257;r&#257;rs are &ldquo;S&#363;dras, and, properly speaking,
they ought to be classed along with N&#257;yars. Owing, however, to
their close connection with services in temples, and the absence of
free interdining or intermarriage with N&#257;yars, they are classed
along with Ambalav&#257;sis. They are drummers, musicians, and
storekeepers in temples. Like Tiyattu Nambiyars, some sections among
them also draw figures of the goddess in Bhagavati temples, and chant
songs. In some places they are also known as Kuruppus. Some sub-castes
among them do not dine, or intermarry. As they have generally to serve
in temples, they bathe if they touch N&#257;yars. In the matter of
marriage (t&#257;li-kettu and <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb8" href=
"#pb8" name="pb8">8</a>]</span>sambandham), inheritance, period of
pollution, etc., they follow customs exactly like those of N&#257;yars.
In the southern t&#257;luks Elayads officiate as pur&#333;hits, but, in
the northern t&#257;luks, their own castemen take the part of the
Elayads in their sr&#257;dha ceremonies. The t&#257;li-kettu is
likewise performed by Tirumalp&#257;ds in the southern t&#257;luks, but
by their own castemen, called Enangan, in the northern t&#257;luks.
Their castemen or Br&#257;hmans unite themselves with their women in
sambandham. As among N&#257;yars, purificatory ceremonies after
funerals, etc., are performed by Cheethiyans or N&#257;yar
priests.&rdquo;</p>
<p>For the following detailed note on the M&#257;r&#257;ns of
Travancore I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Iyer, The name
M&#257;r&#257;n has nothing to do with maranam or death, as has been
supposed, but is derived from the Tamil root mar, to beat. In the
Tanjore inscriptions of the eleventh century, the caste on the
Coromandel coast appears to have been known by this name. The
M&#257;r&#257;ns correspond to the &#332;cchans of the Tamil country,
and a class of M&#257;r&#257;ns in North Malabar are sometimes called
by this designation. In the old revenue records of the Travancore
State, Mangalyam appears to be the term made use of. The two well-known
titles of the caste are Kuruppu and Panikkar, both conveying the idea
of a person who has some allotted work to perform. In modern days,
English-educated men appear to have given these up for Pillai, the
titular affix added to the name of the S&#363;dra population
generally.</p>
<p>M&#257;r&#257;ns may be divided into two main divisions, viz.,
M&#257;r&#257;ns who called themselves M&#257;r&#257;rs in North
Travancore, and who now hesitate to assist other castes in the
performance of their funeral rites; and M&#257;r&#257;ns who do not
convert their caste designation into an honorific plural, and act as
priests for other castes. This distinction <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb9" href="#pb9" name="pb9">9</a>]</span>is most
clearly marked in North Travancore, while to the south of Alleppey the
boundary line may be said to remain only dim. In this part of the
country, therefore, a fourfold division of the caste is the one best
known to the people, namely Orunul, Irunul, Cheppat, and Kulanji. The
Orunuls look upon themselves as higher than the Irunuls, basing their
superiority on the custom obtaining among them of marrying only once in
their lifetime, and contracting no second alliance after the first
husband&rsquo;s death. Living, however, with a Br&#257;hman, or one of
a distinctly higher caste, is tolerated among them in the event of that
calamity. The word Orunul means one string, and signifies the absence
of widow marriage, Among the Irunuls (two strings) the t&#257;li-tier
is not necessarily the husband, nor is a second husband forbidden after
the death of the first. Cheppat and Kulanji were once mere local
varieties, but have now become separate sub-divisions. The males of the
four sections, but not the females, interdine. With what rapidity
castes sub-divide and ramify in Travancore may be seen from the fact of
the existence of a local variety of M&#257;r&#257;ns called Muttal,
meaning substitute or emergency employ&eacute;e, in the Kalkulam
t&#257;luk, who are believed to represent an elevation from a lower to
a higher class of M&#257;r&#257;ns, rendered necessary by a temple
exigency. The M&#257;r&#257;ns are also known as Asup&#257;nis, as they
alone are entitled to sound the two characteristic musical instruments,
of Malabar temples, called asu and p&#257;ni. In the south they are
called Chitikans, a corruption of the Sanskrit chaitika, meaning one
whose occupation relates to the funeral pile, and in the north
Asthikkurichis (asthi, a bone), as they help the relations of the dead
in the collection of the bones after cremation. The M&#257;r&#257;ns
are, further, in some places known as Potuvans, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb10" href="#pb10" name="pb10">10</a>]</span>as their
services are engaged at the funerals of many castes.</p>
<p>Before the days of Sankar&#257;ch&#257;rya, the sole occupation of
the M&#257;r&#257;ns is said to have been beating the drum in
Br&#257;hmanical temples. When Sankar&#257;ch&#257;rya was refused
assistance in the cremation of his dead mother by the Namb&#363;tiri
Br&#257;hmans, he is believed to have sought in despair the help of one
of these temple servants, with whose aid the corpse was divided into
eight parts, and deposited in the pit. For undertaking this duty, which
the Namb&#363;tiris repudiated from a sense of offended religious
feeling, the particular M&#257;r&#257;n was thrown out of his caste by
the general community, and a compromise had to be effected by the sage
with the rest of the caste, who returned in a body on the day of
purification along with the excommunicated man, and helped
Sankar&#257;ch&#257;rya to bring to a close his mother&rsquo;s death
ceremonies. In recognition of this timely help, Sankara is believed to
have declared the M&#257;r&#257;n to be an indispensable functionary at
the death ceremonies of Namb&#363;tiris and Ambalav&#257;sis. It has
even been suggested that the original form of M&#257;r&#257;n was
M&#363;r&#257;n, derived from mur (to chop off), in reference to the
manner in which the remains of Sankara&rsquo;s mother were disposed
of.</p>
<p>The traditional occupation of the M&#257;r&#257;ns is sounding or
playing on the panchavadya or five musical instruments used in temples.
These are the sankh or conch-shell, timila, chendu, kaimani, and
maddalam. The conch, which is necessary in every Hindu temple, is
loudly sounded in the early morning, primarily to wake the deity, and
secondarily to rouse the villagers. Again, when the temple service
commences, and when the nivedya or offering is carried, the music of
the conch is heard from the northern side of the temple. On this
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb11" href="#pb11" name=
"pb11">11</a>]</span>account, many M&#257;r&#257;ns call themselves
Vadakkupurattu, or belonging to the northern side. The asu and
p&#257;ni are sounded by the highest dignitaries among them. The
beating of the p&#257;ni is the accompaniment of expiatory offerings to
the Saptamata, or seven mothers of Hindu religious writings, viz.,
Br&#257;hmi, Mah&#275;svar&#299;, Kaumari, Vaishnavi, Varahi,
Indr&#257;ni, and Ch&#257;munda. Offerings are made to these divine
mothers during the daily sribali procession, and in important temples
also during the sribhutabali hours, and on the occasion of the
utsavabali at the annual utsava of the temple. There are certain
well-established rules prescribing the hymns to be recited, and the
music to be played. So religiously have these rules to be observed
during the utsavabali, that the priest who makes the offering, the
Variyar who carries the light before him and the M&#257;r&#257;ns who
perform the music all have to fast, and to dress themselves in orthodox
Br&#257;hmanical fashion, with the uttariya or upper garment worn in
the manner of the sacred thread. It is sincerely believed that the
smallest violation of the rules would be visited with dire consequences
to the delinquents before the next utsava ceremony.</p>
<p>In connection with the musical instrument called the timila, the
following legend is current. There was a timila in the Sri
Padman&#257;bha temple made of kuruntotti, and there was a
M&#257;r&#257;n attached to the temple, who was such an expert musician
that the priest was unable to adjust his hymn recitation to the music
of the M&#257;r&#257;n&rsquo;s drum, and was in consequence the
recipient of the divine wrath. It was contrived to get a Br&#257;hman
youth to officiate as priest, and, as he could not recite the hymns in
consonance with the sounds produced by the drum, a hungry spirit lifted
him up from the ground to a height of ten feet. The father of the
youth, hearing what had <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb12" href=
"#pb12" name="pb12">12</a>]</span>occurred, hastened to the temple, and
cut one of his fingers, the blood of which he offered to the spirit.
The boy was then set free, and the old man, who was more than a match
for the M&#257;r&#257;n, began to recite the hymns. The spirits,
raising the M&#257;r&#257;n on high, sucked away his blood, and
vanished. The particular timila has since this event never been used by
any M&#257;r&#257;n.</p>
<p>The higher classes of M&#257;r&#257;ns claim six privileges, called
p&#257;no, k&#333;ni, tirumuttam, natumuttam, velichchor, and puchchor.
K&#333;ni means literally a ladder, and refers to the stretcher, made
of bamboo and k&#363;sa grass or straw, on which the corpses of high
caste Hindus are laid. Tirumuttam is sweeping the temple courtyard, and
natumuttam the erection of a small pandal (booth) in the courtyard of a
Namb&#363;tiri&rsquo;s house, where oblations are offered to the
departed spirit on the tenth day after death. Velichchor, or
sacrificial rice, is the right to retain the remains of the food
offered to the manes, and puchchor the offering made to the deity, on
whom the priest throws a few flowers as part of the consecration
ceremony.</p>
<p>A large portion of the time of a M&#257;r&#257;n is spent within the
temple, and all through the night some watch over it. Many functions
are attended to by them in the houses of Namb&#363;tiris. Not only at
the tonsure ceremony, and samavartana or closing of the
Br&#257;hmacharya stage, but also on the occasion of sacrificial rites,
the M&#257;r&#257;n acts as the barber. At the funeral ceremony, the
preparation of the last bed, and handing the til (<i>Sesamum</i>)
seeds, have to be done by him. The Chitikkans perform only the
functions of shaving and attendance at funerals, and, though they may
beat drums in temples, they are not privileged to touch the asu and
p&#257;ni. At Vech&#363;r there is a class of potters called K&#363;sa
M&#257;r&#257;n, who should <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb13" href=
"#pb13" name="pb13">13</a>]</span>be distinguished from the
M&#257;r&#257;ns proper, with whom they have absolutely nothing in
common.</p>
<p>Many families of the higher division of the M&#257;r&#257;ns regard
themselves as Ambalav&#257;sis, though of the lowest type, and abstain
from flesh and liquor. Some M&#257;r&#257;ns are engaged in the
practice of sorcery, while others are agriculturists. Drinking is a
common vice, sanctioned by popular opinion owing to the notion that it
is good for persons with overworked lungs.</p>
<p>In their ceremonies the M&#257;r&#257;ns resemble the N&#257;yars,
as they do also in their caste government and religious worship. The
annaprasana, or first food-giving ceremony, is the only important one
before marriage, and the child is taken to the temple, where it
partakes of the consecrated food. The N&#257;yars, on the contrary,
generally perform the ceremony at home. Purification by a Br&#257;hman
is necessary to release the M&#257;r&#257;n from death pollution, which
is not the case with the N&#257;yars. In Travancore, at any rate, the
N&#257;yars are considered to be higher in the social scale than the
M&#257;r&#257;ns.</p>
<p>In connection with asu and p&#257;ni, which have been referred to in
this note, I gather that, in Malabar, the instruments called maram
(wood), timila, shanku, chengulam, and chenda, if played together,
constitute p&#257;ni kottugu, or playing p&#257;ni. Asu and maram are
the names of an instrument, which is included in p&#257;ni kottugu.
Among the occasions when this is indispensable, are the dedication of
the idol at a newly built temple, the udsavam p&#363;ram and Sriveli
festivals, and the carrying of the tadambu, or shield-like structure,
on which a miniature idol (vigraham) is borne outside the temple,</p>
<p><b>Mar&#257;s&#257;ri.&mdash;</b>Mar&#257;s&#257;ri or Marapanikkan,
meaning carpenter or worker in wood, is an occupational sub-division of
Malay&#257;lam Kamm&#257;las. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb14" href=
"#pb14" name="pb14">14</a>]</span></p>
<p><b>Mar&#257;tha.&mdash;</b>Mar&#257;thas are found in every district
of the Madras Presidency, but are, according to the latest census
returns, most numerous in the following districts:&mdash;</p>
<div class="table">
<table class="verticalBorderInside">
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft cellTop">South Canara</td>
<td class="cellRight cellTop">31,351</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Salem</td>
<td class="cellRight">7,314</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Tanjore</td>
<td class="cellRight">7,156</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft cellBottom">Bellary</td>
<td class="cellRight cellBottom">6,311</td>
</tr>
</table>
</div>
<p>It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that &ldquo;the
term Mar&#257;thi denotes the various Mar&#257;thi non-Br&#257;hman
castes, who came to the south either as soldiers or camp followers in
the armies of the Mar&#257;thi invaders; but in South Canara, in which
district the caste is most numerous, it appears to be the same as
&#256;r&#275;, a class of Mar&#257;thi cultivators. Of the total number
of 65,961, as many as 40,871 have returned Mar&#257;thi as both caste
and sub-division. The number of sub-divisions returned by the rest is
no less than 305, of which the majority are the names of other castes.
Some of these castes are purely Dravidian, and the names have evidently
been used in their occupational sense. For example, we have B&#333;gam,
G&#257;ndla, Mangala, etc.&rdquo; Mr. H. A, Stuart writes further, in
the South Canara Manual, that &ldquo;Mar&#257;thi, as a caste name, is
somewhat open to confusion, and it is probable that many people of
various castes, who speak Mar&#257;thi, are shown as being of that
caste. The true Mar&#257;thi caste is said to have come from Goa, and
that place is the head-quarters. The caste is divided into twelve wargs
or balis, which are exogamous sub-divisions. Caste disputes are settled
by headmen called Hontagaru, and allegiance is paid to the head of the
Sring&#275;ri math. The favourite deity is the goddess
Mah&#257;d&#275;vi. Br&#257;hmans, usually Kar&#257;dis, officiate at
their ceremonies. Marriage is both infant <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb15" href="#pb15" name="pb15">15</a>]</span>and adult. The dh&#257;re
form of marriage is used (<i>see</i> Bant). Widows may remarry, but
they cannot marry again into the family of the deceased husband&mdash;a
rule which is just the reverse of the Levirate. In some parts, however,
the remarriage of widows is prohibited. A husband or a wife can divorce
each other at will, and both parties may marry again. Mar&#257;this are
either farmers, labourers, or hunters. They eat fish and flesh (except
that of cattle and animals generally regarded as unclean) and they use
alcoholic liquors. They speak either the ordinary Mar&#257;thi or the
Konkami dialect of it.&rdquo; The Mar&#257;this of South Canara call
themselves &#256;r&#275; and &#256;r&#275; Kshatri.</p>
<p>In the North Arcot Manual, Mr, Stuart records that the term
Mar&#257;thi is &ldquo;usually applied to the various Mar&#257;tha
S&#363;dra castes, which have come south. Their caste affix is always
Rao. It is impossible to discover to what particular S&#363;dra
division each belongs, for they do not seem to know, and take advantage
of being away from their own country to assert that they are
Kshatriyas&mdash;a claim which is ridiculed by other castes. In
marriage they are particular to take a bride only from within the
circle of their own family, so that an admixture of the original castes
is thus avoided. Their language is Mar&#257;thi, but they speak Telugu
or Tamil as well, and engage in many professions. Many are
tailors.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e579src" href="#xd21e579" name=
"xd21e579src">4</a> Others enlist in the army, in the police, or as
peons (orderlies or messengers), and some take to agriculture or
trading.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Of the history of Mar&#257;thas in those districts in which they are
most prevalent, an account will be found in the Manuals and Gazetteers.
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb16" href="#pb16" name=
"pb16">16</a>]</span></p>
<p>The last Mar&#257;tha King of Tanjore, Mah&#257;r&#257;ja
Siv&#257;ji, died in 1855. It is noted by Mr. M. J. Walhouse<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e587src" href="#xd21e587" name="xd21e587src">5</a>
that &ldquo;an eye-witness has recorded the stately and solemn
spectacle of his funeral, when, magnificently arranged, and loaded with
the costliest jewels, his body, placed in an ivory palanquin, was borne
by night through the torchlit streets of his royal city amid the wail
of vast multitudes lamenting the last of their ruling race. The nearest
descendant, a boy of twelve, was carried thrice round the pile, and at
the last circuit a pot of water was dashed to pieces on the ground. The
boy then lit the pile, and loud long-sustained lament of a nation
filled the air as the flames rose.&rdquo; Upon the death of
Siv&#257;ji, the R&#257;j became, under the decision of the Court of
Directors, extinct. His private estate was placed under the charge of
the Collector of the district. In addition to three wives whom he had
already married, Siv&#257;ji, three years before his death, married in
a body seventeen girls. In 1907, three of the R&#257;nis were still
living in the palace at Tanjore. It is recorded<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e590src" href="#xd21e590" name="xd21e590src">6</a> by the
Marchioness of Dufferin that, when the Viceroy visited the Tanjore
palace in 1886 to speak with the R&#257;nis, he was admitted behind the
purdah, &ldquo;The ladies had not expected him, and were not dressed
out in their best, and no one could speak any intelligible language,
However, a sort of chattering went on, and they made signs towards a
chair, which, being covered with crimson cloth, Dufferin thought he was
to sit down on. He turned and was just about to do so, when he thought
he saw a slight movement, and he fancied there might be a little dog
there, when two women pulled the cloth open, and there was the
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb17" href="#pb17" name=
"pb17">17</a>]</span>principal R&#257;ni&mdash;a little old woman who
reached half way up the back of the chair, and whom the Viceroy had
been within an act of squashing. He said it gave him such a
turn!&rdquo;</p>
<p>A classified index to the Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Tanjore palace
was published by Mr. A. C. Burnell in 1880. In the introduction
thereto, he states that &ldquo;the library was first brought to the
notice of European scholars by H.S.H. Count Noer, Prince Frederic of
Schleswig-Holstein, who brought an account of it to the late Professor
Goldst&uuml;cker. But its full importance was not known till I was
deputed, in 1871, to examine it by the then Governor of Madras, Lord
Napier and Ettrick. The manuscripts are the result of perhaps 300
years&rsquo; collections; firstly, by the N&#257;yaks of Tanjore;
secondly, after about 1675, by the Mahratha princes. Some of the
palm-leaf manuscripts belong to the earlier period, but the greater
part were collected in the last and present centuries. All the
N&#257;gari Manuscripts belong to the Mahratha times, and a large
number of these were collected at Benares by the R&#257;ja Serfojee
(Carabhoji) about fifty years ago.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In the Mar&#257;tha Darbar Hall of the Tanjore palace are large
pictures, of little artistic merit, of all the Mar&#257;tha kings, and
the palace also contains a fine statue of Sarabh&#333;ji by Chantrey.
The small but splendid series of Mar&#257;tha arms from this palace
constitutes one of the most valuable assets of the Madras Museum.
&ldquo;The armoury,&rdquo; Mr. Walhouse writes,<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e599src" href="#xd21e599" name="xd21e599src">7</a>
&ldquo;consisted of great heaps of old weapons of all conceivable
descriptions, lying piled upon the floor of the Sangita Mah&#257;l
(music-hall), which had long been occupied by many <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb18" href="#pb18" name="pb18">18</a>]</span>tons of
rusty arms and weapons, in confused heaps, coated and caked together
with thick rust. Hundreds of swords, straight, curved and ripple-edged,
many beautifully damascened and inlaid with hunting or battle scenes in
gold; many broad blades with long inscriptions in Mar&#257;thi or
Kanarese characters, and some so finely tempered as to bend and quiver
like whalebone. There were long gauntlet-hilts, brass or steel, in
endless devices, hilts inlaid with gold, and hilts and guards of the
most tasteful and elaborate steel-work. There were long-bladed swords
and executioners&rsquo; swords, two-handed, thick-backed, and immensely
heavy. Daggers, knives, and poniards by scores, of all imaginable and
almost unimaginable shapes, double and triple-bladed; some with pistols
or spring-blades concealed in their handles, and the hilts of many of
the kuttars of the most beautiful and elaborate pierced steel-work, in
endless devices, rivalling the best medieval European metal-work, There
was a profusion of long narrow thin-bladed knives, mostly with bone or
ivory handles very prettily carved, ending in parrot-heads and the
like, or the whole handle forming a bird or monster, with legs and
wings pressed close to the body, all exquisitely carved. The use of
these seemed problematical; some said they were used to cut fruit,
others that they had been poisoned and struck about the roofs and walls
of the women&rsquo;s quarters, to serve the purpose of spikes or broken
glass! A curious point was the extraordinary number of old European
blades, often graven with letters and symbols of Christian meaning,
attached to hilts and handles most distinctly Hindu, adorned with
figures of gods and idolatrous emblems. There was an extraordinary
number of long straight cut-and-thrust blades termed Phirangis, which
Mr. Sinclair, in his interesting list of Dakhani <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb19" href="#pb19" name=
"pb19">19</a>]</span>weapons,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e608src" href=
"#xd21e608" name="xd21e608src">8</a> says means the Portuguese, or else
made in imitation of such imported swords. A kuttar, with a handsome
steel hilt, disclosed the well-known name ANDREA FERARA (<i>sic.</i>).
Sir Walter Elliot has informed me that, when a notorious freebooter was
captured in the Southern Mar&acirc;th&acirc; country many years ago,
his sword was found to be an &lsquo;Andrea Ferrara.&rsquo; Mr. Sinclair
adds that both Grant Duff and Meadows Taylor have mentioned that
R&acirc;ja Siv&acirc;ji&rsquo;s favourite sword Bhav&acirc;n&icirc; was
a Genoa blade<a class="noteref" id="xd21e615src" href="#xd21e615" name=
"xd21e615src">9</a>.... Eventually the whole array (of arms) was
removed to Trichinapalli and deposited in the Arsenal there, and, after
a Committee of officers had sat upon the multifarious collection, and
solemnly reported the ancient arms unfit for use in modern warfare, the
Government, after selecting the best for the Museum, ordered the
residue to be broken up and sold as old iron. This was in
1863.&rdquo;</p>
<p>It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that
&ldquo;in 1790 Lord Cornwallis, then Governor-General of India, entered
into an alliance with the Mar&#257;thas and the Nizam to reduce Tipu to
order, and it was agreed that whatever territories should be acquired
by them from Tipu should be equally divided between them. Certain
specified poligars, among whom were the chiefs of Bellary, Rayadrug and
Harpanahalli, were, however, to be left in possession of their
districts. Tipu was reduced to submission in 1792, and by the treaty of
that year he ceded half his territories to the allies.<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e620src" href="#xd21e620" name="xd21e620src">10</a>
Sand&#363;r was allotted to the Mar&#257;thas, and a part of the
Bellary <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb20" href="#pb20" name=
"pb20">20</a>]</span>district to the Nizam.&rdquo; The present
Mar&#257;tha chief of the little hill-locked Sand&#363;r State is a
minor, whose name and titles are R&#257;ja Venkata Rao Rao Sahib Hindu
Rao Gh&#333;rpade S&#275;n&#257;pati M&#257;malikat Madar. Of the
eleven thousand inhabitants of the State, the various castes of
Mar&#257;thas number over a thousand. &ldquo;Three families of them are
Br&#257;hmans, who came to Sand&#363;r as officials with Siddoji Rao
when he took the State from the Jaramali poligar. Except for two short
intervals, Siddoji&rsquo;s descendants have held the State ever since.
The others are grouped into three local divisions, namely, Kh&#257;sgi,
Kumbi, and L&#275;k&#257;vali. The first of these consists of only some
eight families, and constitutes the aristocracy of the State. Some of
them came to Sand&#363;r from the Mar&#257;tha country with Siva Rao
and other rulers of the State, and they take the chief seats at Darbars
and on other public occasions, and are permitted to dine and intermarry
with the R&#257;ja&rsquo;s family. They wear the sacred thread of the
Kshatriyas, belong to the orthodox Br&#257;hmanical g&#333;tras, have
Br&#257;hmans as their pur&#333;hits, observe many of the
Br&#257;hmanical ceremonies, burn their dead, forbid widow re-marriage,
and keep their womankind gosha. On the other hand, they do not object
to drinking alcohol or to smoking, and they eat meat, though not beef.
Their family god is the same as that of the R&#257;ja&rsquo;s family,
namely, Mart&#257;nda Manimallari, and they worship him in the temple
in his honour which is in the R&#257;ja&rsquo;s palace, and make
pilgrimages to his shrine at Jej&#363;ri near Poona. [It is noted by
Monier-Williams<a class="noteref" id="xd21e625src" href="#xd21e625"
name="xd21e625src">11</a> that &lsquo;a deification, Khando-ba (also
called Khande-Rao), was a personage who lived in the neighbourhood of
the hill Jej&#363;ri, thirty miles from Poona. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb21" href="#pb21" name="pb21">21</a>]</span>He is
probably a deification of some powerful R&#257;ja or aboriginal
chieftain, who made himself useful to the Br&#257;hmans. He is now
regarded as an incarnation of Siva in his form Mall&#257;ri. The legend
is that the god Siva descended in this form to destroy a powerful demon
named Mall&#257;sura, who lived on the hill, and was a terror to the
neighbourhood. P&#257;rvati descended at the same time to become
Khando-b&#257;&rsquo;s wife. His worship is very popular among the
people of low caste in the Mar&#257;tha country. Sheep are sacrificed
at the principal temple on the Jej&#363;ri hill, and a bad custom
prevails of dedicating young girls to the god&rsquo;s service.
Khando-b&#257; is sometimes represented with his wife on horseback,
attended by a dog. A sect existed in Sankara&rsquo;s time, who
worshipped Mall&#257;ri as lord of dogs.&rsquo;] At the marriages of
the Kh&#257;sgis, an unusual custom, called V&#299;ra P&#363;ja, or the
worship of warriors, is observed. Before the ceremony, the men form
themselves into two parties, each under a leader, and march to the
banks of the Narihalla river, engaging in mock combat as they go. At
the river an offering is made to Siva in his form as the warrior
Mart&#257;nda, and his blessing is invoked. The goddess Gang&#257; is
also worshipped, and then both parties march back, indulging on the way
in more pretended fighting. The second division of the Mar&#257;thas,
the Kunbis, are generally agriculturists, though some are servants to
the first division. They cannot intermarry with the Kh&#257;sgis, or
dine with them except in separate rows, and their womanfolk are not
gosha; but they have Br&#257;hmanical g&#333;tras and Br&#257;hman
pur&#333;hits. Some of them use the R&#257;ja&rsquo;s name of
Gh&#333;rpade, but this is only because they are servants in his
household. The third division, the L&#275;k&#257;valis, are said to be
the offspring of irregular unions among other Mar&#257;thas, and are
many <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb22" href="#pb22" name=
"pb22">22</a>]</span>of them servants in the R&#257;ja&rsquo;s palace.
Whence they are also called Manimakkalu. They all call themselves
Gh&#333;rpades, and members of the R&#257;ja&rsquo;s (the Kansika)
g&#333;tra. They thus cannot intermarry among themselves, but
occasionally their girls are married to Kunbis. Their women are in no
way g&#333;sha.&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id="xd21e633src" href=
"#xd21e633" name="xd21e633src">12</a></p>
<p>The cranial type of the Mar&#257;thas is, as shown by the following
table, like that of the Canarese, mesaticephalic or
sub-brachycephalic:&mdash;</p>
<div class="table">
<table class="verticalBorderInside">
<thead>
<tr class="label">
<td rowspan="2" class="cellHeadLeft cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">
&mdash;&mdash;</td>
<td rowspan="2" class="cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">&mdash;&mdash;</td>
<td colspan="2" class="cellHeadRight cellHeadTop">Cephalic Index</td>
</tr>
<tr class="label">
<td class="cellHeadBottom">Av.</td>
<td class="cellHeadRight cellHeadBottom">Max.</td>
</tr>
</thead>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Canarese</td>
<td>50 Holeyas</td>
<td>79.1</td>
<td class="cellRight">87.4</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Mar&#257;thi</td>
<td>30 Rang&#257;ris</td>
<td>79.8</td>
<td class="cellRight">92.2</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Canarese</td>
<td>50 Vakkaligas</td>
<td>81.7</td>
<td class="cellRight">93.8</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Mar&#257;thi</td>
<td>30 Suka S&#257;l&#275;s</td>
<td>81.8</td>
<td class="cellRight">88.2</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft cellBottom">Mar&#257;thi</td>
<td class="cellBottom">30 Sukun S&#257;l&#275;s</td>
<td class="cellBottom">82.2</td>
<td class="cellRight cellBottom">84.4</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
</div>
<p><b>Maravan.&mdash;</b>&ldquo;The Maravans,&rdquo; Mr. H. A. Stuart
writes,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e701src" href="#xd21e701" name=
"xd21e701src">13</a> &ldquo;are found chiefly in Madura and Tinnevelly,
where they occupy the tracts bordering on the coast from Cape Comorin
to the northern limits of the R&#257;mn&#257;d zemindari. The
proprietors of that estate, and of the great Sivaganga zemindari, are
both of this caste. The Maravars must have been one of the first of the
Dravidian tribes that penetrated to the south of the peninsula, and,
like the Kallans, they have been but little affected by
Br&#257;hmanical influence. There exists among them a picturesque
tradition to the effect that, in consequence of their assisting
R&#257;ma in his war against the demon R&#257;vana, that deity
gratefully exclaimed in <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb23" href=
"#pb23" name="pb23">23</a>]</span>good Tamil Marav&#275;n, or I will
never forget, and that they have ever since been called Maravans. But,
with more probability, the name may be connected with the word maram,
which means killing, ferocity, bravery and the like, as pointing
clearly to their unpleasant profession, that of robbing and slaying
their neighbours. In former days they were a fierce and turbulent race,
famous for their military prowess. At one time they temporarily held
possession of the P&#257;ndya kingdom, and, at a later date, their
armies gave valuable assistance to Tirumala Nayakkan. They gave the
British much trouble at the end of last (eighteenth) century and the
beginning of this (nineteenth) century, but they are now much the same
as other ryots (cultivators), though perhaps somewhat more bold and
lawless. Agamudaiyan and Kallan are returned as sub-divisions by a
comparatively large number of persons. Maravan is also found among the
sub-divisions of Kallan, and there can be little doubt that there is a
very close connection between Kallans, Maravans, and
Agamudaiyans.&rdquo; This connection is dealt with in the article on
the Kallans. But I may here quote the following legend relating
thereto. &ldquo;Once upon a time, Rishi Gautama left his house to go
abroad on business. D&#275;vendra, taking advantage of his absence,
debauched his wife, and three children were the result. When the Rishi
returned, one of the three hid himself behind a door, and, as he thus
acted like a thief, he was henceforward called Kallan. Another got up a
tree, and was therefore called Maravan from maram, a tree, whilst the
third brazened it out, and stood his ground, thus earning for himself
the name of Ahamudeiyan, or the possessor of pride. This name was
corrupted into Ahambadiyan.&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id="xd21e706src"
href="#xd21e706" name="xd21e706src">14</a> <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb24" href="#pb24" name="pb24">24</a>]</span></p>
<p>&ldquo;Some say the word Maravan is derived from marani, sin; a
Maravan being one who commits sin by killing living creatures without
feeling pity, and without fear of god.&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e713src" href="#xd21e713" name="xd21e713src">15</a></p>
<p>The Maravans claim descent from Guha or Kuha, R&#257;ma&rsquo;s
boatman, who rowed him across to Ceylon. According to the legend,
R&#257;ma promised Guha that he would come back at a fixed time. When
he failed to return, Guha made a fire, whereon to burn himself to
death. Hanum&#257;n, however, prevented him from committing suicide,
and assured him that R&#257;ma would shortly return. This came to pass,
and R&#257;ma, on learning what Guha had done, called him Maravan, a
brave or reckless fellow. According to another legend, the god Indra,
having become enamoured of Ahalya, set out one night to visit her in
the form of a crow, and, seating himself outside the dwelling of the
Rishi her husband, cawed loudly. The Rishi believing that it was dawn,
went off to bathe, while Indra, assuming the form of her husband, went
in to the woman, and satisfied his desire. When her husband reached the
river, there were no signs of dawn, and he was much perturbed, but not
for long, as his supernatural knowledge revealed to him how he had been
beguiled, and he proceeded to curse Indra and his innocent wife. Indra
was condemned to have a thousand female organs of generation all over
his body, and the woman was turned into a stone. Indra repented, and
the Rishi modified his disfigurement by arranging that, to the
onlooker, he would seem to be clothed or covered with eyes, and the
woman was allowed to resume her feminine form when R&#257;ma, in the
course of his wanderings, should tread on her. The <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb25" href="#pb25" name="pb25">25</a>]</span>result
of Indra&rsquo;s escapade was a son, who was stowed away in a secret
place (maravuidam). Hence his descendants are known as
Maravan.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e723src" href="#xd21e723" name=
"xd21e723src">16</a></p>
<p>The head of the Maravans is the S&#275;tupati (lord of the bridge),
or R&#257;ja of R&#257;mn&#257;d. &ldquo;The Sethupati line, or Marava
dynasty of R&#257;mn&#257;d,&rdquo; the Rev. J. E. Tracy
writes,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e730src" href="#xd21e730" name=
"xd21e730src">17</a> &ldquo;claims great antiquity. According to
popular legendary accounts, it had its rise in the time of the great
R&#257;ma himself, who is said to have appointed, on his victorious
return from Lanka (Ceylon), seven guardians of the passage or bridge
connecting Ceylon with the mainland.... Another supposition places the
rise of the family in the second or third century B.C. It rests its
case principally upon a statement in the Mah&#257;wanso, according to
which the last of the three Tamil invasions of Ceylon, which took place
in the second or third century B.C., was under the leadership of seven
chieftains, who are supposed, owing to the silence of the P&#257;ndyan
records on the subject of South Indian dealings with Ceylon, to have
been neither Ch&#275;ras, Ch&#333;las, or P&#257;ndyans, but mere local
adventurers, whose territorial proximity and marauding ambition had
tempted them to the undertaking.... Another supposition places the rise
of the family in the eleventh or twelfth century A.D. There are two
statements of this case, differing according to the source from which
they come. According to the one, which has its source in South India,
the rise of the family took place in or about 1059 A.D., when R&#257;ja
R&#257;ja, the Ch&#333;la king, upon his invasion of Ceylon, appointed
princes whom he knew to be loyal to himself, and who, according to
some, had aided him in his conquest of all P&#257;ndya, to act as
guardians of the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb26" href="#pb26" name=
"pb26">26</a>]</span>passage by which his armies must cross to and fro,
and supplies be received from the mainland. According to the other
statement, which has its source in Sinhalese records, the family took
its rise from the appointment of Par&#257;krama Bahu&rsquo;s General
Lankapura, who, according to a very trustworthy Sinhalese epitome of
the Mah&#257;wanso, after conquering Pandya, remained some time at
Ramespuram, building a temple there, and, while on the island, struck
kahapanas (coins similar to those of the Sinhalese series). Whichever
of those statements we may accept, the facts seem to point to the rise
of the family in the eleventh or twelfth century A.D., and inscriptions
quoted from Dr. Burgess by Mr. Robert Sewell<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e735src" href="#xd21e735" name="xd21e735src">18</a> show that
grants were made by Sethupati princes in 1414, again in 1489, still
again in 1500, and finally as late as 1540. These bring the line down
to within two generations of the time when Muttu Krishnappa Nayakka is
said, in 1604, to have found affairs sadly disordered in the Marava
country, and to have re-established the old family in the person of
Sadaiyaka T&#275;var Udaiyar Sethupati. The coins of the Sethupatis
divide themselves into an earlier and later series. The earlier series
present specimens which are usually larger and better executed, and
correspond in weight and appearance very nearly to the well-known coins
of the Sinhalese series, together with which they are often found,
&lsquo;These coins&rsquo; Rhys Davids writes,<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e738src" href="#xd21e738" name="xd21e738src">19</a> &lsquo;are
probably, the very ones referred to as having been struck by
Par&#257;krama&rsquo;s General Lankapura.&rsquo; The coins of the later
series are very rude in device and execution. The one face shows only
the Tamil legend of the word Sethupati, while the other side is taken
up with various devices.&rdquo; <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb27"
href="#pb27" name="pb27">27</a>]</span></p>
<p>A poet, in days of old, refers to &ldquo;the wrathful and furious
Maravar, whose curled beards resemble the twisted horns of the stag,
the loud twang of whose powerful bowstrings, and the stirring sound of
whose double-headed drums, compel even kings at the head of large
armies to turn their back and fly.&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e744src" href="#xd21e744" name="xd21e744src">20</a> The Maravans
are further described as follows. &ldquo;Of strong limbs and hardy
frames, and fierce looking as tigers, wearing long and curled locks of
hair, the blood-thirsty Maravans, armed with the bow bound with
leather, ever ready to injure others, shoot their arrows at poor and
defenceless travellers, from whom they can steal nothing, only to feast
their eyes on the quivering limbs of their victims.&rdquo;<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e747src" href="#xd21e747" name="xd21e747src">21</a>
In a note on the Maravans of the Tinnevelly district, it is
recorded<a class="noteref" id="xd21e750src" href="#xd21e750" name=
"xd21e750src">22</a> that &ldquo;to this class belonged most of the
Poligars, or feudal chieftains, who disputed with the English the
possession of Tinnevelly during the last, and first years of the
present (nineteenth) century. As feudal chiefs and heads of a numerous
class of the population, and one whose characteristics were eminently
adapted for the roll of followers of a turbulent chieftain, bold,
active, enterprising, cunning and capricious, this class constituted
themselves, or were constituted by the peaceful cultivators, their
protectors in time of bloodshed and rapine, when no central authority,
capable of keeping the peace, existed. Hence arose the systems of
D&#275;sha and Stalum K&#257;val, or the guard of a tract of country
comprising a number of villages against open marauders in armed bands,
and the guard of separate villages, their houses and crops, against
secret theft. The feudal chief received a contribution from the area
around his fort in <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb28" href="#pb28"
name="pb28">28</a>]</span>consideration of protection afforded against
armed invasion. The Maravars are chiefly the agricultural servants or
sub-tenants of the wealthier ryots, under whom they cultivate,
receiving a share of the crop. An increasing proportion of this caste
are becoming the ryotwari owners of land by purchase from the original
holders.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Though the Maravans, Mr, Francis writes,<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e757src" href="#xd21e757" name="xd21e757src">23</a> &ldquo;are
usually cultivators, they are some of them the most expert
cattle-lifters in the Presidency. In Madura, they have a particularly
ingenious method of removing cattle. The actual thief steals the
bullocks at night, and drives them at a gallop for half a dozen miles,
hands them over to a confederate, and then returns and establishes an
<i>alibi</i>. The confederate takes them on another stage, and does the
same. A third and a fourth man keep them moving all that night. The
next day they are hidden and rested, and thereafter they are driven by
easier stages to the hills north of Madura, where their horns are cut
and their brands altered, to prevent them from being recognised. They
are then often sold at the great Chittrai cattle fair in Madura town.
In some papers read in G.O., No. 535, Judicial, dated 29th March 1899,
it was shown that, though, according to the 1891 census, the Maravans
formed only 10 per cent. of the population of the district of
Tinnevelly, yet they had committed 70 per cent. of the dacoities which
have occurred in that district in the previous five years. They have
recently (1899) figured prominently in the anti-Sh&#257;n&#257;r riots
in the same district.&rdquo; (<i>See</i> Sh&#257;n&#257;n.)</p>
<p>&ldquo;The Maravans&rdquo;, Mr. F. S. Mullaly writes,<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e768src" href="#xd21e768" name="xd21e768src">24</a>
&ldquo;furnish nearly the whole of the village police (k&#257;vilgars,
watchmen), robbers and thieves of the Tinnevelly district. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb29" href="#pb29" name="pb29">29</a>]</span>Very
often the thief and the watchman are one and the same individual. The
Maravans of the present time, of course, retain only a shadow of the
power which their ancestors wielded under the poligars, who commenced
the kavil system. Still the Marava of to-day, as a member of a caste
which is numerous and influential, as a man of superior physique and
bold independent spirit, thief and robber, village policeman and
detective combined&mdash;is an immense power in the land.&rdquo;</p>
<p>It is noted, in the Madras Police Report, 1903, that &ldquo;a large
section of the population in Tinnevelly&mdash;the Maravans&mdash;are
criminal by predilection and training. Mr. Longden&rsquo;s efforts have
been directed to the suppression of a bad old custom, by which the
police were in the habit of engaging the help of the Maravans
themselves in the detection of crime. The natural result was a mass of
false evidence and false charges, and, worst of all, a police indebted
to the Maravan, who was certain to have his <i>quid pro quo</i>. This
method being discountenanced, and the station-house officer being
deprived of the aid of his tuppans (men who provide a clue), the former
has found himself very much at sea, and, until sounder methods can be
inculcated, will fail to show successful results. Still, even a failure
to detect is better than a police in the hands of the Maravans.&rdquo;
Further information concerning tuppukuli, or clue hire, will be found
in the note on Kallans.</p>
<p>From a very interesting note on the Maravans of the Tinnevelly
district, the following extract is taken.<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e780src" href="#xd21e780" name="xd21e780src">25</a> &ldquo;On the
principle of setting a thief, to catch a thief, Maravars are paid
blackmail to keep their hands from picking and stealing, and to make
restitution for any thefts that may <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb30"
href="#pb30" name="pb30">30</a>]</span>possibly take place,
notwithstanding the vigilance of the watchmen. (A suit has been known
to be instituted, in a Munsiff&rsquo;s Court, for failure to make
restitution for theft after receipt of the kudik&#257;val money.) As a
matter of fact, no robberies on a large scale can possibly take place
without the knowledge, connivance, or actual co-operation of the
Kavalgars. People living in country places, remote from towns, are
entirely at the mercy of the Maravars, and every householder or
occupier of a mud hut, which is dignified by being called a house, must
pay the Maravars half a fanam, which is equal to one anna eight pies,
yearly. Those who own cattle, and there are few who do not, must pay
one fanam a year. At the time of the harvest, it is the custom in
Southern India for an enemy to go and reap his antagonist&rsquo;s crops
as they are growing in the fields. He does this to bring matters to a
climax, and to get the right side of his enemy, so that he may be
forced to come to terms, reasonable or otherwise. Possession is nine
points of the law. On occasions such as these, which are frequent, the
advantage of the employment of Kavalgars can readily be understood. The
Maravars are often true to their salt, though sometimes their services
can be obtained by the highest bidder. The plan of keeping kaval, or
going the rounds like a policeman on duty, is, for a village of, say, a
hundred Maravars, to divide into ten sections. Each section takes a
particular duty, and they are paid by the people living within their
range. If a robbery takes place, and the value of the property does not
exceed ten rupees, then this section of ten men will each subscribe one
rupee, and pay up ten rupees. If, however, the property lost exceeds
the sum of ten rupees, then all the ten sections of Maravars, the
hundred men, will join together, and make restitution for the robbery.
How <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb31" href="#pb31" name=
"pb31">31</a>]</span>they are able to do this, and to recoup
themselves, can be imagined. Various attempts for many years have been
made to put a stop to this system of kudi-kaval. At one time the
village (Nunguneri) of the chief Maravar was burnt down, and for many
years the police have been on their track, and numerous convictions are
constantly taking place. Out of 150,000 Maravars in the whole district,
10,000 are professional thieves, and of these 4,000 have been
convicted, and are living at the present time. The question arises
whether some plan could not be devised to make honest men of these
rogues. It has been suggested that their occupation as watchmen should
be recognised by Government, and that they should be enlisted as
subordinate officials, just as some of them are now employed as
Talayaris and Vettiyans.... The villages of the Maravars exist side by
side with the other castes, and, as boys and girls, all the different
classes grow up together, so that there is a bond of sympathy and
regard between them all. The Maravans, therefore, are not regarded as
marauding thieves by the other classes. Their position in the community
as Kavalgars is recognised, and no one actually fears them. From time
immemorial it has been the mamool (custom) to pay them certain dues,
and, although illegal, who in India is prepared to act contrary to
custom? The small sum paid annually by the villagers is insignificant,
and no one considers it a hardship to pay it, when he knows that his
goods are in safety; and, if the Maravars did not steal, there are
plenty of other roving castes (<i>e.g.</i>, the Kuluvars, Kuravars, and
Kambalatars) who would, so that, on the whole, ordinary unsophisticated
natives, who dwell in the country side, rather like the Maravar than
otherwise. When, however, these watchmen undertake torchlight
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb32" href="#pb32" name=
"pb32">32</a>]</span>dacoities, and attack travellers on the high-road,
then they are no better than the professional thieves of other
countries, and they deserve as little consideration. It must be borne
in mind that, while robbery is the hereditary occupation of the
Maravars, there are thousands of them who lead strictly honest, upright
lives as husbandmen, and who receive no benefit whatever from the
kudi-kaval system. Some of the most noted and earnest Native Christians
have been, and still are, men and women of this caste, and the reason
seems to be that they never do things by halves. If they are murderers
and robbers, nothing daunts them, and, on the other hand, if they are
honest men, they are the salt of the earth.&rdquo; I am informed that,
when a Maravan takes food in the house of a stranger, he will sometimes
take a pinch of earth, and put it on the food before he commences his
meal. This act frees him from the obligation not to injure the family
which has entertained him.</p>
<p>In a note entitled Marava j&#257;ti vernanam,<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e794src" href="#xd21e794" name="xd21e794src">26</a> from the
Mackenzie Manuscripts, it is recorded that &ldquo;there are seven
sub-divisions in the tribe of the Maravas, respectively denominated
Sembun&#257;ttu, Agattha, Oru-n&#257;ttu, Upukatti, and Kurichikattu.
Among these sub-divisions, that of the Sembun&#257;ttu Maravas is the
principal one.&rdquo; In the Madras Census Report, 1891, the following
are returned as the most important sub-divisions:&mdash;Agamudaiyan,
Kallan, K&#257;rana, Kondaikatti, Kott&#257;ni, Semban&#257;ttu, and
Vannikutti, Among the Semban&#257;ttus (or Semban&#257;dus), the
following septs or khilais have been recorded:&mdash;</p>
<table>
<tr>
<td>
<ul>
<li>Marikka.</li>
<li>Piccha.</li>
<li>Tondam&#257;n.</li>
<li>S&#299;trama.</li>
</ul>
</td>
<td>
<ul>
<li>Thanicha.</li>
<li>Karuputhra.</li>
<li>Katr&#257;.</li>
</ul>
</td>
</tr>
</table>
<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb33" href="#pb33" name=
"pb33">33</a>]</span></p>
<p>&ldquo;The Kondayamkottai Maravars,&rdquo; Mr. F. Fawcett
writes,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e816src" href="#xd21e816" name=
"xd21e816src">27</a> &ldquo;are divided into six sub-tribes, or, as
they call them, trees. Each tree, or kothu, is divided into three
khilais or branches. These I call septs. Those of the khilais belonging
to the same tree or kothu are never allowed to intermarry. A man or
woman must marry with one of a khilai belonging to another tree than
his own, his or her own being that of his or her mother, and not of the
father. But marriage is not permissible between those of any two trees
or kothus: there are some restrictions. For instance, a branch of betel
vine or leaves may marry with a branch of cocoanut, but not with areca
nuts or dates. I am not positive what all the restrictions are, but
restrictions of some kind, by which marriage between persons of all
trees may not be made indiscriminately, certainly exist. The names of
the trees or kothus and of the khilais or branches, as given to me from
the Maraver P&#257;del, a book considered to be authoritative, are
these&mdash;</p>
<div class="table">
<table>
<thead>
<tr class="label">
<td class="xd21e820 cellHeadLeft cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">Tree.</td>
<td class="xd21e820 cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">Kothu.</td>
<td class="xd21e820 cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"></td>
<td class="cellHeadRight cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">Khilai.</td>
</tr>
</thead>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td rowspan="3" class="xd21e820 cellLeft">Milaku</td>
<td rowspan="3" class="xd21e820">Pepper vine</td>
<td rowspan="3" class="xd21e820"><img src="images/brace3.png" alt=""
width="18" height="60"></td>
<td class="cellRight">Viramudithanginan.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellRight">Sedhar.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellRight">Semanda.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td rowspan="3" class="xd21e820 cellLeft">Vettile</td>
<td rowspan="3" class="xd21e820">Betel vine</td>
<td rowspan="3" class="xd21e820"><img src="images/brace3.png" alt=""
width="18" height="60"></td>
<td class="cellRight">Agastyar.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellRight">Maruvidu.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellRight">Alakhiya Pandiyan.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td rowspan="3" class="xd21e820 cellLeft">Thennang</td>
<td rowspan="3" class="xd21e820">Cocoanut</td>
<td rowspan="3" class="xd21e820"><img src="images/brace3.png" alt=""
width="18" height="60"></td>
<td class="cellRight">Vaniyan.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellRight">Vettuvan.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellRight">Nataivendar.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td rowspan="3" class="xd21e820 cellLeft">Komukham</td>
<td rowspan="3" class="xd21e820">Areca nut</td>
<td rowspan="3" class="xd21e820"><img src="images/brace3.png" alt=""
width="18" height="60"></td>
<td class="cellRight">Kelnambhi.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellRight">Anbutran.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellRight">Gautaman.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td rowspan="3" class="xd21e820 cellLeft">Ichang</td>
<td rowspan="3" class="xd21e820">Dates</td>
<td rowspan="3" class="xd21e820"><img src="images/brace3.png" alt=""
width="18" height="60"></td>
<td class="cellRight">Sadachi.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellRight">Sangaran.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellRight">Pichipillai.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td rowspan="3" class="xd21e820 cellLeft cellBottom">Panang</td>
<td rowspan="3" class="xd21e820 cellBottom">Palmyra</td>
<td rowspan="3" class="xd21e820 cellBottom"><img src=
"images/brace3.png" alt="" width="18" height="60"></td>
<td class="cellRight">Akhili.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellRight">Lokhamurti</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellRight cellBottom">Jambhuvar.</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
</div>
<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb34" href="#pb34" name=
"pb34">34</a>]</span></p>
<p>&ldquo;Unfortunately I am unable to trace out the meanings of all
these khilais. Agastya and Gautamar are, of course, sages of old.
Viramudithanginan seems to mean a king&rsquo;s crown-bearer. Alakhiya
Pandiyan seems to be one of the old Pandiyan kings of Madura (alakhiya
means beautiful). Akhili is perhaps intended to mean the wife of
Gautama, Lokamurti, the one being of the world, and Jambhuvar, a monkey
king with a bear&rsquo;s face, who lived long, long ago. The common
rule regulating marriages among Br&#257;hmans, and indeed people of
almost every caste in Southern India, is that the proper husband for
the girl is her mother&rsquo;s brother or his son. But this is not so
among the Kondayamkottai Maravars. A girl can never marry her
mother&rsquo;s brother, because they are of the same khilai. On the
other hand, the children of a brother and sister may marry, and should
do so, if this can be arranged, as, though the brother and sister are
of the same khilai, their children are not, because the children of the
brother belong perforce to that of their mother, who is of a different
khilai. It very often happens that a man marries into his
father&rsquo;s khilai; indeed there seems to be some idea that he
should do so if possible. The children of brothers may not marry with
each other, although they are of different khilais, for two brothers
may not marry into the same khilai. One of the first things to be done
in connection with a marriage is that the female relations of the
bridegroom must go and examine the intended bride, to test her physical
suitability. She should not, as it was explained to me, have a flat
foot; the calf of her leg should be slender, not so thick as the thigh;
the skin on the throat should not form more than two wrinkles; the hair
over the temple should grow <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb35" href=
"#pb35" name="pb35">35</a>]</span>crossways. The last is very
important.&rdquo; A curl on the forehead resembling the head of a snake
is of evil omen.</p>
<p>In one form of the marriage rites as carried out by the Maravans,
the bridegroom&rsquo;s party proceed, on an auspicious day which has
been fixed beforehand, to the home of the bride, taking with them five
cocoanuts, five bunches of plantains, five pieces of turmeric, betel,
and flowers, and the t&#257;li strung on a thread dyed with turmeric.
At the auspicious hour, the bride is seated within the house on a
plank, facing east. The bridegroom&rsquo;s sister removes the string of
black beads from her neck, and ties the t&#257;li thereon. While this
is being done, the conch-shell is blown, and women indulge in what Mr.
Fawcett describes as a shrill kind of keening (kulavi idal). The bride
is taken to the house of the bridegroom, where they sit side by side on
a plank, and the ceremony of warding off the evil eye is performed.
Further, milk is poured by people with crossed hands over the heads of
the couple. A feast is held, in which meat takes a prominent part. A
Maravan, who was asked to describe the marriage ceremony, replied that
it consists in killing a sheep or fowl, and the bringing of the bride
by the bridegroom&rsquo;s sister to her brother&rsquo;s house after the
t&#257;li has been tied. The Kondaikatti Maravans, in some places,
substitute for the usual golden t&#257;li a token representing
&ldquo;the head of Indra fastened to a bunch of human hair, or silken
strings representing his hair.&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e927src" href="#xd21e927" name="xd21e927src">28</a></p>
<p>In another form of the marriage ceremony, the father of the
bridegroom goes to the bride&rsquo;s house, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb36" href="#pb36" name=
"pb36">36</a>]</span>accompanied by his relations, with the following
articles in a box made of plaited palmyra leaves:&mdash;</p>
<table>
<tr>
<td>
<ul>
<li>5 bundles of betel.</li>
<li>21 measures of rice.</li>
<li>7 cocoanuts.</li>
<li>70 plantains.</li>
</ul>
</td>
<td>
<ul>
<li>7 lumps of jaggery (crude sugar).</li>
<li>21 pieces of turmeric.</li>
<li>Flowers, sandal paste, etc.</li>
</ul>
</td>
</tr>
</table>
<p>At the bride&rsquo;s house, these presents are touched by those
assembled there, and the box is handed over to the bride&rsquo;s
father. On the wedding day (which is four days afterwards), pongal
(cooked rice) is offered to the house god early in the morning. Later
in the day, the bridegroom is taken in a palanquin to the house of the
bride. Betel is presented to him by her father or brother. The bride
generally remains within the house till the time for tying the
t&#257;li has arrived. The maternal uncle then blindfolds her with his
hand, lifts her up, and carries her to the bridegroom, Four women stand
round the contracting couple, and pass round a dish containing a broken
cocoanut and a cake three times. The bride and bridegroom then spit
into the dish, and the females set up their shrill keening. The
maternal uncles join their hands together, and, on receiving the assent
of those present, the bridegroom&rsquo;s sister ties the t&#257;li on
the bride&rsquo;s neck. The t&#257;li consists of a ring attached to a
black silk thread. After marriage, the &ldquo;silk t&#257;li&rdquo; is,
for every day purposes, replaced by golden beads strung on a string,
and the t&#257;li used at the wedding is often borrowed for the
occasion. The t&#257;li having been tied, the pair are blessed, and, in
some places, their knees, shoulders, heads, and backs are touched with
a betel leaf dipped in milk, and blessed with the words &ldquo;May the
pair be prosperous, giving rise to leaves like a banyan tree, roots
like the thurvi (<i>Cynodon Dactylon</i>) grass, and like the
bamboo.&rdquo; Of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb37" href="#pb37"
name="pb37">37</a>]</span>the thurvi grass it is said in the Atharwana
V&#275;da &ldquo;May this grass, which rose from the water of life,
which has a hundred roots and a hundred stems, efface a hundred of my
sins, and prolong my existence on earth for a hundred years.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Still further variants of the marriage ceremonial are described by
Mr. Fawcett, in one of which &ldquo;the Br&#257;hman priest
(pur&#333;hit) hands the t&#257;li to the bridegroom&rsquo;s sister,
who in turn hands it to the bridegroom, who ties a knot in it. The
sister then ties two more knots in it, and puts it round the
bride&rsquo;s neck. After this has been done, and while the pair are
still seated, the Br&#257;hman ties together the little fingers of the
right hands of the pair, which are interlocked, with a silken thread.
The pair then rise, walk thrice round the marriage seat (manavanai),
and enter the house, where they sit, and the bridegroom receives
present from the bride&rsquo;s father. The fingers are then untied.
While undergoing the ceremony, the bridegroom wears a thread smeared
with turmeric tied round the right wrist. It is called
kappu.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In the manuscript already quoted,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e963src"
href="#xd21e963" name="xd21e963src">29</a> it is noted that
&ldquo;should it so happen, either in the case of wealthy rulers of
districts or of poorer common people, that any impediment arises to
prevent the complete celebration of the marriage with all attendant
ceremonies according to the sacred books and customs of the tribe, then
the t&#257;li only is sent, and the female is brought to the house of
her husband. At a subsequent period, even after two or three children
have been born, the husband sends the usual summons to a marriage of
areca nut and betel leaf; and, when the relatives are assembled, the
bride <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb38" href="#pb38" name=
"pb38">38</a>]</span>and bridegroom are publicly seated in state under
the marriage pandal; the want of completeness in the former contract is
made up; and, all needful ceremonies being gone through, they perform
the public procession through the streets of the town, when they break
the cocoanut in the presence of Vign&#275;svara (Gan&#275;sa), and,
according to the means possessed by the parties, the celebration of the
marriage is concluded in one day, or prolonged to two, three or four
days. The t&#257;li, being tied on, has the name of katu t&#257;li, and
the name of the last ceremony is called the removal of the former
deficiency. If it so happen that, after the first ceremony, the second
be not performed, then the children of such an alliance are lightly
regarded among the Maravas. Should the husband die during the
continuance of the first relation, and before the second ceremony be
performed, then the body of the man, and also the woman are placed upon
the same seat, and the ceremonies of the second marriage, according to
the customs of the tribe, being gone through, the t&#257;li is taken
off; the woman is considered to be a widow, and can marry with some
other man.&rdquo; It is further recorded<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e968src" href="#xd21e968" name="xd21e968src">30</a> of the
Orun&#257;ttu Maravans that &ldquo;the elder or younger sister of the
bridegroom goes to the house of the bride, and, to the sound of the
conch-shell, ties on the t&#257;li; and, early on the following
morning, brings her to the house of the bridegroom. After some time,
occasionally three or four years, when there are indications of
offspring, in the fourth or fifth month, the relatives of the pair
assemble, and perform the ceremony of removing the deficiency; placing
the man and his wife on a seat in public, and having the sacrifice by
fire and other matters conducted by the Pr&#333;hitan (or
Br&#257;hman); <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb39" href="#pb39" name=
"pb39">39</a>]</span>after which the relatives sprinkle seshai rice (or
rice beaten out without any application of water) over the heads of the
pair. The relatives are feasted and otherwise hospitably entertained;
and these in return bestow donations on the pair, from one fanam to one
pagoda. The marriage is then finished. Sometimes, when money for
expenses is wanting, this wedding ceremony is postponed till after the
birth of two or three children. If the first husband dies, another
marriage is customary. Should it so happen that the husband, after the
tying on of the t&#257;li in the first instance, dislikes the object of
his former choice, then the people of their tribe are assembled; she is
conducted back to her mother&rsquo;s house; sheep, oxen, eating-plate,
with brass cup, jewels, ornaments, and whatever else she may have
brought with her from her mother&rsquo;s house, are returned; and the
t&#257;li, which was put on, is broken off and taken away. If the wife
dislikes the husband, then the money he paid, the expenses which he
incurred in the wedding, the t&#257;li which he caused to be bound on
her, are restored to him, and the woman, taking whatsoever she brought
with her, returns to her mother&rsquo;s house, and marries again at her
pleasure.&rdquo;</p>
<p>It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that &ldquo;a
special custom obtaining among the Marava zemindars of Tinnevelly is
mentioned by the Registrar of that district. It is the celebration of
marriage by means of a proxy for the bridegroom in the shape of a
stick, which is sent by the bridegroom, and is set up in the marriage
booth in his place. The t&#257;li is tied by some one representative of
the bridegroom, and the marriage ceremony then becomes complete....
Widow re-marriage is freely allowed and practiced, except in the
Sembun&#257;ttu sub-division.&rdquo; &ldquo;A widow,&rdquo;
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb40" href="#pb40" name=
"pb40">40</a>]</span>Mr. Fawcett writes, &ldquo;may marry her deceased
husband&rsquo;s elder brother, but not a younger brother. If she does
not like him, she may marry some one else.&rdquo;</p>
<p>When a girl reaches puberty, news of the event is conveyed by a
washerman. On the sixteenth day she comes out of seclusion, bathes, and
returns home. At the threshold, her future husband&rsquo;s sister is
standing, and averts the evil eye by waving betel leaves, plantains,
cocoanuts, cooked flour paste (puttu), a vessel filled with water, and
an iron measure containing rice with a style (ambu) stuck in it. The
style is removed by the girl&rsquo;s prospective sister-in-law, who
beats her with it as she enters the house. A feast is held at the
expense of the girl&rsquo;s maternal uncle, who brings a goat, and ties
it to a pole at her house.</p>
<p>Both burial and cremation are practiced by the Maravans. The
Sembun&#257;ttu Maravans of R&#257;mn&#257;d regard the Agamudaiyans as
their servants, and the water, with which the corpse is washed, is
brought by them. Further, it is an Agamudaiyan, and not the son of the
deceased, who carries the fire-pot to the burial-ground. The corpse is
carried thither on a bier or palanquin. The grave is dug by an
&#256;ndi, never by a Pallan or Paraiyan. Salt, powdered brick, and
sacred ashes are placed on the floor thereof and the corpse is placed
in it in a sitting posture. The Kondaiyamkottai Maravans of
R&#257;mn&#257;d, who are stone and brick masons, burn their dead, and,
on their way to the burning-ground, the bearers of the corpse walk over
cloths spread on the ground. On the second or third day, lingams are
made out of the ashes, or of mud from the grave if the corpse has been
buried. To these, as well as to the soul of the deceased, and to the
crows, offerings are made. On the sixteenth day, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb41" href="#pb41" name="pb41">41</a>]</span>nine
kinds of seed-grain are placed over the grave, or the spot where the
corpse was burnt. A Pand&#257;ram sets up five kalasams (brass
vessels), and does p&#363;ja (worship). The son of the deceased, who
officiated as chief mourner, goes to a Pillayar (Gan&#275;sa) shrine,
carrying on his head a pot containing a lighted lamp made of flour. As
he draws near the god, a screen is stretched in front thereof. He then
takes a few steps backwards, the screen is removed, and he worships the
god. He then retires, walking backwards. The flour is distributed among
those present. Presents of new cloths are made to the sons and
daughters of the deceased. In his account of the Kondaiyamkottai
Maravans, Mr. Fawcett gives the following account of the funeral rites.
&ldquo;Sandals having been fastened on the feet, the corpse is carried
in a recumbent position, legs first, to the place of cremation. A
little rice is placed in the mouth, and the relatives put a little
money into a small vessel which is kept beside the chest. The karma
karta (chief mourner) walks thrice round the corpse, carrying an
earthen vessel filled with water, in which two or three holes are
pierced. He allows some water to fall on the corpse, and breaks the pot
near the head, which lies to the south. No Br&#257;hman attends this
part of the ceremony. When he has broken the pot, the karma karta must
not see the corpse again; he goes away at once, and is completely
shaved. The barber takes the cash which has been collected, and lights
the pyre. When he returns to the house, the karma karta prostrates
himself before a lighted lamp; he partakes of no food, except a little
grain and boiled pulse and water, boiled with coarse palm sugar and
ginger. Next day he goes to the place of cremation, picks up such
calcined bones as he finds, and places them in a basket, so that he may
some day throw them in <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb42" href="#pb42"
name="pb42">42</a>]</span>water which is considered to be sacred. On
the eleventh or twelfth day, some grain is sown in two new earthen
vessels which have been broken, and there is continued weeping around
these. On the sixteenth day, the young plants, which have sprouted, are
removed, and put into water, weeping going on all the while; and, after
this has been done, the relatives bathe and enjoy a festive meal, after
which the karma karta is seated on a white cloth, and is presented with
a new cloth and some money by his father-in-law and other relatives who
are present. On the seventeenth day takes place the punyagavachanam or
purification, at which the Br&#257;hman priest presides, and the karma
karta takes an oil bath. The wood of the p&#299;pal tree (<i>Ficus
religiosa</i>) is never used for purposes of cremation.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Concerning the death ceremonies in the Trichinopoly district, Mr. F.
R. Hemingway writes as follows. &ldquo;Before the corpse is removed,
the chief mourner and his wife take two balls of cow-dung, in which the
barber has mixed various kinds of grain, and stick them on to the wall
of the house. These are thrown into water on the eighth day. The
ceremonial is called pattam kattugiradu, or investing with the title,
and indicates the succession to the dead man&rsquo;s estate. A rocket
is fired when the corpse is taken out of the house. On the sixth day, a
pandal (booth) of n&#257;val (<i>Eugenia, Jambolana</i>) leaves is
prepared, and offerings are made in it to the manes of the ancestors of
the family. It is removed on the eighth day, and the chief mourner puts
a turban on, and merry-making and dances are indulged in. There are
ordinarily no karum&#257;ntaram ceremonies, but they are sometimes
performed on the sixteenth day, a Br&#257;hman being called in. On the
return home from these ceremonies, each member of the party has to dip
his toe <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb43" href="#pb43" name=
"pb43">43</a>]</span>into a mortar full of cow-dung water, and the last
man has to knock it down.&rdquo;</p>
<div class="figure xd21e996width" id="pl5-043"><img src=
"images/pl5-043.jpg" alt="Jallikattu bull." width="720" height="536">
<p class="figureHead">Jallikattu bull.</p>
</div>
<p>Among some Kondaiyamkottai Maravans, a ceremony called palaya
karm&#257;ndhiram, or old death ceremony, is performed. Some months
after the death of one who has died an unnatural death, the skull is
exhumed, and placed beneath a pandal (booth) in an open space near the
village. Libations of toddy are indulged in, and the villagers dance
wildly round the head. The ceremony lasts over three days, and the
final death ceremonies are then performed.</p>
<p>For the following account of the jellikattu or bull-baiting, which
is practiced by the Maravans, I am indebted to a note by Mr. J. H.
Nelson.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e1005src" href="#xd21e1005" name=
"xd21e1005src">31</a> &ldquo;This,&rdquo; he writes, &ldquo;is a game
worthy of a bold and free people, and it is to be regretted that
certain Collectors (District Magistrates) should have discouraged it
under the idea that it was somewhat dangerous. The jellikattu is
conducted in the following manner. On a certain day in the year, large
crowds of people, chiefly males, assemble together in the morning in
some extensive open space, the dry bed of a river perhaps, or of a tank
(pond), and many of them may be seen leading ploughing bullocks, of
which the sleek bodies and rather wicked eyes afford clear evidence of
the extra diet they have received for some days in anticipation of the
great event. The owners of these animals soon begin to brag of their
strength and speed, and to challenge all and any to catch and hold
them; and in a short time one of the best beasts is selected to open
the day&rsquo;s proceedings. A new cloth is made fast round his horns,
to be the prize of his captor, and he is then led <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb44" href="#pb44" name="pb44">44</a>]</span>out into
the midst of the arena by his owner, and there left to himself
surrounded by a throng of shouting and excited strangers. Unaccustomed
to this sort of treatment, and excited by the gestures of those who
have undertaken to catch him, the bullock usually lowers his head at
once, and charges wildly into the midst of the crowd, who nimbly run
off on either side to make way for him. His speed being much greater
than that of the men, he soon overtakes one of his enemies and makes at
him to toss him savagely. Upon this the man drops on the sand like a
stone, and the bullock, instead of goring him, leaps over his body, and
rushes after another. The second man drops in his turn, and is passed
like the first; and, after repeating this operation several times, the
beast either succeeds in breaking the ring, and galloping off to his
village, charging every person he meets on the way, or is at last
caught and held by the most vigorous of his pursuers. Strange as it may
seem, the bullocks never by any chance toss or gore any one who throws
himself down on their approach; and the only danger arises from their
accidentally reaching unseen and unheard some one who remains standing.
After the first two or three animals have been let loose one after the
other, two or three, or even half a dozen are let loose at a time, and
the scene quickly becomes most exciting. The crowd sways violently to
and fro in various directions in frantic efforts to escape being
knocked over; the air is filled with shouts, screams, and laughter; and
the bullocks thunder over the plain as fiercely as if blood and
slaughter were their sole occupation. In this way perhaps two or three
hundred animals are run in the course of a day, and, when all go home
towards evening, a few cuts and bruises, borne with the utmost
cheerfulness, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb45" href="#pb45" name=
"pb45">45</a>]</span>are the only results of an amusement which
requires great courage and agility on the part of the competitors for
the prizes&mdash;that is for the cloths and other things tied to the
bullocks&rsquo; horns&mdash;and not a little on the part of the mere
bystanders. The only time I saw this sport (from a place of safety) I
was highly delighted with the entertainment, and no accident occurred
to mar my pleasure. One man indeed was slightly wounded in the buttock,
but he was quite able to walk, and seemed to be as happy as his
friends.&rdquo;</p>
<p>A further account of the jallikat or jellicut is given in the
Gazetteer of the Madura district. &ldquo;The word jallikattu literally
means tying of ornaments. On a day fixed and advertised by beat of
drums at the adjacent weekly markets, a number of cattle, to the horns
of which cloths and handkerchiefs have been tied, are loosed one after
the other, in quick succession, from a large pen or other enclosure,
amid a furious tom-tomming and loud shouts from the crowd of assembled
spectators. The animals have first to run the gauntlet down a long lane
formed of country carts, and then gallop off wildly in every direction.
The game consists in endeavouring to capture the cloths tied to their
horns. To do this requires fleetness of foot and considerable pluck,
and those who are successful are the heroes of the hour. Cuts and
bruises are the reward of those who are less skilful, and now and again
some of the excited cattle charge into the on-lookers, and send a few
of them flying. The sport has been prohibited on more than one
occasion. But, seeing that no one need run any risks unless he chooses,
existing official opinion inclines to the view that it is a pity to
discourage a manly amusement which is not really more dangerous than
football, steeple-chasing, or fox-hunting. The keenness <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb46" href="#pb46" name="pb46">46</a>]</span>of the
more virile sections of the community, especially the Kallans
(<i>q.v.</i>), in this game is extraordinary, and, in many villages,
cattle are bred and reared specially for it. The best jallikats are to
be seen in the Kallan country in Tirumangalam, and next come those in
M&#275;lur and Madura taluks.&rdquo;</p>
<p>&ldquo;Boomerangs,&rdquo; Dr. G. Oppert writes,<a class="noteref"
id="xd21e1021src" href="#xd21e1021" name="xd21e1021src">32</a>
&ldquo;are used by the Maravans and Kallans when hunting deer. The
Madras Museum collection contains three (two ivory, one wooden) from
the Tanjore armoury. In the arsenal of the Puduk&#333;ttai R&#257;ja a
stock of wooden boomerangs is always kept. Their name in Tamil is valai
tade (bent stick).&rdquo; To Mr. R. Bruce Foote, I am indebted for the
following note on the use of the boomerang in the Madura district.
&ldquo;A very favourite weapon of the Madura country is a kind of
curved throwing-stick, having a general likeness to the boomerang of
the Australian aborigines. I have in my collection two of these Maravar
weapons obtained from near Sivaganga. The larger measures
24&#8539;&Prime; along the outer curve, and the chord of the arc
17&#8541;&Prime;. At the handle end is a rather ovate knob
2&frac14;&Prime; long and 1&frac14;&Prime; in its maximum thickness.
The thinnest and smallest part of the weapon is just beyond the knob,
and measures 11/16&Prime; in diameter by 1&#8539;&Prime; in width. From
that point onwards its width increases very gradually to the distal
end, where it measures 2&#8540;&Prime; across and is squarely
truncated. The lateral diameter is greatest three or four inches before
the truncated end, where it measures 1&Prime;. My second specimen is a
little smaller than the above, and is also rather less curved. Both are
made of hard heavy wood, dark reddish brown in colour as seen through
the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb47" href="#pb47" name=
"pb47">47</a>]</span>varnish covering the surface. The wood is said to
be tamarind root. The workmanship is rather rude. I had an opportunity
of seeing these boomerangs in use near Sivaganga in March, 1883. In the
morning I came across many parties, small and large, of men and big
boys who were out hare-hunting with a few dogs. The parties straggled
over the ground, which was sparsely covered with low scrub jungle. And,
whenever an unlucky hare started out near to the hunters, it was
greeted with a volley of the boomerangs, so strongly and dexterously
thrown that poor puss had little chance of escape. I saw several
knocked out of time. On making enquiries as to these hunting parties, I
was told that they were in observance of a semi-religious duty, in
which every Maravar male, not unfitted by age or ill-health, is bound
to participate on a particular day in the year. Whether a dexterous
Maravar thrower could make his weapon return to him I could not find
out. Certainly in none of the throws observed by me was any tendency to
a return perceptible. But for simple straight shots these boomerangs
answer admirably.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The Maravans bear Saivite sectarian marks, but also worship various
minor deities, among whom are included K&#257;li, Karuppan, Muthu
Karuppan, Periya Karuppan, Mathurai V&#299;ran, Aiyanar, and
M&#363;nusw&#257;mi.</p>
<p>The lobes of the ears of Marava females are very elongated as the
result of boring and gradual dilatation during childhood. Mr. (now Sir)
F. A. Nicholson, who was some years ago stationed at Ramn&#257;d, tells
me that the young Maravan princesses used to come and play in his
garden, and, as they ran races, hung on to their ears, lest the heavy
ornaments should rend asunder the filamentous ear lobes. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb48" href="#pb48" name="pb48">48</a>]</span></p>
<p>It was recorded, in 1902, that a young Maravan, who was a member of
the family of the Zemindar of Chokampatti, was the first non-Christian
Maravan to pass the B.A. degree examination at the Madras
University.</p>
<p>The general title of the Maravans is T&#275;van (god), but some
style themselves Talaivan (chief), S&#275;rvaikk&#257;ran (captain),
Karaiy&#257;lan (ruler of the coast), or R&#257;yarvamsam
(R&#257;ja&rsquo;s clan).</p>
<p><b>M&#257;rayan.</b>&mdash;A synonym of M&#257;r&#257;n.</p>
<p><b>M&#257;ri.</b>&mdash;M&#257;ri or M&#257;rimanisaru is a
sub-division of Holeya.</p>
<p><b>M&#257;riyan.</b>&mdash;Said to be a sub-division of
K&#333;lay&#257;n.</p>
<p><b>Markand&#275;ya.</b>&mdash;A g&#333;tra of Padma S&#257;l&#275;
and S&#275;niyan (D&#275;v&#257;nga), named after the rishi or sage
Markand&#275;ya, who was remarkable for his austerities and great age,
and is also known as D&#299;rgh&#257;yus (the long-lived). Some
D&#275;v&#257;ngas and the S&#257;l&#257;pus claim him as their
ancestor.</p>
<p><b>Marri.</b> (Ficus bengalensis).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
M&#257;la and Mutr&#257;cha. Marri-gunta (pond near a fig tree) occurs
as an exogamous sept of Y&#257;n&#257;di.</p>
<p><b>Marumakkath&#257;yam.</b>&mdash;The Malay&#257;lam name for the
law of inheritance through the female line.</p>
<p><b>Marv&#257;ri.</b>&mdash;A territorial name, meaning a native of
Marwar. At times of census, Marv&#257;ri has been returned as a caste
of Jains, i.e., Marv&#257;ris, who are Jains by religion. The
Marv&#257;ris are enterprising traders, who have settled in various
parts of Southern India, and are, in the city of Madras,
money-lenders.</p>
<p><b>M&#257;s&#257;dika.</b>&mdash;A synonym for N&#257;dava Bant.</p>
<p><b>M&#257;sila</b> (m&#257;si, dirt).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
D&#275;v&#257;nga.</p>
<p><b>Masth&#257;n.</b>&mdash;A Muhammadan title, meaning a saint,
returned at times of census. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb49" href=
"#pb49" name="pb49">49</a>]</span></p>
<p><b>M&#257;stiga.</b>&mdash;The M&#257;stigas are described by the
Rev. J. Cain<a class="noteref" id="xd21e1081src" href="#xd21e1081"
name="xd21e1081src">33</a> as mendicants and bards, who beg from
Gollas, M&#257;las, and M&#257;digas. I am informed that they are also
known as M&#257;la M&#257;stigas, as they are supposed to be
illegitimate descendants of the M&#257;las, and usually beg from them.
When engaged in begging, they perform various contortionist and
acrobatic feats.</p>
<p><b>Matam</b> (monastery, or religious institution).&mdash;An
exogamous sept of D&#275;v&#257;nga.</p>
<p><b>M&#257;tanga.</b>&mdash;M&#257;tanga or M&#257;tangi is a synonym
of M&#257;diga. The M&#257;digas sometimes call themselves M&#257;tangi
Makkalu, or children of M&#257;tangi, who is their favourite goddess.
M&#257;tangi is further the name of certain dedicated prostitutes, who
are respected by the M&#257;diga community.</p>
<p><b>Matavan.</b>&mdash;Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report,
1901, as a name for the Pulikkapanikkan sub-division of N&#257;yar.</p>
<p><b>Matsya</b> (fish).&mdash;A sept of D&#333;mb.</p>
<p><b>Mattiya.</b>&mdash;The Mattiyas are summed up as follows in the
Madras Census Report, 1901. &ldquo;In Vizagapatam these are hill
cultivators from the Central Provinces, who are stated in one account
to be a sub-division of the Gonds. Some of them wear the sacred thread,
because the privilege was conferred upon their families by former
R&#257;jas of Malkanagiri, where they reside. They are said to eat with
R&#333;nas, drink with Porojas, but smoke only with their own people.
The name is said to denote workers in mud (matti), and in Ganjam they
are apparently earth-workers and labourers. In the Census Report, 1871,
it is noted that the Matiy&#257;s are &lsquo;altogether superior to the
Kois and to the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb50" href="#pb50" name=
"pb50">50</a>]</span>Parj&#257;s (Porojas). They say they sprang from
the soil, and go so far as to point out a hole, out of which their
ancestor came. They talk Uriy&#257;, and farm their lands
well&rsquo;&rdquo;</p>
<p>For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The
caste is divided into at least four septs, named Bh&#257;g (tiger),
N&#257;g (cobra), Ch&#275;li (goat), and Kochchimo (tortoise). A man
may claim his paternal aunt&rsquo;s daughter in marriage. Girls are, as
a rule, married after puberty. When a match is contemplated, the
would-be husband presents a pot of liquor to the girl&rsquo;s parents.
If this is accepted, a further present of liquor, rice, and a pair of
cloths, is made later on. The liquor is distributed among the
villagers, who, by accepting it, indicate their consent to the transfer
of the girl to the man. A procession, with D&#333;mbs acting as
musicians, is formed, and the girl is taken to the bridegroom&rsquo;s
village. A pandal (booth) has been erected in front of the
bridegroom&rsquo;s house, which the contracting couple enter on the
following morning. Their hands are joined together by the presiding
D&#275;s&#257;ri, they bathe in turmeric water, and new cloths are
given to them. Wearing these, they enter the house, the bridegroom
leading the bride. Their relations then exhort them to be constant to
each other, and behave well towards them. A feast follows, and the
night is spent in dancing and drinking. Next day, the bride&rsquo;s
parents are sent away with a present of a pair of cows or bulls as
jholla tonka. The remarriage of widows is allowed, and a younger
brother usually marries the widow of his elder brother. Divorce is
permitted, and, when a husband separates from his wife, he gives her a
new cloth and a bullock as compensation. A divorced woman may remarry.
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb51" href="#pb51" name=
"pb51">51</a>]</span></p>
<p>By the Mattiyas, and other Oriya castes, the ghorojavai (house
son-in-law) custom is practiced. According to this custom, the poorer
folk, in search of a wife, work, according to a contract, for their
future father-in-law for a specified time, at the expiration of which
they set up a separate establishment with his daughter. To begin
married life with, presents are made to the couple by the
father-in-law.</p>
<p>The dead are burnt, and the spot where cremation takes place is
marked by setting up in the ground a bamboo pole, to which one of the
dead man&rsquo;s rags is attached. The domestic pots, which were used
during his last illness, are broken there. Death pollution is observed
for eight days. On the ninth day, the ashes, mixed with water, are
cleared up, and milk is poured over the spot. The ashes are sometimes
buried in a square hole, which is dug to a depth of about three feet,
and filled in. Over it a small hut-like structure is raised. A few of
these sepulchral monuments may be seen on the south side of the
Pang&#257;m stream on the Jeypore-Malkangiri road. The personal names
of the Mattiyas are often taken from the day of the week on which they
are born.</p>
<p><b>M&#257;vil&#257;n.</b>&mdash;Described, in the Madras Census
Report, 1901, as a small tribe of shik&#257;ris (hunters) and
herbalists, who follow makkath&#257;yam (inheritance from father to
son), and speak corrupt Tulu. Tulum&#257;r (native of the Tulu
country), and Chingatt&#257;n (lion-hearted people) were returned as
sub-divisions. &ldquo;The name,&rdquo; Mr. H. A. Stuart
writes,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e1118src" href="#xd21e1118" name=
"xd21e1118src">34</a> &ldquo;is said to be derived from
m&#257;vil&#257;vu, a medicinal herb. I think, however, the real
derivation must be sought in Tulu or Canarese, as it seems to be a
Canarese caste. These people are found only in the <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb52" href="#pb52" name=
"pb52">52</a>]</span>Chirakkal t&#257;luk of Malabar. Their present
occupation is basket-making. Succession is from father to son, but
among some it is also said to be in the female line.&rdquo;</p>
<p>It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that the
M&#257;vil&#333;ns are &ldquo;divided into Tulu Mavil&#333;ns and Eda
Mavil&#333;ns, and sub-divided into thirty illams. They are employed as
mahouts (drivers of elephants), and collect honey and other forest
produce. Their headmen are called Chingam (simham, lion), and their
huts M&#257;pura.&rdquo;</p>
<p><b>Mayal&#333;tilu</b> (rascal).&mdash;Mayal&#333;tilu or
Manjul&#333;tilu is said by the Rev. J. Cain to be a name given by the
hill K&#333;yis to the K&#333;yis who live near the God&#257;vari
river.</p>
<p><b>Mayan.</b>&mdash;Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, as a
synonym of Kamm&#257;lan. The Kamsali goldsmiths claim descent from
Maya.</p>
<p><b>M&#275;da</b>, <b>M&#275;dara</b>, <b>M&#275;darlu</b>, or
<b>M&#275;darak&#257;ran.</b>&mdash;The M&#275;daras are workers in
bamboo in the Telugu, Canarese, Oriya and Tamil countries, making
sieves, baskets, cradles, mats, fans, boxes, umbrellas, and tatties
(screens). Occasionally they receive orders for waste-paper baskets,
coffins for Native Christian children, or cages for pigeons and
parrots. In former days they made basket-caps for sepoys. They are said
to cut the bamboos in the forest on dark nights, in the belief that
they would be damaged if cut at any other time. They do not, like the
Korachas, make articles from the leaf of the date-palm
(<i>Ph&oelig;nix</i>).</p>
<p>They believe that they came from Mah&#275;ndr&#257;ch&#257;la
mountain, the mountain of Indra, and the following legend is current
among them. Dakshudu, the father-in-law of Siva, went to invite his
son-in-law to a devotional sacrifice, which he was about to perform.
Siva was in a state of meditation, and did not visibly return the
obeisance which Dakshudu made by raising his hands to his forehead.
Dakshudu became angry, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb53" href="#pb53"
name="pb53">53</a>]</span>and told his people not to receive Siva or
his wife, or show them any mark of respect. Parvati, Siva&rsquo;s wife,
went with her son Ganapati, against her husband&rsquo;s order, to the
sacrifice, and received no sign of recognition. Thereat she shed tears,
and the earth opened, and she disappeared. She was again born of
Himavant (Him&#257;layas), and Siva, telling her who she was, remarried
her. Siva, in reply to her enquiries, told her that she could avoid a
further separation from him if she performed a religious vow, and gave
cakes to Br&#257;hmans in a chata, or winnowing basket. She accordingly
made a basket of gold, which was not efficacious, because, as Siva
explained to her, it was not plaited, as bamboo baskets are. Taking his
serpent, Siva turned it into a bamboo. He ordered Ganapati, and others,
to become men, and gave them his trisula and ghada to work with on
bamboo, from which they plaited a basket for the completion of
Parvati&rsquo;s vow. Ganapati and the G&#257;nas remained on the
Mah&#275;ndr&#257;ch&#257;la mountain, and married Gandarva women, who
bore children to them. Eventually they were ordered by Siva to return,
and, as they could not take their wives and families with them, they
told them to earn their livelihood by plaiting bamboo articles. Hence
they were called Mah&#275;ndrulu or M&#275;darlu. According to another
legend,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e1153src" href="#xd21e1153" name=
"xd21e1153src">35</a> Parvati once wanted to perform the ceremony
called gaurin&#333;mu, and, wanting a winnow, was at a loss to know how
to secure one. She asked Siva to produce a man who could make one, and
he ordered his riding-ox Vrishaban to produce such a person by chewing.
Vrishaban complied, and the ancestor of the M&#275;daras, being
informed of the wish of the goddess, took the snake which formed
Siva&rsquo;s necklace, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb54" href="#pb54"
name="pb54">54</a>]</span>and, going to a hill, planted its head in the
ground. A bamboo at once sprang up on the spot, which, after returning
the snake to its owner, the man used for making a winnow. The
snake-like root of the bamboo is regarded as a proof of the truth of
the story.</p>
<p>As among many other castes, opprobrious names are given to children.
For example, a boy, whose elder brother has died, may be called
Pentayya (dung-heap). As a symbol of his being a dung-heap child, the
infant, as soon as it is born, is placed on a leaf-platter. Other names
are Thavvayya, or boy bought for bran, and Pakiru, mendicant. In a case
where a male child had been ill for some months, a woman, under the
influence of the deity, announced that he was possessed by the goddess
Ankamma. The boy accordingly had the name of the goddess conferred on
him.</p>
<p>The following are some of the g&#333;tras and exogamous septs of the
M&#275;daras:&mdash;</p>
<p><i>(a) G&#333;tras.</i></p>
<div class="table">
<table>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft cellTop">Hanumanta (monkey-god).</td>
<td class="cellRight cellTop">Bombadai (a fish).</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Puli (tiger).</td>
<td class="cellRight">Vin&#257;yaka (Gan&#275;sa).</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Th&#257;gen&#299;lu (drinking water).</td>
<td class="cellRight">K&#257;si (Benares).</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Avisa (<i>Sesbania grandiflora</i>).</td>
<td class="cellRight">Moduga (<i>Butea frondosa</i>).</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">R&#275;la (<i>Ficus</i>).</td>
<td class="cellRight">Kovila (koel or cuckoo).</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft cellBottom">S&#275;shai (snake?).</td>
</tr>
</table>
</div>
<p><i>(b) Exogamous septs.</i></p>
<div class="table">
<table>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft cellTop">Pilli (cat).</td>
<td class="cellRight cellTop">Nuvvulu (gingelly).</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Parvatham (mountain).</td>
<td class="cellRight">Senagapapu (Bengal gram).</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Putta (ant-hill).</td>
<td class="cellRight">Tsanda (subscription).</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Konda (mountain).</td>
<td class="cellRight">N&#299;la (blue).</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Jav&#257;di (civet-cat).</td>
<td class="cellRight">Sirigiri (a hill).</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Nandikattu (bull&rsquo;s mouth).</td>
<td class="cellRight">Kanigiri (a hill).</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Kandikattu (dh&#257;l soup).</td>
<td class="cellRight">P&#333;thu (male).</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Kottakunda (new pot).</td>
<td class="cellRight">N&#257;gin&#299;du (snake).</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Pooreti (a bird).</td>
<td class="cellRight">Kola (ear of corn).</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft cellBottom">Kall&#363;ri (stone village).</td>
</tr>
</table>
</div>
<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb55" href="#pb55" name=
"pb55">55</a>]</span></p>
<p>A man most frequently marries his maternal uncle&rsquo;s daughter,
less frequently the daughter of his paternal aunt. Marriage with a
deceased wife&rsquo;s sister is regarded with special favour. Marriage
with two living sisters, if one of them is suffering from disease, is
common.</p>
<p>In a note on the M&#275;daras of the Vizagapatam district, Mr. C.
Hayavadana Rao writes that girls are married before or after puberty. A
Br&#257;hman officiates at the marriage ceremonies. Widows are allowed
to remarry once, and the satham&#257;nam (marriage badge) is tied by
the new husband on the neck of the bride, who has, as in the
G&#363;dala caste, to sit near a mortar.</p>
<p>Formerly all the M&#275;daras were Saivites, but many are at the
present day Vaishnavites, and even the Vaishnavites worship Siva. Every
family has some special person or persons whom they worship, for
example, V&#299;rullu, or boys who have died unmarried. A silver image
is made, and kept in a basket. It is taken out on festive occasions, as
before a marriage in a family, and offerings of milk and rice gruel are
made to it. B&#257;la P&#275;rant&#257;lu, or girls who have died
before marriage, and P&#275;rant&#257;lu, or women who have died before
their husbands, are worshipped with fruits, turmeric, rice, cocoanuts,
etc.</p>
<p>Some of the Saivites bury their dead in a sitting posture, while
others resort to cremation. All the Vaishnavites burn the dead, and,
like the Saivites, throw the ashes into a river. The place of burning
or burial is not as a rule marked by any stone or mound. But, if the
family can afford it, a tulsi fort is built, and the tulsi (<i>Ocimum
sanctum</i>) planted therein. In the Vizagapatam district, death
pollution is said to last for three days, during which the caste
occupation is not carried out. On the third day, a fowl is killed, and
food cooked. It <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb56" href="#pb56" name=
"pb56">56</a>]</span>is taken to the spot where the corpse was burnt,
on which a portion is thrown, and the remainder eaten.</p>
<p>The potency of charms in warding off evil spirits is believed in.
For example, a figure of Hanum&#257;n the monkey-god, on a thin plate
of gold, with cabalistic letters inscribed on it, is worn on the neck.
And, on eclipse days, the root of the madar or arka plant
(<i>Calotropis gigantea</i>), enclosed in a gold casket, is worn on the
neck of females, and on the waist or arms of males. Some members of
this, as of other castes, may be seen with cicatrices on the forehead,
chest, back, or neck. These are the scars resulting from branding
during infancy with lighted turmeric or cheroot, to cure infantile
convulsions, resulting, it is believed, from inhaling tobacco smoke in
small, ill-ventilated rooms.</p>
<p>Various legends are current in connection with tribal heroes. One
M&#275;dara Chennayya is said to have fed some thousands of people with
a potful of rice. His grandson, M&#275;dara Thodayya, used to do
basket-making, and bathed three times daily. A Br&#257;hman, afflicted
with leprosy, lost a calf. In searching for it, he fell into a ditch
filled with water, in which the M&#275;dara had bathed, and was cured.
One M&#275;dara K&#275;thayya and his wife were very poor, but
charitable. In order to test him, the god Iswara made grains of gold
appear in large quantities in the hollow of a bamboo, which he cut. He
avoided the bamboos as being full of vermin, and useless. At some
distance, he found an ant-hill with a bamboo growing in it, and,
knowing that bamboos growing on such a hill will not be attacked by
vermin, cut it. In so doing, he cut off the head of a Rishi, who was
doing penance. Detecting the crime of which he had been guilty, he
cried &ldquo;Siva, Siva.&rdquo; His wife, who was miles away, heard
him, and, knowing that he must be in some <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb57" href="#pb57" name="pb57">57</a>]</span>trouble, went to the
spot. He asked her how he was to expiate his sin, and she replied.
&ldquo;You have taken a life, and must give one in return.&rdquo; He
thereon prepared to commit suicide, but his wife, taking the knife from
him, was about to sacrifice herself when Iswara appeared, restored the
Rishi to life, and took M&#275;dara K&#275;thayya and his wife to
heaven.</p>
<p>As among many other castes, the sthambamuhurtham (putting up the
post) ceremony is performed when the building of a new house is
commenced, and the deeparathana (lamp-worship) before it is occupied.
In every settlement there is a Kulapedda, or hereditary caste headman,
who has, among other things, the power of inflicting fines, sentencing
to excommunication, and inflicting punishments for adultery, eating
with members of lower castes, etc. Excommunication is a real
punishment, as the culprit is not allowed to take bamboo, or mess with
his former castemen. In the Kistna and God&#257;vari districts, serious
disputes, which the local panch&#257;yat (council) cannot decide, are
referred to the headman at Masulipatam, who at present is a native
doctor. There are no trials by ordeal. The usual form of oath is
&ldquo;Where ten are, there God is. In his presence I say.&rdquo;</p>
<p>When a girl reaches puberty, she has to sit in a room on five fresh
palmyra palm leaves, bathes in turmeric water, and may not eat salt. If
there is &ldquo;leg&rsquo;s presentation&rdquo; at childbirth, the
infant&rsquo;s maternal uncle should not hear the infant cry until the
shanti ceremony has been performed. A Br&#257;hman recites some
mantrams, and the reflection of the infant&rsquo;s face is first seen
by the uncle from the surface of oil in a plate. Widow remarriage is
permitted. A widow can be recognised by her not wearing the t&#257;li,
g&#257;zulu (glass bangles), and mettu (silver ring on the second toe).
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb58" href="#pb58" name=
"pb58">58</a>]</span></p>
<p>The lowest castes with which the M&#275;daras will eat are, they
say, K&#333;matis and Velamas. Some say that they will eat with
S&#257;t&#257;nis,</p>
<p>In the Coorg country, the M&#275;daras are said to subsist by
umbrella-making. They are the drummers at Coorg festivals, and it is
their privilege to receive annually at harvest-time from each Coorg
house of their district as much reaped paddy as they can bind up with a
rope twelve cubits in length. They dress like the Coorgs, but in poorer
style.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e1293src" href="#xd21e1293" name=
"xd21e1293src">36</a></p>
<p>It is recorded by Bishop Whitehead<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1298src" href="#xd21e1298" name="xd21e1298src">37</a> that,
&ldquo;in Merc&#257;ra t&#257;luk, in Ippanivolavade, and in Kadikeri
in Halerinad, the villagers sacrifice a k&#333;na or male buffalo. Tied
to a tree in a gloomy grove near the temple, the beast is killed by a
M&#275;da, who cuts off its head with a large knife, but no Coorgs are
present at the time. The blood is spilled on a stone under a tree, and
the flesh eaten by M&#275;das.&rdquo;</p>
<p>At the Census, 1901, Gauriga was returned as a sub-caste by some
M&#275;daras, The better classes are taking to call themselves Balijas,
and affix the title Chetti to their names. The Godagula workers in
split bamboo sometimes call themselves Odd&#275; (Oriya)
M&#275;dara.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e1303src" href="#xd21e1303"
name="xd21e1303src">38</a></p>
<p><b>M&#275;da</b> (raised mound).&mdash;An exogamous sept of Padma
S&#257;l&#275;.</p>
<p><b>Medam</b> (fight).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
D&#275;v&#257;nga.</p>
<p><b>Mehtar.&mdash;</b>A few Mehtars are returned, in the Madras
Census Report, 1901, as a Central Provinces caste of scavengers.
&ldquo;This name,&rdquo; Yule and Burnell write,<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1318src" href="#xd21e1318" name="xd21e1318src">39</a> &ldquo;is
usual in Bengal, especially for the domestic <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb59" href="#pb59" name="pb59">59</a>]</span>servant
of this class. The word is Pers., comp. mihtar (Lat. major), a great
personage, a prince, and has been applied to the class in question in
irony, or rather in consolation. But the name has so completely adhered
in this application, that all sense of either irony or consolation has
perished. Mehtar is a sweeper, and nought else. His wife is the
Matranee. It is not unusual to hear two Mehtars hailing each other as
Mah&#257;r&#257;j!&rdquo;</p>
<p><b>Meik&#257;val</b> (body-guard of the god).&mdash;A name for
Pand&#257;rams.</p>
<p><b>M&#275;kala</b> (goats).&mdash;Recorded as an exogamous sept of
B&#333;ya, Chenchu, Golla, Kamma, K&#257;pu, Togata, and
Y&#257;n&#257;di. Nerigi M&#275;kala (a kind of goat) is a further sept
of Y&#257;n&#257;di.</p>
<p><b>M&#275;khri</b>.<b>&mdash;</b>A sub-division of Nav&#257;yat
Muhammadans.</p>
<p><b>M&#275;l&#257;chch&#275;ri</b>.<b>&mdash;</b>A class of
Muhammadans in the Laccadive islands (<i>see</i> M&#257;ppilla).</p>
<p><b>M&#275;ladava</b>.<b>&mdash;</b>Dancing-girls in South
Canara.</p>
<p><b>M&#275;lakk&#257;ran</b>.<b>&mdash;</b>Concerning the
M&#275;lakk&#257;rans, Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes as follows.<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e1363src" href="#xd21e1363" name=
"xd21e1363src">40</a> &ldquo;The name means musicians, and, as far as
Tanjore is concerned, is applied to two absolutely distinct castes, the
Tamil and Telugu M&#275;lakk&#257;rans (of whom the latter are barber
musicians). These two will not eat in each other&rsquo;s houses, and
their views about dining with other castes are similar. They say they
would mess (in a separate room) in a Vell&#257;lan&rsquo;s house, and
would dine with a Kallan, but it is doubtful whether any but the lower
non-Br&#257;hman communities would eat with them. In other respects the
two castes are quite different. The former speak Tamil, and, in most of
their customs, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb60" href="#pb60" name=
"pb60">60</a>]</span>resemble generally the Vell&#257;lans and other
higher Tamil castes, while the latter speak Telugu, and follow domestic
practices similar to those of the Telugu Br&#257;hmans. Both are
musicians. The Telugus practice only the musician&rsquo;s art or
periyam&#275;lam (band composed of clarionet or n&#257;gasaram, pipe,
drum, and cymbals), having nothing to do with dancing or dancing-girls,
to whom the chinnam&#275;lam or nautch music is appropriate. The Tamil
caste provides, or has adopted all the dancing-girls in the district.
The daughters of these women are generally brought up to their
mother&rsquo;s profession, but the daughters of the men of the
community rarely nowadays become dancing-girls, but are ordinarily
married to members of the caste. The Tamil M&#275;lakk&#257;rans
perform both the periyam&#275;lam and the nautch music. The latter
consists of vocal music performed by a chorus of both sexes to the
accompaniment of the pipe and cymbals. The class who perform it are
called Nattuvans, and they are the instructors of the dancing-women.
The periyam&#275;lam always finds a place at weddings, but the nautch
is a luxury. Nowadays the better musicians hold themselves aloof from
the dancing-women. Both castes have a high opinion of their own social
standing. Indeed the Tamil section say they are really Kallans,
Vell&#257;lans, Agamudaiyans, and so on, and that their profession is
merely an accident.&rdquo; The Vair&#257;vi, or temple servant of
N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis, must be a M&#275;lakk&#257;ran.</p>
<p><b>Mellikallu</b>.<b>&mdash;</b>Under the name Mellikallu or
Mallekalu, seventy-six individuals are returned, in the Madras Census
Report, 1901, as &ldquo;hill cultivators in Pedak&#333;ta village of
V&#299;ravalli t&#257;luk of the Vizagapatam Agency, who are reported
to constitute a caste by themselves. They pollute by touch, have their
own priests, and eat pork but not beef.&rdquo; <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb61" href="#pb61" name="pb61">61</a>]</span></p>
<p><b>M&#275;ln&#257;du</b>.<b>&mdash;</b>M&#275;ln&#257;du, or
M&#275;ln&#257;tar, meaning western country, is the name of a
territorial sub-division of Kallan and Sh&#257;n&#257;n.</p>
<p><b>M&#275;lu Sakkare</b>.<b>&mdash;</b>A name, meaning western
Sakkare, by which Upparas in Mysore style themselves. They claim
descent from a mythical individual, named Sagara, who dug the Bay of
Bengal. Some Upparas explain that they work in salt, which is more
essential than sugar, and that M&#275;l Sakkara means superior
sugar.</p>
<p><b>M&#275;man</b>.<b>&mdash;</b>More than three hundred members of
this Muhammadan class of Bombay traders were returned at the Madras
Census, 1901. It is recorded, in the Bombay Gazetteer, that many Cutch,
M&#275;mans are prospering as traders in Kurrachee, Bombay, the Malabar
coast, Hyderabad, Madras, Calcutta, and Zanzibar.</p>
<p><b>Menasu</b> (pepper or chillies).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
Kuruba, and g&#333;tra of Kurni.</p>
<p><b>M&#275;n&#333;kki</b> (overseer).&mdash;M&#275;n&#333;kki and
M&#275;n&#333;ki have been returned, in the Travancore and Cochin
Census Reports, as a sub-division of N&#257;yars, who are employed as
accountants in temples. The name is derived from m&#275;l, above,
n&#333;kki, from n&#333;kkunnu to look after.</p>
<p><b>M&#275;n&#333;n</b>.<b>&mdash;</b>By Wigram,<a class="noteref"
id="xd21e1412src" href="#xd21e1412" name="xd21e1412src">41</a>
M&#275;n&#333;n is defined as &ldquo;a title originally conferred by
the Zamorin on his agents and writers. It is now used by all classes of
N&#257;yars. In Malabar, the village karnam (accountant) is called
M&#275;n&#333;n.&rdquo; In the Travancore Census Report, 1901,
M&#275;n&#333;n is said to be &ldquo;a contraction of M&#275;navan (a
superior person). The title was conferred upon several families by the
R&#257;j&#257; of Cochin, and corresponds to <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb62" href="#pb62" name="pb62">62</a>]</span>Pillai
down south. As soon as a person was made a M&#275;n&#333;n, he was
presented with an &#333;la (palmyra leaf for writing on) and an iron
style, as symbolical of the office he was expected to fill,
<i>i.e.</i>, of an accountant. Even now, in British Malabar, each
amsham or revenue village has a writer or accountant, who is called
M&#275;n&#333;n.&rdquo; Mr. F. Fawcett writes<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1420src" href="#xd21e1420" name="xd21e1420src">42</a> that
&ldquo;to those of the sub-clan attached to the Zamorin who were
sufficiently capable to earn it, he gave the titular honour
M&#275;n&#333;n, to be used as an affix to the name. The title
M&#275;n&#333;n is in general hereditary, but, be it remarked, many who
now use it are not entitled to do so. Properly speaking, only those
whose investiture by the Zamorin or some other recognized chief is
undisputed, and their descendants (in the female line) may use it. A
man known to me was invested with the title M&#275;n&#333;n in 1895 by
the Karimpuzha chief, who, in the presence of a large assembly, said
thrice &lsquo;From this day forward I confer on Krishnan N&#257;yar the
title of Krishna M&#275;n&#333;n.&rsquo; Nowadays be it said, the title
M&#275;n&#333;n is used by N&#257;yars of clans other than the Akattu
Charna.&rdquo; Indian undergraduates at the English Universities, with
names such as Krishna M&#275;n&#333;n, R&#257;man M&#275;n&#333;n,
R&#257;munni M&#275;n&#333;n, are known as Mr. M&#275;n&#333;n. In the
same way, Mar&#257;tha students are called by their titular name Mr.
Rao.</p>
<p><b>M&#275;ra</b>.&mdash;A sub-division of Holeya.</p>
<p><b>Meria</b>.&mdash;At the Madras Census, 1901, twenty-five
individuals returned themselves as Meria or Merak&#257;ya. They were
descendants of persons who were reserved for human (Meriah) sacrifice,
but rescued by Government officials in the middle of the last century.
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb63" href="#pb63" name=
"pb63">63</a>]</span></p>
<p><b>M&#275;sta</b>.<b>&mdash;</b>A name taken by some
Chapt&#275;g&#257;ras (carpenters) in South Canara.</p>
<p><b>M&#275;stri</b>.<b>&mdash;</b>A title of Semm&#257;ns and other
Tamil classes. The P&#257;n&#257;n tailors are said to be also called
M&#275;stris. Concerning the word m&#275;stri, or maistry, Yule and
Burnell write as follows.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e1447src" href=
"#xd21e1447" name="xd21e1447src">43</a> &ldquo;This word, a corruption
of the Portuguese Mestre, has spread into the vernaculars all over
India, and is in constant Anglo-Indian use. Properly a foreman, a
master-worker. In W. and S. India maistry, as used in the household,
generally means the cook or the tailor.&rdquo;</p>
<p><b>Mettu Kamsali</b>.<b>&mdash;</b>A synonym of Ojali blacksmith,
Mettu means shoes or sandals.</p>
<p><b>Mh&#257;llo</b>.<b>&mdash;</b>A name for Konkani barbers.</p>
<p><b>Midathala</b> (locust).&mdash;An exogamous sept of B&#333;ya and
M&#257;diga.</p>
<p><b>Middala or Meddala</b> (storeyed house).&mdash;An exogamous sept
of Padma S&#257;l&#275;.</p>
<p><b>Midichi</b> (locust).&mdash;A g&#333;tra of Kurni.</p>
<p><b>M&#299;la</b>.<b>&mdash;</b>The M&#299;las are a fishing caste in
Ganjam and Vizagapatam, for the following note on whom I am indebted to
Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The name M&#299;lav&#257;ndlu, by which they are
commonly known, means fishermen. They also call themselves
&#332;dav&#257;ndlu, because they go out to sea, fishing from boats
(&#333;da). When they become wealthy, they style themselves &#332;da
Balijas. The caste is divided into numerous exogamous septs, among
which are dh&#333;ni (boat), and t&#333;ta (garden). The custom of
m&#275;narikam, according to which a man should marry his maternal
uncle&rsquo;s daughter, is in force, and a man may also marry his
sister&rsquo;s daughter. Girls are generally married after puberty.
Gold jewellery is <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb64" href="#pb64"
name="pb64">64</a>]</span>presented in lieu of money as the bride-price
(v&#333;li). On the occasion of a marriage, half a dozen males and
females go to the house of the bride, where they are entertained at a
feast. She is conducted to the home of the bridegroom. A plank is
placed at the entrance to the house, on which the bride and bridegroom
take their seats. After they have bathed, new cloths are presented to
them, and the old ones given to the barber. They then sit once more on
the plank, and the caste headman, called the Ejaman, takes up the
satham&#257;nam (marriage badge), which is passed round among those
assembled. It is finally tied by the bridegroom on the bride&rsquo;s
neck. The remarriage of widows is recognised. Each village has an
Ejaman, who, in addition to officiating at weddings, presides over
council meetings, collects fines, etc. The caste goddess is
P&#333;lamma, to whom animal sacrifices are offered, and in whose
honour an annual festival is held. The expenses thereof are met by
public subscription and private donations. The dead are burnt, and a
S&#257;t&#257;ni officiates at funerals. Death pollution is not
observed. On the twelfth day after death, the pedda r&#333;zu (big day)
ceremony is performed. The caste titles are Anna and Ayya.</p>
<p><b>Milaku</b> (pepper: <i>Piper nigrum</i>).&mdash;A tree or kothu
of Kondaiyamkotti Maravans.</p>
<p><b>Milikh&#257;n</b>.<b>&mdash;</b>A class of Muhammadan pilots and
sailors in the Laccadive Islands (<i>see</i> M&#257;ppilla).</p>
<p><b>M&#299;nalav&#257;ru</b> (fish people).&mdash;An exogamous sept
of B&#275;dar or B&#333;ya. M&#299;n (fish) Palli occurs as a name for
Pallis who have settled in the Telugu country, and adopted fishing as
their profession.</p>
<p><b>Minchu</b> (metal toe-ring).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
Kuruba.</p>
<p><b>Mini</b> (leather rope).&mdash;A g&#333;tra of Kurni.
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb65" href="#pb65" name=
"pb65">65</a>]</span></p>
<p><b>M&#299;npidi</b> (fish-catching).&mdash;A sub-division of
P&#257;nan.</p>
<p><b>Mirapak&#257;ya</b> (<i>Capsicum frutescens</i>).&mdash;An
exogamous sept of B&#333;ya.</p>
<p><b>Mirigani.&mdash;</b>A sub-division of D&#333;mb.</p>
<p><b>Miriy&#257;la</b> (pepper).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
Balija.</p>
<p><b>Mir Shikari.&mdash;</b>A synonym of Kurivikk&#257;ran.</p>
<p><b>M&#299;s&#257;la</b> (whiskers).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
B&#333;ya.</p>
<p><b>M&#299;se</b> (moustache).&mdash;An exogamous sept of Kuruba.</p>
<p><b>Mochi.&mdash;</b><i>See</i> Mucchi.</p>
<p><b>Modik&#257;ran.&mdash;</b>The name sometimes applied to
N&#333;kkan mendicants, who dabble in jugglery. Modi is a trial of
magical powers between two persons, in which the hiding of money is the
essential thing.</p>
<p><b>M&#333;duga</b> (<i>Butea frondosa</i>).&mdash;A g&#333;tra of
M&#275;dara.</p>
<p><b>Mog&#275;r.&mdash;</b>The Mog&#275;rs are the Tulu-speaking
fishermen of the South Canara district, who, for the most part, follow
the aliya sant&#257;na law of inheritance (in the female line), though
some who are settled in the northern part of the district speak
Canarese, and follow the makkala sant&#257;na law (inheritance from
father to son).</p>
<p>The Mog&#275;rs are largely engaged in sea-fishing, and are also
employed in the Government fish-curing yards. On the occasion of an
inspection of one of these yards at Mangalore, my eye caught sight of
the saw of a sawfish (<i>Pristis</i>) hanging on the wall of the
office. Enquiry elicited that it was used as a &ldquo;threatening
instrument&rdquo; in the yard. The ticket-holders were M&#257;ppillas
and Mog&#275;rs. I was informed that some of the Mog&#275;rs used the
hated thattu vala or &#257;chi vala (tapping net), in using which the
sides of the boats are beaten with sticks, to drive the fish into the
net. Those who object to this method of fishing maintain that the noise
made with the sticks frightens away the shoals of mackerel and
sardines. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb66" href="#pb66" name=
"pb66">66</a>]</span>A few years ago, the nets were cut to pieces, and
thrown into the sea, as a protest against their employment. A free
fight ensued, with the result that nineteen individuals were sentenced
to a fine of fifty rupees, and three months&rsquo; imprisonment. In
connection with my inspections of fisheries, the following quaint
official report was submitted. &ldquo;The Mogers about the town of
Udipi are bound to supply the revenue and magisterial establishment of
the town early in the morning every day a number of fishes strung to a
piece of rope. The custom was originated by a Tahsildar (Native revenue
officer) about twenty years ago, when the Tahsildar wielded the powers
of the magistrate and the revenue officer, and was more than a tyrant,
if he so liked&mdash;when rich and poor would tremble at the name of an
unscrupulous Tahsildar. The Tahsildar is divested of his magisterial
powers, and to the law-abiding and punctual is not more harmful than
the dormouse. But the custom continues, and the official, who, of all
men, can afford to pay for what he eats, enjoys the privileges akin to
those of the time of Louis XIV&rsquo;s court, and the poor fisherman
has to toil by night to supply the rich official&rsquo;s table with a
delicious dish about gratis.&rdquo; A curious custom at Cannanore in
Malabar may be incidentally referred to. Writing in 1873, Dr. Francis
Day states<a class="noteref" id="xd21e1576src" href="#xd21e1576" name=
"xd21e1576src">44</a> that &ldquo;at Cannanore, the Rajah&rsquo;s cat
appears to be exercising a deleterious influence on one branch at least
of the fishing, viz., that for sharks. It appears that, in olden times,
one fish daily was taken from each boat as a perquisite for the
Rajah&rsquo;s cat, or the poocha meen (cat fish) collection. The cats
apparently have not augmented so much as the fishing boats, so this has
been commuted into a <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb67" href="#pb67"
name="pb67">67</a>]</span>money payment of two pies a day on each
successful boat. In addition to this, the Rajah annually levies a tax
of Rs. 2&ndash;4&ndash;0 on every boat. Half of the sharks&rsquo; fins
are also claimed by the Rajah&rsquo;s poocha meen
contractor.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Writing concerning the Mog&#275;rs, Buchanan<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1583src" href="#xd21e1583" name="xd21e1583src">45</a> states that
&ldquo;these fishermen are called Mogayer, and are a caste of Tulava
origin. They resemble the Mucuas (Mukkuvans) of Malayala, but the one
caste will have no communion with the other. The Mogayer are boatmen,
fishermen, porters, and palanquin-bearers, They pretend to be Sudras of
a pure descent, and assume a superiority over the Halepecas
(Hal&#275;paiks), one of the most common castes of cultivators in
Tulava; but they acknowledge themselves greatly inferior to the
Bunts.&rdquo; Some Mog&#275;rs have abandoned their hereditary
profession of fishing, and taken to agriculture, oil-pressing, and
playing on musical instruments. Some are still employed as
palanquin-bearers. The oil-pressers call themselves G&#257;nigas, the
musicians Sappaligas, and the palanquin-bearers B&#333;vis. These are
all occupational names. Some Bestha immigrants from Mysore have settled
in the Patt&#363;r t&#257;luk, and are also known as B&#333;vis, The
word B&#333;vi is a form of the Telugu B&#333;yi (bearer).</p>
<p>The Mog&#275;rs manufacture the caps made from the spathe of the
areca palm, which are worn by Koragas and Holeyas.</p>
<p>The settlements of the Mog&#275;r fishing community are called
pattana, <i>e.g.</i>, Odorottu pattana, Manamp&#257;d&#275; pattana.
For this reason, Pattanadava is sometimes given as a synonym for the
caste name. The Tamil fishermen of the City of Madras are, in like
manner, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb68" href="#pb68" name=
"pb68">68</a>]</span>called Pattanavan, because they live in pattanams
or maritime villages.</p>
<p>Like other Tulu castes, the Mog&#275;rs worship bh&#363;thas
(devils). The principal bh&#363;tha of the fishing community is
Bobbariya, in whose honour the k&#333;la festival is held periodically.
Every settlement, or group of settlements, has a Bobbariya
bh&#363;thasthana (devil shrine). The Matti Br&#257;hmans, who,
according to local tradition, are Mog&#275;rs raised to the rank of
Br&#257;hmans by one Vathir&#257;ja Sw&#257;mi, a Sany&#257;si, also
have a Bobbariya bh&#363;thasthana in the village of Matti. The
Mog&#275;rs who have ceased to be fishermen, and dwell in land, worship
the bh&#363;thas Panjurli and Baikadthi. There is a caste priest,
called Mangala p&#363;j&#257;ri, whose head-quarters are at Bannekuduru
near Bark&#363;r. Every family has to pay eight annas annually to the
priest, to enable him to maintain the temple dedicated to Ammanoru or
Mastiamma at Bannekuduru. According to some, Mastiamma is M&#257;ri,
the goddess of small-pox, while others say that she is the same as
Mohini, a female devil, who possesses men, and kills them.</p>
<p>For every settlement, there must be at least two Gurik&#257;ras
(headmen), and, in some settlements, there are as many as four. All the
Gurik&#257;ras wear, as an emblem of their office, a gold bracelet on
the left wrist. Some wear, in addition, a bracelet presented by the
members of the caste for some signal service. The office of headman is
hereditary, and follows the aliya sant&#257;na law of succession (in
the female line).</p>
<p>The ordinary Tulu barber (Kelasi) does not shave the Mog&#275;rs,
who have their own caste barber, called M&#275;lantavam, who is
entitled to receive a definite share of a catch of fish. The Konkani
barbers (Mholla) do not object to shave Mog&#275;rs, and, in some
places <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb69" href="#pb69" name=
"pb69">69</a>]</span>where Mhollas are not available, the Billava
barber is called in.</p>
<p>Like other Tulu castes, the Mog&#275;rs have exogamous septs, or
balis, of which the following are examples:&mdash;</p>
<table>
<tr>
<td>
<ul>
<li>&#256;ne, elephant.</li>
<li>Bali, a fish.</li>
<li>D&#275;va, god.</li>
<li>Dyava, tortoise.</li>
</ul>
</td>
<td>
<ul>
<li>Honne, <i>Pterocarpus Marsupium</i>.</li>
<li>Shetti, a fish.</li>
<li>Tolana, wolf.</li>
</ul>
</td>
</tr>
</table>
<p>The marriage ceremonial of the Mog&#275;rs conforms to the customary
Tulu type. A betrothal ceremony is gone through, and the sirdochi, or
bride-price, varying from six to eight rupees, paid. The marriage rites
last over two days. On the first day, the bride is seated on a plank or
cot, and five women throw rice over her head, and retire. The
bridegroom and his party come to the home of the bride, and are
accommodated at her house, or elsewhere. On the following day, the
contracting couple are seated together, and the bride&rsquo;s father,
or the Gurik&#257;ra, pours the dh&#257;re water over their united
hands. It is customary to place a cocoanut on a heap of rice, with some
betel leaves and areca nuts at the side thereof. The dh&#257;re water
(milk and water) is poured thrice over the cocoanut. Then all those
assembled throw rice over the heads of the bride and bridegroom, and
make presents of money. Divorce can be easily effected, after
information of the intention has been given to the Gurik&#257;ra. In
the Udipi t&#257;luk, a man who wishes to divorce his wife goes to a
certain tree with two or three men, and makes three cuts in the trunk
with a bill-hook. This is called barahakodu, and is apparently observed
by other castes. The Mog&#275;rs largely adopt girls in preference to
boys, and they need not be of the same sept as the adopter.</p>
<p>On the seventh day after the birth of a child a Madivali
(washerwoman) ties a waist-thread on it, and <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb70" href="#pb70" name="pb70">70</a>]</span>gives it
a name. This name is usually dropped after a time, and another name
substituted for it.</p>
<p>The dead are either buried or cremated. If the corpse is burnt, the
ashes are thrown into a tank (pond) or river on the third or fifth day.
The final death ceremonies (bojja or s&#257;vu) are performed on the
seventh, ninth, eleventh, or thirteenth day, with details similar to
those of the Billavas. Like other Tulu castes, some Mog&#275;rs perform
a propitiatory ceremony on the fortieth day.</p>
<p>The ordinary caste title of the Mog&#275;rs is Marak&#257;l&#275;ru,
and Gurik&#257;ra that of members of the families to which the headmen
belong. In the Kundap&#363;r t&#257;luk, the title Naicker is preferred
to Marak&#257;l&#275;ru.</p>
<p>The cephalic index of the Mog&#275;rs is, as shown by the following
table, slightly less than that of the Tulu Bants and
Billavas:&mdash;</p>
<div class="table">
<table class="verticalBorderInside">
<thead>
<tr class="label">
<td class="cellHeadLeft cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">&mdash;</td>
<td class="cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">Av.</td>
<td class="cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">Max.</td>
<td class="cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">Min.</td>
<td class="cellHeadRight cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">No. of times index
80 or over.</td>
</tr>
</thead>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">50 Billavas</td>
<td>80.1</td>
<td>91.5</td>
<td>71.</td>
<td class="cellRight">28</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">40 Bants</td>
<td>78.</td>
<td>91.2</td>
<td>70.8</td>
<td class="cellRight">13</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft cellBottom">40 Mog&#275;rs</td>
<td class="cellBottom">77.1</td>
<td class="cellBottom">84.9</td>
<td class="cellBottom">71.8</td>
<td class="cellRight cellBottom">9</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
</div>
<p><b>Mogili</b> (<i lang="la-x-bio">Pandanus
fascicularis</i>).&mdash;An exogamous sept of K&#257;pu and
Yerukala.</p>
<p><b>Mogotho.</b>&mdash;A sub-division of Gaudo, the members of which
are considered inferior because they eat fowls.</p>
<p><b>Mohiro</b> (peacock).&mdash;An exogamous sept or g&#333;tra of
Bhond&#257;ri and Gaudo,</p>
<p><b>M&#333;ksham</b> (heaven).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
D&#275;v&#257;nga.</p>
<p><b>Moktessor or Mukhtesar.&mdash;</b><i>See</i> St&#257;nika.</p>
<p><b>Mola</b> (hare).&mdash;An exogamous sept of Gangadik&#257;ra
Holeya and Gangadik&#257;ra Vakkaliga. <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb71" href="#pb71" name="pb71">71</a>]</span></p>
<p><b>Molaya D&#275;van.&mdash;</b>A title of Kallan and
N&#333;kkan.</p>
<p><b>M&#333;liko.&mdash;</b>A title of Doluva and Kondra.</p>
<p><b>Monathinni.&mdash;</b>The name, meaning those who eat the vermin
of the earth, of a sub-division of Valaiyan.</p>
<p><b>Mondi.&mdash;</b>For the following note I am indebted to Mr. C.
Hayavadana Rao. Mondi, Landa, Kalladi-siddhan (<i>q.v.</i>), and
Kalladi-mangam, are different names for one and the same class of
mendicants. The first two names denote a troublesome fellow, and the
last two one who beats himself with a stone. The Mondis speak Tamil,
and correspond to the Bandas of the Telugu country, banda meaning an
obstinate person or tricksy knave. [The name Banda is sometimes
explained as meaning stone, in reference to these mendicants carrying
about a stone, and threatening to beat out their brains, if alms are
not forthcoming.] They are as a rule tall, robust individuals, who go
about all but naked, with a jingling chain tied to the right wrist,
their hair long and matted, a knife in the hand, and a big stone on the
left shoulder. When engaged in begging, they cut the skin of the thighs
with the knife, lie down and beat their chests with the stone, vomit,
roll in the dust or mud, and throw dirt at those who will not
contribute alms. In a note on the Mondis or Bandas,<a class="noteref"
id="xd21e1733src" href="#xd21e1733" name="xd21e1733src">46</a> Mr. H.
A. Stuart writes that these beggars &ldquo;lay no claim to a religious
character. Though regarded as S&#363;dras, it is difficult to think
them such, as they are black and filthy in their appearance, and
disgusting in their habits. Happily their numbers are few. They wander
about singing, or rather warbling, for they utter no articulate words,
and, if money or grain be not given to them, they have recourse to
compulsion. The implements of their <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb72"
href="#pb72" name="pb72">72</a>]</span>trade are knives and ordure.
With the former they cut themselves until they draw blood, and the
latter they throw into the house or shop of the person who proves
uncharitable. They appear to possess the power of vomiting at pleasure,
and use it to disgust people into a compliance with their demands.
Sometimes they lie in the street, covering the entire face with dust,
keeping, it is said, their eyes open the while, and breathing through
the dust. Eventually they always succeed by some of these means in
extorting what they consider their dues.&rdquo; Boys are regularly
trained to vomit at will. They are made to drink as much hot water or
conji (gruel) as they can, and taught how to bring it up. At first,
they are made to put several fingers in the mouth, and tickle the base
of the tongue, so as to give rise to vomiting. By constant practice,
they learn how to vomit at any time. Just before they start on a
begging round, they drink some fluid, which is brought up while they
are engaged in their professional calling.</p>
<p>There are several proverbs relating to this class of mendicants, one
of which is to the effect that the rough and rugged ground traversed by
the Kalladi-siddhan is powdered to dust. Another gives the advice that,
whichever way the Kalladi-mangam goes, you should dole out a measure of
grain for him. Otherwise he will defile the road owing to his
disgusting habits. A song, which the Mondi may often be heard warbling,
runs as follows:&mdash;</p>
<div class="lgouter">
<p class="line">Mother, mother, Oh! grandmother,</p>
<p class="line">Grandmother, who gave birth.</p>
<p class="line">Dole out my measure.</p>
</div>
<p class="first">Their original ancestor is said to have been a
shepherd, who had both his legs cut off by robbers in a jungle. The
king of the country in compassion directed <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb73" href="#pb73" name="pb73">73</a>]</span>that
every one should pay him and his descendants, called mondi or lame, a
small amount of money or grain.</p>
<p>The caste is divided into a series of bands, each of which has the
right to collect alms within a particular area. The merchants and ryots
are expected to pay them once a year, the former in money, and the
latter in grain at harvest time. Each band recognises a headman, who,
with the aid of the caste elders, settles marital and other
disputes.</p>
<p>Marriage is usually celebrated after puberty. In the North Arcot
district, it is customary for a man to marry his maternal uncle&rsquo;s
daughter, and in the Madura district a man can claim his paternal
aunt&rsquo;s daughter in marriage. The caste is considered so low in
the social scale that Br&#257;hmans will not officiate at marriages.
Divorce is easy, and adultery with a man of higher caste is condoned
more readily than a similar offence within the caste.</p>
<p><b>Mondolo.&mdash;</b>Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901,
as an Oriya title given by Zamindars to the headmen of villages. It is
also a title of various Oriya castes.</p>
<p><b>Mora B&#363;vva.&mdash;</b>A sub-division of M&#257;digas, who
offer food (b&#363;vva) to the god in a winnowing basket (mora) at
marriage.</p>
<p><b>Morasu.&mdash;</b>The following legendary account of the origin
of the &ldquo;Morsu Vellallu&rdquo; is given in the Baramahal
Records.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e1767src" href="#xd21e1767" name=
"xd21e1767src">47</a> &ldquo;In the kingdom of Conjiveram, there was a
village named Paluru, the residence of a chieftain, who ruled over a
small district inhabited by the Morsu Vellallu. It so happened that one
of them had a handsome daughter with whom the chieftain fell in love,
and demanded her in marriage of her parents. But they <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb74" href="#pb74" name="pb74">74</a>]</span>would
not comply with his demand, urging as an excuse the difference of
caste, on which the inflamed lover determined on using force to obtain
the object of his desires. This resolution coming to the knowledge of
the parents of the girl, they held a consultation with the rest of the
sect, and it was determined that for the present they should feign a
compliance with his order, until they could meet with a favourable
opportunity of quitting the country. They accordingly signified their
consent to the matter, and fixed upon the nuptial day, and erected a
pandal or temporary building in front of their house for the
performance of the wedding ceremonies. At the proper time, the
enamoured and enraptured chief sent in great state to the bride&rsquo;s
house the wedding ornaments and clothes of considerable value, with
grain and every other delicacy for the entertainment of the guests, The
parents, having in concert with the other people of the sect prepared
everything for flight, they put the ornaments and clothes on the body
of a dog, which they tied to the centre pillar of the pandal, threw all
the delicacies on the ground before him, and, taking their daughter,
fled. Their flight soon came to the ears of the chief, who, being vexed
and mortified at the trick they had played him, set out with his
attendants like a raging lion in quest of his prey. The fugitives at
length came to the banks of the Tungabhadra river, which they found
full and impassable, and their cruel pursuer nigh at hand. In the
dreadful dilemma, they addressed to the God Vishnu the following
prayer. &lsquo;O! Venkatr&#257;ma (a title of Vishnu), if thou wilt
graciously deign to enable us to ford this river, and wilt condescend
to assist us in crossing the water, as thou didst Hanumant in passing
over the vast ocean, we from henceforth will adopt thee <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb75" href="#pb75" name="pb75">75</a>]</span>and thy
ally Hanumant our tutelary deities.&rsquo; Vishnu was pleased to grant
their prayer, and by his command the water in an instant divided, and
left a dry space, over which they passed. The moment they reached the
opposite bank, the waters closed and prevented their adversary from
pursuing them, who returned to his own country. The sect settled in the
provinces near the Tungabhadra river, and in course of time spread over
the districts which now form the eastern part of the kingdom of Mysore
then called Morsu, and from thence arose their surname.&rdquo;</p>
<p>As in Africa, and among the American Indians, Australians, and
Polynesians, so in Southern India artificial deformity of the hand is
produced by chopping off some of the fingers. Writing in 1815, Buchanan
(Hamilton)<a class="noteref" id="xd21e1777src" href="#xd21e1777" name=
"xd21e1777src">48</a> says that &ldquo;near Deonella or Deonhully, a
town in Mysore, is a sect or sub-division of the Murressoo Wocal caste,
every woman of which, previous to piercing the ears of her eldest
daughter, preparatory to her being betrothed in marriage, must undergo
the amputation of the first joints of third and fourth fingers of her
right hand. The amputation is performed by the blacksmith of the
village, who, having placed the finger in a block, performs the
operation with a chisel. If the girl to be betrothed is motherless, and
the mother of the boy has not before been subjected to the amputation,
it is incumbent on her to suffer the operation.&rdquo; Of the same
ceremony among the &ldquo;Morsa-Okkala-Makkalu&rdquo; of Mysore the
Abb&eacute; Dubois<a class="noteref" id="xd21e1780src" href=
"#xd21e1780" name="xd21e1780src">49</a> says that, if the bride&rsquo;s
mother be dead, the bridegroom&rsquo;s mother, or in default of her the
mother of the nearest relative, must submit to the cruel ordeal. In an
editorial foot-note it is stated <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb76"
href="#pb76" name="pb76">76</a>]</span>that this custom is no longer
observed. Instead of the two fingers being amputated, they are now
merely bound together, and thus rendered unfit for use. In the Census
Report, 1891, it is recorded that this type of deformity is found among
the Morasus, chiefly in Cuddapah, North Arcot, and Salem. &ldquo;There
is a sub-section of them called Veralu Icche K&#257;pulu, or
K&#257;pulu who give the fingers, from a curious custom which requires
that, when a grandchild is born in a family, the wife of the eldest son
of the grandfather must have the last two joints of the third and
fourth fingers of her right hand amputated at a temple of
Bhairava.&rdquo; Further, it is stated in the Manual of the Salem
district (1883) that &ldquo;the practice now observed in this district
is that, when a grandchild is born in a family, the eldest son of the
grandfather, with his wife, appears at the temple for the ceremony of
boring the child&rsquo;s ear, and there the woman has the last two
joints of the third and fourth fingers chopped off. It does not signify
whether the father of the first grandchild born be the eldest son or
not, as in any case it is the wife of the eldest son who has to undergo
the mutilation. After this, when children are born to other sons, their
wives in succession undergo the operation. When a child is adopted, the
same course is pursued.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The origin of the custom is narrated by Wilks,<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1787src" href="#xd21e1787" name="xd21e1787src">50</a> and is
briefly this. Mahadeo or Siva, who was in great peril, after hiding
successively in a castor-oil and jaw&#257;ri plantation, concealed
himself in a linga-tonde shrub from a r&#257;kshasa who was pursuing
him, to whom a Marasa Vakkaliga cultivator indicated, with the little
finger of his right hand, the hiding-place of Siva, The god was only
rescued from his peril by the interposition of Vishnu <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb77" href="#pb77" name="pb77">77</a>]</span>in the
form of a lovely maiden meretriciously dressed, whom the lusty
r&#257;kshasa, forgetting all about Siva, attempted to ravish, and was
consumed to ashes. On emerging from his hiding-place, Siva decreed that
the cultivator should forfeit the offending finger. The culprit&rsquo;s
wife, who had just arrived at the field with food for her husband,
hearing this dreadful sentence, threw herself at Siva&rsquo;s feet, and
represented the certain ruin of her family if her husband should be
disabled for some months from performing the labours of the farm, and
besought the deity to accept two of her fingers instead of one from her
husband. Siva, pleased with so sincere a proof of conjugal affection,
accepted the exchange, and ordered that her family posterity in all
future generations should sacrifice two fingers at his temple as a
memorial of the transaction, and of their exclusive devotion to the god
of the lingam. For the following account of the performance of the
rite, as carried out by the Morasa Vakkaligaru of Mysore, I am indebted
to an article by Mr. V. N. Narasimmiyengar.<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1792src" href="#xd21e1792" name="xd21e1792src">51</a>
&ldquo;These people are roughly classed under three heads, viz.: (1)
those whose women offer the sacrifice; (2) those who substitute for the
fingers a piece of gold wire, twisted round fingers in the shape of
rings. Instead of cutting the fingers off, the carpenter removes and
appropriates the rings; (3) those who do not perform the rite. The
<i>modus operandi</i> is as nearly as possible the following. About the
time of the new moon in Chaitra, a propitious day is fixed by the
village astrologer, and the woman who is to offer the sacrifice
performs certain ceremonies or puj&#275; in honour of Siva, taking food
only once a day. For three days before the operation, she has to
support herself with <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb78" href="#pb78"
name="pb78">78</a>]</span>milk, sugar, fruits, etc., all substantial
food being eschewed. On the day appointed, a common cart is brought
out, painted in alternate strips with white and red ochre, and adorned
with gay flags, flowers, etc., in imitation of a car. Sheep or pigs are
slaughtered before it, their number being generally governed by the
number of children borne by the sacrificing woman. The cart is then
dragged by bullocks, preceded by music, the woman and her husband
following, with new pots filled with water and small pieces of silver
money, borne on their heads, and accompanied by a retinue of friends
and relatives. The village washerman has to spread clean cloths along
the path of the procession, which stops near the boundary of the
village, where a leafy bower is prepared, with three pieces of stone
installed in it, symbolising the god Siva. Flowers, fruits, cocoanuts,
incense, etc., are then offered, varied occasionally by an additional
sheep or pig. A wooden seat is placed before the image, and the
sacrificing woman places upon it her right hand with the fingers spread
out. A man holds her hand firmly, and the village carpenter, placing
his chisel on the first joints of her ring and little fingers, chops
them off with a single stroke. The pieces lopped off are thrown into an
ant-hill, and the tips of the mutilated fingers, round which rags are
bound, are dipped into a vessel containing boiling gingily (<i>Sesamum
indicum</i>) oil. A good skin eventually forms over the stump, which
looks like a congenital malformation. The fee of the carpenter is one
kanthir&#257;ya fanam (four annas eight pies) for each maimed finger,
besides presents in kind. The woman undergoes the barbarous and painful
ceremony without a murmur, and it is an article of the popular belief
that, were it neglected, or if nails grow on the stump, dire ruin and
misfortune will overtake the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb79" href=
"#pb79" name="pb79">79</a>]</span>recusant family. Staid matrons, who
have had their fingers maimed for life in the above manner, exhibit
their stumps with a pride worthy of a better cause. At the termination
of the sacrifice, the woman is presented with cloths, flowers, etc., by
her friends and relations, to whom a feast is given, Her children are
placed on an adorned seat, and, after receiving presents of flowers,
fruits, etc., their ears are pierced in the usual way. It is said that
to do so before would be sacrilege.&rdquo; In a very full account of
deformation of the hand by the Berulu Kodo sub-sect of the Vakaliga or
ryat caste in Mysore, Mr. F. Fawcett says that it was regularly
practiced until the Commissioner of Mysore put a stop to it about
twenty years ago. &ldquo;At present some take gold or silver pieces,
stick them on to the finger&rsquo;s ends with flour paste, and either
cut or pull them off. Others simply substitute an offering of small
pieces of gold or silver for the amputation. Others, again, tie flowers
round the fingers that used to be cut, and go through a pantomime of
cutting by putting the chisel on the joint and taking it away again.
All the rest of the ceremony is just as it used to be.&rdquo; The
introduction of the decorated cart, which has been referred to, is
connected by Mr. Fawcett with a legend concerning a zemindar, who
sought the daughters of seven brothers in marriage with three youths of
his family. As carts were used in the flight from the zemindar, the
ceremony is, to commemorate the event, called Bandi D&#275;vuru, or god
of cars. As by throwing ear-rings into a river the fugitives passed
through it, while the zemindar was drowned, the caste people insist on
their women&rsquo;s ears being bored for ear-rings. And, in honour of
the girls who cared more for the honour of their caste than for the
distinction of marriage into a great family, the amputation
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb80" href="#pb80" name=
"pb80">80</a>]</span>of part of two fingers of women of the caste was
instituted.</p>
<p>&ldquo;Since the prohibition of cutting off the fingers,&rdquo; Mr.
L. Rice writes,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e1810src" href="#xd21e1810"
name="xd21e1810src">52</a> &ldquo;the women content themselves with
putting on a gold or silver finger-stall or thimble, which is pulled
off instead of the finger itself.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Morasa K&#257;pulu women never touch the new grain of the year
without worshipping the sun (S&#363;rya), and may not eat food prepared
from this grain before this act of worship has been performed. They
wrap themselves in a kambli (blanket) after a purificatory bath,
prostrate themselves on the ground, raise their hands to the forehead
in salutation, and make the usual offering of cocoanuts, etc. They are
said, in times gone by, to have been lax in their morals and to have
prayed to the sun to forgive them.</p>
<p>Morasu has further been returned as a sub-division of Holeya,
M&#257;la and Odd&#275;. The name Morasu Paraiyan probably indicates
Holeyas who have migrated from the Canarese to the Tamil country, and
whose women, like the Kallans, wear a horse-shoe thread round the
neck.</p>
<p><b>Mot&#257;ti.&mdash;</b>A sub-division of K&#257;pu.</p>
<p><b>Moyili.&mdash;</b>The Moyilis or Moilis of South Canara are
said<a class="noteref" id="xd21e1825src" href="#xd21e1825" name=
"xd21e1825src">53</a> by Mr. H. A. Stuart to be &ldquo;admittedly the
descendants of the children of women attached to the temples, and their
ranks are even now swelled in this manner. Their duties are similar to
those of the St&#257;nikas&rdquo; (<i>q.v.</i>). In the Madras Census
report, 1901, Golaka (a bastard) is clubbed with Moili. In the Mysore
Census Report, this term is said to be applied to children of
Br&#257;hmans by Malerus (temple servants in Mysore). <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb81" href="#pb81" name="pb81">81</a>]</span></p>
<p>The following account of the origin of the Moylars was given by
Buchanan at the beginning of the nineteenth century.<a class="noteref"
id="xd21e1834src" href="#xd21e1834" name="xd21e1834src">54</a>
&ldquo;In the temples of Tuluva there prevails a very singular custom,
which has given origin to a caste named Moylar. Any woman of the four
pure castes&mdash;Br&#257;hman, Kshatriya, Vaisya or Sudra&mdash;who is
tired of her husband, or who (being a widow, and consequently incapable
of marriage) is tired of a life of celibacy, goes to a temple, and eats
some of the rice that is offered to the idol. She is then taken before
the officers of Government, who assemble some people of her caste to
inquire into the cause of her resolution; and, if she be of the
Br&#257;hman caste, to give her an option of living in the temple or
out of its precincts. If she chooses the former, she gets a daily
allowance of rice, and annually a piece of cloth. She must sweep the
temple, fan the idol with a Tibet cow&rsquo;s tail and confine her
amours to the Br&#257;hmans. In fact she generally becomes a concubine
to some officer of revenue who gives her a trifle in addition to her
public allowance, and who will flog her severely if she grants favours
to any other person. The male children of these women are called
Moylar, but are fond of assuming the title of St&#257;nika, and wear
the Br&#257;hmanical thread. As many of them as can procure employment
live about the temples, sweep the areas, sprinkle them with an infusion
of cow-dung, carry flambeaus before the gods, and perform other similar
low offices.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The Moyilis are also called D&#275;v&#257;digas, and should not be
mixed with the Malerus (or Maleyavaru). Both do temple service, but the
Maleru females are mostly prostitutes, whereas Moyili women are not.
Malerus <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb82" href="#pb82" name=
"pb82">82</a>]</span>are dancing-girls attached to the temples in South
Canara, and their ranks are swelled by Konkani, Shivalli, and other
Br&#257;hman women of bad character.</p>
<p>The Moyilis have adopted the manners and customs of the Bants, and
have the same balis (septs) as the Bants and Billavas.</p>
<p><b>Mucchi.&mdash;</b>The Mucchis or M&#333;chis are summed up, in
the Madras Census Report, 1901, as being a Mar&#257;thi caste of
painters and leather-workers. In the Mysore Census Report it is noted
that &ldquo;to the leather-working caste may be added a small body of
M&#333;chis, shoemakers and saddlers. They are immigrant
Mahr&#257;t&#257;s, who, it is said, came into Mysore with Khasim
Kh&#257;n, the general of Aurangzib. They claim to be Kshatriyas and
R&#257;jputs&mdash;pretensions which are not generally admitted. They
are shoemakers and saddlers by trade, and are all Saivas by
faith.&rdquo; &ldquo;The Mucchi,&rdquo; Mr. A. Chatterton
writes<a class="noteref" id="xd21e1847src" href="#xd21e1847" name=
"xd21e1847src">55</a> &ldquo;is not a tanner, and as a leather-worker
only engages in the higher branches of the trade. Some of them make
shoes, but draw the line at sandals. A considerable number are engaged
as menial servants in Government offices. Throughout the country,
nearly every office has its own Mucchi, whose principal duty is to keep
in order the supplies of stationery, and from raw materials manufacture
ink, envelopes and covers, and generally make himself useful. A good
many of the so-called Mucchis, however, do not belong to the caste, as
very few have wandered south of Madras, and they are mostly to be found
in Ganjam and the Ceded Districts.&rdquo; The duties of the office
Mucchi have further been summed up as &ldquo;to mend pencils, prepare
ink from powders, clean ink-bottles, stitch note-books, paste covers,
rule forms, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb83" href="#pb83" name=
"pb83">83</a>]</span>and affix stamps to covers and aid the despatch of
tappals&rdquo; (postal correspondence). In the Moochee&rsquo;s
Hand-book<a class="noteref" id="xd21e1852src" href="#xd21e1852" name=
"xd21e1852src">56</a> by the head Mucchi in the office of the
Inspector-General of Ordnance, and contractor for black ink powder, it
is stated that &ldquo;the Rev. J. P. Rottler, in his Tamil and English
dictionary, defines the word Mucchi as signifying trunk-maker,
stationer, painter. Mucchi&rsquo;s work comprises the following
duties:&mdash;</p>
<p>To make black, red, and blue writing ink, also ink of other colours
as may seem requisite.</p>
<p>To mend quills, rule lines, make envelopes, mount or paste maps or
plans on cloth with ribbon edges, pack parcels in wax-cloth, waterproof
or common paper, seal letters and open boxes or trunk parcels.</p>
<p>To take charge of boxes, issue stationery for current use, and
supply petty articles.</p>
<p>To file printed forms, etc., and bind books.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In the Fort St. George Gazette, 1906, applications were invited from
persons who have passed the Matriculation examination of the Madras
University for the post of Mucchi on Rs. 8 per mensem in the office of
a Deputy Superintendent of Police.</p>
<p>In the District Manuals, the various occupations of the Mucchis are
summed up as book-binding, working in leather, making saddles and
trunks, painting, making toys, and pen-making. At the present day,
Mucchis (designers) are employed by piece-goods merchants in Madras in
devising and painting new patterns for despatch to Europe, where they
are engraved on copper cylinders. When, as at the present day, the
bazars of Southern India are flooded with imported piece-goods of
British manufacture, it is curious to look back <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb84" href="#pb84" name="pb84">84</a>]</span>and
reflect that the term piece-goods was originally applied in trade to
the Indian cotton fabrics exported to England.</p>
<p>The term Mucchi is applied to two entirely different sets of people.
In Mysore and parts of the Ceded Districts, it refers to
Mar&#257;thi-speaking workers in leather. But it is further applied to
Telugu-speaking people, called R&#257;ju, J&#299;nig&#257;ra, or
Chitrak&#257;ra, who are mainly engaged in painting, making toys, etc.,
and not in leather-work. (<i>See</i> R&#257;chevar.)</p>
<p><b>Mucherik&#257;la.&mdash;</b>Recorded by Mr. F. S.
Mullaly<a class="noteref" id="xd21e1879src" href="#xd21e1879" name=
"xd21e1879src">57</a> as a synonym of a thief class in the Telugu
country.</p>
<p><b>Mudali.&mdash;</b>The title Mudali is used chiefly by the
offspring of D&#275;va-d&#257;sis (dancing-girls), Kaik&#333;lans, and
Vell&#257;las. The Vell&#257;las generally take the title Mudali in the
northern, and Pillai in the southern districts. By some Vell&#257;las,
Mudali is considered discourteous, as it is also the title of
weavers.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e1886src" href="#xd21e1886" name=
"xd21e1886src">58</a> Mudali further occurs as a title of some Jains,
Gadabas, &#332;cchans, Pallis or Vanniyans, and Panisavans. Some
Pattanavans style themselves Var&#363;nakula Mudali.</p>
<p><b>Mudav&#257;ndi.&mdash;</b>The Mudav&#257;ndis are said<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e1893src" href="#xd21e1893" name=
"xd21e1893src">59</a> to be &ldquo;a special begging class, descended
from Vell&#257;la Goundans, since they had the immemorial privilege of
taking possession, as of right, of any Vell&#257;la child that was
infirm or maimed. The Modiv&#257;ndi made his claim by spitting into
the child&rsquo;s face, and the parents were then obliged, even against
their will, to give it up. Thenceforward it was a Modiv&#257;ndi, and
married among them. The custom has fallen into desuetude for the last
forty or fifty years, as a complaint of abduction would entail
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb85" href="#pb85" name=
"pb85">85</a>]</span>serious consequences. Their special village is
Modiv&#257;ndi Satyamangalam near Erode. The chief Modiv&#257;ndi, in
1887, applied for sanction to employ peons (orderlies) with belts and
badges upon their begging tours, probably because contributions are
less willingly made nowadays to idle men. They claim to be entitled to
sheep and grain from the ryats.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In a note on the Mudav&#257;ndis, Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes that it
is stated to be the custom that children born blind or lame in the
Konga Vell&#257;la caste are handed over by their parents to become
Mudav&#257;ndis. If the parents hesitate to comply with the custom, the
Mudav&#257;ndis tie a red cloth round the head of the child, and the
parents can then no longer withhold their consent. They have to give
the boy a bullock to ride on if he is lame, or a stick if he is
blind.</p>
<p>A Revenue Officer writes (1902) that, at the village of
&#256;ndipalayam in the Salem district, there is a class of people
called Modav&#257;ndi, whose profession is the adoption of the infirm
members of the Konga Vell&#257;las. &#256;ndis are professional
beggars. They go about among the Konga Vell&#257;las, and all the blind
and maimed children are pounced upon by them, and carried to their
village. While parting with their children, the parents, always at the
request of the children, give a few, sometimes rising to a hundred,
rupees. The infirm never loses his status. He becomes the adopted child
of the &#256;ndi, and inherits half of his property invariably. They
are married among the &#256;ndis, and are well looked after. In return
for their services, the &#256;ndis receive four annas a head from the
Konga Vell&#257;la community annually, and the income from this source
alone amounts to Rs. 6,400. A forty-first part share is given to the
temple of Arthanariswara at Tricheng&#333;du. None of the Vell&#257;las
can refuse <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb86" href="#pb86" name=
"pb86">86</a>]</span>the annual subscription, on pain of being placed
under the ban of social excommunication, and the &#256;ndi will not
leave the Vell&#257;la&rsquo;s house until the infirm child is handed
over to him. One Tahsildar (revenue officer) asked himself why the
&#256;ndi&rsquo;s income should not be liable to income-tax, and the
&#256;ndis were collectively assessed. Of course, it was cancelled on
appeal.</p>
<p><b>Mudi</b> (knot).&mdash;An exogamous sept of M&#257;la.</p>
<p><b>Mudiya.&mdash;</b>The name, derived from mudi, a preparation of
fried rice, of a sub-division of Chuditiya.</p>
<p><b>Muduvar.&mdash;</b>The Muduvars or Mudugars are a tribe of hill
cultivators in Coimbatore, Madura, Malabar, and Travancore. For the
following note on those who inhabit the Cardamom hills, I am indebted
to Mr. Aylmer Ff. Martin.</p>
<p>The name of the tribe is usually spelt Muduvar in English, and in
Tamil pronounced <span class="corr" id="xd21e1919" title=
"Source: Muthuvar, Muthuvar">Muthuvar,</span> or Muthuv&#257;n&#257;l.
Outsiders sometimes call the tribe Thagappanmargal (a title sometimes
used by low-caste people in addressing their masters). The Muduvars
have a dialect of their own, closely allied to Tamil, with a few
Malay&#257;lam words. Their names for males are mostly those of Hindu
gods and heroes, but Kanjan (dry or stingy), Karupu Kunji (black
chick), Kunjita (chicken) and Kar M&#275;gam (black cloud) are
distinctive and common. For females, the names of goddesses and
heroines, Karapayi (black), Koopi (sweepings), and Paychi (she-devil)
are common. Boy twins are invariably Lutchuman and R&#257;man, girl
twins Lutchmi and R&#257;mayi. Boy and girl twins are named Lutchman
and R&#257;mayi, or Lutchmi and R&#257;man.</p>
<p>The Muduvars do not believe themselves to be indigenous to the
hills; the legend, handed down from father to son, is that they
originally lived in Madura. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb87" href=
"#pb87" name="pb87">87</a>]</span>Owing to troubles, or a war in which
the P&#257;ndyan R&#257;ja of the times was engaged, they fled to the
hills. When at B&#333;din&#257;yakan&#363;r, the pregnant women (or, as
some say, a pregnant woman) were left behind, and eventually went with
the offspring to the N&#299;lgiris, while the bulk of the tribe came to
the High Range of North Travancore. There is supposed to be enmity
between these rather vague N&#299;lgiri people and the Muduvars. The
N&#299;lgiri people are said occasionally to visit
B&#333;din&#257;yakan&#363;r, but, if by chance they are met by
Muduvars, there is no speech between them, though each is supposed
instinctively or intuitively to recognise the presence of the other.
Those that came to the High Range carried their children up the
gh&#257;ts on their backs, and it was thereupon decided to name the
tribe Muduvar, or back people. According to another tradition, when
they left Madura, they carried with them on their back the image of the
goddess M&#299;n&#257;kshi, and brought it to N&#275;riyamangalam. It
is stated by Mr. P. E. Conner<a class="noteref" id="xd21e1926src" href=
"#xd21e1926" name="xd21e1926src">60</a> that the Muduvars &ldquo;rank
high in point of precedency among the hill tribes. They were originally
Vellal&#257;s, tradition representing them as having accompanied some
of the Madura princes to the Travancore hills.&rdquo; The approximate
time of the exodus from Madura cannot even be guessed by any of the
tribe, but it was possibly at the time when the P&#257;ndyan R&#257;jas
entered the south, or more probably when the Telugu Naickers took
possession of B&#333;din&#257;yakan&#363;r in the fourteenth century.
It has also been suggested that the Muduvars were driven to the hills
by the Muhammadan invaders in the latter part of the eighteenth
century. Judging from the two distinct types of countenance, their
language, and their curious mixture of <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb88" href="#pb88" name="pb88">88</a>]</span>customs, I hazard the
conjecture that, when they arrived on the hills, they found a small
tribe in possession, with whom they subsequently intermarried, this
tribe having affinities with the west coast, while the new arrivals
were connected with the east.</p>
<p>The tribe is settled on the northern and western portion of the
Cardamom Hills, and the High Range of Travancore, known as the Kanan
D&#275;van hills, and there is, I believe, one village on the
&#256;naimalai hills. They wander to some extent, less so now than
formerly, owing to the establishment of the planting community in their
midst. The head-quarters at present may be said to be on the western
slopes of the High Range. The present M&#275;l V&#257;ken or headman
lives in a village on the western slope of the High Range at about
2,000 feet elevation, but villages occur up to 6,000 feet above sea
level, the majority of villages being about 4,000 feet above the sea.
The wandering takes place between the reaping of the final crop on one
piece of land, and the sowing of the next. About November sees the
breaking up of the old village, and February the establishment of the
new. On the plateau of the High Range their dwellings are small
rectangular, rather flat-roofed huts, made of jungle sticks or grass
(both walls and root), and are very neat in appearance. On the western
slopes, although the materials lend themselves to even neater building,
their houses are usually of a rougher type. The materials used are the
stems and leaves of the large-leaved &#299;ta (bamboo: <i>Ochlandra
travancorica</i>) owing to the absence of grass-land country. The back
of the house has no wall, the roof sloping on to the hillside behind,
and the other walls are generally made of a rough sort of matting made
by plaiting split &#299;ta stems. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb89"
href="#pb89" name="pb89">89</a>]</span></p>
<p>Outsiders are theoretically not received into the caste, but a
weaver caste boy and girl who were starving (in the famine of 1877, as
far as I can make out), and deserted on the hills, were adopted, and,
when they grew up, were allowed the full privileges of the caste. Since
then, a &lsquo;Thotiya Naicker&rsquo; child was similarly adopted, and
is now a full-blown Muduvar with a Muduvar wife. On similar occasions,
adoptions from similar or higher castes might take place, but the
adoption of Pariahs or low-caste people would be quite impossible. In a
lecture delivered some years ago by Mr. O. H. Bensley, it was stated
that the Muduvars permit the entry of members of the Vell&#257;la caste
into their community, but insist upon a considerable period of
probation before finally admitting the would-be Muduvar into their
ranks.</p>
<p>If any dispute arises in the community, it is referred to the men of
the village, who form an informal panch&#257;yat (council), with the
eldest or most influential man at its head. References are sometimes,
but only seldom, made to the M&#363;ppen, a sort of sub-headman of the
tribe, except, perhaps, in the particular village in which he resides.
The office of both M&#363;ppen and M&#275;l V&#257;ken is hereditary,
and follows the marumakkat&#257;yam custom, i.e., descent to the eldest
son of the eldest sister. The orders of the panch&#257;yat, or of the
headman, are not enforceable by any specified means. A sort of sending
a delinquent to Coventry exists, but falls through when the matter has
blown over. Adjudications only occur at the request of the parties
concerned, or in the case of cohabitation between the prohibited
degrees of consanguinity, when, on it becoming known, the guilty pair
are banished to the jungle, but seem nevertheless to be able to visit
the village at will. When disputes between <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb90" href="#pb90" name="pb90">90</a>]</span>parties
are settled against any one, he may be fined, generally in kind&mdash;a
calf, a cow, a bull, or grain. There is no trial by ordeal. Oaths by
the accuser, the accused, and partisans of both, are freely taken. The
form of oath is to call upon God that the person swearing, or his
child, may die within so many days if the oath is untrue, at the same
time stepping over the R&#257;ma kodu, which consists of lines drawn on
the ground, one line for each day. It may consist of any number of
lines, but three, five, or seven are usual. Increasing the number of
lines indefinitely would be considered to be trifling with the
subject.</p>
<p>There do not seem to be any good omens, but evil omens are numerous.
The barking of &lsquo;jungle sheep&rsquo; (barking deer) or
s&#257;mbar, the hill robin crossing the path when shifting the
village, are examples. Oracles, magic, sorcery, witchcraft, and
especially the evil eye, are believed in very firmly, but are not
practiced by Muduvars. I was myself supposed to have exercised the evil
eye at one time. It once became my duty to apportion to Muduvars land
for their next year&rsquo;s cultivation, and I went round with some of
them for this purpose, visiting the jungle they wished to clear. A
particular friend of mine, called Kanjan, asked for a bit of secondary
growth very close to a cinchona estate; it was, in fact, situated
between Lower Nettigudy and Upper Nettigudy, and the main road passed
quite close. I told him that there was no objection, except that it was
most unusual, and that probably the estate coolies would rob the place;
and I warned him very distinctly that, if evil came of his choice, he
was not to put the blame on me. Shortly afterwards I left India, and
was absent about three months, and, when I returned, I found that
small-pox had practically wiped out that <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb91" href="#pb91" name="pb91">91</a>]</span>village, thirty-seven out
of forty inhabitants having died, including Kanjan. I was, of course,
very sorry; but, as I found a small bit of the land in question had
been felled, and there being no claimants, I planted it up with
cinchona. As the smallpox had visited all the Muduvar villages, and had
spread great havoc among them, I was not surprised at their being
scarce, but I noticed, on the few occasions when I did see them, that
they were always running away. When I got the opportunity, I cornered a
man by practically riding him down, and asked for an explanation. He
then told me that, of course, the tribe had been sorely troubled,
because I told Kanjan in so many words that evil would come. I had then
disappeared (to work my magic, no doubt), and returned just in time to
take that very bit of land for myself. That was nearly five years ago,
and confidence in me is only now being gradually restored.</p>
<p>The Muduvans have lucky days for starting on a journey&mdash;</p>
<ul>
<li>Monday, start before sunrise.</li>
<li>Tuesday, start in the forenoon.</li>
<li>Wednesday start before 7 A.M.</li>
<li>Thursday, start after eating the morning meal.</li>
<li>Friday, never make a start; it is a bad day.</li>
<li>Saturday and Sunday, start as soon as the sun has risen.</li>
</ul>
<p>When boys reach puberty, the parents give a feast to the village. In
the case of a girl, a feast is likewise given, and she occupies, for
the duration of the menstrual period, a hut set apart for all the women
in the village to occupy during their uncleanness. When it is over, she
washes her clothes, and takes a bath, washing her head. This is just
what every woman of the village always does. There is no mutilation,
and the girl just <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb92" href="#pb92"
name="pb92">92</a>]</span>changes her child&rsquo;s dress for that of a
woman. The married women of the village assist at confinements. Twins
bring good luck. Monsters are said to be sometimes born, bearing the
form of little tigers, cows, monkeys, etc. On these occasions, the
mother is said generally to die, but, when she does not die, she is
said to eat the monster. Monstrosities must anyway be killed. Childless
couples are dieted to make them fruitful, the principal diet for a man
being plenty of black monkey, and for a woman a compound of various
herbs and spices.</p>
<p>A man may not marry the daughter of his brother or sister; he ought
to marry his uncle&rsquo;s daughter, and he may have two or three
wives, who may or may not be sisters. Among the plateau Muduvars, both
polygamy and polyandry are permitted, the former being common, and the
latter occasional. In the case of the latter, brothers are prohibited
from having a common wife, as also are cousins on the father&rsquo;s
side. In the case of polygamy, the first married is the head wife, and
the others take orders from her, but she has no other privileges. If
the wives are amicably disposed, they live together, but, when inclined
to disagree, they are given separate houses for the sake of peace and
harmony. With quarrelsome women, one wife may be in one village, and
the others in another. A man may be polygamous in one village, and be
one of a polyandrous lot of men a few miles off. On the Cardamom Hills,
and on the western slopes, where the majority of the tribe live, they
are monogamous, and express abhorrence of both the polygamous and
polyandrous condition, though they admit, with an affectation of amused
disgust, that both are practiced by their brethren on the high
lands.</p>
<p>Marriages are arranged by the friends, and more often by the cousins
on the mother&rsquo;s side of the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb93"
href="#pb93" name="pb93">93</a>]</span>bridegroom, who request the hand
of a girl or woman from her parents. If they agree, the consent of the
most remote relatives has also to be obtained, and, if everyone is
amicable, a day is fixed, and the happy couple leave the village to
live a few days in a cave by themselves. On their return, they announce
whether they would like to go on with it, or not. In the former case,
the man publicly gives ear-rings, a metal (generally brass) bangle, a
cloth, and a comb to the woman, and takes her to his hut. The comb is a
poor affair made of split &#299;ta or perhaps of bamboo, but it is the
essential part of the ceremony. If the probationary period in the cave
has not proved quite satisfactory to both parties, the marriage is put
off, and the man and the woman are both at liberty to try again with
some one else. Betrothal does not exist as a ceremony, though families
often agree together to marry their children together, but this is not
binding in any way. The tying of the t&#257;li (marriage badge) is said
to have been tried in former days as part of the marriage ceremony,
but, as the bride always died, the practice was discontinued.
Remarriage of widows is permitted, and the widow by right belongs to,
or should be taken over by her deceased husband&rsquo;s maternal
aunt&rsquo;s son, and not, under any circumstances, by any of his
brothers. In practice she marries almost any one but one of the
brothers. No man should visit the house of his younger brother&rsquo;s
wife, or even look at that lady. This prohibition does not extend to
the wives of his elder brothers, but sexual intercourse even here would
be incest. The same ceremonies are gone through at the remarriage of a
widow as in an ordinary marriage, the ear-rings and bangles, which she
discarded on the death of the previous husband, being replaced. Widows
do not wear a special dress, but are known by the absence of jewelry.
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb94" href="#pb94" name=
"pb94">94</a>]</span>Elopements occur. When a man and woman do not
obtain the consent of the proper parties, they run away into the jungle
or a cave, visiting the village frequently, and getting grain, etc.,
from sympathisers. The anger aroused by their disgraceful conduct
having subsided, they quietly return to the village, and live as man
and wife. [It is noted, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, that,
after a marriage is settled, the bridegroom forcibly takes away the
maiden from her mother&rsquo;s house when she goes out for water or
firewood, and lives with her separately for a few days or weeks in some
secluded part of the forest. They then return, unless in the meantime
they are searched for, and brought back by their relations.] In theory,
a man may divorce his wife at will, but it is scarcely etiquette to do
so, except for infidelity, or in the case of incompatibility of temper.
If he wants to get rid of her for less horrible crimes, he can palm her
off on a friend. A woman cannot divorce her husband at all in theory,
but she can make his life so unbearable that he gladly allows her to
palm herself off on somebody else. Wives who have been divorced marry
again freely.</p>
<p>The tribe follow the west coast or marumakkat&#257;yam law of
inheritance with a slight difference, the property descending to an
elder or younger sister&rsquo;s son. Property, which seldom consists of
more than a bill-hook, a blanket, and a few cattle, always goes to a
nephew, and is not divided in any way.</p>
<p>The tribe professes to be Hindu, and the chief gods are
Panali&#257;ndavar (a corruption of Palani&#257;ndi) and Kadavallu, who
are supposed to live in the Madura temple with M&#299;n&#257;kshiammal
and her husband Sokuru. They are also said to worship
Ch&#257;nti&#257;ttu Bhagavati and N&#275;riyamangalam S&#257;sta.
S&#363;ryan (the sun) is a beneficent deity. The deities which are
considered maleficent are numerous, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb95"
href="#pb95" name="pb95">95</a>]</span>and all require propitiation.
This is not very taxing, as a respectful attitude when passing their
reputed haunts seems to suffice. They are alluded to as Karapu (black
ones). One in particular is Nyamaru, who lives on Nyamamallai, the
jungles round which were said to be badly haunted. At present they are
flourishing tea estates, so Nyamaru has retired to the scrub at the top
of the mountain. Certain caves are regarded as shrines, where
spear-heads, a trident or two, and copper coins are placed, partly to
mark them as holy places, and partly as offerings to bring good luck,
good health, or good fortune. They occur in the most remote spots. The
only important festival is Thai Pongal, when all who visit the village,
be they who they may, must be fed. It occurs about the middle of
January, and is a time of feasting and rejoicing.</p>
<p>The tribe does not employ priests of other castes to perform
religious ceremonies. Muduvars who are half-witted, or it may be
eccentric, are recognised as Sw&#257;myars or priests. If one desires
to get rid of a headache or illness, the Sw&#257;myar is told that he
will get four annas or so if the complaint is soon removed, but he is
not expected to perform miracles, or to make any active demonstration
over the matter. Sw&#257;myars who spend their time in talking to the
sun and moon as their brethren, and in supplications to mysterious and
unknown beings, are the usual sort, and, if they live a celibate life,
they are greatly esteemed. For those who live principally on milk, in
addition to practicing the other virtue, the greatest reverence is
felt. Such an one occurs only once or twice in a century.</p>
<p>The dead are buried lying down, face upwards, and placed north and
south. The grave has a little thatched roof, about six feet by two, put
over it. A stone, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb96" href="#pb96"
name="pb96">96</a>]</span>weighing twenty or thirty pounds, is put at
the head, and a similar stone at the feet. These serve to mark the spot
when the roof perishes, or is burnt during the next grass fire. The
depth of the grave is, for a man, judged sufficient if the gravedigger,
standing on the bottom, finds the level of the ground up to his waist,
but, for a woman, it must be up to his armpits. The reason is that the
surviving women do not like to think that they will be very near the
surface, but the men are brave, and know that, if they lie north and
south, nothing can harm them, and no evil approach. The ghosts of those
killed by accident or dying a violent death, haunt the spot till the
memory of the occurrence fades from the minds of the survivors and of
succeeding generations. These ghosts are not propitiated, but the
haunted spots are avoided as much as possible. The Muduvars share with
many other jungle-folk the idea that, if any animal killed by a tiger
or leopard falls so as to lie north and south, it will not be eaten by
the beast of prey. Nor will it be re-visited, so that sitting over a
&ldquo;kill&rdquo; which has fallen north and south, in the hopes of
getting a shot at the returning tiger or leopard, is a useless
proceeding.</p>
<p>Totemism does not exist, but, in common with other jungle tribes,
the tiger is often alluded to as jackal.</p>
<p>Fire is still often made by means of the flint and steel, though
match-boxes are common enough. Some dry cotton (generally in a dirty
condition) is placed along the flint, the edge of which is struck with
the steel. The spark generated ignites the cotton, and is carefully
nursed into flame in dead and dry grass. The Muduvars also know how to
make fire by friction, but nowadays this is very seldom resorted to. A
rotten log of a particular kind of tree has first to be found, the
inside of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb97" href="#pb97" name=
"pb97">97</a>]</span>which is in an extremely dry and powdery
condition, while the outside is still fairly hard. Some of the top of
the topmost side of the recumbent log having been cut away at a
suitable place, and most of the inside removed, a very hard and pointed
bit of wood is rapidly rotated against the inner shell of the log where
the powdery stuff is likely to ignite, and this soon begins to smoke,
the fire being then nursed much in the same way as with the fire
generated by the flint and steel.</p>
<p>By the men, the lang&#363;ti and leg cloth of the Tamils are worn. A
turban is also worn, and a cumbly or blanket is invariably carried, and
put on when it rains. [It is noted, in the Travancore Census Report,
1901, that males dress themselves like the Maravans of the low country.
A huge turban is almost an invariable portion of the toilette. The
chief of the Mudavars is known as V&#257;kka, without whose consent the
head-dress is not to be worn.] I have seen a Muduvar with an umbrella.
Nowadays, the discarded coats of planters, and even trousers and
tattered riding-breeches are common, and a Muduvar has been seen
wearing a blazer. The men wear ear-rings, supposed to be, and sometimes
in reality, of gold, with bits of glass of different colours in them,
and also silver or brass finger and toe rings, and sometimes a bangle
on each arm or on one leg. The women go in very largely for beads,
strings of them adorning their necks, white and blue being favourite
colours. Rings for the ears, fingers and toes, and sometimes many glass
bangles on the arms, and an anklet on each leg, are the usual things,
the pattern of the metal jewelry being often the same as seen on the
women of the plains. The cloth, after being brought round the waist,
and tucked in there, is carried over the body, and two corners are
knotted on the right shoulder. Unmarried girls wear <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb98" href="#pb98" name="pb98">98</a>]</span>less
jewelry than the married women, and widows wear no jewelry till they
are remarried, when they can in no way be distinguished from their
sisters. Tattooing is not practiced. Sometimes a stout thread is worn
on the arm, with a metal cylinder containing some charm against illness
or the evil eye, but only the wise men or elders of the caste lay much
store on, or have knowledge of these things.</p>
<p>The Muduvars believe that they were originally cultivators of the
soil, and their surroundings and tastes have made them become hunters
and trappers, since coming to the hills. At the present day, they cut
down a bit of secondary jungle or cheppukad, and, after burning it off,
sow r&#257;gi (millet), or, where the rainfall is sufficient,
hill-rice, which is weeded and tended by the women, the men contenting
themselves by trying to keep out the enemies to their crops. After
harvest there is not much to be done, except building a new village
perhaps, making traps, and shooting. All they catch is game to them,
though we should describe some of the animals as vermin. They catch
rats, squirrels, quail, jungle fowl, porcupines, mouse-deer, and fish.
They kill, with a blowpipe and dart, many small birds. The traps in use
are varied, but there are three principal ones, one of which looks like
a big bow. It is fixed upright in the ground as a spring to close with
a snap a small upright triangle of sharp-edged bamboo, to which it is
connected, and into which any luckless small game may have intruded its
head, induced to do so by finding all other roads closed with a
cunningly made fence. Another is a bent sapling, from which a loop of
twine or fibre hangs on what appears to be the ground, but is really a
little platform on which the jungle fowl treads, and immediately finds
itself caught by both legs, and <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb99"
href="#pb99" name="pb99">99</a>]</span>hanging in mid-air. The third is
very much the same, but of stouter build. The loop is upright, and set
in a hedge constructed for the purpose of keeping the fretful porcupine
in the path, passing along which the beast unconsciously releases a
pin, back flies the sapling, and the porcupine is hung. If fouled in
any way, he generally uses his teeth to advantage, and escapes. The
Muduvars are also adepts at catching &lsquo;ibex&rsquo; (wild goat),
which are driven towards a fence with nooses set in it at proper
points, which cause the beasts to break their necks. Fish are caught in
very beautifully constructed cruives, and also on the hook, while, on
the larger rivers below the plateau, the use of the night-line is
understood. With the gun, sambar, &lsquo;ibex,&rsquo; barking deer,
mungooses, monkeys, squirrels, and martens are killed. Besides being a
good shot, the Muduvar, when using his own powder, takes no risks. The
stalk is continued until game is approached, sometimes to within a few
yards, when a charge of slugs from the antiquated match-lock has the
same effect as the most up-to-date bullet from the most modern weapon.
Mr. Bensley records how, on one occasion, two English planters went out
with two Muduvars after &lsquo;bison.&rsquo; One of the Muduvars,
carrying a rifle, tripped, and the weapon exploded, killing one of the
planters on the spot. The two Muduvars immediately took to their heels.
The other planter covered them with his rifle, and threatened to shoot
them if they did not return, which they at last did. Mr. Bensley held
the magisterial enquiry, and the Muduvars were amazed at escaping
capital punishment.</p>
<p>In their agricultural operations, the Muduvars are very
happy-go-lucky. They have no scare-crows to avert injury to crops or
frighten away demons, but they employ many devices for keeping off
pigs, s&#257;mbar, and barking <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb100"
href="#pb100" name="pb100">100</a>]</span>deer from their crops, none
of which appear to be efficacious for long. The implement <i>par
excellence</i> of the Muduvar is the bill-hook, from which he never
parts company, and with which he can do almost anything, from building
a house to skinning a rat, or from hammering sheet-lead into bullets to
planting maize.</p>
<p>The bulk of the tribe live on r&#257;gi or hill-rice, and whatever
vegetables they can grow, and whatever meat they trap or shoot. They
esteem the flesh of the black monkey (<i>Semnopithecus johni</i>) above
everything, and lust after it. I have seen a Muduvar much pulled down
by illness seize an expiring monkey, and suck the blood from its
jugular vein. Muduvars will not eat beef, dog, jackals, or snakes, but
will eat several sorts of lizards, and rats, &lsquo;ibex,&rsquo; and
all the deer tribe, fish, fowl, and other birds, except kites and
vultures, are put into the pot. The plateau Muduvars, and those on the
eastern slopes, will not eat pig in any shape or form. Those on the
western slopes are very keen on wild pig, and this fact causes them to
be somewhat looked down upon by the others. I think this pork-eating
habit is due to the absence of s&#257;mbar or other deer in the heart
of the forests. Muduvars are fond of alcohol in any shape or form. They
take a liquor from a wild palm which grows on the western slopes, and,
after allowing it to become fermented, drink it freely. Some members of
the tribe, living in the vicinity of these palms, are more or less in a
state of intoxication during the whole time it is in season. Their name
for the drink is tippily-kal, and the palm resembles the kitt&#363;l
(<i>Caryota urens</i>). The western slope Muduvars are acquainted with
opium from the west coast, and some of them are slaves to the habit.
The Muduvars do not admit that any other caste is good enough to eat,
drink, or smoke with <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb101" href="#pb101"
name="pb101">101</a>]</span>them. They say that, once upon a time, they
permitted these privileges to Vell&#257;lans, but this fact induced so
many visitors to arrive that they really could not afford it any more,
so they eat, drink, and smoke with no one now, but will give uncooked
food to passing strangers.</p>
<p>I have never heard any proverb, song, or folk-tale of the Muduvars,
and believe the story of their arrival on the hills to be their stock
tale. They have a story, which is more a statement of belief than
anything else, that, when a certain bamboo below Pallivasal flowers, a
son of the Mah&#257;r&#257;ja of Travancore turns into a tiger or
puli-manisan, and devours people. Men often turn into puli-manisan
owing chiefly to witchcraft on the part of others, and stories of such
happenings are often told. The nearest approach to a proverb I have
heard is Tingakilamei nalla tingalam, which sounds rather tame and
meaningless in English, &ldquo;On Monday you can eat
well&rdquo;&mdash;the play on the words being quite lost.</p>
<p>The Muduvars make a miniature tom-tom by stretching monkey skin over
a firm frame of split bamboo or &#299;ta, on which the maker thereof
will strum by the hour much to his own enjoyment.</p>
<p>In former days, the whole tribe were very shy of strangers, and it
is only within the last thirty years that they have become used to
having dealings with outsiders. Old men still tell of the days when
robbers from the Coimbatore side used to come up, burn the Muduvar
villages, and carry off what cattle or fowls they could find. Even now,
there are some of the men in whom this fear of strangers seems to be
innate, and who have never spoken to Europeans. In the women this
feeling is accentuated, for, when suddenly met with, they make
themselves scarce in the most surprising way, and find <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb102" href="#pb102" name=
"pb102">102</a>]</span>cover as instinctively as a quail chick. There
are now and again men in the tribe who aspire to read, but I do not
know how far any of them succeed.</p>
<p>The Muduvars are becoming accustomed to quite wonderful
things&mdash;the harnessing of water which generates electricity to
work machinery, the mono-rail tram which now runs through their
country, and, most wonderful of all, the telephone. An old man
described how he would raise envy and wonder in the hearts of his tribe
by relating his experience. &ldquo;I am the first of my caste to speak
and hear over five miles,&rdquo; said he, with evident delight.</p>
<p>I have alluded to the two different types of countenance; perhaps
there is a third resulting from a mixture of the other two. The first
is distinctly aquiline-nosed and thin-lipped, and to this type the men
generally belong. The second is flat-nosed, wide-nostrilled, and
thick-lipped, and this fairly represents the women, who compare most
unfavourably with the men in face. I have never seen men of the second
type, but of an intermediate type they are not uncommon. On the
Cardamom Hills there may still exist a tribe of dwarfs, of which very
little is known. The late Mr. J. D. Munro had collected a little
information about them. Mr. A. W. Turner had the luck to come across
one, who was caught eating part of a barking deer raw. Mr. Turner
managed to do a little conversation with the man by signs, and
afterwards he related the incident to Sr&#299;rangam, a good old
Muduvar shik&#257;ri (sportsman), who listened thoughtfully, and then
asked &ldquo;Did you not shoot him?&rdquo; The question put a new
complexion on to the character of the usually peaceful and timid
Muduvar.</p>
<p>I know the Muduvars to be capable of real affection. Kanjan was very
proud of his little son, and used to make <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb103" href="#pb103" name="pb103">103</a>]</span>plans for wounding an
ibex, so that his boy might finish it off, and thus become accustomed
to shooting.</p>
<p>In South Coimbatore, &ldquo;honey-combs are collected by Irulas,
Muduvars, and K&#257;dirs. The collection is a dangerous occupation. A
hill-man, with a torch in his hand and a number of bamboo tubes
suspended from his shoulders, descends by means of ropes or creepers to
the vicinity of the comb. The sight of the torch drives away the bees,
and he proceeds to fill the bamboos with the comb, and then ascends to
the top of the rock.&rdquo; <a class="noteref" id="xd21e2038src" href=
"#xd21e2038" name="xd21e2038src">61</a></p>
<p><b>M&#363;gi</b> (dumb).&mdash;An exogamous sept of Golla.</p>
<p><b>M&#363;ka.&mdash;</b>A sub-division of Konda R&#257;zu.</p>
<p><b>M&#363;ka Dora.&mdash;</b>M&#363;ka is recorded, in the Madras
Census Reports, 1891 and 1901, as a sub-division and synonym of Konda
Dora, and I am informed that the M&#363;ka Doras, in Vizagapatam, hold
a high position, and most of the chiefs among the Konda Doras are
M&#363;ka Doras. Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, to whom I am indebted to the
following note, inclines to the opinion that the M&#363;ka Doras form a
caste distinct from the Konda Doras. They are traditionally regarded as
one of the primitive hill tribes, but their customs at the present day
exhibit a great deal of low-country influence. They speak Telugu, their
personal names are pure Telugu, and their titles are Anna and Ayya as
well as Dora. They recognize one Vant&#257;ri Dora of Padmapuram as
their head.</p>
<p>The M&#363;ka Doras are agriculturists and pushing petty traders.
They may be seen travelling about the country with pack bullocks at the
rice harvest season. They irrigate their lands with liquid manure in a
manner similar to the Kunnuvans of the Palni hills in the Madura
country. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb104" href="#pb104" name=
"pb104">104</a>]</span></p>
<p>They are divided into two sections, viz., K&#333;r&#257;-vamsam,
which reveres the sun, and N&#257;ga-vamsam, which reveres the cobra,
and have further various exogamous septs or intip&#275;rulu, such as
v&#275;mu or n&#299;m tree (<i>Melia Azadirachta</i>), chikkudi
(<i>Dolickos Lablab</i>), velanga (<i>Feronia elephantum</i>),
k&#257;kara (<i>Momordica Charantia</i>).</p>
<p>Girls are married either before or after puberty. The m&#275;narikam
system is in force, according to which a man should marry his maternal
uncle&rsquo;s daughter. On an auspicious day, some of the elders of the
future bridegroom&rsquo;s family take a cock or goat, a new cloth for
the girl&rsquo;s mother, rice and liquor to the girl&rsquo;s house. The
presents are usually accepted, and the pasupu (turmeric) ceremony,
practiced by many Telugu castes, is performed. On an appointed day, the
bridegroom&rsquo;s party repair to the house of the bride, and bring
her in procession to the house of the bridegroom. Early next morning,
the contracting couple enter a pandal (booth), the two central pillars
of which are made of the n&#275;r&#275;di (<i>Eugenia Jambolana</i>)
and relli (<i>Cassia Fistula</i>) trees. The maternal uncle, who
officiates, links their little fingers together. Their bodies are
anointed with castor-oil mixed with turmeric powder, and they bathe.
New cloths are then given to them by their fathers-in-law. Some rice is
poured over the floor of the house, and the bride and bridegroom
measure this three times. The ends of their cloths are tied together,
and a procession is formed, which proceeds to the bank of a stream,
where the bride fetches tooth-cleaning sticks three times, and gives
them to the bridegroom, who repeats the process. They then sit down
together, and clean their teeth. After a bath in the stream, the ends
of their clothes are once more tied together, and the procession
returns to <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb105" href="#pb105" name=
"pb105">105</a>]</span>the bridegroom&rsquo;s house. The bride cooks
some of the rice which has already been measured with water brought
from the stream, and the pair partake thereof. A caste feast, with much
drinking, is held on this and the two following days. The newly-married
couple then proceed, in the company of an old man, to the bride&rsquo;s
house, and remain there from three to five days. If the girl is adult,
she then goes to the home of her husband.</p>
<p>When a girl reaches puberty, she is placed apart in a room, and sits
within a triangular enclosure made by means of three arrows stuck in
the ground, and connected together by three rounds of thread. From the
roof a cradle, containing a stone, is placed. On the last day, a twig
of the n&#275;r&#275;di tree is plucked, planted on the way to the
village stream, and watered. As she passes the spot, the girl pulls it
out of the ground, and takes it to the stream, into which she throws
it. She then bathes therein.</p>
<p>The dead are, as a rule, burnt, and death pollution is observed for
three days, during which the caste occupation is not carried out. On
the fourth day, a ceremony, called pasupu muttuk&#333;vadam, or
touching turmeric, is performed. The relations of the deceased repair
to the spot where the corpse was burnt, collect the ashes, and sprinkle
cow-dung, n&#275;r&#275;di and tamarind water over the spot. Some food
is cooked, and three handfuls are thrown to the crows. They then
perform a ceremonial ablution. The ceremony corresponds to the
chinnar&#333;zu, or little day ceremony, of the low-country castes. The
more well-to-do M&#363;ka Doras perform the peddar&#333;zu, or big day
ceremony, on the twelfth day, or later on. The relations of the
deceased then plant a plantain on the spot where he was burnt, and
throw turmeric, castor-oil, and money according to their means. The
coins are <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb106" href="#pb106" name=
"pb106">106</a>]</span>collected, and used for the purchase of
materials for a feast.</p>
<p><b>Mukkara</b> (nose or ear ornament).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
B&#333;ya.</p>
<p><b>Mukkuvan.&mdash;</b>The Mukkuvans are the sea fishermen of the
Malabar coast, who are described as follows by Buchanan.<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e2095src" href="#xd21e2095" name=
"xd21e2095src">62</a> &ldquo;The Mucua, or in the plural Mucuar, are a
tribe who live near the sea-coast of Malayala, to the inland parts of
which they seldom go, and beyond its limits any way they rarely
venture. Their proper business is that of fishermen, as
palanquin-bearers for persons of low birth, or of no caste; but they
serve also as boatmen. The utmost distance to which they will venture
on a voyage is to Mangalore. In some places they cultivate the
cocoanut. In the southern parts of the province most of them have
become Mussulmans, but continue to follow their usual occupations.
These are held in the utmost contempt by those of the north, who have
given up all communication with the apostates. Those here do not
pretend to be Sudras, and readily acknowledge the superior dignity of
the Tiars. They have hereditary chiefs called Arayan, who settle
disputes, and, with the assistance of a council, punish by fine or
excommunication those who transgress the rules of the caste. The deity
of the caste is the goddess Bhadra-K&#257;li, who is represented by a
log of wood, which is placed in a hut that is called a temple. Four
times a year the Mucuas assemble, sacrifice a cock, and make offerings
of fruit to the log of wood. One of the caste acts as priest
(p&#363;j&#257;ri). They are not admitted to enter within the precincts
of any of the temples of the great gods who are worshipped by the
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb107" href="#pb107" name=
"pb107">107</a>]</span>Br&#257;hmans; but they sometimes stand at a
distance, and send their offerings by more pure hands.&rdquo;</p>
<p>It is recorded by Captain Hamilton<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2102src" href="#xd21e2102" name="xd21e2102src">63</a> that he saw
&ldquo;at many Muchwa Houses, a square Stake of Wood, with a few
Notches cut about it, and that Stake drove into the Ground, about two
Foot of it being left above, and that is covered with Cadjans or
Cocoanut Tree Leaves, and is a Temple and a God to that
Family.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In the Gazetteer of Malabar (1908), the following account of the
Mukkuvans is given. &ldquo;A caste, which according to a probably
erroneous tradition came originally from Ceylon, is that of the
Mukkuvans, a caste of fishermen following marumakkat&#257;yam
(inheritance through the female line) in the north, and
makkatt&#257;yam (inheritance from father to son) in the south. Their
traditional occupations also include chunam (lime) making, and
manchal-bearing (a manchal is a kind of hammock slung on a pole, and
carried by four men, two at each end). In the extreme south of the
district they are called Arayans,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e2107src"
href="#xd21e2107" name="xd21e2107src">64</a> a term elsewhere used as a
title of their headmen. North of Cannanore there are some fishermen,
known as Mugavars or Mugayans, who are presumably the same as the
Mugayars of South Canara. Another account is that the Mugayans are
properly river-fishers, and the Mukkuvans sea-fishers; but the
distinction does not seem to hold good in fact. The Mukkuvans rank
below the Tiyans and the artisan classes; and it is creditable to the
community that some of its members have recently risen to occupy such
offices as that of Sub-magistrate and Sub-registrar. The caste has
supplied many <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb108" href="#pb108" name=
"pb108">108</a>]</span>converts to the ranks of Muhammadanism. In North
Malabar the Mukkuvans are divided into four exogamous illams, called
Ponillam (pon, gold), Chembillam (chembu, copper), K&#257;rillam, and
K&#257;chillam, and are hence called N&#257;lillakkar, or people of the
four illams; while the South Malabar Mukkuvans and Arayans have only
the three latter illams, and are therefore called M&#363;nillakkar, or
people of the three illams. There is also a section of the caste called
K&#257;vuthiyans, who act as barbers to the others, and are sometimes
called Panimagans (work-children). The N&#257;lillakkar are regarded as
superior to the M&#363;nillakkar and the K&#257;vuthiyans, and exact
various signs of respect from them. The K&#257;vuthiyans, like other
barber castes, have special functions to perform in connection with the
removal of ceremonial pollution; and it is interesting to note that
sea-water is used in the ritual sprinklings for this purpose. The old
caste organisation seems to have persisted to the present day among the
Mukkuvans to an extent which can be paralleled amongst few other
castes. They have assemblies (r&#257;jiams) of elders called Kadavans,
or Kadakk&#333;dis, presided over by presidents called Arayans or
Karnavans, who settle questions of caste etiquette, and also constitute
a divorce court. The position of the Arayans, like that of the
Kadavans, is hereditary. It is said to have been conferred by the
different R&#257;jas in their respective territories, with certain
insignia, a painted cadjan (palm leaf) umbrella, a stick, and a red
silk sash. The Arayans are also entitled to the heads of porpoises
captured in their jurisdictions, and to presents of tobacco and
<i>p&#257;n supari</i> when a girl attains puberty or is married. Their
consent is necessary to all regular marriages. The Mukkuvans have their
oracles or seers called Ayittans or Attans; and, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb109" href="#pb109" name="pb109">109</a>]</span>when
an Arayan dies, these select his successor from his Anandravans, while
under the influence of the divine afflatus, and also choose from among
the younger members of the Kadavan families priests called
M&#257;nakkans or B&#257;nakkans, to perform p&#363;ja in their
temples.</p>
<p>&ldquo;Fishing is the hereditary occupation of the Mukkuvans. Their
boats, made of aini (<i>Artocarpus hirsuta</i>) or mango wood, and
fitted with a mat sail, cost from Rs. 200 to Rs. 500, and carry a crew
of 5 or 8 men according to size. Their nets are of all shapes and
sizes, ranging from a fine net with a &#8540;&Prime; mesh for sardines
and such small fry to a stout valiya sr&#257;vuvala or shark net with a
6&frac12;&Prime; or 7&Prime; mesh; and for a big Badagara boat a
complete equipment is said to cost Rs. 1,000. The nets are generally
made of fibre, cotton thread being used only for nets with the finest
mesh. Salt is not usually carried in the boats, and the fish decompose
so rapidly in the tropical sun that the usual fishing grounds are
comparatively close to the shore; but boats sometimes venture out ten,
fifteen, or even twenty miles. Shoals of the migratory sardine, which
are pursued by predaceous sharks, kora, and cat-fish, yield the richest
harvest of fishes great and small to the Mukkuvan. Huge quantities of
mackerel or aila are also caught, and seir, white and black pomfret,
prawns, whiting, and soles are common. The arrival of the boats is the
great event of the day in a fishing village. Willing hands help to drag
them up the beach, and an eager crowd gathers round each boat,
discussing the catch and haggling over the price. The pile of fish soon
melts away, and a string of coolies, each with a basket of fish on his
head, starts off at a sling trot into the interior, and soon
distributes the catch over a large area. Relays of runners convey fresh
fish from Badagara and Tellicherry even as far as the <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb110" href="#pb110" name=
"pb110">110</a>]</span>Wynaad. All that is left unsold is taken from
the boats to the yards to be cured under the supervision of the Salt
Department with Tuticorin salt supplied at the rate of 10 annas per
maund. The fisherman is sometimes also the curer, but usually the two
are distinct, and the former disposes of the fish to the latter
&lsquo;on fixed terms to a fixed customer,&rsquo; and &lsquo;looks to
him for support during the slack season, the rainy and stormy
south-west monsoon.&rsquo; The salt fish is conveyed by coasting
steamers to Ceylon, and by the Madras Railway to Coimbatore, Salem, and
other places. Sardines are the most popular fish, and are known as
kudumbam pulartti, or the family blessing. In a good year, 200 sardines
can be had for a single pie. Sun-dried, they form valuable manure for
the coffee planter and the cocoanut grower, and are exported to Ceylon,
the Straits Settlements, and occasionally to China and Japan; and,
boiled with a little water, they yield quantities of fish oil for
export to Europe and Indian ports. Salted shark is esteemed a delicacy,
particularly for a nursing woman. Sharks&rsquo; fins find a ready sale,
and are exported to China by way of Bombay. The maws or sounds of kora
and cat-fishes are dried, and shipped to China and Europe for the
preparation of isinglass.&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id="xd21e2124src"
href="#xd21e2124" name="xd21e2124src">65</a> It will be interesting to
watch the effect of the recently instituted Fishery Bureau in
developing the fishing industry and system of fish-curing in Southern
India.</p>
<p>Mukkuvans work side by side with M&#257;ppillas both at the fishing
grounds and in the curing yards, and the two classes will eat together.
It is said that, in former times, M&#257;ppillas were allowed to
contract alliances with Mukkuva women, and that male children born as a
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb111" href="#pb111" name=
"pb111">111</a>]</span>result thereof on Friday were handed over to the
M&#257;ppilla community. It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report,
1891, that &ldquo;conversion to Islam is common among this caste. The
converts are called Puislam or Putiya Islam<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2135src" href="#xd21e2135" name="xd21e2135src">66</a> (new
Islam). All Puislams follow the occupation of fishing. In the
northernmost taluks there is a rule that Mukkuva females during their
periods cannot remain in the house, but must occupy the house of a
M&#257;ppilla, which shows that the two castes live on very close
terms.&rdquo; The fishermen at Tan&#363;r are for the most part
Puislamites, and will not go out fishing on Fridays.</p>
<p>From a recent note (1908), I gather that the Mukkuvas and Puislams
of Tan&#363;r have been prospering of late years and would appear to be
going in for a display of their prosperity by moving about arrayed in
showy shirts, watch-chains, shoes of the kind known as Arabi cherippu,
etc. This sort of ostentation has evidently not been appreciated by the
Moplahs, who, it is said sent round the Mukkuva village, known as
Mukkadi some Cherumas, numbering over sixty, to notify by beat of
kerosene tins that any Mukkuva or Puislam who went into the Moplah
bazaar wearing a shirt or coat or shoes would go in peril of his life.
Some days after this alleged notification, two Mukkuvas and a Mukkuva
woman complained to the Tir&#363;r Sub-Magistrate that they had been
waylaid by several Moplahs on the public road in the Tan&#363;r bazaar,
and had been severely beaten, the accused also robbing the woman of
some gold ornaments which were on her person. I am informed that
Tan&#363;r is the only place where this feeling exists. Puislams and
M&#257;ppillas settle down together peacefully enough elsewhere.
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb112" href="#pb112" name=
"pb112">112</a>]</span></p>
<p>There are two titles in vogue among the Mukkuvans, viz., Arayan and
Marakkan. Of these, the former is the title of the headmen and members
of their families, and the latter a title of ordinary members of the
community. The caste deity is said to be Bhadrak&#257;li, and the
Mukkuvans have temples of their own, whereat worship is performed by
Y&#333;gi Gurukkals, or, it is said, by the Karanavans of certain
families who have been initiated by a Y&#333;gi Gurukkal.</p>
<p>At Tellicherry there are two headmen, called Arayanmar belonging to
the K&#257;chillam and Ponillam sections. In addition to the headmen,
there are caste servants called M&#257;n&#257;kkan. It is stated, in
the Manual of the South Canara district, that &ldquo;there is an
hereditary headman of the caste called the Ayathen, who settles
disputes. For trifling faults the ordinary punishment is to direct the
culprit to supply so much oil for lights to be burnt before the caste
demon.&rdquo; The Velichap&#257;ds, or oracles who become possessed by
the spirit of the deity among the Mukkuvans, are called Ayathen, which
is probably an abbreviation of Ayuthathan, meaning a sword or
weapon-bearer, as the oracle, when under the influence of the deity,
carries a sword or knife.</p>
<p>As among other Malay&#257;lam castes, Mukkuva girls must go through
a ceremony before they attain puberty. This is called pandal kizhikkal,
and corresponds to the t&#257;li-kettu kaly&#257;nam of the other
castes. The consent of the Arayan is necessary for the performance of
this ceremony. On the night previous thereto, the girl is smeared with
turmeric paste and oil. Early on the following morning, she is brought
to the pandal (booth), which is erected in front of the house, and
supported by four bamboo posts. She is bathed by having water poured
over her by girls of septs other than her own. After the <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb113" href="#pb113" name=
"pb113">113</a>]</span>bath, she stands at the entrance to the house,
and a K&#257;vuthiyachi (barber woman) sprinkles sea-water over her
with a tuft of grass (<i>Cynodon Dactylon</i>). A cloth is thrown over
her, and she is led into the house. The barber woman receives as her
fee a cocoanut, some rice, and condiments. A t&#257;li (marriage badge)
is tied on the girl&rsquo;s neck by her prospective husband&rsquo;s
sister if a husband has been selected for her, or by a woman of a sept
other than her own. The girl must fast until the conclusion of the
ceremony, and should remain indoors for seven days afterwards. At the
time of ceremony, she receives presents of money at the rate of two
vellis per family. The Arayan receives two vellis, a bundle of betel
leaves, areca nuts, and tobacco.</p>
<p>Girls are married after puberty according to one of two forms of
rite, called k&#333;di-udukkal (tying the cloth) and
v&#299;ttil-k&#363;dal. The former is resorted to by the more
prosperous members of the community, and lasts over two days. On the
first day, the bridegroom goes to the home of the bride, accompanied by
his relations and friends, and sweets, betel leaves and areca nuts,
etc., are given to them. They then take their departure, and return
later in the day, accompanied by musicians, in procession. At the
entrance to the bride&rsquo;s house they stand while someone calls out
the names of the eleven Arayans of the caste, who, if they are present,
come forward without a body-cloth or coat. Betel leaves and areca nuts
are presented to the Arayans or their representatives, and afterwards
to the R&#257;jyakkar, or chief men of the village. The bridegroom then
goes inside, conducted by two men belonging to the septs of the
contracting parties, to the bride&rsquo;s room. The bridegroom sits
down to a meal with nine or eleven young men in a line, or in the same
room. On the second day, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb114" href=
"#pb114" name="pb114">114</a>]</span>the bride is brought to the
pandal. Two persons are selected as representatives of the bridegroom
and bride, and the representative of the former gives thirty-nine
vellis to the representative of the latter. Some sweetened water is
given to the bridegroom&rsquo;s relations. A woman who has been married
according to the k&#333;di-udukkal rite ties a new cloth round the
waist of the bride, after asking her if she is willing to marry the
bridegroom, and obtaining the consent of those assembled. Sometimes a
necklace, composed of twenty-one gold coins, is also tied on the
bride&rsquo;s neck. At night, the bridal couple take their departure
for the home of the bridegroom. In South Canara, the ceremonial is
spread over three days, and varies from the above in some points of
detail. The bridegroom goes in procession to the bride&rsquo;s house,
accompanied by a Sang&#257;yi or M&#363;nan (best or third man)
belonging to a sept other than that of the bridal couple. The bride is
seated in a room, with a lamp and a tray containing betel leaves, areca
nuts, and flowers. The Sang&#257;yi takes a female cloth in which some
money is tied, and throws it on a rope within the room. On the third
day, the bride puts on this cloth, and, seated within the pandal,
receives presents.</p>
<p>The v&#299;ttil-k&#363;dal marriage rite is completed in a single
day. The bridegroom comes to the home of the bride, and goes into her
room, conducted thither by two men belonging to the septs of the
contracting couple. The newly-married couple may not leave the
bride&rsquo;s house until the seventh day after the marriage ceremony,
and the wife is not obliged to live at her husband&rsquo;s house.</p>
<p>There is yet another form of alliance called vechchirukkal, which is
an informal union with the consent of the parents and the Arayans. It
is recorded, in the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb115" href="#pb115"
name="pb115">115</a>]</span>Gazetteer of Malabar, that &ldquo;amongst
Mukkuvas the vid&#257;ram marriage obtains, but for this no ceremony is
performed. The vid&#257;ram wife is not taken to her husbands house,
and her family pay no stridhanam. A vid&#257;ram marriage can at any
time be completed, as it were, by the performance of the kaly&#257;nam
ceremonies. Even if this be not done, however, a child by a
vid&#257;ram wife has a claim to inherit to his father in South
Malabar, if the latter recognises him by paying to the mother directly
after her delivery a fee of three fanams called mukkapanam. A curious
custom is that which prescribes that, if a girl be married after
attaining puberty, she must remain for a period in the status of a
vid&#257;ram wife, which may subsequently be raised by the performance
of the regular kaly&#257;nam.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Divorce is easily effected by payment of a fine, the money being
divided between the husband or wife as the case may be, the temple, the
Arayans, and charity.</p>
<p>A pregnant woman has to go through a ceremony called puli or
ney-kudi in the fifth or seventh month. A ripe cocoanut, which has lost
its water, is selected, and heated over a fire. Oil is then expressed
from it, and five or seven women smear the tongue and abdomen of the
pregnant woman with it. A barber woman is present throughout the
ceremony. The husband lets his hair grow until his wife has been
delivered, and is shaved on the third day after the birth of the child.
At the place where he sits for the operation, a cocoanut, betel leaves
and areca nuts are placed. The cocoanut is broken in pieces by some one
belonging to the same sept as the father of the child. Pollution is got
rid of on this day by a barber woman sprinkling water at the houses of
the Mukkuvans. A barber should also sprinkle water at the temple on the
same day. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb116" href="#pb116" name=
"pb116">116</a>]</span></p>
<p>The dead are, as a rule, buried. Soon after death has taken place,
the widow of the deceased purchases twenty-eight cubits of white cloth.
A gold ring is put into the hand of the corpse, and given to the widow
or her relations, to be returned to the relations of the dead man. The
corpse is bathed in fresh water, decorated, and placed on a bier. The
widow then approaches, and, with a cloth over her head, cuts her
t&#257;li off, and places it by the side of the corpse. Sometimes the
t&#257;li is cut off by a barber woman, if the widow has been married
according to the k&#333;di-udukkal rite. In some places, the bier is
kept in the custody of the barber, who brings it whenever it is
required. In this case, the articles requisite for decorating the
corpse, <i>e.g.</i>, sandal paste and flowers, are brought by the
barber, and given to the son of the deceased. Some four or five women
belonging to the Kadavar families are engaged for mourning. The corpse
is carried to the burial-ground, where a barber tears a piece of cloth
from the winding-sheet, and gives it to the son. The bearers anoint
themselves, bathe in the sea, and, with wet cloths, go three times
round the corpse, and put a bit of gold, flowers, and rice, in its
nose. The relations then pour water over the corpse, which is lowered
into the grave. Once more the bearers, and the son, bathe in the sea,
and go three times round the grave. The son carries a pot of water,
and, at the end of the third round, throws it down, so that it is
broken. On their return home, the son and bearers are met by a barber
woman, who sprinkles them with rice and water. Death pollution is
observed for seven days, during which the son abstains from salt and
tamarind. A barber woman sprinkles water over those under pollution. On
the eighth, or sometimes the fourteenth day, the final death ceremony
is performed. Nine or <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb117" href=
"#pb117" name="pb117">117</a>]</span>eleven boys bathe in the sea, and
offer food near it. They then come to the house of the deceased, and,
with lamps on their heads, go round seven or nine small heaps of raw
rice or paddy (unhusked rice), and place the lamps on the heaps. The
eldest son is expected to abstain from shaving his head for six months
or a year. At the end of this time, he is shaved on an auspicious day.
The hair, plantains, and rice, are placed in a small new pot, which is
thrown into the sea. After a bath, rice is spread on the floor of the
house so as to resemble the figure of a man, over which a green cloth
is thrown. At one end of the figure, a light in a measure is placed.
Seven or nine heaps of rice or paddy are made, on which lights are put,
and the son goes three times round, throwing rice at the north, south,
east, and west corners. This brings the ceremonial to a close.</p>
<p><b>Mulaka</b> <i>(Solanum xanthocarpum).</i>&mdash;A sept of Balija.
The fruit of this plant is tied to the big toe of Br&#257;hman
corpses.</p>
<p><b>M&#363;li.&mdash;</b>Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901,
as a class of blacksmiths in Ganjam, and stone-cutters in Vizagapatam.
It is said to be a sub-division of Loh&#257;ra. M&#363;li also occurs
as an occupational sub-division of Savara.</p>
<p><b>M&#363;li Kurava.&mdash;</b>A name for Kuravas in Travancore.</p>
<p><b>Mullangi</b>(radish).&mdash;An exogamous sept of K&#333;mati.</p>
<p><b>Mullu</b> (thorn).&mdash;A g&#333;tra of Kurni. Mullu also occurs
as a sub-division of Kurumba.</p>
<p><b>Mult&#257;ni.&mdash;</b>A territorial name, meaning a native of
Mult&#257;n in the Punjab. They are described, in the Mysore Census
Report, 1901, as immigrant traders, found in the large towns, whose
business consists chiefly of banking and money-lending.</p>
<p><b>Mund&#257;la,&mdash;</b>A sub-division of Holeya. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb118" href="#pb118" name="pb118">118</a>]</span></p>
<p><b>Mundap&#333;tho.&mdash;</b>Mundap&#333;tho (mundo, head; potho,
bury) is the name of a class of mendicants who wander about
Ganj&#257;m, and frequent the streets of Jagann&#257;th (P&#363;ri).
They try to arouse the sympathy of pilgrims by burying their head in
the sand or dust, and exposing the rest of the body. They generally
speak Telugu.</p>
<p><b>Mungaru</b> (woman&rsquo;s skirt).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
K&#257;pu.</p>
<p><b>Muni.&mdash;</b>See R&#257;vulo.</p>
<p><b>M&#363;nillakkar</b> (people of the three illams).&mdash;A
section of Mukkuvans, which is divided into three illams.</p>
<p><b>Munn&#363;ti Gumpu.&mdash;</b>Recorded, in the Kurnool Manual, as
&ldquo;a mixed caste, comprising the illegitimate descendants of
Balijas, and the male children of dancing-girls.&rdquo; It is not a
caste name, but an insulting name for those of mixed origin.</p>
<p><b>Munn&#363;tt&#257;n</b> (men of the three
hundred).&mdash;Recorded, at times of census, as a synonym of
V&#275;lan, and sub-caste of P&#257;nan, among the latter of whom
Anj&#363;tt&#257;n (men of five hundred) also occurs. In the Gazetteer
of Malabar, Munn&#363;tt&#257;n appears as a class of Mann&#257;ns, who
are closely akin to the V&#275;lans. In Travancore, Munnutilkar is a
name for Kumbak&#333;nam Vell&#257;las, who have settled there.</p>
<p><b>M&#363;ppan.&mdash;</b>M&#363;ppan has been defined as &ldquo;an
elder, the headman of a class or business, one who presides over
ploughmen and shepherds, etc. The word literally means an elder:
mukkiradu, to grow old, and muppu, seniority.&rdquo; At recent times of
census, M&#363;ppan has been returned as a title by many classes, which
include Alavan, Ambalak&#257;ran, Kudumi, Pallan, Paraiyan and Tandan
in Travancore, Senaikkudaiyan, S&#257;liyan, Sh&#257;n&#257;n,
Sudarm&#257;n and Valaiyan. It has further been returned as a division
of Konkana S&#363;dras in Travancore. <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb119" href="#pb119" name="pb119">119</a>]</span></p>
<p>During my wanderings in the Malabar Wyn&#257;d, I came across a gang
of coolies, working on a planter&rsquo;s estate, who called themselves
M&#363;ppans. They were interesting owing to the frequent occurrence
among them of a very simple type of finger-print impression
(arches).</p>
<p><b>M&#363;ppil</b> (chief).&mdash;A sub-division of N&#257;yar.</p>
<p><b>Murikin&#257;du.&mdash;</b>Murikin&#257;du or Murikin&#257;ti is
a territorial name, which occurs as a division of Telugu Br&#257;hmans,
and of various Telugu classes, e.g., Kamsala, M&#257;la, Mangala,
R&#257;zu, and Ts&#257;kala.</p>
<p><b>Muriya.&mdash;</b>A small class in Ganjam, who are engaged in
making a preparation of fried rice (muri) and in cultivation.</p>
<p><b>M&#363;ru Balayan&#333;ru</b> (three-bangle people).&mdash;A
sub-division of K&#257;ppiliyan.</p>
<p><b>Musaliar.&mdash;</b>An occupational term, denoting a Muhammadan
priest, returned at times of census in the Tamil country.</p>
<p><b>Mus&#257;ri.&mdash;</b>A division of Malay&#257;lam
Kamm&#257;lans, whose occupation is that of brass and copper smiths.
The equivalent Musarlu occurs among the Telugu Kamsalas.</p>
<p><b>M&#363;shika</b> (rat).&mdash;A g&#333;tra of Nagar&#257;lu. The
rat is the vehicle of the Elephant God, Vign&#275;svara or
Gan&#275;sa.</p>
<p><b>Mushtiga.&mdash;</b>An exogamous sept of the Gollas, who may not
use the mushtiga tree (Strychnos Nux-vomica). It also occurs as a
synonym of Jetti.</p>
<p><b>Mushti Golla.&mdash;</b>A class of mendicants, usually of mixed
extraction. Mushti means alms.</p>
<p><b>M&#363;ssad.&mdash;</b>For the following note on the M&#363;ssads
or M&#363;ttatus of Travancore, I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramani
Aiyar. They are known as M&#363;ttatus or M&#363;ssatus in Travancore
and Cochin, and Potuvals (or <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb120" href=
"#pb120" name="pb120">120</a>]</span>Poduvals) or Akapotuvals in North
Malabar. The word M&#363;ttatu means elder, and is generally taken to
indicate a community, which is higher than the Ambalav&#257;si castes,
as Ilayatu (or Elayad), or younger, denotes a sub-caste slightly lower
than the Br&#257;hmans. In early records, the word M&#363;pputayor,
which has an identical meaning, is met with. Potuval means a common
person, i.e., the representative of a committee, and a
M&#363;ttatu&rsquo;s right to this name is from the fact that, in the
absence of the Namb&#363;tiri managers of a temple, he becomes their
agent, and is invested with authority to exercise all their functions.
The work of an Akapotuval always lies within the inner wall of the
shrine, while that of the Purapotuval or Potuval proper lies outside.
The castemen themselves prefer the name Sivadvija or Saivite
Br&#257;hman. A few families possess special titles, such as Nambi and
Nambiyar. Their women are generally known as Manayammamar, mana meaning
the house of a Br&#257;hman. There are no divisions or septs among the
M&#363;ttatus.</p>
<p>The origin of the M&#363;ttatus, and their place in Malabar society,
are questions on which a good deal of discussion has been of late
expended. In the J&#257;tinirnaya, an old Sanskrit work on the castes
of K&#275;rala attributed to Sankar&#257;ch&#257;rya, it is said that
the four kinds of Ambalav&#257;sis, Tantri, Bharatabhattaraka, Agrima,
and Slaghyavakku, are Br&#257;hmans degraded in the Krita, Treta,
Dvapara, and Kali ages, respectively, and that those who were so
degraded in the Dvapara Yuga&mdash;the Agrimas or
M&#363;ttatus&mdash;and whose occupation is to cleanse the stone steps
of shrines&mdash;are found in large numbers in K&#275;rala. According
to K&#275;rala Mahatmya, another Sanskrit work on Malabar history and
customs, these M&#363;ttatus are also known as Sivadvijas, or
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb121" href="#pb121" name=
"pb121">121</a>]</span>Br&#257;hmans dedicated to the worship of Siva,
occupying a lower position in Malabar society than that of the
Br&#257;hmans. One of them, disguised as a Namb&#363;tiri, married a
Namb&#363;tiri&rsquo;s daughter, but his real status became known
before the marriage was consummated, and the pair were degraded, and
allotted a separate place in society. This tradition is not necessary
to account for the present position of the M&#363;ttatus in
K&#275;rala, as, all over India, worship of fixed images was viewed
with disfavour even in the days of Manu. Worship in Saivite temples was
not sought by Br&#257;hmans, and was even considered as
despiritualising on account of the divine displeasure which may be
expected as the result of misfeasance. It was for a similar reason that
the Nambiyans of even Vaishnavite temples on the east coast became
degraded in society. The Illayatus and M&#363;ttatus have been long
known in Malabar as Ny&#363;nas or castes slightly lower than the
Br&#257;hmans, and Av&#257;ntaras or castes intermediate between
Br&#257;hmans and Ambalav&#257;sis. As, in subsequent days, the
Br&#257;hmans themselves undertook with impunity the priestly
profession in Hindu temples, Saivite as well as Vaishnavite, the
M&#363;ttatus had to be content with a more lowly occupation, viz.,
that of guarding the temples and images. According to Suchindra
Mahatmyam, eleven Br&#257;hmans were ordered by Parasu R&#257;ma to
partake of the remnants of the food offered to Siva, and to bear the
Saivite image in procession round the shrine on occasions of festivals;
and, according to the Vaikam Sthalapur&#257;nam, three families of
Sivadvijas were brought over by the same sage from eastern districts
for service at that temple. Whatever may be said in regard to the
antiquity or authenticity of many of these Sthalapur&#257;nams,
corroborative evidence of the Br&#257;hmanical origin of the
M&#363;ttatus <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb122" href="#pb122" name=
"pb122">122</a>]</span>may be amply found in their manners and customs.
A fresh colony of Sivadvijas is believed to have been invited to settle
at Tiruvanchikkulam in Cranganore from Chidambaram by one of the
Perum&#257;ls of K&#275;rala, in connection with the establishment of
Saivite temples there. They have preserved their original occupation
faithfully enough down to the present day.</p>
<p>The houses of M&#363;ttatus are known as illams and mattams, the
former being the name of all Namb&#363;tiri houses. They are generally
built beside some well-known shrine, with which the inmates are
professionally connected. The dress of both men and women resembles
that of the Namb&#363;tiri Br&#257;hmans, the injunction to cover the
whole of the body when they go out of doors being applicable also to
the Manayammamar. Girls before marriage wear a ring and kuzal on the
neck, and, on festive occasions, a palakka ring. The chuttu in the
ears, and pozhutu t&#257;li on the neck are worn only after marriage,
the latter being the symbol which distinguishes married women from
widows and maidens. Widows are prohibited from wearing any ornament
except the chuttu. In food and drink the M&#363;ttatus are quite like
the Namb&#363;tiris.</p>
<p>The M&#363;ttatus are the custodians of the images, which they take
in procession, and wash the stone steps leading to the inner sanctuary.
They live by the naivedya or cooked food offering which they receive
from the temple, and various other emoluments. It may be noted that one
of the causes of their degradation was the partaking of this food,
which Br&#257;hmans took care not to do. The M&#363;ttatus are
generally well-read in Sanskrit, and study astrology, medicine, and
sorcery. The social government of the M&#363;ttatus rests wholly with
the Namb&#363;tiris, who enforce the smartavicharam or enquiry into a
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb123" href="#pb123" name=
"pb123">123</a>]</span>suspected case of adultery, as in the case of a
Namb&#363;tiri woman. When Namb&#363;tiri priests are not available,
M&#363;ttatus, if learned in the V&#275;das, may be employed, but
punyaham, or purification after pollution, can only be done by a
Namb&#363;tiri.</p>
<p>Like the Namb&#363;tiris, the M&#363;ttatus strictly observe the
rule that only the eldest male member in a family can marry. The rest
form casual connections with women of most of the Ambalav&#257;si
classes. They are, like the Br&#257;hmans, divided into exogamous septs
or g&#333;tras. A girl is married before or after puberty. Polygamy is
not uncommon, though the number of wives is never more than four.
Widows do not remarry. In their marriage ceremonies, the M&#363;ttatus
resemble the Namb&#363;tiris, with some minor points of difference.
They follow two sutras, those of Asvalayana and Baudhayana, the former
being members of the Rig V&#275;da and the latter of the Yajur
V&#275;da. The former omit a number of details, such as the
panchamehani and dasamehani, which are observed by the latter.
According to a territorial distinction, M&#363;ssad girls of North
Malabar cannot become the daughters-in-law of South Malabar families,
but girls of South Malabar can become the daughters-in-law of North
Malabar families.</p>
<p>The M&#363;ttatus observe all the religious rites of the
Namb&#363;tiris. The rule is that the eldest son should be named after
the paternal grandfather, the second after the maternal grandfather,
and the third after that of the father. The upan&#257;yana ceremony is
celebrated between the ages of seven and eleven, and the G&#257;yatri
hymn may only be repeated ten times thrice daily. In the funeral rites,
the help of the M&#257;r&#257;n called Chitikan (a corruption of
Chaitika, meaning one who is connected with the funeral pyre) is
sought. Pollution lasts only ten days. <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb124" href="#pb124" name="pb124">124</a>]</span></p>
<p>The M&#363;ttatus stand above all sections of the Ambalav&#257;si
group, and below every recognised section of the Br&#257;hman and
Kshatriya communities, with whom they do not hold commensal relations
in any part of K&#275;rala. They are thus on a par with the Illayatus,
but the latter have their own hierarchy, and lead a social life almost
independent of the Br&#257;hmans. The M&#363;ttatus seek their help and
advice in all important matters. The M&#363;ttatus are, however,
privileged to take their food within the n&#257;lampalam (temple
courts), and the leaf-plates are afterwards removed by temple servants.
The Ambalav&#257;sis do not possess a right of this kind. At
Suchindram, the Namb&#363;tiri by whom the chief image is served is not
privileged to give pr&#257;sada (remains of offerings) to any
worshipper, this privilege being confined to the M&#363;ttatus engaged
to serve the minor deities of the shrine. The washing of the stone
steps leading to the inner sanctuary, the mandapa, kitchen, feeding
rooms, and bali stones, both inside and outside the shrine, are done by
M&#363;ttatus at temples with which they are connected. All
Ambalav&#257;sis freely receive food from M&#363;ttatus.</p>
<p>It is further noted, in the Cochin Census Report, 1901, that
&ldquo;there is a pithy saying in Malay&#257;lam, according to which
the M&#363;thads are to be regarded as the highest of Ambalav&#257;sis,
and the Elayads as the lowest of Br&#257;hmans. Considerable difference
of opinion exists as to the exact social status of M&#363;thads. For,
while some hold that they are to be regarded as degraded Br&#257;hmans,
others maintain that they are only the highest class of
Ambalav&#257;sis. In the opinion, however, of the most learned
Vyd&#299;kan who was consulted on the subject, the M&#363;thads are to
be classed as degraded Br&#257;hmans. They are supposed to have
suffered social degradation by their having tattooed their bodies with
figures <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb125" href="#pb125" name=
"pb125">125</a>]</span>representing the weapons of the god Siva, and
partaking of the offerings made to that god.&rdquo;</p>
<p>A correspondent, who has made enquiry into caste questions in
Malabar, writes to me as follows. There are several ways of spelling
the name, <i>e.g.</i>, M&#363;ssu, M&#363;ssad, and M&#363;ttatu. Some
people tried to discriminate between these, but I could not work out
any distinctions. In practice, I think, all the classes noted below are
called by either name indifferently, and most commonly M&#363;ssad.
There are several classes, viz.:&mdash;</p>
<p class="subhead">(1) <span class="sc">BR&#256;HMAN OR
QUASI-BR&#256;HMAN</span>.</p>
<p>(<i>a</i>) <i>Ashtavaidyanmar</i>, or eight physicians, are eight
families of hereditary physicians. They are called
J&#257;tim&#257;trakaras (barely caste people), and it is supposed that
they are Namb&#363;diris slightly degraded by the necessity they may,
as surgeons, be under of shedding blood. Most of them are called
M&#363;ssad, but one at least is called Nambi.</p>
<p>(<i>b</i>) <i>Urili Parisha M&#363;ssad</i>, or assembly in the
village M&#363;ssad, who are said to be degraded because they accepted
gifts of land from Parasu R&#257;ma, and agreed to take on themselves
the sin he had contracted by slaying the Kshetriyas. This class, as a
whole, is called Sapta or Saptagrastan.</p>
<p class="subhead">(2) <span class="sc">AMBALAV&#256;SI</span>.</p>
<p>(<i>c</i>) <i>M&#363;ssad or M&#363;ttatu</i>.&mdash;They appear to
be identical with the Agapothuvals, or inside Pothuvals, as
distinguished from the Pura, or outside Pothuvals, in North Malabar.
They are said to be the descendants of a Sivadvija man and pure
Br&#257;hman girl. According to another account, they lost caste
because they ate rice offered to Siva, which is prohibited by one of
the an&#257;ch&#257;rams, or rules of conduct peculiar to K&#275;rala.
They <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb126" href="#pb126" name=
"pb126">126</a>]</span>perform various duties in temples, and escort
the idol when it is carried in procession on an arrangement called
tadambu, which is like an inverted shield with a shelf across it, on
which the idol is placed. They wear the p&#363;n&#363;l, or sacred
thread.</p>
<p>(<i>d</i>) <i>Karuga M&#363;ssad</i>.&mdash;So called from the
karuga grass (<i>Cynodon Dactylon</i>), which is used in ceremonies.
Their exact position is disputed. They wear the sacred thread
(<i>cf.</i> Karuga Namb&#363;diris in North Malabar), who cook rice for
the sr&#257;dh (memorial ceremony) of S&#363;dras,</p>
<p>(<i>e</i>) <i>Tiruvalayanath or K&#333;vil (temple)
M&#363;ssad</i>.&mdash;They also wear the sacred thread, but perform
p&#363;ja in Bhadrak&#257;li temples, incidents of which are the
shedding of blood and use of liquor. They seem to be almost identical
with the caste called elsewhere Adigal or Pid&#257;ran, but, I think,
Adigals are a little higher, and do not touch liquor, while
Pid&#257;rans are divided into two classes, the lower of which does not
wear the thread or perform the actual p&#363;ja, but only attends to
various matters subsidiary thereto.</p>
<p>In an account of the annual ceremony at the Pish&#257;ri temple near
Quilandy in Malabar in honour of Bhagavati, Mr. F. Fawcett
informs<a class="noteref" id="xd21e2371src" href="#xd21e2371" name=
"xd21e2371src">67</a> that the M&#363;ssad priests repeat mantrams
(prayers) over the goats for an hour as a preliminary to the sacrifice.
Then the chief priest, with a chopper-like sword, decapitates the
goats, and sacrifices several cocks. The M&#363;ssads cook some of the
flesh of the goats, and one or two of the cocks with rice. This rice,
when cooked, is taken to the k&#257;vu (grove) to the north of the
temple, and there the M&#363;ssads again ply their mantrams.</p>
<p><b>M&#363;su Kamma.&mdash;</b>The name of a special ear ornament
worn by the M&#363;su Kamma sub-division of Balijas. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb127" href="#pb127" name="pb127">127</a>]</span>In
the Salem District Manual, Musuku is recorded as a sub-division of this
caste.</p>
<div class="figure xd21e2381width" id="pl5-127"><img src=
"images/pl5-127.jpg" alt="M&#363;su Kamma woman." width="518" height=
"720">
<p class="figureHead">M&#363;su Kamma woman.</p>
</div>
<p><b>Mutalpattukar.&mdash;</b>A synonym of Tandan in Travancore,
indicating those who received an allowance for the assistance they were
called on to render to carpenters.</p>
<p><b>Mutr&#257;cha.&mdash;</b>Mutr&#257;cha appears, in published
records, in a variety of forms, such as Muttar&#257;cha,
Muttir&#257;julu, Muttar&#257;san, and Mutr&#257;tcha. The caste is
known by one of these names in the Telugu country, and in the Tamil
country as Muttiriyan or P&#257;laiyakk&#257;ran.</p>
<p>Concerning the Mutr&#257;chas, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes as
follows.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e2396src" href="#xd21e2396" name=
"xd21e2396src">68</a> &ldquo;This is a Telugu caste most numerous in
the Kistna, Nellore, Cuddapah, and North Arcot districts. The
Mutr&#257;chas were employed by the Vijayanagar kings to defend the
frontiers of their dominions, and were honoured with the title of
p&#257;ligars (<i>cf.</i> P&#257;laiyakk&#257;ran). The word
Mutr&#257;cha is derived from the Dravidian roots mudi, old, and
r&#257;cha, a king; but another derivation is from Mutu R&#257;ja, a
sovereign of some part of the Telugu country. They eat flesh, and drink
liquor. Their titles are Dora and Naidu.&rdquo; Mr. Stuart writes
further<a class="noteref" id="xd21e2402src" href="#xd21e2402" name=
"xd21e2402src">69</a> that in the North Arcot district they are
&ldquo;most numerous in the Chendragiri t&#257;luk, but found all over
the district in the person of the village tali&#257;ri or watchman, for
which reason it is often called the tali&#257;ri caste. They proudly
call themselves p&#257;ligars, and in Chendragiri doralu or lords,
because several of the Chittoor p&#257;laiyams (villages governed by
p&#257;ligars) were in possession of members of their caste. They seem
to have entered the country in the time of the Vijayanagar kings, and
to have been appointed as its k&#257;vilgars (watchmen). The caste is
usually esteemed by others as a low one. Most of its <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb128" href="#pb128" name=
"pb128">128</a>]</span>members are poor, even when they have left the
profession of tali&#257;ri, and taken to agriculture. They eat in the
houses of most other castes, and are not trammelled by many
restrictions. In Chendragiri they rarely marry, but form connections
with women of their caste, which are often permanent, though not
sanctioned by the marriage ceremony, and the offspring of such
associations are regarded as legitimate.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In the Nellore Manual, the Mutr&#257;chas are summed up as being
hunters, fishermen, bearers, palanquin-bearers, and hereditary watchmen
in the villages. At times of census, Mutr&#257;cha or Mutar&#257;san
has been recorded as a sub-division of &#362;r&#257;li, and a title of
Ambalakk&#257;ran. Muttiriyan, which is simply a Tamil form of
Mutr&#257;cha, appears as a title and sub-division of Ambalakk&#257;ran
(<i>q.v.</i>). Further, Tolagari is recorded as a sub-division of
Mutr&#257;cha. The Tolagaris are stated<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2412src" href="#xd21e2412" name="xd21e2412src">70</a> to be a
small cultivating caste, who were formerly hunters, like the
P&#257;layakk&#257;rans. Most of the Mutr&#257;chas are engaged in
agriculture. At P&#257;niyam, in the Kurnool district, I found some
employed in collecting winged white-ants (<i>Termites</i>), which they
sun-dry, and store in large pots as an article of food. They are said
to make use of some special powder as a means of attracting the
insects, in catching which they are very expert.</p>
<p>In some places, the relations between the Mutr&#257;chas and Gollas,
both of which castes belong to the left-hand section, are strained. On
occasions of marriage among the M&#257;digas, some p&#257;n-sup&#257;ri
(betel leaves and areca nuts), is set apart for the Mutr&#257;chas, as
a mark of respect.</p>
<p>In consequence of the fact that some Mutr&#257;chas have been petty
chieftains, they claim to be Kshatriyas, and <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb129" href="#pb129" name="pb129">129</a>]</span>to
be descended from Yay&#257;thi of the Mah&#257;baratha. According to
the legend, D&#275;vay&#257;na, the daughter of Sukracharya, the priest
of the Daityas (demons and giants), went to a well with Charmanishta,
the daughter of the Daitya king. A quarrel arose between them, and
Charmanishta pushed D&#275;vay&#257;na into a dry well, from which she
was rescued by king Yay&#257;thi. Sukracharya complained to the Daitya
king, who made his daughter become a servant to Yay&#257;thi&rsquo;s
wife, D&#275;vay&#257;na. By her marriage D&#275;vay&#257;na bore two
sons. Subsequently, Yay&#257;thi became enamoured of Charmanishta, by
whom he had an illegitimate son. Hearing of this, Sukracharya cursed
Yay&#257;thi that he should be subject to old age and infirmity. This
curse he asked his children to take on themselves, but all refused
except his illegitimate child Puru. He accordingly cursed his
legitimate sons, that they should only rule over barren land overrun by
Kir&#257;tas. One of them, Durvasa by name, had seven children, who
were specially favoured by the goddess Ankamma. After a time, however,
they were persuaded to worship Mah&#275;swara or V&#299;rabhadra
instead of Ankamma. This made the goddess angry, and she caused all
flower gardens to disappear, except her own. Flowers being necessary
for the purpose of worship, the perverts stole them from
Ankamma&rsquo;s garden, and were caught in the act by the goddess. As a
punishment for their sin, they had to lose their lives by killing
themselves on a stake. One of the seven sons had a child named
R&#257;vid&#275;vir&#257;ju, which was thrown into a well as soon as it
was born. The N&#257;ga Kannikas of the nether regions rescued the
infant, and tended it with care. One day, while Ankamma was traversing
the N&#257;ga l&#333;kam (country), she heard a child crying, and sent
her vehicle, a jackal (nakka), to bring the child, which, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb130" href="#pb130" name=
"pb130">130</a>]</span>however, would not allow the animal to take it
The goddess accordingly herself carried it off. The child grew up under
her care, and eventually had three sons, named Karnam R&#257;ju, Gangi
R&#257;ju, and Bh&#363;pathi R&#257;ju, from whom the Mutr&#257;chas
are descended. In return for the goddess protecting and bringing up the
child, she is regarded as the special tutelary deity of the caste.</p>
<p>There is a saying current among the Mutr&#257;chas that the
Mutr&#257;cha caste is as good as a pearl, but became degraded as its
members began to catch fish. According to a legend, the Mutr&#257;chas,
being Kshatriyas, wore the sacred thread. Some of them, on their way
home after a hunting expedition, halted by a pond, and were tempted by
the enormous number of fish therein to fish for them, using their
sacred threads as lines. They were seen by some Br&#257;hmans while
thus engaged, and their degradation followed.</p>
<p>In the Telugu country, two divisions, called Paligiri and Oruganti,
are recognised by the Mutr&#257;chas, who further have exogamous septs
or intip&#275;rulu, of which the following are examples:&mdash;</p>
<table>
<tr>
<td>
<ul>
<li>&#256;vula, cow.</li>
<li>Arigala, a dish carried in processions.</li>
<li>Busi, dirt.</li>
<li>Ella, boundary.</li>
<li>Guvvala, doves.</li>
<li>Indla, house.</li>
<li>&#298;ga, fly.</li>
<li>Koppula, hair-knot.</li>
</ul>
</td>
<td>
<ul>
<li>Kat&#257;ri, dagger.</li>
<li>Marri, <i>Ficus bengalensis</i>.</li>
<li>Nakka, jackal.</li>
<li>Puli, tiger.</li>
<li>Tal&#257;ri, watchman.</li>
<li>T&#333;ta, garden.</li>
<li>Uyyala, a swing.</li>
<li>Thumu, iron measure for measuring grain.</li>
</ul>
</td>
</tr>
</table>
<p>During the first menstrual seclusion of a girl, she may not have her
meals served on a metal plate, but uses an <span class="corr" id=
"xd21e2470" title="Source: earthern">earthen</span> cup, which is
eventually thrown away. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb131" href=
"#pb131" name="pb131">131</a>]</span>When she reaches puberty, a girl
does up her hair in a knot called koppu.</p>
<p>In the case of confinement, pollution ends on the tenth day. But, if
a woman loses her infant, especially a first-born, the pollution period
is shortened, and, at every subsequent time of delivery, the woman
bathes on the seventh or ninth day. Every woman who visits her on the
bathing day brings a pot of warm water, and pours it over her head.</p>
<p><b>M&#363;tt&#257;l</b> (substitute).&mdash;A sub-division of
M&#257;r&#257;n.</p>
<p><b>M&#363;tt&#257;n.&mdash;</b>In the Madras Census Report, 1901,
the M&#363;tt&#257;ns are summed up as &ldquo;a trading caste in
Malabar. The better educated members of it have begun to claim a higher
social status than that usually accorded them. Formerly they claimed to
be N&#257;yars, but recently they have gone further, and, in the census
schedules, some of them returned themselves as Vaisyas, and added the
Vaisya title Gupta to their names. They do not, however, wear the
sacred thread, or perform any V&#275;dic rites, and N&#257;yars
consider themselves polluted by their touch.&rdquo;</p>
<p>It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, under the
conjoint heading M&#363;tt&#257;n and Tarakan, that &ldquo;these two
are allied castes, but the latter would consider it a disgrace to
acknowledge any affinity with the former. Tarakan literally means a
broker. Dr. Gundert says that these were originally warehouse-keepers
at P&#257;lghat. M&#363;tt&#257;n is probably from M&#363;ttavan, an
elder, Tarakans have returned M&#363;tt&#257;n as a sub-division, and
<i>vice vers&acirc;</i>, and both appear as sub-divisions of
N&#257;yar. We have in our schedules instances of persons who have
returned their caste as Tarakan, but with their names Krishna
M&#363;tt&#257;n (male) and Lakshmi Chettichi&#257;r (female). A
M&#363;tt&#257;n may, in course of time, <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb132" href="#pb132" name="pb132">132</a>]</span>become a Tarakan, and
then a N&#257;yar. Both these castes follow closely the customs and
manners of N&#257;yars, but there are some differences. I have not,
however, been able to get at the real state of affairs, as the members
of the caste are very reticent on the subject, and simply assert that
they are in all respects the same as N&#257;yars. One difference is
that a Br&#257;hmani does not sing at their t&#257;li-kettu marriages.
Again, instead of having a M&#257;ray&#257;n, Attikurissi, or Elayad as
their priest, they employ a man of their own caste, called
Ch&#333;ratt&#333;n. This man assists at their funeral ceremonies, and
purifies them at the end of pollution, just as the Attikurissi does for
N&#257;yars. Kali temples seem to be specially affected by this caste,
and these Ch&#333;ratt&#333;ns are also priests in these temples. The
M&#363;tt&#257;n and Tarakan castes are practically confined to
P&#257;lghat and Walluvan&#257;d t&#257;luks.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In a note on some castes in Malabar which are most likely of foreign
origin, it is stated, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that &ldquo;this is
certainly true of the M&#363;tt&#257;ns, who are found only in the
Palghat taluk and in the parts of Walavanad bordering on it, a part of
the country where there is a large admixture of Tamils in the
population. They are now advancing a claim to be Vaisyas, and some of
them have adopted the title Gupta which is proper to that caste, while
a few have the title Ezhutacchan. Some M&#363;tt&#257;ns in Palghat are
called M&#257;nn&#257;diars, a title also apparently borne by some
Taragans. The M&#363;tt&#257;ns follow makkatt&#257;yam (inheritance
from father to son), and do not enter into the loose connections known
as sambandhams; their women are called Chettichiars, clearly indicating
their eastern origin; and their period of pollution is ten days,
according to which test they would rank as a high caste. On
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb133" href="#pb133" name=
"pb133">133</a>]</span>the other hand, they may eat meat and drink
liquor. Their purificatory ceremonies are performed by a class known as
Ch&#333;rttavans (literally, sprinklers), who are said to be identical
with Kulangara N&#257;yars, and not by Attikurrissi N&#257;yars as in
the case with Namb&#363;dris, Ambalav&#257;sis, and N&#257;yars. There
is considerable antagonism between the Palghat and Walavanad sections
of the caste. Another caste of traders, which has now been practically
incorporated in the N&#257;yar body, is the class known as Taragans
(literally, brokers) found in Palghat and Walavanad, some of whom have
considerable wealth and high social position. The Taragans of
Angadippuram and the surrounding neighbourhood claim to be immigrants
from Travancore, and to be descendants of Ettuvittil Pillamar of
Quilon, who are high caste N&#257;yars. They can marry Kiriyattil
women, and their women occasionally have sambandham with S&#257;mantan
R&#257;jas. The Palghat Taragans on the other hand can marry only in
their caste.&rdquo;</p>
<p><b>Muttas&#257;ri.&mdash;</b>Recorded, in the Travancore Census
Report, 1901, as a name by which Kamm&#257;lans are addressed.</p>
<p><b>Muttiriyan.&mdash;</b><i>See</i> Mutr&#257;cha.</p>
<p><b>Muty&#257;la</b> (pearl).&mdash;An exogamous sept, and name of a
sub-division of Balijas who deal in pearls. The Ambalak&#257;rans say
that they were born of the sweat (muttu, a pearl or bead of
perspiration) of Paramasiva.</p>
<p><b>Muvv&#257;ri.&mdash;</b>Recorded<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2515src" href="#xd21e2515" name="xd21e2515src">71</a> as &ldquo;a
North Malabar caste of domestic servants under the Embr&#257;ntiri
Br&#257;hmans. Their customs resemble those of the N&#257;yars, but the
Elayads and the M&#257;ray&#257;ns will not serve them.&rdquo;
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb134" href="#pb134" name=
"pb134">134</a>]</span></p>
<p><b>My&#257;sa.&mdash;</b>My&#257;sa, meaning grass-land or forest,
is one of the two main divisions, &#362;r&#363; (village) and
My&#257;sa, of the B&#275;dars and B&#333;yas. Among the My&#257;sa
B&#275;dars, the rite of circumcision is practiced, and is said to be
the survival of a custom which originated when they were included in
the army of Haidar &#256;li</p>
</div>
<div class="footnotes">
<hr class="fnsep">
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e430" href="#xd21e430src" name="xd21e430">1</a></span> Gazetteer
of the South Arcot District.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e441" href="#xd21e441src" name="xd21e441">2</a></span> Gazetteer
of the South Arcot district.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e467" href="#xd21e467src" name="xd21e467">3</a></span> Madras
Census Report, 1891.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e579" href="#xd21e579src" name="xd21e579">4</a></span> The
Rang&#257;ris are Mar&#257;tha dyers and tailors.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e587" href="#xd21e587src" name="xd21e587">5</a></span> Ind. Ant.,
VII, 1878.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e590" href="#xd21e590src" name="xd21e590">6</a></span> Our
Viceregal Life in India, 1884&ndash;88.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e599" href="#xd21e599src" name="xd21e599">7</a></span> <i>Loc.
cit</i>.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e608" href="#xd21e608src" name="xd21e608">8</a></span> Ind. Ant.,
II, 1874.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e615" href="#xd21e615src" name="xd21e615">9</a></span> The word
Genoa occurs on several blades in the Madras Museum collection.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e620" href="#xd21e620src" name="xd21e620">10</a></span> The
bas-relief of the statue of Lord Cornwallis in the Connemara Public
library, Madras, represents him receiving Tipu&rsquo;s two youthful
sons as hostages.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e625" href="#xd21e625src" name="xd21e625">11</a></span>
Br&#257;hmanism and Hinduism.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e633" href="#xd21e633src" name="xd21e633">12</a></span> Gazetteer
of the Bellary district.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e701" href="#xd21e701src" name="xd21e701">13</a></span> Madras
Census Report, 1891.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e706" href="#xd21e706src" name="xd21e706">14</a></span> Madras
Review, 1899.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e713" href="#xd21e713src" name="xd21e713">15</a></span> F.
Fawcett. Journ. Anthrop. Inst., <span class="sc">XXXIII</span>,
1903.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e723" href="#xd21e723src" name="xd21e723">16</a></span> F.
Fawcett, <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e730" href="#xd21e730src" name="xd21e730">17</a></span> Madras
Journ. Lit. Science, 1890.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e735" href="#xd21e735src" name="xd21e735">18</a></span> Sketch of
the Dynasties of South India.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e738" href="#xd21e738src" name="xd21e738">19</a></span> Numismata
Orient. Ancient Coins and Measures of Ceylon.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e744" href="#xd21e744src" name="xd21e744">20</a></span>
Kalith-thokai.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e747" href="#xd21e747src" name="xd21e747">21</a></span>
Kanakasabhai Pillai. The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years ago. 1904.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e750" href="#xd21e750src" name="xd21e750">22</a></span> Manual of
the Tinnevelly district, 1879.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e757" href="#xd21e757src" name="xd21e757">23</a></span> Madras
Census Report, 1901.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e768" href="#xd21e768src" name="xd21e768">24</a></span> Notes on
Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e780" href="#xd21e780src" name="xd21e780">25</a></span>
Tinnevelly, being an account of the district, the people, and the
missions. Mission Field, 1897.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e794" href="#xd21e794src" name="xd21e794">26</a></span> Madras
Journ. Lit. Science, IV, 1836.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e816" href="#xd21e816src" name="xd21e816">27</a></span> Journ.
Anthrop. Inst., XXXIII, 1903.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e927" href="#xd21e927src" name="xd21e927">28</a></span> F.
Fawcett, <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e963" href="#xd21e963src" name="xd21e963">29</a></span> Madras
Journ. Lit. Science, IV, 1836.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e968" href="#xd21e968src" name="xd21e968">30</a></span> Madras
Journ. Lit. Science, IV, 1836.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1005" href="#xd21e1005src" name="xd21e1005">31</a></span> Manual
of the Madura district.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1021" href="#xd21e1021src" name="xd21e1021">32</a></span> Madras
Journ. Lit, Science, XXV.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1081" href="#xd21e1081src" name="xd21e1081">33</a></span> Ind.
Ant., VIII, 1879.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1118" href="#xd21e1118src" name="xd21e1118">34</a></span> Madras
Census Report, 1891.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1153" href="#xd21e1153src" name="xd21e1153">35</a></span> Manual
of the North Arcot district.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1293" href="#xd21e1293src" name="xd21e1293">36</a></span> G.
Richter. Manual of Coorg.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1298" href="#xd21e1298src" name="xd21e1298">37</a></span> Madras
Museum Bull., V, 3, 1907.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1303" href="#xd21e1303src" name="xd21e1303">38</a></span> For
portions of this article I am indebted to a note by Mr. J. D.
Samuel.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1318" href="#xd21e1318src" name="xd21e1318">39</a></span>
Hobson-Jobson.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1363" href="#xd21e1363src" name="xd21e1363">40</a></span>
Gazetteer of the Tanjore district.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1412" href="#xd21e1412src" name="xd21e1412">41</a></span> Malabar
Law and Custom.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1420" href="#xd21e1420src" name="xd21e1420">42</a></span> Madras
Museum Bull. III, 3, 1901.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1447" href="#xd21e1447src" name="xd21e1447">43</a></span>
Hobson-Jobson.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1576" href="#xd21e1576src" name="xd21e1576">44</a></span> Sea
Fisheries of India.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1583" href="#xd21e1583src" name="xd21e1583">45</a></span> Journey
from Madras through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar, 1807.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1733" href="#xd21e1733src" name="xd21e1733">46</a></span> Manual
of the North Arcot district.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1767" href="#xd21e1767src" name="xd21e1767">47</a></span> Section
III, Inhabitants, Government Press, Madras, 1907.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1777" href="#xd21e1777src" name="xd21e1777">48</a></span> East
India Gazette.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1780" href="#xd21e1780src" name="xd21e1780">49</a></span> Hindu
Manners, Customs, and Ceremonies Ed., 1897.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1787" href="#xd21e1787src" name="xd21e1787">50</a></span> History
of Mysore.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1792" href="#xd21e1792src" name="xd21e1792">51</a></span> Ind.
Antiquary, II, 1873.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1810" href="#xd21e1810src" name="xd21e1810">52</a></span>
Mysore.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1825" href="#xd21e1825src" name="xd21e1825">53</a></span> Manual
of the South Canara district.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1834" href="#xd21e1834src" name="xd21e1834">54</a></span> Journey
through Mysore, etc.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1847" href="#xd21e1847src" name="xd21e1847">55</a></span>
Monograph of Tanning and Working in Leather, Madras, 1904.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1852" href="#xd21e1852src" name="xd21e1852">56</a></span> G. D.
Iyah Pillay, Madras, 1878.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1879" href="#xd21e1879src" name="xd21e1879">57</a></span> Notes
on Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1886" href="#xd21e1886src" name="xd21e1886">58</a></span> Manual
of the North Arcot district.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1893" href="#xd21e1893src" name="xd21e1893">59</a></span> Manual
of the Coimbatore district.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e1926" href="#xd21e1926src" name="xd21e1926">60</a></span> Madras
Journ. Lit. Science, I, 1833.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2038" href="#xd21e2038src" name="xd21e2038">61</a></span>
Agricult: Ledger Series, Calcutta, No. 7, 1904.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2095" href="#xd21e2095src" name="xd21e2095">62</a></span> Journey
through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar, 1807.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2102" href="#xd21e2102src" name="xd21e2102">63</a></span> A New
Account of the East Indies, 1744.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2107" href="#xd21e2107src" name="xd21e2107">64</a></span> I am
informed that the Mukkuvans claim to be a caste distinct from the
Arayans.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2124" href="#xd21e2124src" name="xd21e2124">65</a></span> For
further details concerning the fisheries and fish-curing operations of
the West Coast, <i>see</i> Thurston, Madras Museum Bull. III, 2,
1900.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2135" href="#xd21e2135src" name="xd21e2135">66</a></span> Spelt
Pusler in a recent educational report.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2371" href="#xd21e2371src" name="xd21e2371">67</a></span> Madras
Museum Bull., III, 3, 1901.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2396" href="#xd21e2396src" name="xd21e2396">68</a></span> Madras
Census Report, 1891.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2402" href="#xd21e2402src" name="xd21e2402">69</a></span> Manual
of the North Arcot district.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2412" href="#xd21e2412src" name="xd21e2412">70</a></span> Manual
of the North Arcot district.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2515" href="#xd21e2515src" name="xd21e2515">71</a></span> Madras
Census Report, 1901.</p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="div1 chapter">
<div class="divHead">
<h2 class="main">N</h2>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first"><b>N&#257;d&#257;n.&mdash;</b>N&#257;d&#257;n, meaning
ruler of a country or village, or one who lives in the country, is a
title of the Sh&#257;n&#257;ns, who, further, call themselves
N&#257;d&#257;ns in preference to Sh&#257;n&#257;ns.</p>
<p><b>N&#257;dava.&mdash;</b>&rdquo; This, &ldquo;Mr. H. A. Stuart
writes,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e2534src" href="#xd21e2534" name=
"xd21e2534src">1</a> &ldquo;is a caste of Canarese farmers found only
in South Canara. The N&#257;davas have returned four sub-divisions, one
of which is Bant, and two of the other three are sub-divisions of
Bants, the most important being Mas&#257;di. In the case of 33,212
individuals, N&#257;dava has been returned as sub-division also. I have
no information regarding the caste, but they seem to be closely allied
to the Bant caste, of which N&#257;dava is one of the
sub-divisions.&rdquo; The name N&#257;dava or N&#257;davaru means
people of the n&#257;du or country. It is one of the sub-divisions of
the Bants.</p>
<p><b>N&#257;ga</b> (cobra: <i>Naia tripudians</i>).&mdash;N&#257;g,
N&#257;ga, N&#257;gasa, or N&#257;g&#275;swara, occurs in the name of a
sept or g&#333;tra of various classes in Ganjam and Vizagapatam,
<i>e.g.</i>, Aiyarakulu, Bhond&#257;ri, Bhumia, Bottada, D&#333;mb,
Gadaba, Konda Dora, M&#275;dara, M&#363;ka Dora, Nagar&#257;lu,
Omanaito, Poroja, R&#333;na, and S&#257;mantiya. Members of the
N&#257;gabonso sept of Odiya claim to be descendants of N&#257;gamuni,
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb135" href="#pb135" name=
"pb135">135</a>]</span>the serpent rishi. N&#257;ga is further a
g&#333;tra or sept of Kurnis and Toreyas, of whom the latter, at their
weddings, worship at &lsquo;ant&rsquo; (<i>Termites</i>) hills, which
are often the home of cobras. It is also a sub-division of G&#257;zula
K&#257;pus and Koppala Velamas. N&#257;gavadam (cobra&rsquo;s hood) is
the name of a sub-division of the Pallis, who wear an ornament, called
n&#257;gavadam, shaped like a cobra&rsquo;s head, in the dilated lobes
of the ears. Among the V&#299;ramushtis there is a sept named N&#257;ga
Mallika (<i>Rhinacanthus communis</i>), the roots of which shrub are
believed to be an antidote to the bite of poisonous snakes. The flowers
of <i>Couroupita guianensis</i>, which has been introduced as a garden
tree in Southern India, are known as n&#257;ga linga pu, from the
staminal portion of the flower which curves over the ovary being
likened to a cobra&rsquo;s hood, and the ovary to a lingam.</p>
<p><b>N&#257;gali</b> (plough).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
K&#257;pu.</p>
<p><b>N&#257;galika</b> (of the plough).&mdash;A name for Lingayats
engaged in cultivation.</p>
<p><b>Nagar&#257;lu.&mdash;</b>The Nagar&#257;lu are a cultivating
caste in Vizagapatam, concerning whom it is recorded<a class="noteref"
id="xd21e2571src" href="#xd21e2571" name="xd21e2571src">2</a> that
&ldquo;Nagar&#257;lu means the dwellers in a nagaram or city, and
apparently this caste was originally a section of the K&#257;pus, which
took to town life, and separated itself off from the parent stock. They
say their original occupation was medicine, and a number of them are
still physicians and druggists, though the greater part are
agriculturists.&rdquo;</p>
<p>For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao.
Viziar&#257;m Raz, the friend of Bussy, conferred mokh&#257;sas (grants
of land) on some of the most important members of the caste, whose
descendants <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb136" href="#pb136" name=
"pb136">136</a>]</span>are to be found in various places. The caste is
divided into three sections or g&#333;tras, viz., N&#257;g&#275;svara
(cobra) K&#363;rm&#275;sa (tortoise), and Vign&#275;svara or
M&#363;shika (rat)<span class="corr" id="xd21e2578" title=
"Not in source">.</span> The rat is the vehicle of the elephant god
Gan&#275;sa or Vign&#275;svara. It is further divided into exogamous
septs or intip&#275;rulu, such as sampathi (riches), chakravarthi (king
or ruler), majji, etc.</p>
<p>The m&#275;narikam system, according to which a man should marry his
maternal uncle&rsquo;s daughter, is in force. Girls are usually married
before puberty, and a Br&#257;hman officiates at marriages. The
marriage of widows and divorce are not permitted.</p>
<p>The dead are burnt, and the chinna (little) and pedda r&#333;zu (big
day) death ceremonies, whereat a Br&#257;hman officiates, are
celebrated.</p>
<p>Some members of the caste have acquired a great reputation as
medicine-men and druggists.</p>
<p>The usual caste title is P&#257;thrulu, indicating those who are fit
to receive a gift</p>
<p><b>Nagartha.&mdash;</b>Nagarata, Nagarattar, or Nagarakulam is
returned, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a sub-caste of Chetti.
In the Census Report, 1891, it is recorded that the Nagarattu
&ldquo;hail from K&#257;nchipuram (Conjeeveram), where, it is said, a
thousand families of this caste formerly lived. Their name (nagaram, a
city) refers to their original home. They wear the sacred thread, and
worship both Vishnu and Siva. They take neither flesh nor alcohol. As
they maintain that they are true Vaisyas, they closely imitate the
Br&#257;hmanical ceremonies of marriage and death. This sub-division
has a dancing-girl and a servant attached to it, whose duties are to
dance, and to do miscellaneous work during marriages. The caste servant
is called J&#257;tipillai (child of the caste). <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb137" href="#pb137" name="pb137">137</a>]</span></p>
<p>Concerning the Nagarthas, who are settled in the Mysore Province, I
gather<a class="noteref" id="xd21e2597src" href="#xd21e2597" name=
"xd21e2597src">3</a> that &ldquo;the account locally obtained connects
them with the G&#257;nigas, and the two castes are said to have been
co-emigrants to Bangalore where one Mallar&#257;je Ars made headmen of
the principal members of the two castes, and exempted them from the
house-tax. Certain g&#333;tras are said to be common to both castes,
but they never eat together or intermarry. Both call themselves
Dharmasivachar Vaisyas, and the feuds between them are said to have
often culminated in much unpleasantness. The Nagarthas are principally
found in towns and large trade centres. Some are worshippers of Vishnu,
and others of Siva. Of the latter, some wear the linga. They are
dealers in bullion, cloth, cotton, drugs and grain. A curious mode of
carrying the dead among the N&#257;mad&#257;ri or Vaishnavite Nagarthas
is that the dead body is rolled up in a blanket, instead of a bier or
vim&#257;na as among others. These cremate their dead, whereas the
others bury them. Marriage must be performed before a girl reaches
puberty, and widows are not allowed to remarry. Polygamy is allowed,
and divorce can be for adultery alone. It is recorded by Mr. L.
Rice<a class="noteref" id="xd21e2600src" href="#xd21e2600" name=
"xd21e2600src">4</a> that &ldquo;cases sometimes occur of a
Siv&#257;char marrying a N&#257;mad&#257;ri woman, and, when this
happens, her tongue is burned with the linga, after which she forsakes
her parents&rsquo; house and religion. It is stated that the
Siv&#257;char Nagarthas never give their daughters in marriage to the
N&#257;mad&#257;ri sect.&rdquo; Among the g&#333;tras returned by the
Nagarthas are Kasyapa, Chandramaul&#275;swara, and
Ch&#333;l&#275;ndra.</p>
<p><b>N&#257;ga-sr&#275;ni.&mdash;</b>A fanciful name, meaning those
who live in the N&#257;ga street, used as a caste name by the
Patram&#275;la dancing-girl caste. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb138"
href="#pb138" name="pb138">138</a>]</span></p>
<p><b>N&#257;gav&#257;sulu.&mdash;</b>The N&#257;gav&#257;sulu are
described, in the Vizagapatam Manual, as &ldquo;cultivators in the
Vizagapatam district. Women who have not entered into matrimony earn
money by prostitution, and acting as dancers at feasts. Some of the
caste lead a bad life, and are excluded from the body of the
caste.&rdquo; In the Madras Census Report, 1891, it is stated that
&ldquo;N&#257;gav&#257;samu means a company of dancing-girls, and the
sons of women of this profession frequently call themselves
N&#257;gav&#257;sulu. The bulk of the caste in Vizagapatam, however,
are said to be respectable farmers.&rdquo; It is noted, in the Census
Report, 1901, that &ldquo;most of the N&#257;gav&#257;sulu are
cultivators, but some of the women, are prostitutes by profession, and
outsiders are consequently admitted to the caste. Their title is
Naidu.&rdquo;</p>
<p><b>N&#257;gellu</b> (plough).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
B&#333;ya.</p>
<p><b>Nagna</b> (naked).&mdash;A name for Sany&#257;sis, who go about
naked.</p>
<p><b>Naidu.&mdash;</b>Naidu or N&#257;yudu is a title, returned at
times of census by many Telugu classes, e.g., Balija, Bestha,
B&#333;ya, &#274;kari, Gavara, Golla, K&#257;lingi, K&#257;pu,
Mutr&#257;cha, and Velama. A Tamilian, when speaking of a Telugu person
bearing this title, would call him Naicker or Naickan instead of
Naidu.</p>
<p><b>Naik.&mdash;</b>The word Naik (N&#257;yaka, a leader or chief) is
used, by the older writers on Southern India, in several senses, of
which the following examples, given by Yule and Burnell,<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e2628src" href="#xd21e2628" name="xd21e2628src">5</a>
may be cited:&mdash;</p>
<p>(<i>a</i>) Native captain or headman. &ldquo;Il s&rsquo;appelle
Naique, qui signifie Capitaine.&rdquo; Barretto, Rel du Prov de
Malabar. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb139" href="#pb139" name=
"pb139">139</a>]</span></p>
<p>(<i>b</i>) A title of honour among Hindus in the Deccan. &ldquo;The
kings of Deccan also have a custome when they will honour a man or
recompence their service done, and rayse him to dignitie and honour.
They give him the title of Naygue&rdquo;.&mdash;<i>Linschoten</i>.</p>
<p>(<i>c</i>) The general name of the kings of Vijayanagara, and of the
Lords of Madura and other places. &ldquo;Il y a plusieurs Naiques au
Sud de Saint Thom&eacute;, qui sont Souverains: Le Naigue de Madure on
est un&rdquo;.&mdash;<i>Thevenot</i>.</p>
<p>Naik, Naickan, Naicker, N&#257;yak or N&#257;yakkan has been
returned, at recent times of census, by the Tamil Pallis, Irulas, and
V&#275;dans, and also by various Telugu and Canarese classes,
<i>e.g.</i>:&mdash;</p>
<p>Telugu&mdash;Bal&#299;ja, B&#333;ya, &#274;kari, Golla, Kavarai,
Muttiriyan, Odd&#275;, Tottiyan, and Uppiliyan.</p>
<p>Canarese&mdash;B&#275;dar, Chept&#275;g&#257;ra, Ch&#257;rodi,
Kannadiyan, Serv&#275;g&#257;ra, S&#299;v&#299;yar, and Toreya. Some
J&#275;n Kurumbas (a jungle folk) in the Wyn&#257;d are also locally
known as Naikers.</p>
<p>Tulu&mdash;The Mog&#275;rs, in some parts of South Canara, prefer
the title Naiker to the ordinary caste title Marak&#257;l&#275;ru, and
some Bants have the same title.</p>
<p>The headman among the Lamb&#257;dis or Brinj&#257;ris is called
Naik. Naicker further occurs as a hereditary title in some Br&#257;hman
families. I have, for example, heard of a D&#275;sastha Br&#257;hman
bearing the name Nyna Naicker.</p>
<p>Naik, Naiko, or N&#257;yako appears as the title of various Oriya
classes, <i>e.g.</i>, Alia, Aruva, Bagata, Gaudo, J&#257;tapu, Odia,
Pentiya, R&#333;na, and T&#275;li. It is noted by Mr. S. P. Rice that
&ldquo;the Uriya Korono, or head of the village, appropriates to
himself as his caste distinction the title Potonaiko signifying the
Naik or head of the town.&rdquo; <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb140"
href="#pb140" name="pb140">140</a>]</span></p>
<p>The name N&#257;yar or Nair is, it may be noted, akin to Naik and
Naidu, and signifies a leader or soldier.<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2675src" href="#xd21e2675" name="xd21e2675src">6</a> In this
connection, Mr. Lewis Moore writes<a class="noteref" id="xd21e2678src"
href="#xd21e2678" name="xd21e2678src">7</a> that &ldquo;almost every
page of Mr. Sewell&rsquo;s interesting book on Vijayanagar<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e2683src" href="#xd21e2683" name="xd21e2683src">8</a>
bears testimony to the close connection between Vijayanagar and the
west coast. It is remarkable that Colonel (afterwards Sir Thomas)
Munro, in the memorandum written by him in 1802 on the poligars (feudal
chiefs) of the Ceded Districts, when dealing with the cases of a number
of poligars who were direct descendants of men who had been chiefs
under the kings of Vijayanagar, calls them throughout his report Naigue
or Nair, using the two names as if they were identical.&rdquo;<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e2686src" href="#xd21e2686" name=
"xd21e2686src">9</a></p>
<p>It is noted by Mr. Talboys Wheeler<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2691src" href="#xd21e2691" name="xd21e2691src">10</a> that, in
the city of Madras in former days, &ldquo;police duties were entrusted
to a Hindu official, known as the Pedda Naik or &lsquo;elder
chief,&rsquo; who kept a staff of peons, and was bound to make good all
stolen articles that were not recovered.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In the South Canara district, the name Naikini (Naik females) is
taken by temple dancing-girls.</p>
<p><b>Nainar.&mdash;</b><i>See</i> N&#257;yinar.</p>
<p><b>Nak&#257;sh.&mdash;</b>A name, denoting exquisite workmanship, by
which R&#257;chevars or Chitrak&#257;ras are known in some places.</p>
<p><b>Nakkala.&mdash;</b>Nakkala or Nakka, meaning jackal, has been
recorded as an exogamous sept of B&#333;ya, Gudala, Golla, and
Mutr&#257;cha. The jackal is the vehicle of the goddess Ankamma, who is
the tutelary deity of the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb141" href=
"#pb141" name="pb141">141</a>]</span>Mutr&#257;chas. The name occurs
further as a name for the Kuruvikk&#257;rans, who manufacture spurious
jackal horns as charms.</p>
<p><b>N&#257;li</b> (bamboo tube).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
Kuruba.</p>
<p><b>N&#257;lillakkar</b> (people of the four illams).&mdash;A section
of Mukkuvans, which is divided into four illams.</p>
<p><b>Nalke.&mdash;</b>The Nalkes or Nalak&#275;yavas are described by
Mr. H. A. Stuart<a class="noteref" id="xd21e2725src" href="#xd21e2725"
name="xd21e2725src">11</a> as &ldquo;a caste of mat, basket, and
umbrella makers, who furnish the devil-dancers, who play such an
important part in the worship of the Tulu people. They have the usual
Tulu exogamous sub-divisions or balis. They are generally held to be
Holeyas or Pariahs. In Canarese they are called
P&#257;n&#257;ras,&rdquo;</p>
<div class="figure xd21e2729width" id="pl5-141"><img src=
"images/pl5-141.jpg" alt="Nalke devil-dancer." width="535" height=
"720">
<p class="figureHead">Nalke devil-dancer.</p>
</div>
<p>&ldquo;Every village in Canara,&rdquo; Mr. Stuart writes
further,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e2735src" href="#xd21e2735" name=
"xd21e2735src">12</a> &ldquo;has its Bh&#363;tasth&#257;nam or demon
temple, in which the officiating priest or p&#363;j&#257;ri is usually
a man of the Billava caste, and shrines innumerable are scattered
throughout the length and breadth of the land for the propitiation of
the malevolent spirits of deceased celebrities, who, in their lifetime,
had acquired a more than usual local reputation whether for good or
evil, or had met with a sudden or violent death. In addition to these
there are demons of the jungle and demons of the waste, demons who
guard the village boundaries, and demons whose only apparent vocation
is that of playing tricks, such as throwing stones on houses, and
causing mischief generally. The demons who guard the village boundaries
seem to be the only ones who are credited with even indirectly
exercising a useful function. The others merely inspire terror by
causing sickness and misfortune, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb142"
href="#pb142" name="pb142">142</a>]</span>and have to be propitiated by
offerings, which often involve the shedding of blood, that of a fowl
being most common. There are also family Bh&#363;tas, and in every
non-Br&#257;hman house a room, or sometimes only a corner, is set apart
for the Bh&#363;ta, and called the Bh&#363;takotya. The
Bh&#363;tasth&#257;nam is generally a small, plain structure, 4 or 5
yards deep by 2 or 3 yards wide, with a door at one end covered by a
portico supported on two pillars. The roof is of thatch, and the
building is without windows. In front of it there are usually three or
four T-shaped pillars. Flowers are placed, and cocoanuts broken on them
at ceremonies. The temples of the more popular Bh&#363;tas are often
substantial buildings of considerable size. Inside the <span class=
"corr" id="xd21e2741" title=
"Source: Bhutasth&#257;nam">Bh&#363;tasth&#257;nam</span> there are
usually a number of images, roughly made in brass, in human shape, or
resembling animals, such as pigs, tigers, fowls, etc. These are brought
out and worshipped as symbols of the Bh&#363;tas on various ceremonial
occasions.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e2744src" href="#xd21e2744" name=
"xd21e2744src">13</a> A peculiar small goglet or vase, made of
bell-metal, into which from time to time water is poured, is kept
before the Bh&#363;tas, and, on special occasions, kepula (<i>Ixora
coccinea</i>) flowers, and lights are placed before them. In the larger
sth&#257;nas a sword is always kept near the Bh&#363;ta, to be held by
the officiating priest when he stands possessed and trembling with
excitement before the people assembled for worship.<a class="noteref"
id="xd21e2751src" href="#xd21e2751" name="xd21e2751src">14</a> A bell
or gong is also found in all Bh&#363;tasth&#257;nams. In the case of
Bh&#363;tas connected with temples, there is a place set apart for
them, called a gudi. The Bh&#363;tasth&#257;nam of the Baiderlu is
called a garudi.</p>
<p>&ldquo;The names of the Bh&#363;tas are legion. One of the most
dreaded is named Kalkuti. Two others commonly <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb143" href="#pb143" name=
"pb143">143</a>]</span>worshipped by the Bants and the Billavas are
K&#333;ti Baidya and Chennaya Baidya, who always have Billava
p&#363;j&#257;ris. These two Bh&#363;tas are the departed spirits of
two Billava heroes. The spirit of Kujumba K&#257;nje, a Bant of renown,
belongs to this class of Bh&#363;tas. Amongst the most well known of
the others, may be mentioned Kodamanit&#257;ya and Mundalt&#257;ya, and
the jungle demons Hakkerlu and Brahm&#275;rlu. The Holeyas worship a
Bh&#363;ta of their own, who is not recognised by any other class of
the people. He goes by the name of Kumberlu, and the place where he is
said to reside is called Kumberlu-kotya. Very often a stone of any
shape, or a small plank is placed on the ground, or fixed in a wall,
and the name of a Bh&#363;ta given to it. Other representations of
Bh&#363;tas are in the shape of an ox (Mah&#299;sand&#257;ya), a horse
(J&#257;r&#257;nd&#257;ya), a pig (Panjurli), or a giant
(Baiderlu).</p>
<div class="figure xd21e2759width" id="pl5-143"><img src=
"images/pl5-143.jpg" alt="Nalke devil-dancer." width="492" height=
"720">
<p class="figureHead">Nalke devil-dancer.</p>
</div>
<p>&ldquo;The Bh&#363;ta worship of South Canara is of four kinds,
viz., k&#333;la, bandi, n&#275;ma, and agelu-tambila. K&#333;la, or
devil dancing, is offered to the Bh&#363;tas in the sth&#257;na of the
village in which they are supposed to reside. The Sudras of the
village, and of those adjacent to it, assemble near the sth&#257;na,
and witness the k&#333;la ceremony in public, sharing the cost of it by
subscriptions raised among all the Sudra families in the village in
which the ceremony is held. Bandi is the same as k&#333;la, with the
addition of dragging about a clumsy kind of car, on which the Pompada
priest representing the Bh&#363;ta is seated. N&#275;ma is a private
ceremony in honour of the Bh&#363;tas, held in the house of anyone who
is so inclined. It is performed once in ten, fifteen, or twenty years
by well-to-do Billavas or Bants. The expenses of the n&#275;ma amount
to about Rs. 600 or Rs. 700, and are borne by the master of the house
in which the n&#275;ma takes place. <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb144" href="#pb144" name="pb144">144</a>]</span>During the n&#275;ma,
the Bh&#363;tas, <i>i.e.</i>, the things representing them, are brought
from the sth&#257;na to the house of the man giving the feast, and
remain there till it is over. Agelu-tambila is a kind of worship
offered only to the Baiderlu, and that annually by the Billavas only.
It will be seen that k&#333;la, bandi, and n&#275;ma are applicable to
all the Bh&#363;tas, including the Baiderlu, but that the agelu-tambila
is applicable only to the Baiderlu.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The following account of Canara devil-dancers and exorcists is given
in Mr. Lavie&rsquo;s Manuscript History of Canara. &ldquo;It is their
duty to carry a beautiful sword with a handsomely curved handle, and
polished blade of the finest steel. These they shake and flourish about
in all directions, jumping, dancing, and trembling in a most frightful
manner. Their hair is loose and flowing, and, by their inflamed eyes
and general appearance, I should suppose that they are prepared for the
occasion by intoxicating liquids or drugs.... Their power as exorcists
is exercised on any person supposed to be possessed with the devil. I
have passed by a house in which an exorcist has been exercising his
powers. He began with groans, sighs, and mutterings, and broke forth
into low mournings. Afterwards he raised his voice, and uttered with
rapidity and in a peculiar tone of voice certain mantrams or charms,
all the while trembling violently, and moving his body backwards and
forwards.&rdquo; The performance (of devil dances) always takes place
at night, commencing about nine o&rsquo;clock. At first the
p&#363;j&#257;ri, with the Bh&#363;ta sword and bell in his hands,
whirls round and round, imitating the supposed mien and gestures of the
demon. But he does not aspire to full possession; that is reserved for
a Pombada or a Nalke, a man of the lowest class, who comes forward when
the Billava p&#363;j&#257;ri has exhibited himself for about
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb145" href="#pb145" name=
"pb145">145</a>]</span>half an hour. He is naked save for a waist-band,
his face is painted with ochre, and he wears a sort of arch made of
cocoanut leaves, and a metal mask. After pacing up and down slowly for
some time, he gradually works himself up to a pitch of hysterical
frenzy, while the tom-toms are beaten furiously, and the spectators
join in raising a long, monotonous howling cry, with a peculiar
vibration. At length he stops, and every one is addressed according to
his rank; if the Pombada offends a rich B&#257;nt by omitting any of
his numerous titles, he is made to suffer for it. Matters regarding
which there is any dispute are then submitted for the decision of the
Bh&#363;ta, and his award is generally accepted. Either at this stage
or earlier, the demon is fed, rice and food being offered to the
Pombada, while, if the Bh&#363;ta is of low degree, flesh and arrack
(liquor) are also presented. These festivals last for several nights,
and Dr. Burnell states that the devil-dancer receives a fee of eight
rupees for his frantic labours.&rdquo;</p>
<div class="figure xd21e2776width" id="pl5-145"><img src=
"images/pl5-145.jpg" alt="Nalke devil-dancer." width="495" height=
"720">
<p class="figureHead">Nalke devil-dancer.</p>
</div>
<p>Of the three devil-dancing castes found in South Canara (Nalke,
Parava, and Pompada), the Nalkes are apparently the lowest. Even a
Koraga considers a Nalke or a Parava inferior to him. It is said that,
when a Parava meets a Koraga, he is expected to raise his hand to his
forehead. This practice does not, however, seem to be observed at the
present day. The Nalkes, though living amidst castes which follow the
aliyasant&#257;na law of inheritance (in the female line), follow the
makkalakattu law of Inheritance from father to son. The caste has
numerous balis (septs), which are evidently borrowed from the Bants and
Billavas. As examples of these, Salannaya, Bangerannaya, Kundarannaya,
and Uppenannayya may be cited. The Nalkes <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb146" href="#pb146" name="pb146">146</a>]</span>have a headman called
Gurik&#257;ra, who settles disputes and other matters affecting the
community, and acts as the priest at marriages, death ceremonies, and
other ceremonials.</p>
<p>Girls are married after puberty, and a woman may marry any number of
times. The marriage ceremony is concluded in a single day. The
contracting couple are seated on planks, and the Gurik&#257;ra throws
coloured rice over their heads, and ties a turmeric-dyed string with
beads strung on it round their necks. Those assembled then throw rice
over them, their hands are joined by the Gurik&#257;ra or their
fathers, and the dhare water is poured thereon.</p>
<p>The dead are either buried or cremated. After burial or cremation, a
mound (dhupe) is, as among other castes in Canara, made over the spot.
Round it, four posts are stuck in the ground, and decorated so as to
resemble a small car (<i>cf.</i> Billava). The final death ceremonies
(uttarakriya) are generally performed on the fifth or seventh day. On
this day, cooked food is offered to the deceased by placing it near the
dhupe, or on the spot where he breathed his last. This is followed by a
feast. If the ceremony is not performed on one of the recognised days,
the permission of some Bants or Billavas must be obtained before it can
be carried out.</p>
<p>All castes in South Canara have great faith in Bh&#363;tas, and,
when any calamity or misfortune overtakes a family, the Bh&#363;tas
must be propitiated. The worship of Bh&#363;tas is a mixture of
ancestor and devil propitiation. In the Bh&#363;ta cult, the most
important personage is Brahmeru, to whom the other Bh&#363;tas are
subordinate. Owing to the influence of Br&#257;hman Tantris, Brahmeru
is regarded as another name for Brahma, and the various <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb147" href="#pb147" name=
"pb147">147</a>]</span>Bh&#363;tas are regarded as ganas or attendants
on Siva. Br&#257;hmanical influence is clearly to be traced in the
various Bh&#363;ta songs, and all Bh&#363;tas are in some manner
connected with Siva and Parvati.</p>
<div class="figure xd21e2799width" id="pl5-147"><img src=
"images/pl5-147.jpg" alt="Jumadi Bh&#363;ta." width="532" height="720">
<p class="figureHead">Jumadi Bh&#363;ta.</p>
</div>
<p>Whenever people want to propitiate the Bh&#363;tas, a Nalke or
Parava is engaged. In some places, the Nalke disguises himself as any
Bh&#363;ta, but, where Paravas are also to be found, the Nalke may not
dress up as the Baiderkulu, Kodamanitaya, or Rakteswari. The
propitiation of the Bh&#363;ta takes the form of a ceremony called
K&#333;la, N&#275;ma, or Agelu Tambila. Of these, K&#333;la is a
periodical ceremony, in which various castes take part, and is always
performed near a Bh&#363;tasthana. N&#275;ma is usually undertaken by a
single family, and is performed at the house. Agelu Tambila is
celebrated by Billavas at their homes. The K&#333;la ceremony is
usually performed for the propitiation of Bh&#363;tas other than the
Baiderkulu. The Muktesar or chief man, with the assistance of a
Br&#257;hman, fixes an auspicious day for its celebration. The jewels,
and votive offerings made to the Bh&#363;tas, are kept in the custody
of the Muktesar. On the K&#333;la day, the people go in procession from
the sthana to the Muktesar&rsquo;s house, and return to the sthana with
the jewels and other articles. These are arranged on cots, and a
Billava p&#363;j&#257;ri places seven plantain leaves in a row on a
cot, and heaps rice thereon. On each heap, a cocoanut is placed for the
propitiation of the most important Bh&#363;ta. To the minor
Bh&#363;tas, these things are offered on three or five leaves placed on
cots, or on the floor of the sthana, according to the importance of the
Bh&#363;ta. A seven-branched torch must be kept burning near the cot of
the principal Bh&#363;ta. The p&#363;j&#257;ri goes to the courtyard of
the sthana, and piles up a conical mass of cooked rice on a stool. Over
this <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb148" href="#pb148" name=
"pb148">148</a>]</span>pieces of plantain fruits are scattered. Round
the mass several sheaths of plantain leaves are arranged, and on them
tender cocoanut leaves, cut in various ways, are stuck. The
p&#363;j&#257;ri, who wears a metal belt and other jewelry, does
p&#363;ja to the Bh&#363;tas, and retires. The Nalkes or Paravas then
advance dressed up as Bh&#363;tas, and request permission to put on
their canopy (ani) and brass anklet (guggir&#275;). They then dance,
and sing songs connected with the Bh&#363;tas which are being
propitiated. When they are exhausted and retire, the p&#363;j&#257;ri
steps forwards, and addresses the assembly in the following
terms:&mdash; &ldquo;Oh! great men who are assembled, with your
permission I salute you all. Oh! Br&#257;hmans who are assembled, I
salute you. Oh! priest, I salute you.&rdquo; In this manner, he is
expected to run through the names of all important personages who are
present. When he has finished, the devil-dancers do the same, and the
ceremony is at an end.</p>
<p>Of the Bh&#363;tas, the best known are Brahmeru, Kodamanitaya,
Kukkintaya, Jumadi, Sarlu Jumadi, Pancha Jumadi, Rakteswari, Panjurli,
Kuppe Panjurli, Rakta Panjurli, Urundarayya, Hosad&#275;vata (or Hosa
Bh&#363;ta), D&#275;vanajiri, Kalkutta, Ukkatiri, Gulige, Bobbariya,
Nicha, Duggalaya, Mahisandaya, Varte, Ch&#257;mundi, Baiderukulu,
Okkuballala, and Oditaya. According to some, Jumadi is the small-pox
goddess M&#257;ri. There are only two female Bh&#363;tas&mdash;Ukkatiri
and Kallurti. The Bh&#363;tas are supposed to belong to different
castes. For example, Okkuballala and D&#275;vanajiri are Jains,
Kodamanitaya and Kukkinataya are Bants, Kalkutta is a smith, Bobbariya
is a M&#257;ppilla, and Nicha a Koraga.</p>
<p>In some temples dedicated to Siva, the Tantris offer food, etc., to
the various Bh&#363;tas on special occasions, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb149" href="#pb149" name="pb149">149</a>]</span>such
as D&#299;pavali and Sankar&#257;nthi. At Udipi, the Sany&#257;sis of
the various mutts (religious institutions) seem to believe in some of
the Bh&#363;tas, as they give money for the performance of K&#333;la to
Panjurli, Sarla Jumadi, and Ch&#257;mundi.</p>
<p>At Hiriadk&#257;p in South Canara, where the Nalkes performed before
me, the dancers wore spathes of the areca palm, forming spats to
prevent the skin from being injured by the metal bells round their
ankles as they danced.</p>
<p>The songs sung by the devil dancers are very numerous, and vary in
different localities. Of the stories relating to Bh&#363;tas, a very
full account has been given by Mr. A. C. Burnell.<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2817src" href="#xd21e2817" name="xd21e2817src">15</a></p>
<p>A collection of stories (p&#257;danollu) belonging to the
demon-worshippers of the Tulu country, and recited at their annual
festivals, was published at the Mangalore Basel Mission Press in
1886.</p>
<p><b>Nalla</b> (black).&mdash;An exogamous sept of Koppala Velama.</p>
<p><b>Nall&#363;r.&mdash;</b>Nall&#363;r and N&#257;luv&#299;tan are
recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as sub-divisions of
N&#257;yar.</p>
<p><b>N&#257;madari.&mdash;</b>A name, indicating one who wears the
Vaishnava sectarian mark (n&#257;mam). The equivalent N&#257;mala
occurs as an exogamous sept of B&#333;ya.</p>
<p><b>Nambidi.&mdash;</b>A class, included among the Ambalav&#257;sis.
It is recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, that
&ldquo;Nampitis are of two classes, the thread-wearing and the
threadless. The former have their own priests, while the Ilayatus
perform the required sacerdotal functions for the latter. Their
ceremonies are very much <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb150" href=
"#pb150" name="pb150">150</a>]</span>like those of the Kshatriyas.
Tradition connects them with royalty acquired under rather unenviable
circumstances. They are, therefore, called Tampur&#257;ns (lords) by
the S&#363;dras, and also M&#363;pp&#299;nnu (elder) or
K&#257;ranavapp&#257;t (uncle) head of a matriarchal family. They
observe twelve days&rsquo; pollution, and inherit in the female line.
Their women are called M&#257;ntalu. The chief man among the Nampitis
is the K&#257;ranavappat of Kakk&#257;t in British Malabar.&rdquo; In
the Cochin Census Report, 1901, it is noted that of the Nampidis
&ldquo;the Aiynikoor Nampidis, or the five families of Nampidis, are
historically and socially the most important; the eldest male member
possesses the honorific title of Karanavarpad, enjoying special
privileges at the hands of the rulers of Cochin, as the members of the
family once held responsible posts in the militia of the State.
According to tradition, they were Namb&#363;dris. One of the
Perum&#257;ls or Viceroys of K&#275;rala having proved troublesome, the
Br&#257;hmans resolved upon his removal. In the struggle that followed,
the Perum&#257;l was killed by the Br&#257;hmans. When those who had
slain him returned to the place where the Br&#257;hmans had met in
solemn conclave, they were gladly welcomed, and asked to sit in their
midst; but, feeling that they had committed a heinous crime and thus
disqualified themselves from sitting along with the Br&#257;hmans, they
volunteered to sit apart on the threshold of the council room by saying
nam padimel (we on the threshold), which fact is supposed to account
for the origin of their name Nampadi. They and their companions have
since been regarded as having almost lost their social status as
Br&#257;hmans, and they are now classed along with the intermediate
castes, having but a few privileges other than those enjoyed by the
group. They wear the sacred thread, and have Gayatri. Namb&#363;dri
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb151" href="#pb151" name=
"pb151">151</a>]</span>Br&#257;hmans officiate as priests at marriage
ceremonies, sr&#257;dhas, and purification at the end of birth or death
pollution, which lasts only for ten days. They follow the
marumakkat&#257;yam law of inheritance (in the female line). The
t&#257;li (marriage badge) is tied by their own caste men.
Namb&#363;dris, or their own caste men, unite themselves in sambandham
with Nampidi females. Nampidis are allowed to consort with N&#257;yar
women. At public feasts they are not privileged to sit and eat with
Namb&#363;dris. Their women are called Manolpads.&rdquo;</p>
<p><b>Nambiyassan.&mdash;</b>A division of the Ambalav&#257;sis. It is
noted, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, that &ldquo;the
Nampiassans, otherwise called Nampiyars or Nampis, have at present no
temple service of any kind. They keep gymnasia or schools of training
suited to the Indian system of warfare. They were the gurus
(preceptors) of the fighting N&#257;yars. They seem, however, at one
time to have followed the profession of garland-making in temples. It
is still the occupation of many Nampiassans in Cochin and British
Malabar.&rdquo; In the Cochin Census Report, 1901, it is stated that
Nambiyar is rather a misleading title, as it is applied to more than
one class of people. Some N&#257;yars are known by that title. In some
places, Muthads and Elayads are also called Nambiyars. Chakkiyar
Nambiyars beat a drum of a peculiar shape at intervals during the
discourses or acting of the Chakkiyars, while their females, called
Nangiyars, keep time. The Nangiyars also assume the figure of mythical
characters, and perform a sort of pantomime on the Chakkiyar&rsquo;s
stage. (<i>See</i> Unni.)</p>
<p><b>Nambiyatiri</b> (a person worthy of worship).&mdash;A synonym of
Elayad. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb152" href="#pb152" name=
"pb152">152</a>]</span></p>
<p><b>Namb&#363;tiri Br&#257;hman.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e2858src"
href="#xd21e2858" name="xd21e2858src">16</a>&mdash;</b>The name
Namb&#363;tiri has been variously derived. The least objectionable
origin seems to be nambu (sacred or trustworthy) and tiri (a light).
The latter occurs as an honorific suffix among Malabar Br&#257;hmans,
and other castes above the N&#257;yars. The Namb&#363;tiris form the
socio-spiritual aristocracy of Malabar, and, as the traditional
landlords of Parasu R&#257;ma&rsquo;s land, they are everywhere held in
great reverence.</p>
<p>A Namb&#363;tiri, when questioned about the past, refers to the
K&#275;ralolpatti. The Namb&#363;tiris and their organization according
to gr&#257;mams owe their origin in legend, so far as Malabar is
concerned, to Parasu R&#257;ma. Parasu R&#257;ma (R&#257;ma of the
axe), an incarnation of Vishnu, had, according to the pur&#257;nic
story, slain his mother in a fit of wrath, and was advised by the sages
to expiate his sin by extirpating the Kshatriyas twenty-one times. He
did so, and handed over the land to the sages. But this annoyed the
Br&#257;hmans exceedingly, for they got no share in the arrangement; so
they banished Parasu R&#257;ma from the land. By the performance of
austerities he gained from the gods the boon to reclaim some land from
Varuna, the sea god. Malabar was then non-existent. He was allowed to
throw his axe from Cape Comorin, and possess all the land within the
distance of his throw. So he threw his axe as far as Gokarnam in the
South Canara district, and immediately there was land between these two
places, within the direct line and the western gh&#257;ts, now
consisting of Travancore and Cochin, Malabar, and part of South Canara.
To this land he <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb153" href="#pb153"
name="pb153">153</a>]</span>gave the name Karma Bh&#363;mi, or the
country in which salvation or the reverse depends altogether on
man&rsquo;s individual actions, and blessed it that there be plenty of
rain and no famine in it. But he was alone. To relieve his loneliness,
he brought some Br&#257;hmans from the banks of the Krishna river, but
they did not remain long, for they were frightened by the snakes. Then
he brought some Br&#257;hmans from the north, and, lest they too should
flee, gave them peculiar customs, and located them in sixty-four
gr&#257;mams. He told them also to follow the marumakkatt&#257;yam law
of succession (in the female line), but only a few, the Namb&#363;tiris
of Payyan&#363;r, obeyed him. The Br&#257;hmans ruled the land with
severity, so that the people (who had somehow come into existence)
resolved to have a king under whom they could live in peace. And, as it
was impossible to choose one among themselves, they chose K&#275;ya
Perumal, who was the first king of Malabar, and Malabar was called
K&#275;ralam after him. The truths underlying this legend are that the
littoral strip between the western gh&#257;ts and the sea is certainly
of recent formation geologically. It is not very long, geologically,
since it was under the sea, and it is certain that the Namb&#363;tiris
came from the north. The capital of the Ch&#275;ra kingdom was very
probably on the west coast not far from Cranganore in the Travancore
State, the site of it being now called Tiruv&#257;njikkulam. There is
still a Siva temple there, and about a quarter of a mile to the
south-west of it are the foundations of the old palace. The rainfall of
Malabar is very high, ranging from 300 inches in the hills to about 120
inches on the coast.</p>
<p>&ldquo;It is said that Parasu R&#257;ma ruled that all Namb&#363;dri
women should carry with them an umbrella whenever they go out, to
prevent their being seen by those of the <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb154" href="#pb154" name="pb154">154</a>]</span>male sex, that a
N&#257;yar woman called a Vrishali should invariably precede them, that
they should be covered with a cloth from neck to foot, and that they
should not wear jewels. These women are therefore always attended by a
N&#257;yar woman in their outdoor movements, and they go sheltering
their faces from public gaze with a cadjan (palm leaf)
umbrella.&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id="xd21e2870src" href="#xd21e2870"
name="xd21e2870src">17</a></p>
<p>The K&#275;ralolpatti relates the story of the exclusion of the
Panniy&#363;r Br&#257;hmans from the V&#275;das. There were in the
beginning two religious factions among the Namb&#363;tiris, the
Vaishnavas or worshippers of Vishnu in his incarnation as a boar, and
the Saivas; the former residing in Panniy&#363;r (boar village), and
the latter in Chov&#363;r (Siva&rsquo;s village). The Saivas gained the
upper hand, and, completely dominating the others, excluded them
altogether from the V&#275;das. So now the Namb&#363;tiris of
Panniy&#363;r are said to be prohibited from studying the V&#275;das.
It is said, however, that this prohibition is not observed, and that,
as a matter of fact, the Panniy&#363;r Namb&#363;tiris perform all the
V&#275;dic ceremonies.</p>
<p>&ldquo;Tradition,&rdquo; Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar writes, &ldquo;as
recorded in the K&#275;ralamahatmiya, traces the Namb&#363;tiris to
Ahiksh&#275;tra, whence Parasu R&#257;ma invited Br&#257;hmans to
settle in his newly reclaimed territory. In view to preventing the
invited settlers from relinquishing it, he is said to have introduced,
on the advice of the sage N&#257;rada, certain deep and distinctive
changes in their personal, domestic, and communal institutions. The
banks of the Nerbudda, the Krishna, and the K&#257;veri are believed to
have given Br&#257;hmans to Malabar. I have come across Namb&#363;tiris
who have referred to traditions in their families regarding villages on
the east <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb155" href="#pb155" name=
"pb155">155</a>]</span>coast whence their ancestors originally came,
and the sub-divisions of the Smarta caste, Vadama, Brihatcharanam,
Ashtasahasram, Sank&#275;ti, etc., to which they belonged. Even to this
day, an east coast Br&#257;hman of the Vadadesattu Vadama caste has to
pour water into the hands of a Namb&#363;tiri Sany&#257;si as part of
the latter&rsquo;s breakfast ritual. Broach in Kathiwar, one of the
greatest emporiums of trade in the middle ages, is also mentioned as
one of the ancient recruiting districts of the Namb&#363;tiri
Br&#257;hmans. Broach was the ancient Bhrigucachchha, where Parasu
R&#257;ma made his avabhritasn&#257;na (final bathing) after his great
triumph over the Kshatriyas, and where to this day a set of people
called Bhargava Br&#257;hmans live. Their comparatively low social
status is ascribed to the original sin of their Br&#257;hman progenitor
or founder having taken to the profession of arms. The date of the
first settlement of the Namb&#363;tiris is not known. Orthodox
tradition would place it in the Tr&#275;t&#257;yuga, or the second
great Hindu cycle. The reference to the gr&#257;mams of Chovvur and
Panniy&#363;r contained in the Manigr&#257;mam Syrian Christian grant
of the eighth century, and its absence in the Jewish, have suggested to
antiquarians some time between the seventh and eighth centuries as the
probable period. The writings of Ptolemy and the Periplus furnish
evidence of Br&#257;hman settlements on the Malabar coast as early as
the first century, and it is probable that immigrant Br&#257;hman
families began to pour in with the ascendancy of the Western Chalukya
kings in the fourth and fifth centuries, and became gradually welded
with the pre-existing Namb&#363;tiris. All these Namb&#363;tiris were
grouped under two great sections:&mdash;(<i>a</i>) the Vaishnavites or
Panniy&#363;r Gr&#257;makkar, who came with the patronage of the
Vaishnavites of the Chalukya dynasty with the boar as <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb156" href="#pb156" name=
"pb156">156</a>]</span>their royal emblem; (<i>b</i>) the Saivites or
Chovv&#363;r Gr&#257;makkar, who readily accepted the Saivite teachings
from the Ch&#275;ra, Ch&#333;la, and P&#257;ndya kings who followed the
Chalukyans. They included in all sixty-four gr&#257;mams, which, in
many cases, were only families. Of these, not more than ten belong to
modern Travancore. These gr&#257;mams constituted a regular autocracy,
with four talis or administrative bodies having their head-quarters at
Cranganore. It appears that a R&#257;ja or Perum&#257;l, as he was
called, from the adjoining Ch&#275;ra kingdom, including the present
districts of Salem and Coimbatore, was, as an improved arrangement,
invited to rule for a duodecennial period, and was afterwards
confirmed, whether by the lapse of time or by a formal act of the
Br&#257;hman owners it is not known. The Ch&#275;ra Viceroys, by virtue
of their isolation from their own fatherland, had then to arrange for
marital alliances being made, as best they could, with the highest
indigenous caste, the Namb&#363;tiris, the males consorting with
S&#363;dra women. The matriarchal form of inheritance was thus a
necessary consequence. Certain tracts of K&#275;rala, however,
continued under direct Br&#257;hman sovereignty, of which the
Ettappalli chief is almost the only surviving
representative.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Writing in the eighteenth century, Hamilton observes<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e2890src" href="#xd21e2890" name=
"xd21e2890src">18</a> that &ldquo;the Nambouries are the first in both
capacities of Church and State, and some of them are Popes, being
Sovereign Princes in both.&rdquo; Unlike the Br&#257;hmans of the
remainder of the Madras Presidency, who so largely absorb all
appointments worth having under Government, who engage in trade, in,
one may say, every profitable profession and business, the
Namb&#363;tiris hold almost entirely aloof from what the poet
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb157" href="#pb157" name=
"pb157">157</a>]</span>Gray calls &ldquo;the busy world&rsquo;s ignoble
strife,&rdquo; and, more than any class of Br&#257;hmans, retain their
sacerdotal position, which is of course the highest. They are for the
most part landholders. A very large portion of Malabar is owned by
Namb&#363;tiris, especially in Walluvan&#257;d, most of which
t&#257;luk is the property of Namb&#363;tiris. They are the aristocracy
of the land, marked most impressively by two characteristics,
exclusiveness and simplicity. Now and then a Namb&#363;tiri journeys to
Benares, but, as a rule, he stays at home. Their simplicity is really
proverbial,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e2895src" href="#xd21e2895" name=
"xd21e2895src">19</a> and they have not been influenced by contact with
the English. This contact, which has influenced every other caste or
race, has left the Namb&#363;tiri just where he was before the English
knew India. He is perhaps, as his measurements seem to prove, the
truest Aryan in Southern India, and not only physically, but in his
customs, habits, and ceremonies, which are so welded into him that
forsake them he cannot if he would. It is noted, in the Gazetteer of
Malabar, that &ldquo;as a class, the Namb&#363;diris may be described
as less affected than any other caste, except the very lowest, by
western influences of whatever nature. One Namb&#363;diri is known to
have accepted a clerical post in Government service; a good many are
Adhig&#257;ris (village headmen), and one member of the caste possesses
a Tile-works and is partner in a Cotton-mill. The bicycle now claims
several votaries among the caste, and photography at least one other.
But these are exceptions, and exceptions which, unimportant as they may
seem to any one unacquainted with the remarkable conservatism of the
caste, would certainly have caused considerable surprise to the author
of the first Malabar Manual.&rdquo; <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb158" href="#pb158" name="pb158">158</a>]</span></p>
<p>Concerning the occupations of the Namb&#363;tiris, Mr. Subramani
Aiyar writes that &ldquo;service in temples, unless very remunerative,
does not attract them. Teaching as a means of living is rank
heterodoxy. And, if anywhere Manu&rsquo;s dictum to the Br&#257;hman
&lsquo;Never serve&rsquo; is strictly observed, it is in Malabar.
Judging from the records left by travellers, the Namb&#363;tiris used
to be selected by kings as messengers during times of war. Writing
concerning them, Barbosa states that &ldquo;these are the messengers
who go on the road from one kingdom to another with letters and money
and merchandise, because they pass in safety without any one molesting
them, even though the king may be at war. These Br&#257;hmans are well
read ... and possess many books, and are learned and masters of many
arts; and so the kings honour them as such.&rdquo; As the pre-historic
heirs to the entire land of K&#275;rala, the Namb&#363;tiris live on
agriculture. But inefficiency in adaptation to changing environments
operates as a severe handicap in the race for progressive affluence,
for which the initial equipment was exceptionally favourable. The
difficulties incidental to an effete landlordism have contributed to
making the Namb&#363;tiris a litigious population, and the ruinous
scale of expenditure necessary for the disposal of a girl, be it of the
most plebeian kind, has brought their general prosperity to a very low
level. The feeling of responsible co-operation on the part of the
unmarried males of a Namb&#363;tiri household in the interests of the
family is fast decreasing; old maids are increasing; and the lot of the
average Namb&#363;tiri man, and more especially woman, is very hard
indeed. As matters now stand, the traditional hospitality of the Hindu
kings of Malabar, which, fortunately for them, has not yet relaxed, is
the only sustenance and support of the ordinary Namb&#363;tiri. The
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb159" href="#pb159" name=
"pb159">159</a>]</span>characteristic features of the Namb&#363;tiri
are his faith in God and resignation to his will, hospitality to
strangers, scrupulous veracity, punctiliousness as regards the
ordinances prescribed, and extreme gentility in manners. The sustaining
power of his belief in divine providence is so great, that calamities
of whatsoever kind do not exasperate him unduly. The story is told with
great admiration of a Namb&#363;tiri who, with his large ancestral
house on fire, his only son just tumbled into a deep disused well,
while his wife was expiring undelivered, quietly called out to his
servant for his betel-box. Evening baths, and daily prayers at sunrise,
noon and sunset, are strictly observed. A tradition, illustrative of
the miracles which spiritual power can work, is often told of the islet
in the Vempanat lake known as Patiramanal (midnight sand) having been
conjured into existence by the Tarananall&#363;r
Namb&#363;tirip&#257;d, when, during a journey to Trivandrum, it was
past evening, and the prayers to Sandhya had to be made after the usual
ablutions. To the lower animals, the attitude of the Namb&#363;tiri is
one of child-like innocence. In his relation to man, his guilelessness
is a remarkable feature. Harshness of language is unknown to the
Namb&#363;tiris, and it is commonly said that the severest expression
of his resentment at an insult offered is generally that he (the
Namb&#363;tiri) expects the adversary to take back the insult a hundred
times over. Of course, the modern Namb&#363;tiri is not the
unadulterated specimen of goodness, purity, and piety that he once was.
But, on the whole, the Namb&#363;tiris form an interesting community,
whose existence is indeed a treasure untold to all lovers of antiquity.
Their present economic condition is, however, far from re-assuring.
They are no doubt the traditional owners of K&#275;rala, and hold in
their hands the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb160" href="#pb160"
name="pb160">160</a>]</span>janmom or proprietary interest in a large
portion of Malabar. But their woeful want of accommodativeness to the
altered conditions of present day life threatens to be their ruin.
Their simplicity and absence of business-like habits have made them a
prey to intrigue, fraudulence, and grievous neglect, and an
unencumbered and well ordered estate is a rarity among Malabar
Br&#257;hmans, at least in Travancore.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The orthodox view of the Namb&#363;tiri is thus stated in an
official document of Travancore. &ldquo;His person is holy; his
directions are commands; his movements are a procession; his meal is
nectar; he is the holiest of human beings; he is the representative of
god on earth.&rdquo; It may be noted that the priest at the temple of
Badrin&#257;th in Gurhwal, which is said to have been established by
Sankar&#257;ch&#257;rya, and at the temple at Tiruvettiy&#363;r, eight
miles north of Madras, must be a Namb&#363;tiri. The birth-place of
Sankara has been located in a small village named K&#257;ladi in
Travancore. It is stated by Mr. Subramani Aiyar that &ldquo;at some
part of his eventful life, Sankara is believed to have returned to his
native village, to do the last offices to his mother. Every assistance
was withdrawn, and he became so helpless that he had to throw aside the
orthodox ceremonials of cremation, which he could not get his relations
to help him in, made a sacrificial pit in his garden, and there
consigned his mother&rsquo;s mortal remains. The compound (garden) can
still be seen on the banks of the Periy&#257;r river on the Travancore
side, with a masonry wall enclosing the crematorium, and embowered by a
thick grove of trees.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Every Namb&#363;tiri is, theoretically, a life-long student of the
V&#275;das. Some admit that religious study or exercise occupies a bare
half hour in the day; others devote to these a couple of hours or more.
It is certain <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb161" href="#pb161" name=
"pb161">161</a>]</span>that every Namb&#363;tiri is under close study
between the ages of seven and fifteen, or for about eight years of his
life, and nothing whatsoever is allowed to interfere with this. Should
circumstances compel interruption of V&#275;dic study, the whole course
is, I believe, re-commenced and gone through <i>da capo</i>. A few
years ago, a Namb&#363;tiri boy was wanted, to be informally examined
in the matter of a dacoity in his father&rsquo;s illam; but he had to
be left alone, as, among other unpleasant consequences of being treated
as a witness, he would have had to begin again his whole course of
V&#275;dic study. The Namb&#363;tiris are probably more familiar with
Sanskrit than any other Br&#257;hmans, even though their scholarship
may not be of a high order, and certainly none other is to the same
extent governed by the letter of the law handed down in Sanskrit.</p>
<p>As already said, the Namb&#363;tiris are for the most part
landholders, or of that class. They are also temple priests. The rich
have their own temples, on which they spend much money. All over
Malabar there are to be seen Pattar Br&#257;hmans, wandering here and
there, fed free at the illams of rich Namb&#363;tiris, or at the
various k&#333;vilakams and temples. And they are always to be found at
important ceremonial functions, marriage or the like, which they attend
uninvited, and receive a small money present (dakshina). But the
Namb&#363;tiri never goes anywhere, unless invited. From what I have
seen, the presents to Br&#257;hmans on these occasions are usually
given on the following scale:&mdash;eight annas to each Namb&#363;tiri,
six annas to each Embr&#257;ntiri, four annas to each Pattar
Br&#257;hman. The Namb&#363;tiri is sometimes a money-lender.</p>
<p>Of the two divisions, Namb&#363;tiri and Namb&#363;tirip&#257;d, the
latter are supposed to be stricter, and to rank higher <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb162" href="#pb162" name="pb162">162</a>]</span>than
the former. P&#257;d, meaning power or authority, is often used to all
Namb&#363;tiris when addressing them. Thus, some who are called
Namb&#363;tirip&#257;ds may really be Namb&#363;tiris. It may not be
strictly correct to divide the Namb&#363;tiris thus, for neither
so-called division is separated from the other by interdiction of
marriage. The class distinctions are more properly denoted the
&#256;dhyan and Asyan, of which the former is the higher. An
&#256;dhyan is never a priest; he is a being above even such functions
as are sacerdotal in the temple. But there are also divisions according
to the number of y&#257;gams or sacrifices performed by individuals,
thus:&mdash;S&#333;matiri or S&#333;may&#257;ji, Akkitiri or
Agnih&#333;tri, and Adittiri. A man may reach the first stage of these
three, and become an Addittirip&#257;d by going through a certain
ceremony. At this, three Namb&#363;tiri Vaidikars, or men well versed
in the V&#275;das, must officiate. A square pit is made. Fire raised by
friction between two pieces of p&#299;pal (<i>Ficus religiosa</i>) wood
with a little cotton is placed in it. This fire is called
aup&#257;sana. The ceremony cannot be performed until after marriage.
It is only those belonging to certain g&#333;tras who may perform
y&#257;gams, and, by so doing, acquire the three personal distinctions
already named. Again, there are other divisions according to
professions. Thus it is noted, in the Cochin Census Report, 1901, that
&ldquo;the &#256;dhyans are to study the V&#275;das and S&#257;stras;
they are prohibited from taking par&#257;nnam (literally meals
belonging to another), from taking part in the funeral ceremonies of
others, and from receiving presents. Those who perform the sacrifice of
adhana are known as Aditiris, those who perform some y&#257;ga are
called Somayagis or Chomatiris, while those who perform agni are called
Agnihotris or Akkitiris. Only married men are qualified to perform the
sacrifices. The N&#257;yar <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb163" href=
"#pb163" name="pb163">163</a>]</span>is an indispensable factor in the
performance of these sacrifices. The Bhattatiris are to study and teach
the S&#257;stras; the Orthikans are to teach the V&#275;das, and to
officiate as family priests. The V&#257;dhyans are to teach the
V&#275;das, and to supervise the moral conduct of their pupils. The
Vydikans are the highest authority to decide what does or does not
constitute violation of caste rules, and to prescribe expiatory
ceremonies. The Smarthas are to study the Smritis and other
S&#257;stras relating to customs, with the special object of qualifying
themselves to preside over caste panch&#257;yats, or courts, and to
investigate, under the orders of the sovereign, cases of conjugal
infidelity arising among the Namb&#363;tiris. The rulers of Cochin and
Travancore issue the writs convening the committee in the case of
offences committed within their territory. The Zamorin of Calicut, and
other Chiefs or R&#257;jas, also continue to exercise the privilege of
issuing such orders in regard to cases occurring in Malabar. The
Tantris officiate as high priests in temples. They also practice
exorcism. There are &#256;dhyans among this class also. Having received
weapons from Parasu R&#257;ma and practiced the art of war, the
Sastrangakars are treated as somewhat degraded Br&#257;hmans. They are
prohibited from studying the V&#275;das, but are entitled to
muthalmura, that is, reading the V&#275;das, or hearing them recited
once. Having had to devote their time and energy to the practice of the
art of war, they could not possibly spend their time in the study of
the V&#275;das. The Vaidyans or physicians, known as M&#363;ssads, are
to study the medical science, and to practice the same. As the
profession of a doctor necessitates the performance of surgical
operations entailing the shedding of blood, the M&#363;ssads are also
considered as slightly degraded. They too are entitled only to
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb164" href="#pb164" name=
"pb164">164</a>]</span>muthalmura. Of these, there are eight families,
known as Ashta Vaidyans. The Gr&#257;manis are alleged to have suffered
degradation by reason of their having, at the command of Parasu
R&#257;ma, undertaken the onerous duties of protecting the Br&#257;hman
villages, and having had, as Rakshapurushas or protectors, to discharge
the functions assigned to Kshatriyas. Ooril Parisha M&#363;ssads are
supposed to have undergone degradation on account of their having
accepted from Parasu R&#257;ma the accumulated sin of having killed the
warrior Kshatriyas thrice seven times, along with immense gifts in the
shape of landed estates. They are not allowed to read the V&#275;das
even once.&rdquo;</p>
<p>&ldquo;There are,&rdquo; Mr. Subramani Aiyar writes, &ldquo;five
sub-divisions among the Namb&#363;tiris, which may be referred
to:&mdash;</p>
<p>(1) <i>Tampurakkal</i>.&mdash;This is a corruption of the Sanskrit
name Samr&#257;t, and has probable reference to temporal as much as to
secular sovereignty. Of the two Tampurakkal families in South Malabar,
Kalpancheri and Azhvancheri, the latter alone now remains. As spiritual
Samr&#257;ts (sovereigns) they are entitled to (1) bhadr&#257;sanam, or
the highest position in an assembly, (2) brahmavarchasa, or authority
in V&#275;dic lore, and consequent sanctity, (3) brahmasamr&#257;gyam,
or lordship over Br&#257;hmans, (4) sarvamanyam, or universal
acknowledgment of reverence. Once in six years, the Azhvancheri
Tampurakkal is invited by the Mah&#257;r&#257;ja of Travancore, who
accords him the highest honours, and pays him the homage of a
s&#257;sht&#257;nganamask&#257;ram, or prostration obeisance. Even now,
the Samr&#257;ts form a saintly class in all Malabar. Though considered
higher than all other sub-divisions of Namb&#363;tiris, they form, with
the &#256;dhyas, an endogamous community. <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb165" href="#pb165" name="pb165">165</a>]</span></p>
<p>(2) <i>&#256;dhyas</i>.&mdash;They form eight families, called
Asht&#257;dhyas, and are said by tradition to be descended from the
eight sons of a great Br&#257;hman sage, who lived on the banks of the
river Krishna. The fund of accumulated spirituality inherited from
remote ancestors is considered to be so large that sacrifices
(y&#257;gas), as well as vanaprastha and sany&#257;sa (the two last
stages of the Br&#257;hman&rsquo;s life), are reckoned as being
supererogatory for even the last in descent. They are, however, very
strict in the observance of religious ordinances, and constantly engage
themselves in the reverent study of Hindu scriptures. The Tantris are
&#256;dhyas with temple administration as their specialised function.
They are the constituted gurus of the temple priests, and are the final
authorities in all matters of temple ritual.</p>
<p>(3) <i>Visishta</i>.&mdash;These are of two classes, Agnih&#333;tris
and Bhattatiris. The former are the ritualists, and are of three
kinds:&mdash;(1) Akkittiris, who have performed the
agnichayanay&#257;ga, (2) Adittiris, who have done the ceremony of
agniadhana, (3) Chomatiris, who have performed the soma sacrifice. The
Bhattatiris are the philosophers, and are, in a spirit of judicious
economy, which is the characteristic feature of all early caste
proscriptions, actually prohibited from trenching on the province of
the Agnih&#333;tris. They study tarkka (logic), v&#275;d&#257;nta
(religious philosophy or theology), vy&#257;karana (grammar),
m&#299;m&#257;msa (ritualism), bhatta, from which they receive their
name, and prabh&#257;kara, which are the six sciences of the early
Namb&#363;tiris. They were the great religious teachers of Malabar, and
always had a large number of disciples about them. Under this head come
the V&#257;dyars or heads of V&#275;dic schools, of which there are
two, one at Trich&#363;r in Cochin, and the other at Tirunavai in
British <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb166" href="#pb166" name=
"pb166">166</a>]</span>Malabar; the six Vaidikas or expounders of the
caste canons, and the Smartas, who preside at the smartavich&#257;rams
or socio-moral tribunals of Br&#257;hmanical Malabar.</p>
<p>(4) <i>S&#257;m&#257;nyas</i>.&mdash;They form the Namb&#363;tiri
proletariat, from whom the study of the V&#275;das is all that is
expected. They take up the study of mantrav&#257;da (mystic
enchantment), p&#363;ja (temple ritual), and reciting the sacred
accounts of the Avat&#257;ra and astrology.</p>
<p>(5) <i>J&#257;timatras</i>.&mdash;The eight leading physician
families of Malabar, or Ashta Vaidyas, are, by an inexcusable misuse of
language, called Gatimatras or nominal Namb&#363;tiris. The class of
Namb&#363;tiris called Yatrakalikkar (a corruption of Sastrakalikkar)
also comes under this head. They are believed to be the Br&#257;hmans,
who accepted the profession of arms from their great founder. Those
that actually received the territory from the hands of Parasu
R&#257;ma, called Gr&#257;mani Namb&#363;tiris or Gr&#257;mani
&#256;dhyas, are also Gatimatras. They were the virtual sovereigns of
their respective lands. The physicians, the soldiers, and the landed
kings, having other duties to perform, were not able to devote all
their time to V&#275;dic recitations. The mutalm&#363;r&#257; or first
study was, of course, gone through. In course of time, this fact was
unfortunately taken by the religious conscience of the people to lower
the Br&#257;hmans who were deputed under the scheme of Parasu R&#257;ma
for special functions in the service of the nation in the scale of
Namb&#363;tiri society, and to mean a formal prohibition as of men
unworthy to be engaged in V&#275;dic study.</p>
<p>Papagrastas are Namb&#363;tiris, who are supposed to have questioned
the divine nature of Parasu R&#257;ma, The Urilparisha Mussus, who too
are Br&#257;hmans who received gifts of land from Parasu R&#257;ma, the
Nambitis, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb167" href="#pb167" name=
"pb167">167</a>]</span>the Panniy&#363;r Gr&#257;makkar, and the
Payyan&#363;r Gr&#257;makkar or the Ammuvans (uncles), so called from
their matriarchal system of inheritance, form other sections of
Namb&#363;tiris.&rdquo;</p>
<p>It is recorded, in the Cochin Census Report, 1901, that
&ldquo;certain special privileges in regard to the performance of
religious rites and other matters of a purely social nature serve as
the best basis for a sub-division of the Namb&#363;tiris in the order
of social precedence as recognised amongst themselves. For this
purpose, the privileges may be grouped under two main classes, as given
in the following mnemonic formula:&mdash;</p>
<p><i>A</i></p>
<ul>
<li><span>1.</span> Edu (the leaf of a cadjan grandha or book): the
right of studying and teaching the V&#275;das and Sastras.</li>
<li><span>2.</span> Piccha (mendicancy symbolic of family priests): the
right of officiating as family priests.</li>
<li><span>3.</span> Othu (V&#275;das): the right of studying the
V&#275;das.</li>
<li><span>4.</span> Adukala (kitchen): the right of cooking for all
classes of Br&#257;hmans.</li>
<li><span>5.</span> Katavu (bathing place or gh&#257;t): the right of
bathing in the same bathing place with other Br&#257;hmans, or the
right of touching after bathing, without thereby disqualifying the
person touched for performing religious services.</li>
</ul>
<p><i>B</i></p>
<ul>
<li><span>1.</span> Adu (sheep): the right of performing holy
sacrifices.</li>
<li><span>2.</span> Bhiksha (receiving alms): the right of becoming a
S&#257;nyasi.<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb168" href="#pb168" name=
"pb168">168</a>]</span></li>
<li><span>3.</span> Santhi (officiating as temple priests): the right
of performing priestly functions in temples.</li>
<li><span>4.</span> Arangu (stage): the right of taking part in the
performance of Sastrangam Namb&#363;dris.</li>
<li><span>5.</span> Panthi (row of eaters): the right of messing in the
same row with other Br&#257;hmans.</li>
</ul>
<p>Those who enjoy the privilege of No. 1 in <i>A</i> are entitled to
all the privileges in <i>A</i> and <i>B</i>; those enjoying No. 2 in
<i>A</i> have all the privileges from No. 2 downwards in <i>A</i> and
<i>B</i>; those having No. 3 in <i>A</i> have similarly all the
privileges from No. 3 downwards in <i>A</i> and <i>B</i>, and so on.
Those entitled to No.1 in <i>B</i> have all the privileges except No. 1
in <i>A</i>; similarly those entitled to No. 2 in <i>B</i> have all the
privileges from No. 2 downwards in <i>B</i>, but only from No. 3
downwards in <i>A</i>, and so on.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Among the people of good caste in Malabar, to speak of one as a
hairy man is to speak of him reproachfully. Yet, putting aside
Muhammadans, the highest of all, the Namb&#363;tiris are certainly the
most hairy. In the young Namb&#363;tiri, the hair on the head is
plentiful, glossy, and wavy. The hair is allowed to grow over an oval
patch from the vertex or a little behind it to a little back from the
forehead. This is the regular Malabar fashion. The hair thus grown is
done into a knot hanging over the forehead or at one side according to
fancy, never hanging behind. The rest of the head, and also the face is
shaved. The whole body, excepting this knot and the back, is shaved
periodically. Karkkadakam, Kanni, Kumbham and Dh&#257;nu are months in
which shaving should be avoided as far as possible. An auspicious day
is always selected by the Namb&#363;tiri for being shaved. Gingelly oil
(enna) is commonly used for the hair. When a Namb&#363;tiri&rsquo;s
wife is pregnant, he refrains from the barber, letting his hair grow as
it will. And, as he may <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb169" href=
"#pb169" name="pb169">169</a>]</span>have as many as four wives, and he
does not shave when any of them is in an interesting condition, he
sometimes has a long beard. A marked difference observed between the
Namb&#363;tiri and those allied to him, and the lower races, is this.
The former have whiskers in the shape of a full growth of hair on the
cheeks, while in the latter this is scanty or entirely absent. Also,
while the Namb&#363;tiris have very commonly a hairy chest, the others
have little or no hair on the chest. So, too, in the case of hair on
the arms and legs. One Namb&#363;tiri examined had hair all over the
body, except over the ribs.</p>
<p>In connection with a hypothesis that the Todas of the N&#299;lgiris
are an offshoot of one of the races now existing in Malabar, Dr. W. H.
R. Rivers writes as follows.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e3069src" href=
"#xd21e3069" name="xd21e3069src">20</a> &ldquo;Of all the castes or
tribes of Malabar, the Namb&#363;tiris perhaps show the greatest number
of resemblances to the customs of the Todas, and it is therefore
interesting to note that Mr. Fawcett describes these people as the
hairiest of all the races of Malabar, and especially notes that one
individual he examined was like a Toda.&rdquo;</p>
<p>It is noted by Mr. Subramani Aiyar that &ldquo;the Namb&#363;tiris
are passionate growers of finger-nails, which are sometimes more than a
foot long, and serve several useful purposes. As in everything else,
the Namb&#363;tiri is orthodox even in the matter of dress.
Locally-manufactured cloths are alone purchased, and Indian publicists
who deplore the crushing of indigenous industries by the importation of
foreign goods may congratulate the K&#275;rala Br&#257;hmans on their
protectionist habits. Silk and coloured cloths are not worn by either
sex. The style of dress is peculiar. That of the males is known as
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb170" href="#pb170" name=
"pb170">170</a>]</span>tattutukkuka. Unlike the N&#257;yar dress, which
the Namb&#363;tiris wear during other than religious hours, the cloth
worn has a portion passing between the thighs and tucked in at the
front and behind, with the front portion arranged in a number of
characteristic reduplications. The Namb&#363;tiri wears wooden shoes,
but never shoes made of leather. Namb&#363;tiri women have two styles
of dress, viz., okkum koluttum vachchutukkuka for the &#256;dhyans, and
ngoringutukkuka for ordinary Namb&#363;tiris. Undyed cloths constitute
the daily wearing apparel of Namb&#363;tiri women. It is interesting to
notice that all Br&#257;hman women, during a y&#257;gnam (sacrifice),
when, as at other ceremonials, all recent introductions are given up in
favour of the old, wear undyed cloths. Beyond plain finger-rings and a
golden amulet (elassu) attached to the waist-string, the Namb&#363;tiri
wears no ornaments. His ears are bored, but no ear-rings are worn
unless he is an Agnih&#333;tri, when ear-pendants of an elongated
pattern (kundalam) are used. The ornaments of the Namb&#363;tiri women
have several peculiarities. Gold bracelets are, as it were, proscribed
even for the most wealthy. Hollow bangles of brass or bell-metal for
ordinary Namb&#363;tiris, and of solid silver for the &#256;dhyas, are
the ones in use. The chuttu is their ear ornament. A peculiar necklace
called cheru-t&#257;li is also worn, and beneath this &#256;dhya women
wear three garlands of manis or gold pieces, along with other jewels
called kasumala, puttali, and kazhuttila. The Namb&#363;tiris do not
bore their noses or wear nose-rings, and, in this respect, present a
striking contrast to the N&#257;yar women. No restriction, except the
removal of the t&#257;li, is placed on the use of ornaments by
Namb&#363;tiri women. Tattooing is taboo to Namb&#363;tiri women. They
put on three horizontal lines of sandal paste after bathing. These
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb171" href="#pb171" name=
"pb171">171</a>]</span>marks have, in the case of &#256;dhya women, a
crescentic shape (ampilikkuri). Kunkuma, or red powder, is never
applied by Namb&#363;tiri women to the forehead. Turmeric powder as a
cosmetic wash for the face is also not in vogue. Mr. Fawcett states
that, on festive occasions, turmeric is used by the Br&#257;hmans of
Malabar. But this is not borne out by the usage in Travancore.
Eye-salves are applied, and may be seen extending as dark lines up to
the ears on either side.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The ornaments and marks worn by individual Namb&#363;tiri males are
thus recorded by Mr. Fawcett:&mdash;</p>
<p>(1) Left hand: gold ring with large green stone on first finger;
four plain gold rings on third finger; a ring, in which an
&#257;navar&#257;han coin is set, on little finger. This is a very
lucky ring. Spurious imitations are often set in rings, but it is the
genuine coin which brings good luck. Right hand: two plain gold rings,
and a pavitram on the third finger. The pavitram is of about the
thickness of an ordinary English wedding ring, shaped like a figure of
eight, with a dotted pattern at each side, and the rest plain. It is
made of gold, but, as every Namb&#363;tiri must wear a pavitram while
performing or undergoing certain ceremonies, those who do not possess
one of gold wear one made of darbha grass. They do not say so, but I
think the ring of darbha grass is orthodox.</p>
<p>(2) Golden amulet-case fastened to a string round the waist, and
containing a figure (yantram) written or marked on a silver plate. He
had worn it three years, having put it on because he used to feel hot
during the cool season, and attributed the circumstance to the
influence of an evil spirit.</p>
<p>(3) Youth, aged 12. Wears a yak skin sash, an inch wide, over the
left shoulder, fastened at the ends by <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb172" href="#pb172" name="pb172">172</a>]</span>a thong of the same
skin. He put it on when he was seven, and will wear it till he is
fifteen, when he will have completed his course of V&#275;dic study. A
ring, hanging to a string in front of his throat, called m&#333;diram,
was put on in the sixth month when he was named, and will be worn until
he is fifteen. The ears are pierced. He wears two amulets at the back,
one of gold, the other of silver. In each are some chakrams (Travancore
silver coins), and a gold leaf, on which a charm is inscribed. One of
the charms was prepared by a M&#257;ppilla, the other by a
Namb&#363;tiri.</p>
<p>(4) Black spot edged with yellow in the centre of the forehead.
Three horizontal white stripes on the forehead. A dab on each arm, and
a stripe across the chest.</p>
<p>(5) Black spot near glabella, and two yellow horizontal stripes near
it. The same on the chest, with the spot between the lines.</p>
<p>(6) Red spot and white stripe on the forehead. A red dab over the
sternum, and on each arm in front of the deltoid.</p>
<p>(7) An oval, cream-coloured spot with red centre, an inch in
greatest length, over the glabella.</p>
<p>The stripes on the forehead and chest are generally made with sandal
paste. Rudr&#257;ksha (nuts of <i>El&oelig;ocarpus Ganitrus</i>)
necklaces, mounted in gold, are sometimes worn.</p>
<p>The thread worn by men over the left shoulder is made of a triple
string of country-grown cotton, and, unlike other Br&#257;hmans of
Southern India, no change is made after marriage. It may be changed on
any auspicious day. Br&#257;hmans of Southern India outside Malabar
change their thread once a year.</p>
<p>Concerning the habitations of the Namb&#363;tiris, Mr. Subramani
Aiyar writes as follows. &ldquo;A Namb&#363;tiri&rsquo;s <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb173" href="#pb173" name=
"pb173">173</a>]</span>house stands within a compound (grounds) of its
own. Each house has its own name, by which the members are known, and
is called by the generic title of illam, the term used by
Br&#257;hmans, or mana, which is the reverential expression of Sudras
and others. Sometimes the two words are found combined, <i>e.g.</i>,
Itamana illam. In the compound surrounding the house, trees such as the
tamarind, mango, and j&#257;k, grow in shady luxuriance. The area of
the compound is very extensive; in fact, no house in Malabar is
surrounded by a more picturesque or more spacious garden than that of
the Namb&#363;tiri. Plantains of all varieties are cultivated, and yams
of various kinds and peas in their respective seasons. A tank (pond) is
an inseparable accompaniment, and, in most Namb&#363;tiri houses, there
are three or four of them, the largest being used for bathing, and the
others for general and kitchen purposes. Whenever there is a temple of
any importance near at hand, the Namb&#363;tiri may prefer to bathe in
the tank attached to it, but his favourite gh&#257;t is always the tank
near his home, and owned by him. Wells are never used for bathing, and
a hot-water bath is avoided as far as possible, as plunging in a
natural reservoir would alone confer the requisite ablutional purity.
Towards the north-west corner of the house is located the sarpakkavu or
snake abode, one of the indispensables of a Malabar house. The kavu is
either an artificial jungle grown on purpose in the compound, or a
relic of the unreclaimed primeval jungle, which every part of Malabar
once was. Right in the centre of the kavu is the carved granite image
of the cobra, and several flesh-and-blood representatives of the figure
haunt the house, as if in recognition of the memorial raised. In the
centre of the compound is situated the illam or mana, which is in most
cases a costly habitat. All the houses used until recently <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb174" href="#pb174" name="pb174">174</a>]</span>to
be thatched as a protection against the scorching heat of the tropical
sun, which a tiled house would only aggravate. In form the house is
essentially a square building, consisting of several courtyards in the
centre, with rooms on all sides. On the east or west of the courtyard,
a room having the space of two ordinary rooms serves as a drawing room
and the dormitory of the unmarried members of the house. The rest of
the house is zen&#257;na to the stranger. Right on the opposite side of
the visitor&rsquo;s room, beyond the central courtyard, is the
arappura, of massive wood-work, where the valuables are preserved. On
either side of this are two rooms, one of which serves as a storehouse,
and the other as a bed-room. The kitchen adjoins the visitor&rsquo;s
room, and is tolerably spacious. In the front, which is generally the
east of the house, is a spacious yard, square and flat, and leading to
it is a flight of steps, generally made of granite. These steps lead to
a gate-house, where the servants of the house keep watch at night. The
whole house is built of wood, and substantially constructed. Though the
houses look antiquated, they have a classical appearance all their own.
To the north-east is the g&#333;s&#257;la, where large numbers of oxen
and cows are housed. The furniture of a Namb&#363;tiri is extremely
scanty. There are several cots, some made of coir (cocoanut fibre), and
others of wooden planks. The k&#363;rmasana is the
Namb&#363;tiri&rsquo;s devotional seat, and consists of a jak
(<i>Artocarpus integrifolia</i>) plank carved in the form of a
tortoise. Other seats, of a round or oblong shape, are also used, and
no Br&#257;hman addresses himself to his meal without being seated on
one of them. Every Br&#257;hman visitor is offered one, and is even
pressed to sit on it. When the writer went to a Br&#257;hman house at
Kalati, the native village of Sankar&#257;ch&#257;rya, and wished the
hosts not to trouble themselves about a seat for <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb175" href="#pb175" name="pb175">175</a>]</span>him,
he was told that the contact of a Br&#257;hman&rsquo;s nates with the
floor was harmful to the house. Hanging cots, attached to the ceiling
by chains of iron, are common things in a Namb&#363;tiri&rsquo;s house,
especially in the bed-rooms. Skins of spotted deer, used to sit on
during prayers, also form part of the Namb&#363;tiri&rsquo;s
furniture.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The Namb&#363;tiris follow the makkat&#257;yam law of inheritance
from father to son; not, however, precisely as do the other people who
do so. Nor is their system of inheritance the same as that of
Br&#257;hmans to the eastward (<i>i.e.</i>, of Southern India
generally), with whom the family property may be divided up amongst the
male members at the instance of any one of them. The Namb&#363;tiri
household is described by Mr. Subramani Aiyar as representing a
condition intermediate between the impartible matriarchal form of the
N&#257;yars and the divided patriarchal form of the other coast. Among
the Namb&#363;tiris, the eldest male member of the family is the
K&#257;ranavan or manager of it, and has complete control over all the
property. The younger members of the family are entitled to nothing but
maintenance. The head of the family may be a female, provided there is
none of the other sex. The eldest son alone marries. The accepted
practice, as well as the recognised principle among the
Namb&#363;tiris, seems to be in consonance with the directions
expounded by Manu, viz.&mdash;</p>
<p>Immediately on the birth of his first-born, a man is the father of a
son, and is free from the debt to the manes. That son is, therefore,
worthy to receive the whole estate.</p>
<p>That son alone, on whom he throws his debt, is begotten for (the
fulfilment of) the law. All the rest they consider the offspring of
desire. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb176" href="#pb176" name=
"pb176">176</a>]</span></p>
<p>As a father supports his sons, so let the eldest support his younger
brothers, and so let them, in accordance with the law, behave towards
their eldest brother as sons behave towards their father.</p>
<div class="figure xd21e3132width" id="pl5-176"><img src=
"images/pl5-176.jpg" alt="Nambutiri Br&#257;hman house." width="720"
height="521">
<p class="figureHead">Nambutiri Br&#257;hman house.</p>
</div>
<p>Should a Namb&#363;tiri eldest son die, the next marries, and so on.
Women join the family of their husband, and to this too her children
belong. Self-acquired property, that is property acquired by any junior
member of the family through his own efforts outside the
tarav&#257;d,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e3138src" href="#xd21e3138"
name="xd21e3138src">21</a> lapses to the tarav&#257;d at his death,
unless he has disposed of it in his lifetime. This is the custom, which
our law has not yet infringed. The tarav&#257;d is the unit, and, as
the senior male succeeds to the management, it may happen that a
man&rsquo;s sons do not succeed directly as his heirs. The arrangement
is an excellent one for the material prosperity of the family, for
there is no dispersion. Every circumstance tends towards
aggrandizement, and the family is restricted to no more than a
requisite number by one member only marrying, and producing children.
Impartibility is the fundamental principle. It is seldom that a
Namb&#363;tiri family comes to an end; and such a thing as a
Namb&#363;tiri&rsquo;s estate escheating to Government has been said on
eminent authority never to have been known. It happens sometimes that
there is no male member to produce progeny, and in such a case the
sarvasvad&#257;nam marriage is performed, by which a man of another
family is brought into the family and married to a daughter of it, who,
after the manner of the &ldquo;appointed daughter&rdquo; of old Hindu
law, hands on the property through her children. The man so brought in
is henceforth a member of the family which he has joined, and as such
he performs the sr&#257;ddha or <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb177"
href="#pb177" name="pb177">177</a>]</span>ceremonies to the dead. An
exception to the general rule of inheritance is that seventeen families
of Payann&#363;r in North Malabar follow the marumakkatt&#257;yam
system of inheritance, through the female line. The other
Namb&#363;tiris look askance at these, and neither marry nor dine with
them. It is supposed that they are not pure bred, having Kshatriya
blood in their veins.</p>
<p>Adoption among the Namb&#363;tiris is stated by Mr. Subramani Aiyar
to be of three kinds, called Pattu kaiyyal dattu, Chanchamata dattu,
and Kutivazhichcha dattu. &ldquo;The first is the orthodox form.
Pattukai means ten hands, and indicates that five persons take part in
the ceremony, the two natural parents, the two adopted parents, and the
son to be adopted. The g&#333;tra and s&#363;tra of the natural family
have to be the same as those of the adoptive family. The son adopted
may have had his upanayanam already performed by his natural parents.
An adoption of this kind cannot be made without the permission of all
the male members of the family, of the Sapindas or
Sam&#257;n&#333;dakas who are distinct blood relations, though some
degrees removed. In the second form, the adoption relieves the adopted
son of all ceremonial duties towards the natural parents. Involving, as
it does, a position contrary to the established ordinances of
Sankar&#257;ch&#257;rya, this kind of adoption is not in favour. The
third form is still less orthodox. The adoption is made by a surviving
widow, and mainly serves to keep up the lineage.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Liquor and flesh are strictly forbidden to the Namb&#363;tiris.
Their staple food is rice and curry. Upp&#275;ri is a curry of chopped
vegetables fried in gh&#299; (clarified butter), cocoanut or gingelly
oil, seasoned with gingelly (<i>Sesamum indicum</i>), salt, and jaggery
(crude sugar). Aviyal is another, composed of j&#257;k fruit mixed with
some <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb178" href="#pb178" name=
"pb178">178</a>]</span>vegetables. Sweets are sometimes eaten. Candied
cakes of wheat or rice, and rice boiled in milk with sugar and spices,
are delicacies. Papadams (wafer-like cakes) are eaten at almost every
meal. The Namb&#363;tiri must bathe, and pray to the deity before
partaking of any meal. An offering of rice is then made to the
household fire, some rice is thrown to the crows, and he sits down to
eat. The food is served on a plantain leaf or a bell-metal plate. It
should be served by the wife; but, if a man has other Namb&#363;tiris
dining with him, it is served by men or children. The sexes feed
separately. Before a man rises from his meal, his wife must touch the
leaf or plate on which the food has been served. The reason may lie in
this. The remains of the food are called &#275;chchil, and cannot be
eaten by any one. Just before finishing his meal and rising, the
Namb&#363;tiri touches the plate or leaf with his left hand, and at the
same time his wife touches it with her right hand. The food is then no
longer &#275;chchil, and she may eat it. The Namb&#363;tiri householder
is said to be allowed by the S&#257;stras, which rule his life in every
detail, to eat but one meal of rice a day&mdash;at midday. He should
not, strictly speaking, eat rice in the evening, but he may do so
without sinning heinously, and usually does. Fruit only should be eaten
in the evening. Women and children eat two or three times in a day. A
widow, however, is supposed to lead the life of a Sany&#257;si, and
eats only once a day. A Namb&#363;tiri may eat food prepared by an east
country Br&#257;hman (Pattar), or by an Embr&#257;ntiri. In fact, in
the large illams, where many people are fed every day, the cooks are
generally Pattars in South Malabar. The Namb&#363;tiri woman is more
scrupulous, and will not touch food prepared by any one of a caste
inferior to her own, as the Pattar is considered to be. Tea and coffee
are objected <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb179" href="#pb179" name=
"pb179">179</a>]</span>to. The S&#257;stras do not permit their use. At
the same time, they do not prohibit them, and some Namb&#363;tiris
drink both, but not openly. Persons observing vows are not allowed an
oil bath, to eat off bell-metal plates, or to eat certain articles of
food. The gourd called churakhai, palmyra fruit, and palmyra jaggery
are taboo to the Namb&#363;tiri at all times. Water-melons are eaten
regularly during the month Karkk&#257;taka, to promote health and
prolong life.</p>
<p>In connection with the Namb&#363;tiri&rsquo;s dietary, Mr. Subramani
Aiyar states that &ldquo;their food is extremely simple. As
Cam&ouml;ens writes:<a class="noteref" id="xd21e3156src" href=
"#xd21e3156" name="xd21e3156src">22</a></p>
<div class="lgouter">
<p class="line">To crown their meal no meanest life expires.</p>
<p class="line">Pulse, fruit, and herb alone their food requires.</p>
</div>
<p class="first">&ldquo;Gh&#299; is not in a great requisition.
Gingelly oil never enters the kitchen. Milk is not taken except as
porridge, which goes by the name of prathaman (first). A bolus-like
preparation of boiled rice-flour with cocoanut scrapings, called
kozhakkatta, is in great favour, and is known as Parasu
R&#257;ma&rsquo;s palah&#257;ram, or the light refreshment originally
prescribed by Parasu R&#257;ma. Conji, or rice gruel, served up with
the usual accessories, is the Namb&#363;tiri&rsquo;s favourite
luncheon. Cold drinks are rarely taken. The drinking water is boiled,
and flavoured with coriander, cummin seeds, etc., to form a pleasant
beverage.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The horse is a sacred animal, and cannot be kept. The cow, buffalo,
dog, and cat are the animals ordinarily kept in domestication; and it
is said that a parrot is sometimes taught to repeat Sanskrit
sl&#333;kas.</p>
<p>There are families, in which the business of the magician and
sorcerer is hereditary, chiefly in South <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb180" href="#pb180" name="pb180">180</a>]</span>Malabar and among the
Chela<a class="noteref" id="xd21e3173src" href="#xd21e3173" name=
"xd21e3173src">23</a> Namb&#363;tiris, as those are termed who, in the
turbulent period of Tippu&rsquo;s invasion, were made Muhammadans by
force. True, these returned almost at once to their own religion, but a
stigma attaches to them, and they are not looked on as true
Namb&#363;tiris.</p>
<p>It is extremely difficult to obtain reliable information regarding
magic or anything allied to it among any people, and most difficult of
all among the Namb&#363;tiris. They possess magic books, but they will
neither produce nor expound them. Hara M&#275;khala is the name of one
of these, which is most used. It is said that the sorcerer aims at the
following:&mdash;</p>
<ul>
<li>(1) Destruction (marana).</li>
<li>(2) Subjection of the will of another (vasikarana).</li>
<li>(3) Exorcism (uchch&#257;tana).</li>
<li>(4) Stupefaction (stambhana).</li>
<li>(5) Separation of friends (vidv&#275;shana).</li>
<li>(6) Enticement as for love (m&#333;hana).</li>
</ul>
<p>Of these, the first may be carried out in the following manner. A
figure representing the enemy to be destroyed is drawn on a small sheet
of metal (gold by preference), and to it some mystic diagrams are
added. It is then addressed with a statement that bodily injury or the
death of the person shall take place at a certain time. This little
sheet is wrapped up in another metal sheet or leaf (of gold if
possible), and buried in some place which the person to be injured or
destroyed is in the habit of passing. Should he pass over the place, it
is supposed that the charm will take effect at the time named. Instead
of the sheet of metal, a live frog or lizard is sometimes buried within
a cocoanut shell, after nails have been stuck <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb181" href="#pb181" name="pb181">181</a>]</span>into
its eyes and stomach. The deaths of the animal and the person are
supposed to take place simultaneously. For carrying out
vas&#299;karana, vidv&#275;shana, and m&#333;hana, betel leaves, such
as are ordinarily used for chewing, or vegetables are somehow or other
given to the victim, who unknowingly takes them into his mouth.
Exorcism may be treated as follows. If a young woman is suffering from
hysteria, and is supposed to be possessed by an evil spirit, or by the
discontented spirit of some deceased ancestor, nervousness is excited
by beating drums, blowing conch-shells, and otherwise making a horrible
noise close to her. When the supreme moment is believed to have
arrived, water is sprinkled over the wretched woman, who is required to
throw rice repeatedly on certain diagrams on the ground, woven into
which is a representation of the goddess Durga, the ruler of evil
spirits. An effigy of the evil spirit is then buried in a copper
vessel. By means of certain mantrams, Hanum&#257;n or K&#257;li is
propitiated, and, with their aid, in some occult manner, the position
of buried treasure may be found. It is said that the bones of a woman
who has died immediately after childbirth, and the fur of a black cat,
are useful to the magician.</p>
<p>There are said to be two Namb&#363;tiris of good family, well known
in South Malabar, who are expert mantrav&#257;dis or dealers in magic,
and who have complete control over Kuttichch&#257;ttan, an evil
mischievous spirit, whose name is a household word in Malabar. He it is
who sets fire to houses, damages cattle, and teases interminably.
Concerning Kuttichch&#257;ttan, Mr. Subramani Aiyar writes as follows.
&ldquo;The most mischievous imp of Malabar demonology is an annoying,
quip-loving little spirit, as black as night, and about the size and
nature of a well-nourished twelve-year old boy. Some people
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb182" href="#pb182" name=
"pb182">182</a>]</span>say that they have seen him,
<i>vis-&agrave;-vis</i>, having a forelock. The nature and extent of
its capacity for evil almost beggar description. There are
Namb&#363;tiris, to whom these are so many missiles, which they throw
at anybody they choose. They are, like Ariel, little active things, and
most willing slaves of the master under whom they happen to be placed.
Their victim suffers from unbearable agony. His clothes take fire, his
food turns into ordure, his beverages become urine, stones fall in
showers on all sides of him, but curiously not on him, and his bed
becomes a literal bed of thorns. He feels like a lost man. In this way,
with grim delight, the spirit continues to torment his victim by day as
well as by night. But, with all this annoying mischief,
Kuttichch&#257;ttan, or Boy Satan, does no serious harm. He oppresses
and harasses, but never injures. A celebrated Br&#257;hman of
Changanacheri is said to own more than a hundred of these
Ch&#257;ttans. Household articles and jewelry of value can be left on
the premises of the homes guarded by Ch&#257;ttan, and no thief dares
to lay his hands on them. The invisible sentry keeps diligent watch
over his master&rsquo;s property, and has unchecked powers of movement
in any medium. As remuneration for all these services, the Ch&#257;ttan
demands nothing but food, but that on a large scale. If starved, the
Ch&#257;ttans would not hesitate to remind the master of their power;
but, if ordinarily cared for, they would be his most willing drudges.
By nature Ch&#257;ttan is more than a malevolent spirit. As a safeguard
against the infinite power secured for the master by the
Kuttichch&#257;ttan, it is laid down that malign acts committed through
his instrumentality recoil on the prompter, who either dies childless,
or after frightful physical and mental agony. Another method of
oppressing humanity, believed to be in the power of sorcerers,
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb183" href="#pb183" name=
"pb183">183</a>]</span>is to make men and women possessed by spirits;
women being more subject to their evil influence than men. Delayed
puberty, sterility, and still-births are not uncommon ills of a woman
possessed by a devil. Sometimes the spirits sought to be exorcised
refuse to leave the body of the victim, unless the sorcerer promises
them a habitation in the compound of his own house, and arranges for
daily offerings being given. This is agreed to as a matter of
unavoidable necessity, and money and lands are conferred upon the
Namb&#363;tiri mantrav&#257;di, to enable him to fulfil his
promise.&rdquo;</p>
<p>A Namb&#363;tiri is not permitted to swear, or take oath in any way.
He may, however, declare so and so, holding the while his sacred thread
between the thumb and forefinger of the right hand, by way of invoking
the G&#257;yatri in token of his sincerity. And he may call on the
earth mother to bear witness to his words, for she may, should he speak
falsely, relieve herself of him. The name of the Supreme Being is not
used in oath. Namb&#363;tiris have been known to take oath before a
shrine, in order to settle a point in a Civil Court, but it is not
orthodox to do so.</p>
<p>Something has been said already concerning vows. Those who desire
offspring perform the vow called payasahavanam. Sacrifice is made
through fire (h&#333;mam) to the Supreme Being. H&#333;mam is also
vowed to be done on a child&rsquo;s birthday, to ensure its longevity.
Here we may observe a contrast between the Namb&#363;tiri and a man of
one of the inferior castes. For, while the vow of the Namb&#363;tiri
has assumed to some extent the nature of propitiatory prayer, of which
those low down really know nothing, the other gives nothing until he
has had the full satisfaction of his vow. Mrityunjayam, or that which
conquers death, is another kind of h&#333;mam in <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb184" href="#pb184" name=
"pb184">184</a>]</span>performance of a vow. A further one is concerned
with cleansing from any specific sin. Liberal presents are made to
Br&#257;hmans, when the vow is completed. In the vow called
rudr&#257;bhish&#275;ka the god Siva is bathed in consecrated water. It
is performed by way of averting misfortune. Monday is the day for it,
as it is supposed that on that day Siva amuses himself with Parvati by
dancing on Kail&#257;sa.</p>
<p>The custom observed by Namb&#363;tiris of letting the hair grow on
the head, face, and body, untouched by the razor, when a wife is
<i>enceinte</i> has been noticed already. A Namb&#363;tiri who has no
male issue also lets his hair grow in the same way for a year after the
death of his wife. Should there, however, be male issue, on the eldest
son devolves the duty of performing the ceremonies connected with the
funeral of his mother (or father), and it is he who remains unshaven
for a year. In such a case, the husband of a woman remains unshaven for
twelve days (and this seems to be usual), or until after the ceremony
on the forty-first day after death. The period during which the hair is
allowed to grow, whether for a death, a pregnant wife, or by reason of
a vow, is called d&#299;ksha. During d&#299;ksha, as well as during the
Brahmach&#257;ri period, certain articles of food, such as the
drumstick vegetable, milk, chillies, gram, dh&#257;l, papadams, etc.,
are prohibited.</p>
<p>&ldquo;Bathing,&rdquo; Mr.Subramani Aiyar writes, &ldquo;is one of
the most important religious duties of all Hindus, and of Br&#257;hmans
in particular. A Namb&#363;tiri only wants an excuse for bathing. Every
Namb&#363;tiri bathes twice a day at least, and sometimes oftener. It
is prohibited to do so before sunrise, after which a bath ceases to be
a religious rite on the other coast. The use of a waist-cloth, the
languti excepted, during a bath in private <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb185" href="#pb185" name="pb185">185</a>]</span>or
in public, is also prohibited. This injunction runs counter to that of
the Sutrak&#257;ras, who say &lsquo;Na vivasanah snayat,&rsquo;
<i>i.e.</i>, bathe not without clothing. The fastidious sense of bath
purity occasionally takes the form of a regular mania, and receives the
not inapt description of galappis&#257;chu or possession by a
water-devil. Never, except under extreme physical incapacity, does a
Namb&#363;tiri fail to bathe at least once a day.&rdquo; Before
concluding the bath, the cloth worn when it was begun, and for which
another has been substituted, is wrung out in the water. From this
practice, a patch of indurated skin between the thumb and first finger
of the right hand, where the cloth is held while wringing it, is
commonly to be seen. Almost every Namb&#363;tiri examined in North
Malabar was marked in this way.</p>
<p>The Namb&#363;tiris observe sixty-four an&#257;charams, or irregular
customs, which are said to have been promulgated by the great reformer
Sankar&#257;ch&#257;rya. These are as follows:&mdash;</p>
<ul>
<li>(1) You must not clean your teeth with sticks.</li>
<li>(2) You must not bathe with cloths worn on your person.</li>
<li>(3) You must not rub your body with the cloths worn on your
person.</li>
<li>(4) You must not bathe before sunrise.</li>
<li>(5) You must not cook your food before you bathe.</li>
<li>(6) Avoid the water kept aside during the night.</li>
<li>(7) You must not have one particular object in view while you
bathe.</li>
<li>(8) The remainder of the water taken for one purpose must not be
used for another ceremony.</li>
<li>(9) You must bathe if you touch another, <i>i.e.</i>, a S&#363;dra.
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb186" href="#pb186" name=
"pb186">186</a>]</span></li>
<li>(10) You must bathe if you happen to be near another, <i>i.e.</i>,
a Chand&#257;la.</li>
<li>(11) You must bathe if you touch polluted wells or tanks.</li>
<li>(12) You must not tread over a place that has been cleaned with a
broom, unless it is sprinkled with water.</li>
<li>(13) A particular mode of marking the forehead with ashes
(otherwise described as putting three horizontal lines on the forehead
with pure burnt cow-dung).</li>
<li>(14) You must repeat charms yourself. (You must not allow someone
else to do it.)</li>
<li>(15) You must avoid cold rice, etc. (food cooked on the previous
day).</li>
<li>(16) You must avoid leavings of meals by children.</li>
<li>(17) You must not eat anything that has been offered to Siva.</li>
<li>(18) You must not serve out food with your hands.</li>
<li>(19) You must not use the gh&#299; of buffalo cows for burnt
offerings.</li>
<li>(20) You must not use buffalo milk or gh&#299; for funeral
offerings.</li>
<li>(21) A particular mode of taking food (not to put too much in the
mouth, because none must be taken back).</li>
<li>(22) You must not chew betel while you are polluted.</li>
<li>(23) You must observe the conclusion of the Brahmach&#257;ri period
(the sam&#257;varttanam ceremony). This should be done before
consorting with N&#257;yar women.</li>
<li>(24) You must give presents to your guru or preceptor. (The
Brahmach&#257;ri must do so.)</li>
<li>(25) You must not read the V&#275;das on the road. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb187" href="#pb187" name=
"pb187">187</a>]</span></li>
<li>(26) You must not sell women (receive money for girls given in
marriage).</li>
<li>(27) You must not fast in order to obtain fulfilment of your
desires.</li>
<li>(28) Bathing is all that a woman should observe if she touches
another in her menses. (A woman touching another who is in this state
should, it is said, purify herself by bathing. A man should change his
thread, and undergo sacred ablution. Women, during their periods, are
not required to keep aloof, as is the custom among non-Malabar
Br&#257;hmans.)</li>
<li>(29) Br&#257;hmans should not spin cotton.</li>
<li>(30) Br&#257;hmans should not wash cloths for themselves.</li>
<li>(31) Kshatriyas should avoid worshipping the lingam.</li>
<li>(32) Br&#257;hmans should not accept funeral gifts from
Sudras.</li>
<li>(33) Perform the anniversary ceremony of your father
(father&rsquo;s father, mother&rsquo;s father and both
grandmothers).</li>
<li>(34) Anniversary ceremonies should be performed on the day of the
new moon (for the gratification of the spirits of the deceased).</li>
<li>(35) The death ceremony should be performed at the end of the year,
counting from the day of death.</li>
<li>(36) The ceremony to be performed till the end of the year after
death (D&#299;ksha is apparently referred to).</li>
<li>(37) Sr&#257;ddhas should be performed with regard to the stars
(according to the astronomical, not the lunar year).</li>
<li>(38) The death ceremony should not be performed until after the
pollution caused by childbirth has been removed. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb188" href="#pb188" name=
"pb188">188</a>]</span></li>
<li>(39) A particular mode of performing sr&#257;ddha by an adopted son
(who should do the ceremony for his adopted parents as well as for his
natural parents. Among non-Malabar Br&#257;hmans, an adopted son has
nothing to do with the ceremonies for his natural father, from whose
family he has become entirely disconnected).</li>
<li>(40) The corpse of a man should be burnt in his own compound.</li>
<li>(41) Sany&#257;sis should not look at (see) women.</li>
<li>(42) Sany&#257;sis should renounce all <span class="corr" id=
"xd21e3322" title="Source: wordly">worldly</span> pleasures.</li>
<li>(43) Sr&#257;ddha should not be performed for deceased
Sany&#257;sis.</li>
<li>(44) Br&#257;hman women must not look at any other persons besides
their own husbands.</li>
<li>(45) Br&#257;hman women must not go out, unless accompanied by
women servants.</li>
<li>(46) They should wear only white clothing.</li>
<li>(47) Noses should not be pierced.</li>
<li>(48) Br&#257;hmans should be put out of their caste if they drink
any liquor.</li>
<li>(49) Br&#257;hmans should forfeit their caste, if they have
intercourse with other Br&#257;hman women besides their wives.</li>
<li>(50) The consecration of evil spirits should be avoided. (Otherwise
said to be that worship of ancestors should not be done in
temples.)</li>
<li>(51) S&#363;dras and others are not to touch an idol.</li>
<li>(52) Anything offered to one god should not be offered to
another.</li>
<li>(53) Marriage etc., should not be done without a burnt offering
(h&#333;mam).</li>
<li>(54) Br&#257;hmans should not give blessings to each other.
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb189" href="#pb189" name=
"pb189">189</a>]</span></li>
<li>(55) They should not bow down to one another. (Among non-Malabar
Br&#257;hmans, juniors receive benediction from seniors. The
Namb&#363;tiris do not allow this.)</li>
<li>(56) Cows should not be killed in sacrifice.</li>
<li>(57) Do not cause distraction, some by observing the religious
rites of Siva, and others those of Vishnu.</li>
<li>(58) Br&#257;hmans should wear only one sacred thread.</li>
<li>(59) The eldest son only is entitled to marriage.</li>
<li>(60) The ceremony in honour of a deceased ancestor should be
performed with boiled rice.</li>
<li>(61) Kshatriyas, and those of other castes, should perform funeral
ceremonies to their uncles.</li>
<li>(62) The right of inheritance among Kshatriyas, etc., goes towards
nephews.</li>
<li>(63) Sati should be avoided. (This also includes directions to
widows not to shave the head, as is the custom among non-Malabar
Br&#257;hmans.)</li>
</ul>
<p>In connection with the foregoing, Mr. Subramani Aiyar writes that
the manners and customs of the Namb&#363;tiris differ from those of the
other communities in several marked particulars. They go by the
specific name of K&#275;ral&#257;ch&#257;ras, which, to the casual
observer, are so many an&#257;ch&#257;ras or mal-observances, but to
the sympathetic student are not more perhaps than unique
&#257;ch&#257;ras. A verse runs to the effect that they are
an&#257;ch&#257;ras, because they are not &#257;ch&#257;ras
(observances) elsewhere. (Anyatracharanabhavat anacharaitismritah.) Of
these sixty-four &#257;ch&#257;ras, about sixty will be found to be
peculiar to Malabar. These may be grouped into the following six main
classes:&mdash;</p>
<ul>
<li>(1) <i>Personal hygiene</i>.&mdash;Bathing.</li>
<li>(2) <i>Eating</i>.&mdash;The rules about food, either regarding the
cooking or eating of it are very religiously observed. Absolute fasting
is unknown in Malabar. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb190" href=
"#pb190" name="pb190">190</a>]</span></li>
<li>(3) <i>Worship of the Gods and manes</i>.&mdash;The anniversary of
a person&rsquo;s death is regulated not by the age of the moon at the
time, but by the star, unlike on the other coast. Again, a birth
pollution has priority over other observances, even death ceremonies. A
son who has to perform the funeral ceremonies of his father is rendered
unfit for that solemn function by an intervening birth pollution. An
adopted son is not, as in other parts of India, relieved of the
sr&#257;ddha obligations to his natural parents. Sectarian
controversies in regard to Siva and Vishnu are strictly tabooed. The
establishment of Hinduism on a non-sectarian basis was the sacred
mission of Sankar&#257;ch&#257;rya&rsquo;s life. A single triple string
(sacred thread) is worn irrespective of civil condition. This is
contrary to the usage of the other coast, where married Br&#257;hmans
wear two or three triplets. Sprinkling water is an essential
purificatory act after the use of the broom. An isolated rule requires
dead bodies to be burnt in private compounds, and not in consecrated
communal sites, as among the east coast people.</li>
<li>(4) <i>Conduct in society</i>.&mdash;Chastity is jealously guarded
by the imposition of severe ostracism on adulterers. Formal salutation,
and even namask&#257;ras and anugr&#257;has, or prostration before and
blessing by seniors, are prescribed. This is a striking point of
difference between Malabar and the rest of India, and is probably based
on the esoteric teaching of universal oneness.</li>
<li>(5) <i>&#256;sramas or stages of life</i>.&mdash;It is distinctly
prescribed that a Br&#257;hman should formally conclude the
Brahmach&#257;ri &#257;srama, and that presents or dakshina to the
gurus should be the crowning act. The asura or bride-sale form of
marriage is prohibited&mdash;a prohibition which, in the case of the
Namb&#363;tiris, is absolutely unnecessary as matters now stand. An
injunction in the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb191" href="#pb191"
name="pb191">191</a>]</span>reverse direction against the ruinous
tyranny of a bride-penalty would be an anxiously sought relief to the
strugglings of many an indigent bride&rsquo;s father. The special law
of Malabar, under which the eldest son is alone entitled to be married,
has already been referred to. The anchorite stage comes in for
regulation by the Manu of K&#275;rala. The eyes of a Sany&#257;sin
should never rest on a woman even for a second. This rule, which, if it
errs at all, only does so on the side of safety, is not observed
elsewhere, as the stage of a Sany&#257;sin is expected to be entered
only after the complete subjugation of the passions. No &#257;radhana
(worship) sr&#257;ddhas are performed for them, as is done in other
parts. The soul of the Sany&#257;sin is freed from the bondage of Karma
and the chance of recurring birth, and has only to be remembered and
worshipped, unlike the ordinary J&#299;van or still enslaved soul,
whose salvation interests have to be furthered by propitiatory Karmas
on the part of its earthly beneficiaries.</li>
<li>(6) <i>Regulation of women&rsquo;s conduct</i>.&mdash;Women are not
to gaze on any face but that of their wedded lord, and never go out
unattended. They are to wear only white clothes, and are never to
pierce their noses for the wearing of jewelry. Death on the
husband&rsquo;s funeral pyre is not to be the sacred duty of the
Namb&#363;tiri widow, who is advised to seek in the life of a
self-sacrificing Sany&#257;si a sure means of salvation.</li>
</ul>
<p>In affairs of the world, time is reckoned by the ordinary Malabar
kollam or solar year, the era beginning from the date of the departure
of the last Perum&#257;l, a sovereign of the western coast, to Arabia
in 825. The months of the kollam year are M&#275;sha (M&#275;tam),
Vrishabha (Itavam), Mithuna, Karkk&#257;taka, Sihma (Chingga), Kanya
(Kanni), Tula, Vrischika, Dhanu, Makara, Kumbha, M&#299;na. In
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb192" href="#pb192" name=
"pb192">192</a>]</span>affairs of religion, time is reckoned by the
s&#257;liv&#257;hana saka, or lunar year, the months of which are
Chaitra, Vais&#257;kha, J&#275;shta, &#256;sh&#257;dha, Sr&#257;vana,
Bh&#257;drapata, &#256;svavuja, Margasirsha, Paushya, M&#257;gha,
Ph&#257;lguna. Every three years or thereabouts, there is added another
month, called Adhika.</p>
<p>Some of the festivals kept by the Namb&#363;tiris are as follows:
&mdash;</p>
<ul>
<li>(1) <i>Sivar&#257;tri</i>.&mdash;Worship of Siva on the last day of
M&#257;gha. Fast and vigil at night, and p&#363;ja.</li>
<li>(2) <i>Up&#257;karma</i>.&mdash;The regular day for putting on a
new sacred thread, after having cleansed away the sins of the year
through the pr&#257;yaschittam, in which ceremony the five sacred
products of the cow (milk, curds, gh&#299;, urine, and dung) are
partaken of. It is done on the 15th of Sr&#257;vana.</li>
<li>(3) <i>N&#257;gara panchimi</i>.&mdash;The serpent god is
worshipped, and bathed in milk. On the 5th of Sr&#257;vana. This
festival is common in Southern India.</li>
<li>(4) G<i>&#333;kul&#257;shtami</i>.&mdash;Fast and vigil at night,
to celebrate the birth of Krishna. P&#363;ja at night, on the eighth
day of the latter half of Sr&#257;vana.</li>
<li>(5) <i>Navar&#257;tri</i>.&mdash;The first nine days of Asvayuja
are devoted to this festival in honour of D&#363;rga.</li>
<li>(6) <i>Dip&#257;vali</i>.&mdash;Observed more particularly in North
Malabar on the anniversary of the day on which Krishna slew the
r&#257;kshasa Naraka. Everyone takes an oil bath. On the last day of
Asvayuja.</li>
<li>(7) <i>Ashtkalam</i>.&mdash;The pitris (ancestors) of the family
are propitiated by offerings of pinda (balls of rice) and tarpana
(libations of water). On the new moon day of Dhanu.</li>
<li>(8) <i>Vin&#257;yaka Chaturthi</i>.&mdash;The elephant-headed god
of learning is worshipped. At the end of the <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb193" href="#pb193" name=
"pb193">193</a>]</span>ceremony, the idol is dropped into a well. On
the 4th of Bh&#257;drapada.</li>
<li>(9) <i>P&#363;ram</i>.&mdash;The god of love, represented by a clay
image, is propitiated by unmarried girls with offerings of flowers
seven days successively. The image is finally given, together with some
money, to a Br&#257;hman, who drops it into a well. The flowers which
have been used to decorate the image are placed by the girls at the
foot of a j&#257;k tree. Contrary to the custom of other Br&#257;hmans,
Namb&#363;tiri girls are under no disgrace, should they attain puberty
while unmarried. In the month of M&#299;na.</li>
<li>(10) <i>&#332;nam</i>.&mdash;The great festival of Malabar, kept by
everyone, high and low, with rejoicing. It is the time of general
good-will, of games peculiar to the festival, and of distribution of
new yellow cloths to relations and dependants. It is supposed to
commemorate the descent of Maha Bali, or M&#257;bali, to see his people
happy.</li>
<li>(11) <i>Tiruvadira</i>.&mdash;Fast and vigil in honour of Siva,
observed by women only. In the month of Dhanu.</li>
<li>(12) <i>Vishu</i>.&mdash;The solar new year&rsquo;s day. A very
important festival in Malabar. It is the occasion for gifts, chiefly to
superiors. The first thing seen by a Namb&#363;tiri on this day should
be something auspicious. His fate during the year depends on whether
the first object seen is auspicious, or the reverse.</li>
</ul>
<p>The following festivals are referred to by Mr. Subramani
Aiyar:&mdash;</p>
<ul>
<li>(1) <i>Trikkatta or Jy&#275;shta star</i>.&mdash;In the month of
Chingam. Food is cooked, and eaten before sunrise by all the married
male members, as well as by every female member of a family. Though not
of the previous day, the food goes by the name of Trikkatta pazhayatu,
or the old food of the Trikkatta day. The import of this <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb194" href="#pb194" name=
"pb194">194</a>]</span>festival, when the specific ordinance of Sankara
against food cooked before sunrise is contravened, is not known.</li>
<li>(2) <i>Makam or Magha star</i>.&mdash;In the month of Kanni. On
this day, the cows of the house are decorated with sandal paste and
flowers, and given various kinds of sweetmeats. The ladies of the house
take ten or twelve grains of paddy (rice), anoint them with oil, and,
after bathing in turmeric-water, consecrate the grains by the
recitation of certain hymns, and deposit them in the ara or safe room
of the house. If there are in the house any female members born under
the Makam star, the duty of performing the ceremony devolves on them in
particular. This is really a harvest festival, and has the securing of
food-grains in abundance (dhanyasamriddhi) for its temporal
object.</li>
<li>(3) <i>All the days in the month of Thulam</i>.&mdash;In this
month, young unmarried girls bathe every day before 4 A.M., and worship
Ganapathi (Vign&#275;svara), the elephant god.</li>
<li>(4) <i>Gauri p&#363;ja</i>.&mdash;In the month of Vrischigam. This
is done on any selected Monday in the month. The ceremony is known as
ammiyum vilakkaum toduka, or touching the grinding-stone and lamp. The
married women of the house clean the grinder and the grinding-stone,
and place a bronze mirror by its side. They then proceed to worship
Gauri, whose relation to Siva represents to the Hindu the ideal
sweetness of wedded life.</li>
<li>(5) <i>Tiruvatira or Ardra star</i>.&mdash;In the month of Dhanu.
This is a day of universal festivity and rejoicing. For seven days
previous to it, all the members of the house bathe in the early
morning, and worship Siva. This bathing is generally called
tutichchukuli or shivering bath, as the mornings are usually cold and
intensely <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb195" href="#pb195" name=
"pb195">195</a>]</span>dewy. On the day previous to Tiruvatira,
ettangnati, or eight articles of food purchased in the baz&#257;r, are
partaken of. Such a repast is never indulged in on any other day. The
Tiruvatira day is spent in the adoration of Siva, and the votaries take
only a single meal (orikkal). Night vigils are kept both by the wife
and husband seated before a lighted fire, which represents the sakshi
(witness) of Karmas and contracts. (Hence the common term agnisakshi.)
They then chew a bundle of betel leaves, not less than a hundred in
number. This is called kettuvettila tinnuka. As the chewing of betel is
taboo except in the married state, this function is believed to attest
and seal their irrefragable mutual fidelity.</li>
<li>(6) <i>The new moon day in the month of
Kark&#257;takam</i>.&mdash;On the evening of this day, various kinds of
sweetmeats are cooked, and, before the family partakes of them, a
portion of each is placed in the upper storey as an offering to rats,
by which their divine master, Ganapathi, is believed to be
propitiated.</li>
</ul>
<p>The Namb&#363;tiri&rsquo;s business, which he has in hand, will be
concluded to his satisfaction, should he on starting hear or see vocal
or instrumental music, a harlot, a dancing-girl, a virgin, a litter, an
elephant, a horse, a bull or cow tethered, curds, raw rice of a reddish
colour, sugar-cane, a water-pot, flowers, fruits, honey, or two
Br&#257;hmans. Bad omens, which, if seen by a householder the first
thing in the morning, mean trouble of some kind for the rest of the
day, are a crow seen on the left hand, a kite on the right, a snake, a
cat, a jackal, a hare, an empty vessel, a smoky fire, a bundle of
sticks, a widow, a man with one eye, or a man with a big nose. A
Namb&#363;tiri, seeing any of these things, when setting out on a
journey, will turn back. Should he, however, at once see a lizard on
the eastern wall of a house, he <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb196"
href="#pb196" name="pb196">196</a>]</span>may proceed. To sneeze once
is a good omen for the day; to sneeze twice is a bad one. An evil
spirit may enter the mouth while one is yawning, so, to avert such a
catastrophe, the fingers are snapped, and kept snapping until the yawn
is over, or the hand is held in front of the mouth. But this idea, and
the custom of snapping the fingers, are by no means peculiar to the
Namb&#363;tiris.</p>
<p>The Namb&#363;tiris look on a voyage across the sea with horror, and
no Namb&#363;tiri has ever yet visited England.</p>
<p>A N&#257;yar should not come nearer than six paces to a
Namb&#363;tiri, a man of the barber caste nearer than twelve paces, a
Tiyan than thirty-six, a Malayan than sixty-four, and a Pulaiyan than
ninety-six. Malabar is, indeed, the most conservative part of Southern
India. The man of high caste shouts occasionally as he goes along, so
that the low caste man may go off the road, and allow him to pass
unpolluted. And those of the lowest castes shout as they go, to give
notice of their pollution-bearing presence, and, learning the command
of the man of high caste, move away from the road. It is common to see
people of the inferior castes travelling parallel to the road, but not
daring to go along it. They do not want to. It is not because they are
forced off the road. Custom clings to them as to the N&#257;yar or to
the Namb&#363;tiri. But even this is undergoing modification.</p>
<p>In connection with marriage, three chief rules are observed. The
contracting parties must not be of the same g&#333;tra; they must not
be related to each other through father or mother; and the bridegroom
must be the eldest son of the family. It is said that there are seven
original g&#333;tras, called after the sages Kamsha, K&#257;syapa,
Bharadv&#257;ja, Vatsya, Kaundinya, Atri, and Tatri; and that other
g&#333;tras have grown out of these. <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb197" href="#pb197" name="pb197">197</a>]</span>Relationship is said
by some to cease after the fourth generation, but this is disputed. The
bride&rsquo;s dowry is always heavy. The wife joins her husband&rsquo;s
g&#333;tra, forsaking her own altogether. Women may remain unmarried
without prejudice. Needless to say, this has the reverse of favour with
Br&#257;hmans outside Malabar. But the Namb&#363;tiri girl or woman,
who has not been married, is not allowed to disappear altogether from
the world without at least the semblance of marriage, for, at her
death, some part of the marriage ceremony is performed on her person.
The t&#257;li is tied. In like manner, a dead Toda girl is not allowed
to go to her last rest unmarried. Infant marriage, which is the rule
with other Br&#257;hmans, is said to be unknown among the
Namb&#363;tiris. Mr. Justice K. Narayana Marar, however,
writes<a class="noteref" id="xd21e3530src" href="#xd21e3530" name=
"xd21e3530src">24</a> that he is &ldquo;not prepared to assert that
infant marriage is unknown among Namb&#363;dris, and that marriages are
always celebrated before puberty. There are instances, though rare, of
infant marriages among them.&rdquo; When a girl is ten years old, or a
little more, her father thinks of finding a husband for her. Property
alone is the real thing to be considered. Every detail bearing on
advantage to the family through the alliance is carefully thought out.
Among the Malay&#257;lis generally, the young man with University
degrees has command of the marriage market, but to the Namb&#363;tiri
these are of no account. When the girl&rsquo;s father has fixed on a
likely young man, he gets his horoscope, and confers with a
V&#257;dhyar concerning the suitability or agreement of the young
man&rsquo;s horoscope with that of his daughter. Should the decision of
the V&#257;dhyar be favourable, the young man&rsquo;s father is invited
to the house on an <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb198" href="#pb198"
name="pb198">198</a>]</span>auspicious day, and the two fathers,
together with some friends, talk the matter over. In the presence of
all, the V&#257;dhyar announces the agreement of the horoscopes of the
pair whose marriage is in prospect. The dowry of the bride is then
fixed. Probably many days have been occupied already, before the
fathers can agree as to the settlement of the dowry. When this has been
done, the V&#257;dhyar consults the heavenly bodies, and appoints the
day on which the marriage ceremonies should be begun. There is then a
feast for all present. A Namb&#363;tiri would be in very bad
circumstances if he did not give at least a thousand rupees with his
daughter. He should give much more, and does, if he possibly can. The
ceremonies connected with marriage are supposed to occupy a year, but
they are practically completed within ten days. They open with a party
leaving the bride&rsquo;s illam, to invite the bridegroom and his party
to the wedding. At the house of the bridegroom, the V&#257;dhyar is
given about eight fanams<a class="noteref" id="xd21e3535src" href=
"#xd21e3535" name="xd21e3535src">25</a> (money) by both parties. The
return to the bride&rsquo;s illam is a sort of noisy procession
composed of the bridegroom with his friends, N&#257;yar women under big
cadjan (palm leaf) umbrellas, a number of N&#257;yars, some of whom
indulge in sword play with swords and shields, and Namb&#363;tiris
versed in the S&#257;stras. The bridegroom, who is the chief figure in
the crowd, has a string (the usual kankanam) tied round his right wrist
to protect him from evil spirits, and carries a bamboo with sixteen
joints symbolic of the married state, a mirror for good luck, an arrow
to guard the bride against evil spirits, four cloths, and a t&#257;li.
At the gate of the bride&rsquo;s illam, the procession is met by some
N&#257;yar women dressed as <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb199" href=
"#pb199" name="pb199">199</a>]</span>Namb&#363;tiri women, who, being
unable to come out and welcome the bridegroom, do so by proxy. These
women wave a light in front of his face, and offer
ashtamangalyam&mdash;a plate on which are plantain, betel leaves, a
cocoanut, and other articles. On this day, the aup&#257;sana agni, or
sacred fire, is prepared in the courtyard of the bride&rsquo;s illam. A
square pit is made, and fire is made with a piece of wood of the
j&#257;k tree and of the p&#299;pal. This fire is rendered sacred by
some mystic rites. It is kept burning throughout the marriage, and is
preserved until the death of the future husband and wife in one of two
ways:&mdash;</p>
<ul>
<li>(1) keeping a lamp lighted at the fire burning perpetually;</li>
<li>(2) heating in the fire a piece of wood (pl&#257;sa or pal&#257;sa)
or dharba grass. The wood or grass is put away, and, when the
aup&#257;sana agni is to be revived, is lighted in a fire of j&#257;k
and p&#299;pal wood, while certain mantrams (consecrated formul&aelig;)
are repeated.</li>
</ul>
<p>The body of the bridegroom (and, I think, of the bride should she
die first) should be burnt in the aup&#257;sana agni prepared on the
first day of the wedding. The aup&#257;sana agni is, as it were, a
witness to the marriage. In the courtyard, the nandimukham ceremony is
performed for propitiation of the minor deities and the pitris (spirits
of deceased ancestors). A pot containing sacred or consecrated water, a
piece of sandalwood, a piece of gold, flowers, raw rice, and some
fruits are the apparent object of adoration. It is called
kalas&mdash;the kalasam of the Tamil and Telugu countries&mdash;and is
a common symbol of the deity. According to Monier Williams,<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e3549src" href="#xd21e3549" name=
"xd21e3549src">26</a> it should be worshipped thus. &ldquo;In the
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb200" href="#pb200" name=
"pb200">200</a>]</span>mouth of the water-vessel abideth Vishnu, in its
neck is Rudra, in its lower part is Brahma, while the whole company of
the mothers are congregated in its middle part. O! Ganges, Yamuna,
God&#257;vari, Saraswati, Narmada, Sindhu and K&#257;veri, be present
in this water.&rdquo; A part of the aforesaid ceremony (nandimukham) is
called the puny&#257;havachana, for which the bridegroom repeats
certain hymns after the V&#257;dhyar, and is sprinkled with water from
the kalas. While all this is being done in the courtyard, the very same
ceremony is performed within the house in the presence of the bride,
whose father does inside the house what the bridegroom is doing
outside. At the conclusion of the ceremony, the t&#257;li is tied on
the bride&rsquo;s neck. Then two of the cloths brought by the
bridegroom are sent inside, and are touched by the bride. After she has
touched them, they are again brought out, and the bridegroom puts them
on. He touches the other two cloths, which are taken inside, and worn
by the bride. A feast (ayani&#363;m) is the next item. The bride and
bridegroom eat their share of it in separate rooms. Then comes the
marriage proper. The bride&rsquo;s father washes the bridegroom&rsquo;s
feet, while a N&#257;yar woman waves a light (ayiram tiri or thousand
lights) before his face, and conducts him to the hall prepared for the
wedding. In this is a mantapam, or sort of raised seat, having four
pillars and a covering roof. The pillars of the mantapam, and the
ceiling of the hall, are covered with red cloth (red being an
auspicious colour), and there are festoons of mango leaves. To one side
of the mantapam is a screen, behind which stand the Namb&#363;tiri
women of the household, looking at the scene in the hall through holes.
The bride and bridegroom are led to the mantapam, the former following
the latter screened from the general gaze by a big <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb201" href="#pb201" name=
"pb201">201</a>]</span>cadjan umbrella. She hands him a garland, and,
in doing so, she should not touch his hand. He puts on the garland.
V&#275;dic hymns are chanted, and the pair are brought face to face for
the first time. This is called mukhadarsanam, or seeing the face. The
bridegroom leads the bride three times round the fire and water jar,
moving round to the right, repeating a mantram, which is rendered as
follows by Monier Williams.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e3556src" href=
"#xd21e3556" name="xd21e3556src">27</a> &ldquo;I am male, thou art
female. Come, let us marry, let us possess offspring. United in
affection, illustrious, well disposed towards each other, let us live
for a hundred years.&rdquo; Each time the bridegroom leads the bride
round, he causes her to mount a mill-stone, saying &ldquo;Ascend thou
this stone, and be thou firm as this rock.<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e3560src" href="#xd21e3560" name="xd21e3560src">28</a>&rdquo;
Then, at a moment supposed to be auspicious, water is poured on the
hands of the bridegroom, signifying that the girl and her dowry have
been handed over to him. The Namb&#363;tiri women behind the screen,
and the N&#257;yar women in the hall, utter a shrill cry &ldquo;like
that of the Vaikura.&rdquo; The fire here mentioned is probably taken
from the original aup&#257;sana agni. Holding the bride by the hand,
the bridegroom leads her seven steps&mdash;one for force, two for
strength, three for wealth, four for well-being, five for offspring,
six for the seasons, and seven as a friend. He tells her to be devoted
to him, and to bear him many sons, who may live to a good old age. This
ceremony is called the saptapadi (seven steps). A h&#333;mam is then
performed. It is said that the fire used on this occasion must be
preserved until the death of the bridegroom, and used at the cremation
of his body. A feast is the next thing. When it is over, the
bride&rsquo;s father takes her on his lap, asks his son-in-law to treat
her well, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb202" href="#pb202" name=
"pb202">202</a>]</span>and formally hands her over to him. The
bridegroom promises to do so, and takes his wife by the hand. Then
there is a procession to the bridegroom&rsquo;s illam, the bride being
carried in a litter, and the bridegroom walking and carrying the
sacrificial fire. So ends the first day. It seems that the
newly-married couple live apart for the next three days, during which
the bride is initiated into household duties. The only daily ceremony
is the h&#333;mam, which is done by the pair after bathing, and before
taking food. On the fourth day there is a ceremony, in which the bride
plants a jasmine cutting, by way of symbolising help to her husband in
the performance of his religious duties. At night the couple are
conducted to the bridal chamber by the V&#257;dhyar. The bed is merely
a grass mat, or a common country blanket, covered with a white sheet,
and having a little ridge of rice and paddy, signifying plenty, round
the edge. The V&#257;dhyar withdraws, and the bridegroom shuts the
door.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e3567src" href="#xd21e3567" name=
"xd21e3567src">29</a> The V&#257;dhyar outside cites appropriate
passages from the sacred writings, which are repeated by the
bridegroom. On the fifth day, the bride and bridegroom anoint each
other with oil, and the latter combs the hair of the former. Then,
before bathing, they catch some little fish called m&#257;natt kani
(eyes looking up) which are found in pools, with a cloth used as a net.
While this is being done, a Brahmach&#257;ri asks the bridegroom
&ldquo;Did you see a cow and a son?&rdquo; Pointing to the fishes
caught in the cloth, the bridegroom replies &ldquo;Yes, they are
here.&rdquo; This is said to be suggestive of progeny, fishes being
emblematic of fertility. H&#333;mam is then done. At night, the
bridegroom adorns the bride with flowers, and makes her look into a
mirror, while he <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb203" href="#pb203"
name="pb203">203</a>]</span>recites mantrams suitable to the occasion.
From the sixth to the ninth day there is practically nothing in the way
of ceremonial. And, as that proper to the tenth day is invariably done
on the sixth day, the ceremony may be said to conclude on the night of
the sixth day. A few Br&#257;hmans are fed to please the pitris, and
the couple go to a j&#257;k tree, under which some rice, curds, and
gh&#299; are placed on k&#363;sa grass, and an offering is made of
flowers and sandalwood or powder. The kankanam, bamboo staff, arrow,
and mirror are given to the V&#257;dhyar, and the wedding is over.</p>
<p>Sir W. W. Hunter<a class="noteref" id="xd21e3577src" href=
"#xd21e3577" name="xd21e3577src">30</a> speaks of the Namb&#363;tiris
as &ldquo;a despised class,&rdquo; they having had fishermen ancestors.
The little ceremony of catching fish, which is a very important item in
the marriage rites, may look like preservation in meaningless
ceremonial of something real in the past, but it only shows that, in an
endeavour to interpret ceremonial, we must be far from hasty. Among the
Shivalli Br&#257;hmans of South Canara, the marriage mat is taken to a
tank in procession. The bride and bridegroom make a pretence of
catching fish, and, with linked fingers, touch their foreheads. It is
recorded, in the Manual of South Canara, that &ldquo;all Tulu
chronicles agree in ascribing the creation of Malabar and Canara, or
K&#275;rala, Tuluva, and Haiga, to Parasu R&#257;ma, who reclaimed from
the sea as much land as he could cover by hurling his battle-axe from
the top of the western ghauts. According to Tulu traditions, after a
quarrel with Br&#257;hmans who used to come to him periodically from
Ahi-Ksh&#275;tra, Parasu R&#257;ma procured new Br&#257;hmans for the
reclaimed tract by taking the nets of some fishermen, and making a
number of Br&#257;hmanical threads <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb204"
href="#pb204" name="pb204">204</a>]</span>with which he invested the
fishermen, and thus turned them into Br&#257;hmans, and retired to the
mountains to meditate, after informing them that, if they were in
distress, and called on him, he would come to their aid. After the
lapse of some time, during which they suffered no distress, they were
curious to know if Parasu R&#257;ma would remember them, and called
upon him in order to find out. He promptly appeared, but punished their
thus mocking him by cursing them, and causing them to revert to their
old status of Sudras.&rdquo;</p>
<p>A more detailed account of the marriage ceremonial is given in the
Gazetteer of Malabar, which may well be quoted. &ldquo;The first
preliminaries in arranging a Namb&#363;diri marriage are the inevitable
comparison of horoscopes, and the settlement of the dowry. When these
have been satisfactorily concluded, an auspicious day for the wedding
is selected in consultation with the astrologer. On that day, the
bridegroom, before he starts from his illam, partakes with his
relatives and friends of a sumptuous repast called the ayani un. A
similar feast is held simultaneously at the bride&rsquo;s house. On
leaving the illam, as he crosses the threshold, and indeed on all
occasions of importance, the bridegroom must be careful to put his
right foot first. He also mutters mantrams of an auspicious nature,
called mangala sutrangal. As he passes out of the gate, he is met by a
bevy of N&#257;yar ladies, carrying the eight lucky articles
(ashtamangalyam). These are a grandha, a washed cloth, a cheppu or
rouge-box, some rice, a v&#257;l kann&#257;di or metal hand-mirror,
some kunkumam (crimson powder), ch&#257;nthu (ointment of sandal,
camphor, musk and saffron), and mashi (bdellium or any eye salve). On
his journey to the bride&rsquo;s illam, he is preceded by a noisy
procession of N&#257;yars, armed with swords and lacquered shields, who
constitute his <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb205" href="#pb205" name=
"pb205">205</a>]</span>agambadi or body-guard, and by Namb&#363;dri
friends and relatives, one of whom carries a lighted lamp. At the gate
of the bride&rsquo;s illam he is met by a band of N&#257;yar women,
dressed like antarjanams, and carrying the ashtamangalyam and lighted
lamps. The bridegroom enters the inner court-yard (nadumittam), and
takes his seat in the usual eastward position. The bride&rsquo;s father
comes and sits opposite him, and, clasping his right hand, formally
invites him to bathe and wed his daughter, an invitation which he
formally accepts. After his bath, he returns clad in fresh clothes, and
wearing a ring of dharba or kusa grass (<i>Cynodon Dactylon</i>), and
takes his seat in the room adjoining the porch (p&#363;mukham), called
purattalam. He then makes an offering of a few fanams (money) to his
family deities, performs Ganapathi <span class="corr" id="xd21e3589"
title="Source: puja">p&#363;ja</span> (worship of the elephant god),
and presents four or five Namb&#363;dris with a few fanams each, and
with betel leaf and areca nut. This is called &#257;sramapisch&#275;tha
prayaschittam, and is in expiation of any sins into which he may have
been betrayed during his bachelor days. Similar gifts are also made
first to two Namb&#363;dris of any g&#333;tra considered as
representing the deities called Visvadv&#257;s, and then to two others
of different g&#333;tras representing the deceased ancestors or Pitris.
The last gift is called N&#257;ndimukham. Meanwhile, within the house
the bride is conducted to the vadakkini room, veiled in an old cloth,
and carrying a piece of bell-metal shaped like a hand-mirror (v&#257;l
kann&#257;di). Her father, after washing his feet and putting on a
darbha ring, comes and performs Ganapathi p&#363;ja, and repeats more
or less the same ritual that has been performed without. The bride is
then sprinkled with holy water by her father and four other
Namb&#363;diris. The t&#257;li or marriage symbol is brought in a brass
vessel containing holy water, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb206"
href="#pb206" name="pb206">206</a>]</span>and laid near the idol to
which the daily domestic worship is paid; and, after further offerings
to Ganapathi, the bridegroom is summoned to enter the illam. Before
doing so he purifies himself, taking off the darbha ring, making the
&lsquo;caste marks&rsquo; with holy ashes (bhasmam), washing his feet,
replacing the ring, and being sprinkled with holy water by four
Namb&#363;diris&mdash;a form of ritual which recurs constantly in all
ceremonies. He enters the nadumittam, preceded by a Namb&#363;diri
carrying a lighted lamp, and takes his seat on a wooden stool (pidam)
in the middle of the court where the bride&rsquo;s father makes
obeisance to him, and is given four double lengths of cloth (kaccha),
which the bridegroom has brought with him. They are taken to the bride,
who puts on two of them, and returns two for the bridegroom to wear.
The bridegroom then goes to the kizhakkini, where he prepares what may
be called the &ldquo;altar.&rdquo; He smears part of the floor in front
of him with cow-dung and then, with a piece of jack-wood (<i>Artocarpus
integrifolia</i>), called sakalam, draws a line at the western side of
the place so prepared, and at right angles to this line five more, one
at each end, but not actually touching it, and three between these. He
then places the pieces of jack-wood on the altar, and ignites it with
fire brought from the hearth of the bride&rsquo;s illam. He feeds the
flame with chips of pl&#257;su or chamatha (<i>Butea frondosa</i>).
This fire is the aup&#257;sana agni, regarded as the witness to the
marriage rite. It must be kept alight&mdash;not actually, but by a
pious fiction<a class="noteref" id="xd21e3601src" href="#xd21e3601"
name="xd21e3601src">31</a>&mdash;till the parties to the marriage die,
and their funeral pyre must be kindled from it. Three pieces of
pl&#257;su called paridhi, and eighteen pieces called udhmam, tied
together by a string of darbha, are placed <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb207" href="#pb207" name="pb207">207</a>]</span>on
the northern side of the altar on two pieces of jack-wood; and there
are also brought and placed round the altar four blades of darbha
grass, a small bell-metal vessel, an earthenware pot full of water, a
pair of grind-stones (ammi and ammikuzha), a small winnowing fan
containing parched paddy (malar), and a copper vessel of ghee
(clarified butter) with a sacrificial ladle made of pl&#257;su.
Meanwhile, the bride&rsquo;s father ties the t&#257;li round her neck
in the vadakkini, and her mother gives her a garland of tulasi
(<i>Ocimum sanctum</i>). She is conducted to the kizhakkini, preceded
by a Namb&#363;tiri carrying a lamp called &#257;yyira tiri (thousand
wicks), and is made to stand facing the bridegroom on the north or
north-east of the altar. This is called mukha-dharsanam
(face-beholding). She gives the garland to the bridegroom. Now comes
the central rite of this elaborate ceremonial, the
udaga-purva-kannyaka-dh&#257;nam, or gift of a maiden with water. The
bride and her father stand facing west, and the bridegroom facing them.
All three stretch out their right hands, so that the bride&rsquo;s hand
is between those of her father and the bridegroom, which are above and
below hers respectively. A Namb&#363;tiri Othikan or ritual expert
pours water thrice into the father&rsquo;s hand. The latter each time
pours it into his daughter&rsquo;s hand, and then, grasping her hand,
pours it into the bridegroom&rsquo;s hand. The dowry is then given to
the bride, who hands it over to the bridegroom. She then passes between
him and the fire, and sits on an &#257;mana palaga<a class="noteref"
id="xd21e3609src" href="#xd21e3609" name="xd21e3609src">32</a> on the
east of the altar, while the bridegroom sits on another palaga on her
left, and burns the udhmams (except one piece of pl&#257;su and the
darbha string used to tie the bundle), and <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb208" href="#pb208" name=
"pb208">208</a>]</span>makes an oblation of ghee called agharam. The
next rite is called Panigrahanam. The bridegroom rises from his seat,
turns to the right, and stands facing the bride, who remains seated,
holding the mirror in her left hand. She stretches out her right hand
palm upwards, with the fingers closed and bent upwards. He grasps it,
and sits down again. A brother of the bride now comes and takes the
mirror from the bride, puts it on a palaga, and professes to show her
her own reflection in its surface. Then the bridegroom pours a little
ghee into her joined hands, to which the bride&rsquo;s brother adds two
handfuls of paddy from the winnowing basket, and the bridegroom then
brushes the paddy from her hands into the fire. This is called the
Lajah&#333;mam. At its conclusion, bride and bridegroom perform a
pradakshinam round the fire, passing outside the water-pot but not the
grindstone and fan. Next comes the important piece of ceremonial called
Asm&#257;rohanam, symbolising immutability. The bride and bridegroom
stand west of the grindstones, and the bridegroom, taking her feet one
by one, places them on the stones, and then grasps feet and stones with
both hands. Lajah&#333;mam, <span class="corr" id="xd21e3615" title=
"Source: pradhakshinam">pradakshinam</span>, and asm&#257;rohanam are
each repeated thrice. Then comes the rite called Saptapadi or seven
paces. The bridegroom leads his bride seven steps towards the
north-east, touching her right foot with his right hand as he does so.
They then pass between the grindstones and the fire, and seat
themselves on the west of the earthen pot facing east, the bride behind
the bridegroom; and the latter performs a somewhat acrobatic feat which
it must be difficult to invest with any dignity. He bends backwards,
supporting himself by placing the palms of his hands on the ground
behind him, until he can touch with the top of his head that of the
bride, who <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb209" href="#pb209" name=
"pb209">209</a>]</span>bends forward to facilitate the process. After
this, the bridegroom sprinkles himself and the bride with water from
the earthen pot. They then return to their seats west of the altar, and
face north, ostensibly looking at the pole star (Druvan), the star
Arundati, and the Seven Rishis (Ursa Major), which the bridegroom is
supposed to point out to the bride, while he teaches her a short
mantram invoking the blessing of long life on her husband. The
bridegroom then makes two oblations, pouring ghee on the sacred fire,
the first called Sishtakralh&#333;mam and the second Darmmih&#333;mam.
He then places on the fire the paridhis, the remaining udhmams and
dharba grass, and the rest of the ghee. A start is then made for the
bridegroom&rsquo;s illam, the bridegroom carrying the chamatha branch
used in making the aup&#257;sana agni in the bride&rsquo;s house. On
arrival, an altar is prepared in much the same manner as before, the
chamatha branch is ignited, and darbha and ghee are offered. The bride
and bridegroom next spend a few moments closeted in the same room, she
lying on a skin spread over a new cloth on the floor, and he sitting on
an &#257;mana palaga. In the evening, aup&#257;sana h&#333;mam, or
offerings of chamatha in the sacred fire, and Vaisyad&#275;va
h&#333;mam, or offerings of boiled rice, are made. These, which are
known as a second h&#333;mam, may be postponed till next afternoon, if
there is no time for them on the actual wedding day. They have to be
performed daily for ten months. The first three days on which these
h&#333;mams are performed (viz., the wedding day and the two following
it, or the three days after the wedding as the case may be) are
regarded as days of mourning (d&#299;ksha), and clothes are not
changed. On the fourth day, the newly married couple have an oil-bath,
and the d&#299;ksha is considered to be at an end. After the usual
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb210" href="#pb210" name=
"pb210">210</a>]</span>h&#333;mams and worship of Ganapathi, the bride
is led to the bridal chamber at an auspicious moment. Her husband joins
her, carrying two garlands of jasmine, one of which he puts on the lamp
placed in the south-east corner of the room, and one round his
wife&rsquo;s neck. He then smears the upper part of her body with the
ointment known as ch&#257;nthu, and she herself smears the lower part.
Tum vir penem suum f&aelig;min&aelig; ad partes pudendas admovit,
vestibus scilicet haud remotis. They then bathe and change their
clothes, and sit near each other, the wife screened behind an umbrella.
Her husband gives her water, and after some further rites they eat from
the same plantain leaf. Actual cohabitation commences from that night.
The pair are conducted to the bridal chamber by the V&#257;dhiy&#257;r.
The nuptial couch is but a grass mat or a common country blanket
covered with a white sheet, with a little ridge of rice and paddy
signifying plenty around the edges. The final ceremony is the
h&#333;mam called st&#257;lipagam. It is performed on the day after the
first full moon day after the second h&#333;mam. If the moon is at the
full &frac34; nazhiga before sunset or earlier, the ceremony may be
performed on the full moon day itself.&rdquo;</p>
<p>It will have been seen already that the Namb&#363;tiris are not
strict monogamists. Some stated that a man may have four wives, and
that the same ceremony as that described must be performed for wedding
all four wives. Moreover, there is no restriction to the number of
N&#257;yar women, with whom a man may be associated.</p>
<p>Hamilton, writing concerning Malabar at the end of the seventeenth
and beginning of the eighteenth century, says that &ldquo;when the
Zamorin marries, he must not cohabit with his bride till the
Namb&#363;tiri or chief priest <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb211"
href="#pb211" name="pb211">211</a>]</span>has enjoyed her, and, if he
pleases, may have three nights of her company, because the first fruit
of her nuptials must be an holy oblation to the god he worships: and
some of the nobles are so complaisant as to allow the clergy the same
tribute; but the common people cannot have that compliment paid to
them, but are forced to supply the priest&rsquo;s place
themselves.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Of ceremonies after marriage, and those performed during pregnancy
and subsequent to the birth of a child, the following may be
noted:&mdash;</p>
<ul>
<li>(1) Garbh&#257;dh&#257;nam, performed soon after marriage. There is
a h&#333;mam, and the husband puts the juice of some panic grass into
his wife&rsquo;s nostrils.</li>
<li>(2) Garbharakshana secures the unborn child from dangers. It is not
considered important, and is not always done.</li>
<li>(3) Pumsavana, performed in the third month of pregnancy for the
purpose of securing male offspring. The desire of the Hindu for male
rather than female children need not be dilated on. Putra (a son) is
the one who saves from hell (put). It is by every religious text made
clear that it is the duty of every man to produce a son. The
Namb&#363;tiri may have practically any number of wives in succession,
until he begets a son by one of them, and he may adopt a son through
the sarvasvad&#257;nam form of marriage. On the day devoted to the
pumsavana ceremony, the wife fasts until she is fed by her husband with
one grain of corn, symbolising the generative organs of the male.</li>
<li>(4) S&#299;mantonnayana is the next ceremony performed for the
benefit of the unborn child. It is done between the sixth and eighth
months of pregnancy, and consists in a burnt sacrifice to the deity,
and the husband parting the hair of his wife&rsquo;s head with a
porcupine quill, or with <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb212" href=
"#pb212" name="pb212">212</a>]</span>three blades of the sacred
k&#363;sa grass, repeating the while V&#275;dic verses.</li>
<li>(5) J&#257;takarma is the name of the birth ceremony, and is
performed by the father of the child. Honey and gh&#299; are introduced
into the mouth of the infant with a golden spoon or rod, to symbolise
good fortune. Then the ears and shoulders are touched with the spoon or
rod, while V&#275;dic texts are recited.</li>
<li>(6) M&#275;dh&#257;jananam, rarely done, is for inducing
intelligence.</li>
<li>(7) &#256;yusha, for prolonging life, is the next in order. The
father gives the child a secret name, having an even number of
syllables for a male and an uneven number for a female, which is never
revealed to any one except the mother.</li>
<li>(8) N&#257;makarana is the ceremony, at which the child is named,
and is said to be done on the tenth day after birth. The naming of a
child is an important religious act, which is supposed to carry
consequences throughout life. The parents, assisted by a
V&#257;dhy&#257;n, make a burnt sacrifice to the deity.</li>
<li>(9) Annapr&#257;sana is the ceremony at which food other than that
from nature&rsquo;s fount is first given. It is done in the sixth month
after birth. The father carries the child to a group of friends and
relations. The V&#257;dhy&#257;n or pur&#333;hit is present and repeats
V&#275;dic texts, while the father places a little rice and butter in
the child&rsquo;s mouth.</li>
<li>(10) Chaula is the ceremony when the hair is cut for the first time
in the Namb&#363;tiri fashion.</li>
<li>(11) Karna v&#275;dha is the occasion on which the ears are
bored.</li>
</ul>
<p>On the Vidy&#257;dasami day, the tenth of &#256;svayuja, when a male
child is five years old, the father goes <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb213" href="#pb213" name="pb213">213</a>]</span>through the form of
initiating him into the mysteries of the alphabet.</p>
<p>The following details of some of the above ceremonies are given in
the Gazetteer of Malabar. &ldquo;The chief ceremonies connected with
pregnancy are Pumsavanam or rite to secure male offspring, at which the
husband puts a grain of barley and two beans, to represent the male
organ, into his wife&rsquo;s hand, and pours some curds over them,
which the wife then swallows, and also pours some juice of karuga grass
into her right nostril; and S&#299;mantham, a ceremony usually
performed in the fourth month of pregnancy, at which the husband parts
the wife&rsquo;s hair four times from back to front with a sprig of
atti (<i>Ficus glomerata</i>), a porcupine quill which must have three
white marks on it, and three blades of darba grass, all tied together,
after which mantrams are sung to the accompaniment of v&#299;nas. The
first ceremony to be performed on the birth of a child is
j&#257;thakarmam. A little gold dust is mingled with ghee and honey,
and the father takes up some of the mixture with a piece of gold, and
smears the child&rsquo;s lips with it, once with a mantram and once in
silence. He next washes the gold, and touches the child&rsquo;s ears,
shoulders and head with it, and finally makes a gift of the bit of gold
and performs n&#257;ndimukham. The ceremony of naming the child, or
n&#257;makarmam, takes place on the twelfth day. The father ties a
string round the child&rsquo;s waist, and marks its body with the
sacred ash (bhasmam). Then, after the usual &lsquo;gifts&rsquo; he
pronounces thrice in the child&rsquo;s right ear the words
&lsquo;D&#275;vadatta Sarmmasi,&rsquo; or if the child be a girl,
&lsquo;N&#299;li d&#257;si.&rsquo; He then calls out the name thrice.
Then, taking the child from its mother, he again calls out the name
thrice, and finally gives the child back to its mother, who in turn
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb214" href="#pb214" name=
"pb214">214</a>]</span>calls out the name thrice. Gifts and
n&#257;ndimukham complete the ceremony. In the fourth month, the child
is ceremonially taken out of doors (nishkramana or v&#299;ttil
purap&#257;ttu) by the father, who carries it to a cocoanut, round
which he makes three pradakshinams.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The death ceremonies of the Namb&#363;tiris are commenced shortly
before death actually takes place. When death is believed to be
unmistakably near, some verses from the Taittirya Upanishad are spoken
in the dying man&rsquo;s ears. These are called karna mantras, or ear
hymns. A bed of k&#363;sa grass, called darbh&#257;sana, is prepared in
the verandah or some convenient place outside the foundations of the
house, and the dying man is placed on it. When life is extinct, the
body is washed, dressed in a new white cloth, and placed on a bier made
of bamboos covered with a new white cloth. The bier is then carried on
the shoulders of four of the nearest relatives to the place of
cremation within the compound of the illam, and laid on a pile of
firewood, which must include some sandalwood. This should be done by
brothers or sons if there are such; if not, by more distant relatives
or friends. The pyre need not of necessity be prepared by
Namb&#363;tiris. Properly speaking, according to the sacred texts,
which govern almost every act of the Namb&#363;tiri&rsquo;s life,
relatives and friends, male and female, should accompany the bier to
the place of cremation, but, as a rule, women do not join the little
procession. The bier is laid on the pyre, and the corpse is uncovered.
Rice is scattered over the face by the blood-relations present, and
small pieces of gold are thrust into the nine openings of the body,
while mantras are recited by the V&#257;dhy&#257;yar or priest. The
gold is said to be used on this occasion as part of the offering in the
y&#257;gam&mdash;the last sacrifice, as the burning of the body
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb215" href="#pb215" name=
"pb215">215</a>]</span>is called&mdash;and not in any way to assist the
deceased in his journey to &ldquo;the undiscovered country.&rdquo; Soon
after the bier is laid on the funeral pyre, a h&#333;mam is made. Fire
taken from it is placed on the chest of the deceased, and then the pyre
is lighted in three places. The performer of the crematory rites
carries an earthen pot round the pyre. The officiating priest punctures
the pot with a knife, and receives the water in another pot. He throws
this water on the pyre, and the pot is then smashed and flung away.
This part of the ceremony is said to symbolise that the deceased has
had his ablution in the water of the Ganges, and the fire god, Agni,
represented by the h&#333;mam, was witness to the same. The fire god is
supposed to witness every ceremony enjoined by the V&#275;das. After
the body is burnt, those who attended go away and bathe. The
disembodied soul is supposed to enter a body called S&#363;kshma
Sar&#299;ra, and eventually goes to heaven or hell as it deserves. But,
before it can reach its destination, certain ceremonies must be
performed. These consist chiefly of oblations on each of the ten days
following death, for the purpose of causing the pr&#275;ta (spirit) to
grow out of the Dhananjaya V&#257;yu, which causes deformities and
changes in the deceased after death. Each day&rsquo;s ceremony
completes a limb or part of the pr&#275;ta, and the body is complete in
ten days. On the third day after death, the ashes of the deceased are
collected in an urn, and buried at the place of cremation or close to
it. This is called &#275;koddishta. On the eleventh day, all the
members of the family go through a purificatory ceremony, which
consists in swallowing the p&#257;nchagavya, and changing the sacred
thread. They then perform a sr&#257;ddha, offering balls of rice, etc.,
to the deceased and three of his ancestors, and give a dinner and
presents of money and cloths <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb216" href=
"#pb216" name="pb216">216</a>]</span>to Br&#257;hmans. Twelve
sr&#257;ddhas must be performed, one in each month following, when
water and balls of rice (pindas) are offered to the spirit. The twelfth
sr&#257;ddha is the sapindi karana, which elevates the spirit of the
deceased to the rank of an ancestor. Following this, there is only the
annual sr&#257;ddha, or anniversary of death, calculated according to
the lunar or astronomical year, when not less than three Br&#257;hmans
are fed, and receive presents of money and cloths.</p>
<p>Concerning the death ceremonies, Mr. Subramani Aiyar writes as
follows. &ldquo;After death, the blood relations of the deceased bathe,
and, with wet clothes on, place two pieces of the stem of the plantain
tree, one at the head and the other at the feet of the corpse. The hair
of the head and face is shaved a little, and the body is bathed with
water in which turmeric and mailanchi, a red vegetable substance, are
dissolved. The Vaishnavite g&#333;pi mark is drawn vertically, as also
are sandal paste marks on various parts of the body, and flowers and
garlands are thrown over it. The corpse is then covered with an
unbleached cloth, which is kept in position by a rope of kusa grass. It
is carried to the pyre by Namb&#363;tiris who are not within the
pollution circle of the deceased, the eldest son supporting the head
and the younger ones the legs. A cremation pit is dug in the south-east
portion of the compound, and a mango tree, which has been felled, is
used as fuel. In all these ceremonies, the eldest son is the karta or
chief mourner and responsible ritualist, with whom the younger ones
have to keep up physical contact while the several rites are being gone
through. When the body is almost reduced to ashes, the principal
performer of the ceremonies and his brothers bathe, and, taking some
earth from the adjoining stream or tank, make with it a representation
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb217" href="#pb217" name=
"pb217">217</a>]</span>of the deceased. Throughout the funeral
ceremonies, the M&#257;r&#257;n is an indispensable factor. The handing
of the kusa grass and gingelly (<i>Sesamum</i>) seeds for the oblation
must be done by a member of that caste. Sanchayanam, or the collection
and disposal of the burnt bones of the deceased, takes place on the
fourth day. On the eleventh day the pollution ceases, and the daily
sr&#257;ddha begins. A term of d&#299;ksha or special observance is
kept up for three fortnights, but generally for a whole year. On the
twelfth day is the sapinda karana sr&#257;ddha, or ceremony of what may
be called joining the fathers, after which the dead person passes from
the stage of preta to join the manes or spirits. There are then the
monthly ceremonies (m&#257;sikas) and ashta sr&#257;ddhas (eight
sr&#257;ddhas). The &#257;bdika or first anniversary, known in Malabar
by the name of m&#257;sam, is a very important ceremony, and one on
which unstinted expenditure is the rule.&rdquo;</p>
<p>A further account of the death ceremonies is given in the Gazetteer
of Malabar. &ldquo;When death is believed to be near, the dying man is
taken to the west of the hearth of the sacred fire (aup&#257;sana
agni), and laid with his head to the south on a bed of sand and darbha
grass, while the &#333;ttu mantram is whispered in his ear. When life
is extinct, the body is washed and covered with a plantain leaf. The
mourners dress themselves in t&#257;ttu fashion, and tear up a new
cloth breadthwise into pieces called sesham, which they each wear round
their waist. The body is then dressed in an undercloth; the forehead is
smeared with the pounded root of the creeper m&#275;tt&#333;ni, and
tulasi flowers are put on the head; the kudumi (hair knot) is untied,
and the p&#363;n&#363;l (sacred thread) arranged to hang round the neck
in front. The body is tied on to a bamboo ladder and covered with a new
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb218" href="#pb218" name=
"pb218">218</a>]</span>cloth, and then carried by four of the nearest
relatives to the place of cremation within the compound of the illam. A
trench is dug on the north-east of the pyre, and some water put into
it, which is sprinkled on the pyre with twigs of chamatha and darbha.
The body is then laid on the pyre with the head to the south, and the
fire is kindled. The ladder is thrown away, and a h&#333;mam performed
of ghee and darbha grass made to represent the deceased, while mantrams
are recited. Then comes the ceremony called kumbhapradakshinam. The
mourners go round the pyre three times, the eldest son leading the way,
carrying an earthen pot of water on his left shoulder. The water should
run through the bottom of the pot, one hole being made for the first
round, two for the second, and three for the third, and other mourners
should sprinkle it on the pyre. At the end of the third round the pot
is thrown on to the pyre, and all the mourners come away, the eldest
son leaving last, and being careful not to look back. After bathing and
shaving, the sons and other persons entitled to celebrate the
obsequies, each perform an oblation of water (udagakriya) to a piece of
karuga grass stuck up to represent the spirit of the dead, concluding
the ceremony by touching iron, granite, a firebrand, cow-dung, paddy
and gold three times, throwing away the sesham, and receiving a clean
cloth (m&#257;ttu). They then return to the nadumittam, when they make
offerings (bali or veli) of rice balls (pindams) to a piece of karuga
grass. Both these ceremonies have to be repeated twice daily for ten
days. On the fourth day after death, provided it is not a Tuesday or
Friday, the ceremony of collecting the bones (sanchyanam) is performed.
The eldest son goes to the pyre with a p&#257;la (pot made of the
spathe of an areca palm) of milk, which he sprinkles on the pyre
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb219" href="#pb219" name=
"pb219">219</a>]</span>with a brush of chamatha tied with karuga grass.
Three p&#257;las are placed on the west of the pyre parallel to the
places where the feet, waist and head of the corpse rested, and bones
are removed from the feet, waist and head with tongs of chamatha, and
placed in the respective p&#257;las. The bones are then washed in milk,
and all put into an earthen pot (kudam) with some karuga grass on the
top. The pot is covered with a cloth, taken to a cocoanut tree and
buried in a pit, the cloth being removed and the top filled with mud. A
plantain is planted in the trench that was dug near the pyre. On the
eleventh day, all the members of the family purify themselves, and
perform oblations of water and balls of rice. This constitutes the
first sraddha, which must be repeated on each anniversary of the
eleventh day.&rdquo;</p>
<p>&ldquo;The funeral rites of women are similar; but, if the woman is
pregnant at the time of death, the body has first to be purified seven
times with pounded kusa grass, cow-dung, cow&rsquo;s urine, ashes and
gold, and to receive m&#257;ttu. The belly is cut open four inches
below the navel, and, if the child is found alive, it is taken out and
brought up; if dead, it is put back in the womb with a piece of gold
and some ghee. Children not more than ten days old are buried with
little ceremony, but all others are burnt.&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e3689src" href="#xd21e3689" name="xd21e3689src">33</a></p>
<p>When a Namb&#363;tiri is believed to have been guilty of an offence
against the caste, or when there is a caste dispute in any gr&#257;mam,
the proper course is to represent the matter to the king (in Malabar
the Zamorin), who refers it to the Smarta having jurisdiction over that
particular gr&#257;mam, ordering him to try the offender after holding
a proper enquiry. Minor offences are punishable <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb220" href="#pb220" name="pb220">220</a>]</span>by
infliction of penance, fasting, or doing special p&#363;ja to the gods.
Graver offences are dealt with by excommunication from the caste.
Against the decision of the Smarta there is no appeal. Adultery between
a Namb&#363;tiri woman and a man of inferior caste is perhaps the most
serious of all caste offences.</p>
<p>The enquiry into cases of adultery is described as follows by Mr.
Subramani Aiyar. &ldquo;It is conducted by the Smarta, and hence arises
the name (<span class="corr" id="xd21e3698" title=
"Source: smartavich&#257;ram">sm&#257;rtavich&#257;ram</span>) by which
it is known. Whenever a Namb&#363;tiri woman&rsquo;s chastity is
suspected, she is at once handed over to society for enquiry, no
considerations of personal affection or public policy intervening. The
mother or brother may be the first and only spectator of a shady act,
but feels no less bound to invite, and generally pay very heavily for a
public enquiry by society according to its recognised rules. The
suspect is at once transferred to an isolation shed in the same
compound, variously called by the name of anchampura or fifth room
(outside the nalukettu or quadrangle), or the pachch&#333;lappura, a
new shed with green thatch roofing put up for the occasion. She may be
seen here by her husband, his father and uncles, her father,
father&rsquo;s father, father&rsquo;s maternal grandfather, and their
sons, but by none else. Once a prohibited member sees her, the brand of
infamy indubitably settles on her, and the sm&#257;rtavich&#257;ram is
considered foreclosed. For beginning a sm&#257;rtavich&#257;ram, the
sanction of the ruling R&#257;ja has to be obtained. The matter is
carried to his ears, after a preliminary enquiry, called
d&#257;sivich&#257;ram, has been gone through. For this, the
woman&rsquo;s male relations, in conjunction with the Br&#257;hmans of
the neighbourhood, interrogate the D&#257;si or N&#257;yar maid-servant
attached to the suspected woman. Along with the application for
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb221" href="#pb221" name=
"pb221">221</a>]</span>royal sanction in Travancore, a fee of
sixty-four fanams or nine rupees has to be sent in, and is credited to
the treasury of Sr&#299; Padman&#257;bha Sw&#257;mi, as whose deputy
the Mah&#257;r&#257;ja is supposed to rule the country. The
Mah&#257;r&#257;ja then appoints a Sm&#257;rta (judge), two
M&#299;m&#257;msakas, an Akakkoyimma, and a Purakkoyimma. The office of
Sm&#257;rta is hereditary. If a family becomes extinct, the Y&#333;ga
or village union nominates another in its place. The
M&#299;m&#257;msakas are Namb&#363;tiris learned in the law, and their
office is seldom hereditary. They are appointed to help the Sm&#257;rta
in his enquiries. The Akakkoyimma, or person whose business is to
preserve order, holds his appointment by heredity. The Purakkoyimma is
the proxy of the sovereign himself. In ancient days, and even so late
as the time of the great Mart&#257;nda Varma, the ruling sovereign
himself was present during the trial, and preserved order. Now a deputy
is sent by the Mah&#257;r&#257;ja. He is generally the magistrate of
the t&#257;luk, who, if he finds it inconvenient to attend the meeting,
delegates the function to the chief village officer. The Sm&#257;rta,
when he receives the royal commission (neet) for holding the enquiry,
receives from the woman&rsquo;s relations a small tribute of money
(dakshina). The M&#299;m&#257;msakas, it may be observed, are selected
by the Sm&#257;rta. In Travancore alone is the Sm&#257;rta&rsquo;s
authority supreme, for no Vaidika lives in this territory, and none are
generally invited. In other parts of Malabar, where Vaidikas live
permanently, one of the six recognised Vaidikas has to accompany the
Sm&#257;rta to the place of the vich&#257;rana (enquiry), and the
Sm&#257;rta merely conducts the enquiry as the proxy of, and authorised
and guided by the Vaidikas. Generally the council assembles at some
neighbouring village temple. The suspected woman is placed within the
anchampura, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb222" href="#pb222" name=
"pb222">222</a>]</span>and her maid-servant stands at the door. All
questions are addressed to her, as the g&#333;sha of the suspect has to
be honoured in its entirety until the pronouncement of the final
verdict. The procedure begins, not by the framing and reading out of a
charge-sheet, but by arranging for the suspicion being brought to
notice by the accused person herself. For this purpose, the Sm&#257;rta
makes a feint of entering the isolation shed, as if in ignorance of
everything that has transpired. The maid-servant stops him, and informs
him that her mistress is within. The Sm&#257;rta, on hearing this,
affects astonishment, and asks her the reason why her mistress should
not be in the main building (antahpuram). With this question, the
enquiry may be said to have actually begun. The next morning by eleven
o&rsquo;clock, the Sm&#257;rta and his co-adjutors again go and stand
beside the isolation hut, and, calling for the maid-servant, commence
the regular enquiry. After about five o&rsquo;clock in the afternoon,
the Sm&#257;rta, in the presence of the Akakkoyimma, relates the whole
day&rsquo;s proceedings to the M&#299;m&#257;msakas, and takes their
opinion as to the questions for the next day. The enquiry often lasts
for months, and sometimes even for years. It is the most expensive
undertaking possible, as the whole judicatory staff has to be
maintained by the family, unless the sadhanam or subject gives a
circumstantial confession of her guilt. It is not enough to plead
guilty; she must point out all the persons who have been partakers in
her guilt. Thus every day the Sm&#257;rta asks &ldquo;Are there any
more?&rdquo; After the completion of the enquiry, the council
re-assembles at the village temple. The guardian of the suspect
presents himself before the assembled Br&#257;hmans, and makes the
customary obeisance. The Sm&#257;rta then recounts the details of the
enquiry, and <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb223" href="#pb223" name=
"pb223">223</a>]</span>ultimately pronounces his verdict. If the woman
is declared innocent, she is re-accepted amidst universal rejoicings,
and the head of the family feels amply repaid for the expenditure he
has incurred in the reputation for chastity secured for a member of his
family under such a severe ordeal. If things do not end so well, all
the Br&#257;hmans come out of the temple and re-assemble, when a
Br&#257;hman, who is usually not a Namb&#363;tiri, as the
Namb&#363;tiris do not desire to condemn one of their own caste, stands
up, and in a stentorian voice repeats the substance of the charge, and
the judgment as given by the Sm&#257;rta. The guardian of the woman
then goes away, after she has been handed over by the Sm&#257;rta to
the custody of the Purakkoyimma. The guardian bathes, and performs all
the funeral ceremonies for his ward, who from this moment is considered
dead for all social and family purposes. The persons meanwhile, whose
names have been given out by the woman as having been implicated in the
offence, have to vindicate their character on pain of
excommunication.</p>
<p>In connection with a case of adultery, which was tried recently in
Malabar, it is noted that the Purakkoyimma kept order in the court with
sword in hand. &#298;swara p&#363;ja (worship of &#298;swara) was
performed in the local temple on all the days of the trial, and the
suspected woman was given p&#257;nchagavya (five products of the cow)
so that she might tell the truth.</p>
<p>I am informed that, in the course of an enquiry into a charge of
adultery, &ldquo;it sometimes happens that the woman names innocent men
as her seducers. Two courses are then open to them, in order that they
may exculpate themselves, viz., ordeal by boiling oil, and ordeal by
weighing. The former of these ordeals is undergone, under the sanction
of the R&#257;ja, by the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb224" href=
"#pb224" name="pb224">224</a>]</span>accused person dipping his bare
hand in gh&#299;, which has been boiling from sunrise to midday, and
taking out of it a bell-metal image. The hand is immediately bandaged,
and if, on examination of it on the third day, it be found unharmed,
the man is declared innocent. In the other ordeal, the man is made to
sit for a certain time in one of a pair of scales, and is declared
innocent or guilty, according as the scale ascends or descends. But
these practices do not now prevail.&rdquo; In former days, the ordeal
of boiling gh&#299; was undergone at the temple of Such&#299;ndram in
Travancore. This temple derives its name from Indra, who, according to
the legend, had illicit intercourse with Ahalya, the wife of Gautama
Rishi, and had to undergo a similar ordeal at this place.</p>
<p>In connection with a case which came before the High Court of
Madras, it is recorded<a class="noteref" id="xd21e3716src" href=
"#xd21e3716" name="xd21e3716src">34</a> that &ldquo;an enquiry was held
into the conduct of a woman suspected. She confessed that the plaintiff
had had illicit intercourse with her, and thereupon they were both
declared out-casts, the plaintiff not having been charged, nor having
had an opportunity to cross-examine the woman, or enter on his defence,
and otherwise to vindicate his character. Held by the High Court that
the declaration that the plaintiff was an outcast was illegal, and, it
having been found that the defendants had not acted <i>bon&acirc;
fide</i> in making that declaration, the plaintiff was entitled to
recover damages.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In order to mitigate to some extent the suffering caused by turning
adrift a woman proved guilty of adultery, who has hitherto lived in
seclusion, provision has been made by the R&#257;ja of Cherakkal. A
Tiyan named <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb225" href="#pb225" name=
"pb225">225</a>]</span>Talliparamba possesses a large extent of land
granted by a former R&#257;ja of Cherakkal, on condition of his taking
under his protection all excommunicated females, if they choose to go
with him. He has special rank and privileges, and has the title of
Mannanar. Whenever an inquiry takes place, Mannanar receives
information of it, and his messengers are ready to take the woman away.
It was the custom in former days for Mannanar&rsquo;s agents to lead
the woman to near his house, and leave her at a certain place from
which two roads lead to the house&mdash;one to the eastern gate, and
the other to the northern. If the woman happened to enter the house by
the eastern gate, she became Mannanar&rsquo;s wife, and, if she went in
by the northern gate, she was considered to be his sister by adoption.
This rule, however, is not strictly adhered to at the present day.</p>
<p>The Namb&#363;tiris are stated by Mr. Subramani Aiyar to
&ldquo;belong to different s&#363;tras, g&#333;tras, or septs, and
follow different V&#275;das. The most important of the s&#363;tras are
&#256;svalayana, Baudh&#257;yana, &#256;pastamba, and Kaushitaka. The
best-known g&#333;tras are K&#257;syapa, Bhargava, Bharadv&#257;ga,
Vasishta, and Kausika. There are a few S&#257;mav&#275;dins belonging
to the Kitangnur and Panchal gr&#257;mams, but most of them are
Rigv&#275;dic, and some belong to the Yajurv&#275;da. The Rigv&#275;dic
Br&#257;hmans belong to two separate y&#333;gas or unions, namely,
Trich&#363;r Y&#333;ga and Tirunavai Y&#333;ga. It appears that three
of the most renowned of the disciples of Sankar&#257;ch&#257;rya were
Namb&#363;tiri Br&#257;hmans, who received their initiation into the
sany&#257;s&#257;srama at the great sage&rsquo;s hands. They
established three maths or monasteries, known as the tekkematham
(southern), natuvile matham (middle), and vatakke matham (northern).
Succession having fallen in default in regard to the last, the property
that stood <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb226" href="#pb226" name=
"pb226">226</a>]</span>in its name lapsed to the R&#257;ja of Cochin.
Out of the funds of this matham, a V&#275;dic p&#257;thas&#257;la
(boarding school) was established at Trich&#363;r. A certain number of
villagers became in time recognised as being entitled to instruction at
this institution, and formed a y&#333;ga. Trich&#363;r then became the
centre of Br&#257;hmanical learning. Later on, when the relations of
the Zamorin of Calicut with the R&#257;ja of Cochin became strained, he
organised another y&#333;ga at Tirunavai for the Namb&#363;tiris who
lived within his territory. Here there are two y&#333;gas for
Rigv&#275;dic Br&#257;hmans. In these schools, religious instruction
has been imparted with sustained attention for several centuries. The
heads of these schools are recruited from the houses of Changngavot and
Erkara, respectively. To these two y&#333;gas two V&#257;dhy&#257;rs
and six Vaidikas are attached. There are also six Smartas or judges
attached to these bodies. The V&#257;dhy&#257;rs are purely religious
instructors, and have no judicial duties in respect of society. The
Vaidikas and Smartas are very learned in the Smritis, and it is with
them that the whole caste government of the Namb&#363;tiris absolutely
rests.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The names of the Namb&#363;tiris measured by Mr. Fawcett were as
follows:&mdash;</p>
<table>
<tr>
<td>
<ul>
<li>N&#299;lakantan.</li>
<li>Param&#275;svaran.</li>
<li>R&#257;man.</li>
<li>Harijayandan.</li>
<li>Chandras&#275;kharan.</li>
<li>V&#257;sud&#275;van.</li>
<li>Gr&#275;ni.</li>
<li>D&#257;m&#333;daran.</li>
<li>Sivad&#257;san.</li>
<li>Mah&#275;svaran.</li>
</ul>
</td>
<td>
<ul>
<li>Bhavasarman.</li>
<li>Nandi.</li>
<li>Kub&#275;ran.</li>
<li>M&#257;dhavan.</li>
<li>Anantan.</li>
<li>Nambi&#257;tan.</li>
<li>Shannan.</li>
<li>Krishnan.</li>
<li>Sankaran.</li>
</ul>
</td>
</tr>
</table>
<p>In connection with the names of Namb&#363;tiris, Mr. Subramani Aiyar
writes as follows. &ldquo;A list of names <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb227" href="#pb227" name="pb227">227</a>]</span>not current or
unusual now among other Br&#257;hman communities in Southern India may
be interesting. These are&mdash;</p>
<table>
<tr>
<td>
<ul>
<li>Vishnu.</li>
<li>Gayantan.</li>
<li>D&#275;vadattan.</li>
<li>Kiratan.</li>
<li>Prabh&#257;karan.</li>
<li>Dattareyan</li>
</ul>
</td>
<td>
<ul>
<li>Kadamban.</li>
<li>Chitran.</li>
<li>Gadav&#275;dan.</li>
<li>Bhavad&#257;san.</li>
<li>Srikum&#257;ran.</li>
</ul>
</td>
</tr>
</table>
<p>&ldquo;The conspicuous absence of the names of the third son of Siva
(Sasta), such as Hariharaputra and Budhanatha, may be noted. Nor are
the names of Ganapathi much in favour with them. Sr&#299;d&#275;vi and
S&#257;vitri are the two most common names, by which Namb&#363;tiri
females are known. There are also certain other names of a
Pr&#257;krita or non-classic character, used to denote males and
females, which sometimes border on the humorous. Among these
are&mdash;</p>
<p><i>Males</i>.</p>
<ul>
<li>Nampiyattan.</li>
<li>Ittiyattan.</li>
<li>Uzhutran.</li>
<li>Tuppan.</li>
<li>Nampotta.</li>
</ul>
<p><i>Females</i>.</p>
<ul>
<li>Nangngaya.</li>
<li>Nangngeli.</li>
<li>Pappi.</li>
<li>Ittichchiri.</li>
<li>Unnima.</li>
<li>Chiruta.</li>
</ul>
<p>&ldquo;Some names in this list are identifiable with the names of
divinities and pur&#257;nic personages. For example, Uzhutran is a
corruption of Rudran. In the same manner, Tuppan is the Prakrit for
Subramanya, and Chiruta for S&#299;ta. Unnima is another name for Uma
or Parvati. Namb&#363;tiris grudge to grant the title of Namb&#363;tiri
to each other. For instance, the Tamarasseri Namb&#363;tiri calls the
Mullappalli Namb&#363;tiri merely Mullapalli (house name). But, if the
person addressed is an &#256;dhya of one of the eight houses, or at
least a <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb228" href="#pb228" name=
"pb228">228</a>]</span>Tantri &#256;dhya, the title Namb&#363;tiri is
added to his name. Again, if there are in a house two Namb&#363;tiris,
one of them being the father and the other the son, the father whenever
he writes, subscribes himself as the Achchan Namb&#363;tiri or father
Namb&#363;tiri, while the son subscribes himself as the Makan or son
Namb&#363;tiri. In Malabar there were two poets called Venmani Achchan
Namb&#363;tiri and Venmani Makan Namb&#363;tiri, venmani signifying the
name of the illam. It is only in documents and other serious papers
that the proper name or sarman of the <span class="corr" id="xd21e3841"
title="Source: Nambutiri">Namb&#363;tiri</span> would be found
mentioned.&rdquo;</p>
<p>When addressing each other, Namb&#363;tiris use the names of their
respective illams or manas. When a Namb&#363;tiri is talking with a
N&#257;yar, or indeed with one of any other caste, the manner in which
the conversation must be carried on, strictly according to custom, is
such that the Namb&#363;tiri&rsquo;s superiority is apparent at every
turn. Thus, a N&#257;yar, addressing a Namb&#363;tiri, must speak of
himself as foot-servant. If he mentions his rice, he must not call it
rice, but his gritty rice. Rupees must be called his copper coins, not
his rupees. He must call his house his dung-pit. He must speak of the
Namb&#363;tiri&rsquo;s rice as his raw rice, his coppers as rupees, and
his house as his illam or mana. The N&#257;yar must not call his cloth
a cloth, but an old cloth or a spider&rsquo;s web. But the
Namb&#363;tiri&rsquo;s cloth is to be called his daily white cloth, or
his superior cloth. The N&#257;yar, speaking of his bathing, says that
he drenches himself with water, whereas the Namb&#363;tiri sports in
the water when he bathes. Should he speak of eating or drinking, the
N&#257;yar must say of himself that he takes food, or treats himself to
the water in which rice has been washed. But, should he speak of the
Namb&#363;tiri eating, he must say that he tastes ambrosia. The
N&#257;yar calls his sleeping <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb229"
href="#pb229" name="pb229">229</a>]</span>lying flat, and the
Namb&#363;tiri&rsquo;s closing his eyes, or resting like a R&#257;ja.
The N&#257;yar must speak of his own death as the falling of a forest,
but of the Namb&#363;tiri&rsquo;s as entering fire. The Namb&#363;tiri
is not shaved by the barber; his hairs are cut. He is not angry, but
merely dissatisfied. He does not clean his teeth as the N&#257;yar; he
cleans his superior pearls. Nor does he laugh; he displays his superior
pearls.</p>
<p>Concerning the recreations and pastimes of the Namb&#363;tiris, Mr.
Subramani Aiyar writes as follows. &ldquo;During the intervals of
V&#275;dic or Pur&#257;nic recitations, the Namb&#363;tiri engages
himself in chaturangam or chess. When the players are equally matched,
a game may last five, six, or even seven days. Another amusement, which
the Namb&#363;tiris take a great interest in, is the Yatrakali, which
is said to be a corruption of Sastrakali, a performance relating to
weapons. This is a unique institution, kept up by a section of the
Namb&#363;tiris, who are believed to represent the Br&#257;hmanical
army of Parasu R&#257;ma. When, at a ceremony in the Travancore royal
household, a Yatrakali is performed, the parties have to be received at
the entrance of the Mah&#257;r&#257;ja&rsquo;s palace in state, sword
in hand. The dress and songs are peculiar. In its import, the
performance seems to combine the propitiation of Siva and Parvati in
the manner indicated in a tradition at Trikkariy&#363;r with exorcism
and skill in swordsmanship. It is generally believed that, in ancient
days, the Br&#257;hmans themselves ruled K&#275;rala. When they found
it necessary to have a separate king, one Attakat Namb&#363;tiri was
deputed, with a few other Br&#257;hmans, to go and obtain a ruler from
the adjoining Ch&#275;ra territory. The only pass in those days,
connecting Malabar and Coimbatore, was that which is now known as
Nerumangalam. When the Namb&#363;tiris were returning through
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb230" href="#pb230" name=
"pb230">230</a>]</span>this pass with the ruler whom they had secured
from the Ch&#275;ra King, a strange light was observed on the adjacent
hills. Two young Br&#257;hmans of Chengngamanat village, on proceeding
towards the hill to investigate the source thereof, found to their
amazement that it was none other than Sr&#299; Bhagavati, the consort
of Siva, who enjoined them to go, <i>vi&acirc;</i> Trikkariy&#363;r, to
Kodungngnall&#363;r, the capital of the Perum&#257;ls. Seeing that the
sight of Bhagavati foretold prosperity, the king called the range of
hills Nerumangalam or true bliss, and made an endowment of all the
surrounding land to the Br&#257;hman village of Chengngamanat, the
members of which had the good fortune to see the goddess face to face.
When they entered the temple of Trikkariy&#363;r, a voice was heard to
exclaim &ldquo;Ch&#275;ra Perum&#257;l,&rdquo; which meant that into
that town, where Parasu R&#257;ma was believed to be dwelling, no
Perum&#257;l (king) should ever enter&mdash;a traditional injunction
still respected by the Malabar Kshatriyas. At this place, the sixth
Perum&#257;l who, according to a tradition, had a pronounced
predilection for the Bouddha religion (Islamism or Buddhism, we cannot
say), called a meeting of the Br&#257;hmans, and told them that a
religious discussion should be held between them and the Bouddhas, in
view to deciding their relative superiority. The presiding deity of the
local Saiva shrine was then propitiated by the Br&#257;hmans, to enable
them to come out victorious from the trial. A Gangama saint appeared
before them, and taught them a hymn called n&#257;lupadam (four feet or
parts of a sl&#333;ka) which the Namb&#363;tiris say is extracted from
the Samav&#275;da. The saint further advised them to take out a lamp
from within the temple, which according to tradition had existed from
the time of Sr&#299; R&#257;ma, to a room built on the western
gh&#257;t of the temple tank, and pray to Siva in <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb231" href="#pb231" name=
"pb231">231</a>]</span>terms of the hymn. While this was continued for
forty-one days, six Br&#257;hmans, with Mayura Bhatta at their head,
arrived from the east coast to the succour of the Namb&#363;tiris. With
the help of these Br&#257;hmans, the Namb&#363;tiris kept up a
protracted discussion with the Bouddhas. Wishing to bring it to a
close, the Perum&#257;l thought of applying a practical test. He
enclosed a snake within a pot, and asked the disputants to declare its
contents. The Bouddhas came out first with the correct answer, while
the Br&#257;hmans followed by saying that it was a lotus flower. The
Perum&#257;l was, of course, pleased with the Bouddhas; but, when the
pot was opened, it was found to contain a lotus flower instead of a
snake. The Bouddhas felt themselves defeated, and ever afterwards the
n&#257;lupadam hymn has been sung by the Namb&#363;tiris with a view to
securing a variety of objects, every one of which they expect to obtain
by this means. It is also said that, when the Br&#257;hmans were
propitiating Siva at Trikkariy&#363;r, diverse spirits and angels were
found amusing Parvati with their quips and cranks. A voice from heaven
was then heard to say that such frolics should thereafter form part of
the worship of Siva.</p>
<p>&ldquo;Engaged in these socio-religious performances are eighteen
sanghas or associations. The chief office-bearers are the Vakyavritti
who is the chief person, and must be an Ottu Namb&#363;tiri or a
<span class="corr" id="xd21e3860" title=
"Source: Numb&#363;tiri">Namb&#363;tiri</span> with full V&#275;dic
knowledge; the Parishakkaran who holds charge of the Yatrakali
paraphernalia; and the guru or instructor. The chief household
divinities of these soldier Namb&#363;tiris are Bhadrak&#257;li, Sasta,
and Subrahmanya. On the evening of the Yatrakali day, these
Br&#257;hmans assemble round the lamp, and recite the n&#257;lupadam
and a few hymns in praise of their household divinities, and
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb232" href="#pb232" name=
"pb232">232</a>]</span>especially of Siva, the saviour who manifested
himself at Trikkariy&#363;r. On the night of the performance they are
entertained at supper, when they sing certain songs called
Karisl&#333;ka. They then move in slow procession to the kalam or hall,
singing specially songs in the vallappattu metre, with the sacred
thread hanging vertically round the neck (apiviti), and not diagonally
as is the orthodox fashion. In the hall have been placed a burning lamp
in the centre, a para (Malabar measure) filled with paddy, a number of
bunches of cocoanuts, plantain fruits, and various kinds of flowers.
The Br&#257;hmans sit in a circle round the lamp, and, after
preliminary invocations to Ganapathi, sing songs in praise of Siva.
After this various kinds of dumb-show are performed, and this is the
time for exhibiting skill in swordsmanship. The exorcising, by the
waving of a lighted torch before the face of the host, of any evil
spirits that may have attached themselves is then gone through. The
performance ends with a prayer to Bhagavati, that she will shower every
prosperity. Following close upon this, a variety entertainment is
sometimes given by the Yatrakali Namb&#363;tiris. This old institution
is still in great favour in British Malabar, and, as it has a religious
aspect intertwined with it, it is not likely to be swept away by the
unsparing broom of the so-called parishkarakalam or reforming age of
modern India.</p>
<p>&ldquo;The Kathakali, or national drama of Malabar, is held in great
esteem and favour by the Namb&#363;tiris. Most of them are conversant
with the songs and shows relating to it, and severely criticise the
slightest fault or failure. The Kathakali is more than three centuries
old in Malabar, and is said to have been first brought into existence
by a member of the ancient ruling house of <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb233" href="#pb233" name=
"pb233">233</a>]</span>Kottarakkara. As the earliest theme represented
was the R&#257;mayana, the Kathakali is also known as
R&#257;man&#257;ttam. A single play lasts for eight and even ten hours
in the night. Kshatriyas, Asuras, R&#257;kshasas, Kir&#257;tas (hunting
tribes), monkeys, birds, etc., each has an appropriate make-up. The
play is in dumb-show, and no character is permitted to speak on the
stage. The songs are sung by the Bh&#257;gavatar or songster, and the
actors literally act, and do nothing more. The Namb&#363;tiris love
this antiquated form of theatrical performance, and patronise it to a
remarkable extent.</p>
<p>&ldquo;There are a number of other recreations of an entirely
non-religious character. The chief of these are called respectively
seven dogs and the leopard, fifteen dogs and the leopard, and
twenty-eight dogs and the leopard. Success in these games consists in
so arranging the dogs as to form a thick phalanx, two abreast, round
the leopard. Stones of two sizes are employed to represent the dogs and
leopards, and the field is drawn on the ground.</p>
<p>&ldquo;The ezahmattukali, or seventh amusement, is said to have been
so called from the fact of its being introduced by the seventh
Namb&#363;tiri gr&#257;mam of K&#275;rala. It is a miniature form of
Yatrakali, but without its <i>quasi</i>-religious character, and is
intended to serve merely as a social pastime. The players need not all
be Br&#257;hmans; nor is fasting or any religious discipline part of
the preliminary programme. Sitting round the lamp as at the Yatrakali,
and reciting songs in praise of Siva, the players proceed to the
characteristic portion of the recreation, which is a kind of
competition in quick-wittedness and memory held between two yogas or
parties. One among them calls himself the Kallur N&#257;yar
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb234" href="#pb234" name=
"pb234">234</a>]</span>and is the presiding judge. There is
interrogation and answering by two persons, and a third proclaims the
mistakes in the answers. There are two others, who serve as bailiffs to
execute the judge&rsquo;s orders. Humorous scenes are then introduced,
such as Ittikkantappan N&#257;yar, Prakkal, Mutti or old woman, Pattar
or Parad&#275;sa Br&#257;hman, and other characters, who appear on the
stage and amuse the assembly.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The Namb&#363;tiris are V&#275;dic Br&#257;hmans: their scriptures
are the V&#275;das. It is safe to say that the Namb&#363;tiris are
Shaivas, but not to the exclusion of Vishnu. The ordinary South Indian
Vaishnava Br&#257;hman has nothing to do with the Shaiva temple over
the way, and takes no part or interest in the Shaiva festivals. Siva is
to the Namb&#363;tiri the supreme deity, but he has temples also to
Vishnu, Krishna, Narasimha, Sr&#299; R&#257;ghava, Ganapathi,
Subrahmanya, Bhagavati, etc. There are said to be temples to
S&#257;stavu and Sankarn&#257;r&#257;yanan&mdash;amalgamated forms of
Siva and Vishnu. The lingam is the ordinary object of worship.</p>
<p>Like all Br&#257;hmans, the Namb&#363;tiris believe that the eight
directions or points of the compass, north, north-east, east,
south-east, south, south-west, west, north-west, are presided over by
eight deities, or Ashtadikp&#257;lakas, riding on various animals.
Indra reigns in heaven and Yama in hell, and Surya is the sun god. All
these and their wives are worshipped. Parvati shares adoration with
Siva, Lakshmi with Vishnu, and so on. The Namb&#363;tiris believe in
the existence of evil spirits which influence man, but they do not
worship them.</p>
<p>It is said that the Namb&#363;tiri has of late been influenced by
V&#275;d&#257;ntism, that wonderful religious idea of the existence of
one spirit or atman, the only reality, outside which the world and all
besides is mere illusion, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb235" href=
"#pb235" name="pb235">235</a>]</span>and whose doctrine is wrapped up
in the three words &ldquo;Ekam &#275;va advit&#299;yam&rdquo;. (There
is but one being without a second).</p>
<p>The Namb&#363;tiris call themselves &#256;rya Br&#257;hmanar. Their
legendary transmigration to Malabar from Northern India is doubtless
true. Theirs is by far the purest form of the V&#275;dic
Br&#257;hmanism to be met with in Southern India. A complete account of
the religion of the Namb&#363;tiris cannot be given in these pages. The
Namb&#363;tiri&rsquo;s life is a round of sacrifices, the last of which
is the burning of his body on the funeral pyre. When the Namb&#363;tiri
has no male issue, he performs the putra k&#257;m&#275;shti or
karmavip&#257;kaprayaschittam y&#257;gams or sacrifices to obtain it.
Should he be unwell, he performs the mrittyunjaya s&#257;nti
y&#257;gam, so that he may be restored to good health. He performs the
aja y&#257;gam, or goat sacrifice, in order to obtain salvation. Though
animal food is strictly forbidden, and the rule is strictly followed,
the flesh of the goat, which remains after the offering has been made
in this sacrifice, is eaten by the Namb&#363;tiris present as part of
the solemn ceremonial. This is the only occasion on which animal food
is eaten. Namask&#257;ram, or prostration, is much done during prayers.
By some it is done some hundreds of times daily, by others not so
often. It amounts to physical exercise, and is calculated to strengthen
the arms and the back.</p>
<p>Reference has already been made to certain ceremonies connected with
pregnancy, and the early life of a child. There are three further
important ceremonies, called Upan&#257;yana, Sam&#257;vartana and
Up&#257;karma, concerning which Mr. Subramani Aiyar writes as follows.
&ldquo;Upan&#257;yana may be called the Br&#257;hmanising ceremony. An
oft-repeated Sanskrit verse runs to the <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb236" href="#pb236" name="pb236">236</a>]</span>effect that a
Br&#257;hman is a Br&#257;hman by virtue of his karmas or actions in
this life, or the lives preceding it. The meaning of the term
Upan&#257;yana is a ceremony which leads one to god, <i>i.e.</i>, to a
realisation of the eternal self through the aid of a guru (preceptor).
This ceremony takes place in the seventh, eighth, or ninth year of a
boy&rsquo;s life. As ordinarily understood, it is a ceremony for males
only, as they alone have to observe the four asramas. But, in ancient
days, it seems to have been performed also by females. Marriage was not
compulsory, and a girl might take to asceticism at once. S&#299;ta is
said to have worn a y&#257;gnopavitam (sacred thread). A Br&#257;hman
is not born, but made by the karmas. In other words, a Br&#257;hman boy
is, at the time of his birth, only a S&#363;dra, and it is by the
performance of the necessary karmas&mdash;not merely the ceremonial
rites, but the disciplinary and preparatory process in view to
spiritual development&mdash;that he becomes a Dviga or twice-born. The
word Upan&#257;yana is composed of upa, meaning near, and nayana,
leading. What the youth is led to is, according to some,
Br&#257;hmaggnana or the realisation of the eternal and universal self,
and according to others only the teacher or guru. A Namb&#363;tiri
Upan&#257;yana begins with the presentation of a daksh&#299;na
(consolidated fee) to the Ezhuttachchan, or the N&#257;yar or
Ambalav&#257;si teacher, who has been instructing the youth in the
vernacular. The boy stands on the western side of the sacrificial fire,
facing the east, and the father stands beside him, facing the same way.
The second cloth (uttariya) is thrown over the boy&rsquo;s head, and
his right hand being held up, the sacred thread, to which a strap made
from the skin of a Krishnamriga (antelope) is attached, is thrown over
his shoulders and under his right arm, while he stands reverently with
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb237" href="#pb237" name=
"pb237">237</a>]</span>closed eyes. The thread and skin are wrapped up
in the cloth, and are not to be seen by the boy. He is then taken to an
open place, where the priest introduces the new Brahmach&#257;ri to the
sun, and invokes him to cover his pupil with his rays. The boy next
goes to the sacrificial altar, and himself offers certain sacrifices to
the fire. Saluting his preceptor and obtaining his blessing, he
requests that he may be initiated into the S&#257;vitrimantram. After a
few preliminary ceremonies, the guru utters in the right ear of his
disciple the sacred syllable &#332;m, and repeats the G&#257;yatri
mantram nine times. He then instructs him in certain maxims of conduct,
which he is to cherish and revere throughout the Brahmach&#257;rya
stage. Addressing the boy, the guru says, &lsquo;You have become
entitled to the study of the V&#275;das; perform all the duties which
pertain to the &#257;srama you are about to enter. Never sleep during
the day. Study the V&#275;das by resigning yourself to the care of your
spiritual instructor.&rsquo; These exhortations, though made in
Sanskrit, are explained in Malay&#257;lam, in order that the boy may
understand them&mdash;a feature unknown to Br&#257;hmans on the other
coast. With his words of advice, the preceptor gives the youth a danda
or stick made of p&#299;pal (<i>Ficus religiosa</i>) wood, as if to
keep him in perpetual memory of what would follow if any of the
directions be disregarded. The boy then makes his obeisance to his
parents and all his relations, and is given a brass vessel called
bhiksh&#257;p&#257;tra (alms pot), in which he collects, by
house-to-house visits, food for his daily sustenance during the
Brahmach&#257;rya stage. He proceeds to the kitchen of his own house
with the vessel in one hand and the stick in the other. Making his
obeisance in due form to his mother, who stands facing the east, he
says &lsquo;Bhiksh&#257;m bhavati dad&#257;tu&rsquo; (May you be
pleased to give me <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb238" href="#pb238"
name="pb238">238</a>]</span>alms). The mother places five or seven
handfuls of rice in the vessel. After receiving similar contributions
from the assembled elders, the boy takes the vessel to his father, who
is the first guru, saying &lsquo;Bhaikshm&#257;midam&rsquo; (This is my
alms collection). The father blesses it, and says &lsquo;May it be
good.&rsquo; After the Gayatrijapa, the ceremony of Samidadhana is
performed. This is the Brahmach&#257;ri&rsquo;s daily worship of the
sacred fire, corresponding to the aupasana of the Grihastha, and has to
be performed twice daily. After another h&#333;mam at night, the cloth
covering the sacred thread and skin is removed, and the consecration of
the food is done for the first time. In addition to the skin strap, the
Brahmach&#257;ri wears a mekhala or twisted string of k&#363;sa grass.
It is doubtless of the youthful Namb&#363;tiri that Barbosa wrote as
follows at the beginning of the sixteenth century. &lsquo;And when
these are seven years old, they put round their necks a strap two
fingers in width of an animal which they call cresnamergan, and they
command him not to eat betel for seven years, and all this time he
wears that strap round the neck, passing under the arm; and, when he
reaches fourteen years of age, they make him a Br&#257;hman, removing
from him the leather strap round his neck, and putting on another
three-thread, which he wears all his life as a mark of being a
Br&#257;hman. The rules which were observed with such strictness
centuries ago are still observed, and every Namb&#363;tiri boy goes
through his period of Brahmach&#257;rya, which lasts at least for full
five years. During the whole of this period, no sandal paste, no
scents, and no flowers are to be used by him. He is not to take his
meals at other houses on festive occasions. He must not sleep during
the day. Nor may he wear a loin-cloth in the ordinary fashion. Shoes
and umbrella are also prohibited. The completion of the
Brahmach&#257;ri <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb239" href="#pb239"
name="pb239">239</a>]</span>&#257;srama, or stage of pupilage, is
called Sam&#257;vartana. After a few religious ceremonies in the
morning, the Brahmach&#257;ri shaves for the first time since the
Upan&#257;yana ceremonies, casts off the skin strap and mekhala, and
bathes. He puts on sandal paste marks, bedecks himself with jasmine
flowers, and puts on shoes. He then holds an umbrella, and wears a
pearl necklace. After this, he puts on a head-dress, and a few other
ceremonials conclude the Sam&#257;vartana. For three days subsequent to
this, the budding Grihastha is considered ceremonially impure, and the
pollution is perhaps based on the death of the old &#257;srama, and
birth of the new. In the Up&#257;karma ceremony, hymns are sung by the
preceptor, and the pupil has merely to listen to them.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In conclusion, something may be said concerning the general beliefs
of the Namb&#363;tiris. All objects, animate or inanimate, organic or
inorganic, are believed to be permeated by the divine spirit. Animals,
trees, plants, and flowers are animate, and therefore venerated. The
sun, moon, and stars are revered on account of some inherent quality in
each, such as utility or strength, or owing to their connection with
some deity. A god can assume any form at any time, such as that of a
man, bird, beast, or tree. The various forms in which a god has
appeared are ever sacred. Some animals have been used as vehicles by
the gods, and are therefore revered. Cows, horses, and snakes are
worshipped. The cow is the most sacred of all animals. The Pur&#257;nas
tell of K&#257;madh&#275;nu, the cow of plenty, one of the fourteen
useful things which turned up out of the ocean of milk when it was
churned, and which is supposed to have yielded the gods all they
desired. So K&#257;madh&#275;nu is one who gives anything which is
desired. Every hair of the cow is sacred, its urine is the most holy
water, and its dung the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb240" href=
"#pb240" name="pb240">240</a>]</span>most purificatory substance. The
horse is the favourite animal of Kub&#275;ra, the treasure-god. The
Uchchaisravas the high-eared prototype of all horses, also came out of
the churned ocean. Horse sacrifice, or Asvam&#275;dha, is the greatest
of all sacrifices. Performance of a hundred of them would give the
sacrificer power to displace Indra, in order to make room for him.
Snakes are the fruitful progeny of the sage K&#257;syapa and Kadru. The
Mah&#257; S&#275;sha, their prince, is the couch and canopy of Vishnu,
and supports the world on his thousand heads. But attention to snakes
is probably more in the light of the harm which they may do, and
propitiatory in character.</p>
<p>Among plants, the tulasi or sacred basil (<i lang="la-x-bio">Ocimum
sanctum</i>) is the most sacred of all. It is supposed to be pervaded
by the essence of both Vishnu and Lakshmi: according to some legends,
it is a metamorphosis of S&#299;ta and Rukmini. The daily prayer
offered to the tulasi is thus rendered by Monier Williams. &ldquo;I
adore that tulasi in whose roots are all the sacred places of
pilgrimage, in whose centre are all the deities, and in whose upper
branches are all the V&#275;das.&rdquo; The udumbara (<i>Ficus
glomerata</i>) is also sacred. Under this tree Dattatreya, the
incarnation of the Trinity, performed his ascetic austerities. The
Namb&#363;tiri says that, according to the s&#257;stras, there must be
one of these trees in his compound, and, if it is not there, he
imagines it is. The bilva (<i>&AElig;gle Marmelos</i>) is specially
sacred to Siva all over Southern India. To the Namb&#363;tiri it is
very sacred. Its leaves are supposed to represent the three attributes
of Siva&mdash;Satva, R&#257;ja, and Tama&mdash;and also his three eyes
and his tris&#363;lam (trident). They are used by the Namb&#363;tiri in
propitiatory ceremonies to that god. An offering of a single leaf of
this tree is believed to annihilate the sins done three births or
existence. K&#363;sa grass (<i>Eragrostis <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb241" href="#pb241" name="pb241">241</a>]</span>cynosuroides</i>) is
very sacred, and used in many ceremonies. At the churning of the ocean,
the snakes are said to have been greedy enough to lick the nectar off
the k&#363;sa grass, and got their tongues split in consequence. The
asvaththa (<i>Ficus religiosa</i>) is also very sacred to the
Namb&#363;tiris. It is supposed to be pervaded by the spirit of Brahma
the Creator.</p>
<p>From the sun (S&#363;rya, the sun-god) emanate light and heat, and
to its powers all vegetation is due, so the Namb&#363;tiri worships it
daily. He also offers p&#363;ja to the sun and moon as belonging to the
nine navagr&#257;has (planets). The planets are the Sun, Moon, Mercury,
Venus, Mars, Jupiter, Saturn, R&#257;hu and K&#275;tu. They influence
the destinies of men, and therefore come in for some worship. The three
last are sinister in their effects, and must be propitiated.</p>
<p><b>N&#257;md&#275;v.&mdash;</b>A synonym of Rang&#257;ri.</p>
<p><b>Nanchi Kuruva.&mdash;</b>A name for Kuruvas, who inhabit
Nanchin&#257;d in Travancore.</p>
<p><b>Nanchin&#257;d Vell&#257;la.&mdash;</b>The Nanchin&#257;d
Vell&#257;las, to the number of 18,000, are found scattered all over
Travancore, though their chief centre is Nanchin&#257;d, composed of
the t&#257;luks of Tovala and Agastisvaram. Their manners and customs
at the present day are so different to those of the Tamil Vell&#257;las
that they may be regarded as a separate caste indigenous to Travancore
and Cochin. Like other S&#363;dras of Travancore, they add the title
Pillai to their name, which is often preceded by the title Kannaku.</p>
<p>From a copper-plate grant in the possession of the Syrian
Christians, dated A.D. 824, we learn that one family of carpenters, and
four families of Vell&#257;las, were entrusted with the growing of
plants on the sea-coast, the latter being the Karalars or trustees.
From this it <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb242" href="#pb242" name=
"pb242">242</a>]</span>appears that the Vell&#257;las must have settled
on the west coast in the ninth century at the latest. The
Nanchin&#257;d Vell&#257;las were not originally different from their
P&#257;ndyan analogues, but settled in the t&#257;luks above mentioned,
over which the P&#257;ndyans held sway during several periods in
medi&aelig;val times. On one occasion, when there was a dispute about
the territorial jurisdiction of Nanchin&#257;d between the
Mah&#257;r&#257;ja of Travancore and the P&#257;ndyan ruler, the
leading Vell&#257;las of these t&#257;luks went over in a body to the
Travancore camp, and swore allegiance to the Travancore throne. They
gradually renounced even the law of inheritance, which their brethren
of the Tamil country followed, and adopted many novel customs, which
they found prevalent in K&#275;rala. From Nanchin&#257;d the caste
spread in all directions, and, as most of them were respectable men
with good education and mathematical training, their services were
utilised for account-keeping in the civil and military departments of
the State. They must, of course, be clearly distinguished from the
Tamil makkath&#257;yam Vell&#257;las of Kuttamper&#363;r in Tiruvella,
who have also become naturalised in Travancore,</p>
<p>For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar.</p>
<p>Like the Tamil Vell&#257;las, the Nanchin&#257;d Vell&#257;las are
divided into two classes, Saiva and Asaiva, of which the former abstain
from flesh and fish, while the latter have no such scruple. Asaivas
will take food in the houses of Saivas, but the Saivas cook their own
food when they go to an Asaiva house. Again, though the Saivas marry
girls from Asaiva families, they are taught the Saiva hymn by the
Gurukal immediately afterwards, and prohibited from dining with their
former relatives. This custom is, however, only known to prevail in the
south. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb243" href="#pb243" name=
"pb243">243</a>]</span>While the Vell&#257;las in the south reside in
streets, their brethren in the north live, like N&#257;yars, in
isolated houses. In their dress and ornaments, too, the Nanchin&#257;d
Vell&#257;las living in North Travancore differ from those of the
south, inasmuch as they adopt the practice of the N&#257;yars, while
the latter are conservative, and true to their old traditions.</p>
<p>The Nanchin&#257;d Vell&#257;las are well known, throughout
Travancore, for their thrift, industry, and mathematical acumen.
Several families have dropped the designation of Vell&#257;la, and
adopted Nanchin&#257;d N&#257;yar as their caste-name.</p>
<p>Their language is largely mixed up with Malay&#257;lam words and
phrases. Madan Isakki (Yakshi) and Inan are their recognised tutelary
deities, and were till recently worshipped in every household.
Villati-ch&#257;np&#257;ttu is a common propitiatory song, sung by
members of the goldsmith and oilmonger castes, in connection with the
ceremonies of the Nanchin&#257;d Vell&#257;las. It deals with the
origin of these minor deities, and relates the circumstances in which
their images were set up in various shrines. Amman-kodai, or offering
to the mother, is the most important religious festival. They also
observe the Tye-pongal, Dep&#257;vali, Trikkartikai, &#332;nam and
Vishu festivals. The anniversary of ancestors is celebrated, and the
Pattukkai ceremony of the Tamil Vell&#257;las, in propitiation of
deceased female ancestors, is performed every year. Stories of
Chitragupta, the accountant-general of Yama, the Indian Pluto, are
recited on the new-moon day in the month, of Chittiray (April-May) with
great devotion.</p>
<p>The Nanchin&#257;d Vell&#257;las are chiefly an agricultural class,
having their own village organisation, with office-bearers such as
kariyasthan or secretary, mutalpiti or <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb244" href="#pb244" name="pb244">244</a>]</span>treasurer, and the
pilla or accountant. Contributions towards village funds are made on
certain ceremonial occasions. Their high priest belongs to the
Umayorubhagam mutt of Kumbakonam, and the North Travancore
Vell&#257;las recognise the P&#257;nantitta Gurukal as their spiritual
adviser. East coast Br&#257;hmans often officiate as their priests, and
perform the sacrificial and other rites at weddings.</p>
<p>The usual rule is for girls to marry after puberty, but early
marriage is not rare. The maternal uncle&rsquo;s or paternal
aunt&rsquo;s daughter is regarded as the legitimate bride. The presents
to the bridegroom include a mundu and neriyatu, the ordinary Malabar
dress, and very often an iron writing-style and knife. This is said to
be symbolical of the fact that the Vell&#257;las formed the accountant
caste of Travancore, and that several families of them were invited
from Madura and Tinnevelly to settle down in Nanchin&#257;d for this
purpose. A procession of the bridal couple in a palanquin through the
streets is a necessary item of the marriage festivities. The
Nanchin&#257;d Vell&#257;las contract temporary alliances with
N&#257;yar women from the Padamangalam section downwards. Divorce is
permitted, provided a formal release-deed, or vidu-muri, is executed by
the husband. After this, the woman may enter into sambandham
(connection) with a Nanchin&#257;d or P&#257;ndi Vell&#257;la.</p>
<p>The laws of inheritance are a curious blend of the makkath&#257;yam
and marumakkath&#257;yam systems. Sons are entitled to a portion of the
property, not exceeding a fourth, of the self-acquired property of the
father, and also a fourth of what would have descended to him in a
makkath&#257;yam family. This is called ukantutama, because it is
property given out of love as opposed to right. It is a further rule
that, in case of divorce, the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb245"
href="#pb245" name="pb245">245</a>]</span>wife and children should be
given this ukantutama, lest they should be left in utter destitution,
only a tenth part of the ancestral property being allotted for this
purpose, if her husband leaves no separate estate. If more than a
fourth of the estate is to be given in this manner, the permission of
the heirs in the female line has generally to be obtained. If a man
dies without issue, and leaves his wife too old or unwilling to enter
into a fresh matrimonial alliance, she is entitled to maintenance out
of his estate. A divorced woman, if without issue, is similarly
entitled to maintenance during the life of her former husband. The
property to which she may thus lay claim is known as nankutama, meaning
the property of the nanka or woman. The nankutama cannot be claimed by
the widow, if, at the time of her husband&rsquo;s death, she does not
live with, and make herself useful to him. When a widow enters into a
sambandham alliance, the second husband has to execute a deed called
etuppu, agreeing to pay her, either at the time of his death or
divorce, a specified sum of money. The ukantutama from the family of
her first husband does not go to the issue of a woman who is in
possession of an etuppu deed.</p>
<p>The namakarana, or name-giving ceremony, is performed in early life.
Many of the names are unknown among N&#257;yars, <i>e.g.</i>, Siva,
Vishnu, Kuttalalingam, Subramanya, Ponnampalam among males, and
Sivakami, Kantimati among females. The tonsure is performed before a
boy is three years old. The right of performing the funeral ceremonies
is vested in the son, or, failing one, the nephew. Pollution lasts for
sixteen days. The karta (chief mourner) has to get himself completely
shaved, and wears the sacred thread throughout the period of pollution,
or at least on the sixteenth day. On <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb246" href="#pb246" name="pb246">246</a>]</span>that day oblations of
cooked food, water and gingelly (<i>Sesamum</i>) seeds are offered to
the departed. If a daughter&rsquo;s son dies, her mother, and not the
father, observes pollution.</p>
<p>N&#257;nchin&#257;d Vell&#257;la has been assumed by males of the
D&#275;va-d&#257;si caste in Travancore.</p>
<p><b>Nandikattu</b> (bull&rsquo;s mouth).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
M&#275;dara.</p>
<p><b>Nandimandalam.&mdash;</b>A sub-division of R&#257;zu.</p>
<p><b>Nanga</b> (naked).<b>&mdash;</b>A sub-division of Poroja.</p>
<p><b>Nangudi Vell&#257;la.&mdash;</b>The so-called Nangudi
Vell&#257;las, or Savalai Pillais, are found inhabiting several
villages in the Tinnevelly district, and differ from other
Vell&#257;las in several important points. They say that they are
K&#333;ttai (fort) Vell&#257;las, who have given up the custom of
living within a fort. Nangudi women are not allowed to enter the fort
at Srivaiguntam, wherein the K&#333;ttai Vell&#257;las live. Within the
last few years, marriages are said to have taken place between members
of the two communities. The Nangudis have exogamous septs or kilais,
named for the most part after persons or deities, which, like the septs
of the Maravans, run in the female line. The hereditary caste headman
is called Pattaththu Pillai. In olden times, members who disobeyed him
were made to run through the streets with a rotten tender cocoanut tied
to the kudumi (hair knot), while a man ran behind, applying a tamarind
switch to the back.</p>
<p>The consent of a girl&rsquo;s maternal uncle and his wife is
necessary, before she can marry. The aunt&rsquo;s consent is signified
by touching the t&#257;li (marriage badge) on the wedding day. The
uncle keeps a light, called ayira panthi, burning until the time for
tying the t&#257;li, A quarter measure of rice is tied up in a cloth,
and the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb247" href="#pb247" name=
"pb247">247</a>]</span>knot converted into a wick, which is fed with
gh&#299; (clarified butter).</p>
<p>The news of a death in the community is conveyed by the barber.
Before the removal of the corpse, all close relations, and at least one
pair of Nangudis from every village, must come to the house. Absence on
this occasion is considered as a very grave insult. On the second day
after death, an <i>Amarantus</i>, called arakkirai, must be cooked.</p>
<p>A special feature in connection with inheritance is that a man
should give his daughters some property, and every daughter must be
given a house. The husbands have to live in their wives&rsquo; houses.
The property which a woman receives from her father becomes eventually
the property of her daughters, and her sons have no claim to it. Sons
inherit the property of the father in the usual manner.</p>
<p>Like the Kondaikatti Vell&#257;las, the Nangudis claim that they had
the right of placing the crown on the head of the P&#257;ndyan kings.
In the village of Korkai, there is a tank (pond) called Kannimar Jonai,
because celestial maidens used to bathe there. When one Agni Mah&#257;
Rishi was doing penance, three of the celestial maidens are said to
have come to bathe. The Rishi fell in love with them, and eventually
three sons were born. These children were brought up by the
Vell&#257;las of Korkai at the request of the Rishi, who represented
that they were likely to become kings. According to the legend, they
became Ch&#275;ra, Ch&#333;la, and P&#257;ndya kings.</p>
<p><b>Nann&#363;ru</b> (four hundred).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
M&#257;diga.</p>
<p><b>Nantunikkuruppu.&mdash;</b>Recorded, in the Travancore Census
Report, 1901, as a synonym of V&#257;tti, a sub-division of N&#257;yar.
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb248" href="#pb248" name=
"pb248">248</a>]</span></p>
<p><b>Nanukonda.&mdash;</b>A sub-division of Ling&#257;yat K&#257;pus,
named after the village of Nanukonda in the Kurnool district.</p>
<p><b>Naravidyav&#257;ru.&mdash;</b>These are Vipravin&#333;dis, who
are Jangams by caste. They style themselves Naravidyav&#257;ru when
they perform acrobatic and other feats before ordinary people, and
Vipravin&#333;di when they perform before Br&#257;hmans. The name
Naravidyav&#257;ru is said to be a contraction of
Narulu-m&#275;chche-vidya-cheyu-v&#257;ru, i.e., those who receive the
approbation of men. One of their most favourite feats is throwing three
or four wooden or stone balls up into the air, and rolling them quickly
in succession over various parts of the body&mdash;arms, chest,
etc.</p>
<p><b>Nariangal</b> (nari, jackal).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
Vallamban.</p>
<p><b>N&#257;rik&#275;la</b> (cocoanut).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
Balija.</p>
<p><b>Narollu</b> (fibre).&mdash;An exogamous sept of Pedakanti
K&#257;pu.</p>
<p><b>Narpathu Katchi</b> (forty-house section).&mdash;A sub-division
of Valluvan.</p>
<p><b>Nasr&#257;ni M&#257;ppilla.&mdash;</b>A name, in Malabar, applied
to Christians.</p>
<p><b>N&#257;suvan.&mdash;</b>N&#257;sivan or N&#257;suvan, said to
mean unholy, one who should not be touched, or one sprung from the
nose, is the name for Ambattans (Tamil barbers). The equivalents
N&#257;siyan and N&#257;vidan occur as a name for Telugu barbers, and
Malay&#257;li barbers who shave N&#257;yars and higher castes.
N&#257;vidan is further recorded as the occupational name of a
sub-division of Tamil Paraiyans, and V&#275;ttuvans.</p>
<p><b>Natamukki.&mdash;</b> Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report,
1901, as a sub-division of N&#257;yar.</p>
<p><b>Naththalu</b> (snails).&mdash;An exogamous sept of M&#257;la.
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb249" href="#pb249" name=
"pb249">249</a>]</span></p>
<p><b>Natramiludaiyan.&mdash;</b>A name, meaning the repository of
chaste Tamil, returned by some Nattam&#257;ns at times of census.</p>
<p><b>N&#257;tt&#257;n.&mdash;</b>At the Census, 1901, nearly 12,000
individuals returned themselves as N&#257;tt&#257;n, which is stated by
the Census Superintendent to be &ldquo;a vague term meaning people of
the country, reported by some to be a main caste, and by others to be a
sub-caste of Vell&#257;la. Nearly all of those who returned the name
came from Salem and were cultivators, but some of them entered
themselves as possessing the title of S&#275;rvai, which usually
denotes an Agamudaiyan&rdquo; (<i>see</i> S&#275;rvai,
S&#275;rvaik&#257;ran). N&#257;tt&#257;n also occurs as a title of the
Tamil Sembadavan and Pattanavan fishing castes, and of the Vallambans.
Portions of the Tamil country are divided into areas known as
n&#257;dus, in each of which certain castes, known as N&#257;tt&#257;n
or N&#257;ttar, are the predominant element. For example, the
Vallambans and Kallans are called the N&#257;ttars of the P&#257;laya
N&#257;du in the Sivaganga zamindari of the Madura district. In dealing
with the tribal affairs of the various castes inhabiting a particular
n&#257;du, the lead is taken by the N&#257;ttars.</p>
<p><b>Natt&#257;ti</b> (the name of a village).&mdash;A sub-division of
Sh&#257;n&#257;n.</p>
<p><b>N&#257;ttu</b> (sons of the soil).&mdash;Recorded as a
sub-division of Kallan, and of the Malayans of Cochin.</p>
<p><b>Nattukatt&#257;da N&#257;yanmar.&mdash;</b>A class of mendicants
attached to the Kaik&#333;lans (<i>q.v.</i>).</p>
<p><b>N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chetti.&mdash;</b>&ldquo;Of all the
Chettis,&rdquo; Mr. Francis writes,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e4094src"
href="#xd21e4094" name="xd21e4094src">35</a> &ldquo;perhaps the most
distinctive and interesting are the N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis, who
are wealthy money-lenders with head-quarters in the Tiruppatt&#363;r
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb250" href="#pb250" name=
"pb250">250</a>]</span>and D&#275;vak&#333;ttai divisions of the
Sivaganga and R&#257;mn&#257;d zamindaris in the Madura district. They
are the most go-a-head of all the trading castes in the south,
travelling freely to Burma, the Straits Settlements and Ceylon (also
Saigon, Mauritius, and South Africa), and having in some cases
correspondents in London and on the Continent. As long as their father
is alive, the members of a N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chetti family usually
all live together. The caste is noted in the Madura district for the
huge houses, to which this custom has given rise. Married sons have a
certain number of rooms set aside for them, and are granted a carefully
calculated yearly budget allotment of rice and other necessaries. On
the father&rsquo;s death, contrary to all ordinary Hindu usage, the
eldest son retains the house, and the youngest his mother&rsquo;s
jewels and bed, while the rest of the property is equally divided among
all the sons. When a male child is born, a certain sum is usually set
aside, and in due time the accumulated interest upon it is spent on the
boy&rsquo;s education. As soon as he has picked up business ways
sufficiently, he begins life as the agent of some other members of the
caste, being perhaps entrusted with a lakh of rupees, often on no
better security than an unstamped acknowledgment scratched on a palmyra
leaf, and sent off to Burma or Singapore to trade with it, and invest
it. A percentage on the profits of this undertaking, and savings from
his own salary, form a nucleus which he in turn invests on his own
account. His wife will often help pay the house-keeping bills by making
baskets and spinning thread, for the women are as thrifty as the men.
As a caste they are open-handed and devout. In many houses, one pie in
every rupee of profit is regularly set aside for charitable and
religious expenditure, and a whip round for a caste-fellow in
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb251" href="#pb251" name=
"pb251">251</a>]</span>difficulties is readily responded to. By
religion they are fervent Saivites, and many of the men proclaim the
fact by wearing a rudr&#257;ksham (<i lang="la-x-bio">Eleocarpus
Ganitrus</i>) fruit, usually set in gold, round their necks. Of late
years they have spent very large sums upon several of the famous
Saivite shrines in the Madras Presidency, notably those at
Chidambaram,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e4104src" href="#xd21e4104"
name="xd21e4104src">36</a> Madura, and Tiruvann&#257;malai.
Unfortunately, however, much of the work has been executed in the most
lamentable modern taste, and it is saddening to contrast the pitiful
outcome of their heavy outlay with the results which might have been
attained under judicious guidance. The decoration in the new
Kaliy&#257;na Mah&#257;l in the Madura temple is mainly inferior
varnished wood-carving, looking-glasses, and coloured glass balls. The
same style has been followed at Tiruvann&#257;malai, although lying
scattered about in the outer courts of the temple are enough of the old
pierced granite pillars to make perhaps the finest mantapam in South
India. Owing to their wealth and their money-lending, the
N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis have been called the Jews of South India,
but their kindliness and charity deserve more recognition than this
description accords.&rdquo;</p>
<p>I am informed that the property of a woman (jewels, vessels,
investments, etc.), on her decease, goes to her daughters. As among
other Hindu castes, the eldest son may retain the personal effects of
his father, and, with the consent of his brothers, may retain his
house. But the value thereof is deducted from his share in the
property.</p>
<p>It is stated in the Madura Manual that the
&ldquo;N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Settis in particular are notorious for
their greed, and most amusing stories are told about them. However
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb252" href="#pb252" name=
"pb252">252</a>]</span>wealthy they may be, they usually live in the
most penurious manner, and they will never by any chance show mercy to
a debtor, so long as he shall have a penny left, or the chance of
earning one. However, to make amends for their rapacity, they are in
the habit of spending large sums now and then in works of charity. And,
whatever faults there may be, they are most excellent men of business.
Indeed, until quite lately, the good faith and honesty of a
N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Setti were proverbial, and are even now
conspicuous. The N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Settis claim to be a good caste,
and asserted that they emigrated to this district thousands of years
ago from a town called K&#257;veripattanam, in consequence of an
intolerable persecution. But the other Settis will not admit the truth
of their story, and affect to despise them greatly, alleging even that
they are the bastard descendants of a Muhammadan man and a Kalla woman.
The word N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai is said to be a corruption of
N&#257;ttarasangk&#333;ttai, the name of a small village near
Sivaganga. But this derivation appears to be doubtful.&rdquo; The name
is usually said to be derived from N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai, or country
fort.</p>
<p>It has been said that &ldquo;the N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis, in
organisation, co-operation, and business methods, are as remarkable as
the European merchants. Very few of them have yet received any English
education. They regard education as at present given in public schools
as worse than useless for professional men, as it makes men
theoretical, and scarcely helps in practice. The simple but strict
training which they give their boys, the long and tedious
apprenticeship which even the sons of the richest among them have to
undergo, make them very efficient in their profession, and methodical
in whatever they undertake to do.&rdquo; <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb253" href="#pb253" name="pb253">253</a>]</span></p>
<p>Concerning the N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis, Mr. P. R. Sundara
Aiyar writes as follows.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e4120src" href=
"#xd21e4120" name="xd21e4120src">37</a> &ldquo;The first and chiefest
aim of a N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chetti is to make as much money as
possible. He does not regard usury as a sin. As a little boy of ten or
twelve, he begins to apply himself to business, learns accounts, and
attends the shop of his father. As soon as he marries, his father gives
him a separate home, or rather compels him to live separately, though
often in the same house as his parents. This makes him self-reliant,
and produces in him a desire to save as much money as possible. He is
given a certain allowance out of the paternal estate, but, if he spends
more, he is debited with the excess amount. Every one consequently
tries to increase his stock of individual savings. Even the women earn
money in a variety of ways. Every rupee saved is laid out at as high a
rate of interest as possible. It is commonly stated that a rupee, laid
out at the birth of a child at compound interest at 12 per cent., will
amount to a lakh of rupees by the time he attains the age of a hundred.
The habits of a N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chetti are very simple, and his
living is very cheap, even when he is rich. So strict are the Chettis
in pecuniary matters that, if a relation visits them, he gets only his
first meal free, and if he stays longer, is quietly debited with the
cost of his stay.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4126src" href="#xd21e4126" name="xd21e4126src">38</a> are said to
employ Kamm&#257;lans, Valaiyans, Kallans, and Vallambans as their
cooks. They are permitted to enter the interior of Hindu temples, and
approach near to the innermost doorway of the central shrine. This
privilege is doubtless accorded to them owing to the large sums of
money <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb254" href="#pb254" name=
"pb254">254</a>]</span>which they spend on temples, and in endowing
charitable institutions. It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Madura
district, that &ldquo;of the profits of their commercial transactions,
a fixed percentage (called magamai) is usually set aside for charity.
Some of the money so collected is spent on keeping up Sanskrit schools,
but most of it has been laid out in the repair and restoration of the
temples of the south, especial attention being paid to those shrines
(p&#257;dal petta sthalangal, as they are called), which were hymned by
the four great poet-saints, M&#257;nikya V&#257;chakar, Appar,
Tirugn&#257;na Sambandhar, and Sundaram&#363;rti.&rdquo; &ldquo;The
Chettis,&rdquo; Mr. Sundara Aiyar writes, &ldquo;are believed to be the
most charitable class in Southern India, and undoubtedly they spend the
largest amount of money on charity. They set apart a fraction of their
profits for charity. They levy rates among themselves for local
charities, wherever they go. The income obtained from the rates is
generally spent on temples. In new places like Ceylon, Burma, and
Singapore, they build new temples, generally dedicated to Subramanya
Sw&#257;mi. In India itself, they establish festivals in existing
temples, and undertake the repair of temples. Immense sums have been
spent by them recently in the renovation and restoration of ancient
temples. We should not be surprised to be told that the amount spent
within the last thirty years alone amounts to a crore of rupees. Being
Saivites, they do not generally care for Vaishnava temples. And, even
among Saiva temples, only such as have special sanctity, and have been
sung about by the Saiva Nainars or Bhaktas, are patronised by them.
They have devoted large sums to the establishment of comfortable
choultries (rest-houses), feeding houses, V&#275;dic and recently also
Sastraic p&#257;thas&#257;las (schools). They have established schools
for the education of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb255" href="#pb255"
name="pb255">255</a>]</span>the Kurukal or the priestly class. And, in
fact, every charity of the orthodox Hindu type finds generous support
among them.&rdquo;</p>
<p>It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that the
g&#333;purams of the Madura temple &ldquo;have been repaired of late
years at great cost by the N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis. The northern
tower used to consist only of the brick and stone-work storeys, and was
known in consequence as the mottai (literally bald) g&#333;puram.
Recently, however, a courageous Chetti, who cared nothing for the
superstition that it is most unlucky to complete a building left
unfinished, placed the usual plaster top upon it.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In recent years, the temple at Chidambaram has been renovated by the
N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis, who <span class="corr" id="xd21e4137"
title="Not in source">&ldquo;</span>have formed for this and similar
restorations a fund which is made up of a fee of four annas per cent.
levied from their clients on all sums borrowed by the latter. The
capital of this is invested, and the interest thereon devoted
exclusively to such undertakings.&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4140src" href="#xd21e4140" name="xd21e4140src">39</a></p>
<p>In 1906, the purificatory ceremony, or kumbabish&#275;kam, of the
Sri Pasupathiswara Sw&#257;mi temple at Kar&#363;r was performed with
great pomp. The old temple had been thoroughly overhauled and repaired
by the N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis. The ceremony cost about fifty
thousand rupees. Many thousands were fed, and presents of money made to
a large number of Vaidiki Br&#257;hmans. In the same year, at a public
meeting held in Madras to concert measures for establishing a
pinjrapole (hospital for animals), one of the resolutions was that
early steps should be taken to collect public subscriptions from the
Hindu community generally, and in <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb256"
href="#pb256" name="pb256">256</a>]</span>particular from the
N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis, Gujar&#257;tis, and other mercantile
classes.</p>
<p>Still more recently, the kumbabish&#275;kam festival was celebrated
at Tiruvanaikkaval, the seat of a celebrated temple near Trichinopoly,
which was repaired by the N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis at a cost of
many lakhs of rupees.</p>
<p>By a traditional custom, the N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis live
largely by money-lending. They never serve under any one outside their
own community. They either trade on their own account, or are employed
as agents or assistants. The pay of an assistant is always calculated
for a period of three years, and a portion thereof is paid in advance
after a month&rsquo;s service. This the assistant invests to the best
advantage. At the end of a year, a portion of the balance of the pay is
handed over to him, leaving a small sum to be paid at the end of the
contract period. His expenses for board and lodging are met by his
employer, and he may receive a small share of the profits of the
business. A man, on receiving an agency, starts on an auspicious day,
and proceeds to a temple of Gan&#275;sa, and to a matam (religious
institution) containing figures of Gan&#275;sa and Nat&#275;sa. After
prostrating himself before the gods, he proceeds on his way. If he
encounters an object of evil omen, he will not continue, and, if he has
to journey to a distant spot, he will throw up his appointment. The
accounts of the N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis are audited triennially,
an annual audit being inconvenient, as their business is carried on at
various remote spots. The foreign business is said<a class="noteref"
id="xd21e4151src" href="#xd21e4151" name="xd21e4151src">40</a> to
&ldquo;be transacted by agents belonging to the caste, who receive a
salary proportioned to the distance of the place, and also, usually, a
percentage on the profits. They generally serve for three years, and
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb257" href="#pb257" name=
"pb257">257</a>]</span>then return, and give an account of their
stewardship.&rdquo; The commencement of a fresh period of three years
is made on an auspicious day called puthukanakkun&#257;l (fresh account
day), which is observed as a holiday. No business is transacted, and
customers are invited, and receive presents of fruits, sweets, etc.</p>
<div class="figure xd21e4157width" id="pl5-257"><img src=
"images/pl5-257.jpg" alt="N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chetti children."
width="489" height="720">
<p class="figureHead">N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chetti children.</p>
</div>
<p>In connection with N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai agencies, Mr. Hayavadana
Rao writes as follows.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e4163src" href=
"#xd21e4163" name="xd21e4163src">41</a> &ldquo;People of moderate means
usually elect to go to distant places as agents of the different firms
that have their head offices either at Madura or in the Zamindaris of
Ramn&#257;d and Sivaganga. The pay of a local agent varies directly
with the distance of the place to which he is posted. If he is kept at
Madura, he gets Rs. 100 per mensem; if sent to Burma, he gets three
times as much; and, if to Natal, about twice the latter sum. If an
agent proves himself to be an industrious and energetic man, he is
usually given a percentage on the profits. The tenure of office is for
three years, six months before the expiry of which the next agent is
sent over to work conjointly with the existing one, and study the local
conditions. On relief, the agent returns directly to his head office,
and delivers over his papers, and then goes to his own village. With
this, his connection with his firm practically ceases. He enjoys his
well-earned rest of three years, at the end of which he seeks
re-employment either under his old firm, or under any other. The former
he is bound to, if he has taken a percentage on the profits during his
previous tenure of office. If the old firm rejects him when he so
offers himself, then he is at liberty to enter service under
others.&rdquo; It is said to be very rare for N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai
women to accompany their husbands to distant places. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb258" href="#pb258" name=
"pb258">258</a>]</span>&ldquo;In fact, the husbands have to visit their
native places at long intervals, and make a felicitous sojourn in the
company of their wives.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The houses of the N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis are spacious and
substantial buildings all based on the same general plan. The front
entrance opens into an oblong courtyard with a verandah all round, and
rows of rooms at the two sides. At the farther end of the courtyard is
an entrance leading into a backyard or set of apartments. Modern houses
have imposing exteriors, and an upper storey. Married sons live in
separate quarters, and every couple receive from their fathers a fixed
yearly allowance, which may amount to twenty rupees and fifteen kalams
of paddy. The sons may, if they choose, spend more, but the excess is
debited to their account, and, at the time of partition of the estate,
deducted, with interest, from their share.</p>
<p>It is noted by Mr. Hayavadana Rao that &ldquo;the remarkable custom
prevails amongst them that obliges all married members to cook
separately and eat their meals, though they live in the same house.
Even the widowed mother is no exception to this rule. Unmarried members
live with their parents until they are married. Allotments of rice and
other necessaries are annually made to the several semi-independent
members of the household. This custom has given rise to the commodious
houses in which members of this caste usually reside.&rdquo;</p>
<p>As concerning the origin of the N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis, the
following story is told. In ancient days, the Vaisyas of the lunar race
were living in the town of S&#257;nthyapuri in the Nagan&#257;du of the
Jambudvipa(India). They paid daily visits to the shrine of
Vin&#257;yaka god made of emerald, and were traders in precious stones.
They were <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb259" href="#pb259" name=
"pb259">259</a>]</span>much respected, and led the life of orthodox
Saivites, wore rudr&#257;ksha beads, and smeared themselves with sacred
ashes. They were, however, much oppressed by a certain ruler, and
emigrated in a body to Conjeeveram in the Tondamandalam country in the
year 204 of the K&#257;liyuga. The king of Conjeeveram gave them
permission to settle in his territory, and made grants to them of land,
temples and matams. They stayed there for a very long time, but, being
troubled by heavy taxes and fines, left this part of the country about
2312 K&#257;liyuga, and settled in the Ch&#333;la country. The
Ch&#333;la king, being much impressed with them, bestowed on them the
privilege of placing the crown on the head of a new ruler at his
coronation. At this time, the town of K&#257;veripumpattanam is said to
have been in a very flourishing state, and the north street was
occupied by Vaisyas from other countries. Being unwilling to disturb
them, the king made the new settlers occupy the east, west, and south
streets. As a mark of respect, they were allowed to use flags with the
figure of a lion on them, and use golden vessels (kalasam) in their
houses. They all, at the instigation of the king, became disciples of
one Is&#257;nya Sivachariar of Pat&#257;njalikshetra (Chidambaram).
About 3775 K&#257;liyuga, P&#363;vandi Ch&#333;la R&#257;ja imprisoned
several of the Vaisya women, whereon all the eight thousand Vaisya
families destroyed themselves, leaving their male children to be taken
care of by a religious teacher named Atmanadhachariar. In all 1,502
children were thus brought up, viz., 600 of six ways from the west
street, 502 of seven ways from the east street, and 400 of four ways
from the south street. Later on, P&#363;vandi Ch&#333;la fell ill, and,
knowing his recovery to be impossible, sent for the Vaisya boys, and
asked them to look after the coronation of his son <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb260" href="#pb260" name=
"pb260">260</a>]</span>R&#257;jabhushana Ch&#333;la. But they said
that, as they were bachelors, they could not comply with his request.
The king accordingly made them marry Vell&#257;la girls. Those of the
west street took as wives girls of the Karkaththar section, those of
the east street girls of the S&#333;zhia section, and those of the
south street girls of the K&#257;niyala section. The three groups
became disciples of three different matams, viz., Tiruv&#257;rur,
Kumbakonam, and V&#257;nchium. In the year 3790, a dispute arose in
connection with the right of priority in receiving sacred ashes between
the Vaisya and true Vell&#257;la women, and the former were made to
become the disciples of a new guru (religious preceptor). About 3808, a
P&#257;ndya king, named Sundara P&#257;ndya, is said to have asked the
Ch&#333;la king to induce some of the Vaisyas to settle down in the
P&#257;ndya territory. They accordingly once more emigrated in a body,
and reached the village of Onkarakudi on a Friday (the constellation
Astham being in the ascendant on that day). They were allowed to settle
in the tract of country north of the river Vaigai, east of the
Piranmalai, and south of Vellar. Those from the east street settled at
Ilayaththukudi, those from the west street at Ariy&#363;r, and those
from the south street at Sundarapattanam. Thus the Chettis became
divided into three endogamous sections, of which the Ilayaththukudi and
Sundarapattanam are found at the present day in the Madura district.
The members of the Ariy&#363;r section migrated to the west coast on
the destruction of their village. The members of the Ilayaththukudi
section became the N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttais. They, not being satisfied
with only one place of worship, requested the king to give them more
temples. Accordingly, temples were provided for different groups at
M&#257;ththur, Vairavanpatti, Iraniy&#363;r, Pillayarpatti, N&#275;mam,
Iluppaikudi, Suraikudi, and <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb261" href=
"#pb261" name="pb261">261</a>]</span>Velangkudi. At the present day,
the N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis are divided into the following
divisions (k&#333;vils or temples) and exogamous
sub-divisions:&mdash;</p>
<ul>
<li><span>1.</span> Ilayathth&#363;kudi k&#333;vil&mdash;
<ul>
<li>Okkur&#363;da&#299;yar.</li>
<li>Pattanas&#257;miar.</li>
<li>Perumaruthurudaiyar.</li>
<li>Kazhaniv&#257;sakkudaiyar.</li>
<li>Kinkinikkudaiyar.</li>
<li>P&#275;rasendurudaiyar.</li>
<li>Sirus&#275;ththurudaiyar.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><span>2.</span> M&#257;thth&#363;r k&#333;vil&mdash;
<ul>
<li>Uraiy&#363;r.</li>
<li>Arumbak&#363;r.</li>
<li>Manal&#363;r.</li>
<li>Mann&#363;r.</li>
<li>Kann&#363;r.</li>
<li>Karupp&#363;r.</li>
<li>Kulathth&#363;r.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><span>3.</span> Vairavan k&#333;vil&mdash;
<ul>
<li>Sirukulathth&#363;r.</li>
<li>Kazhaniv&#257;sal.</li>
<li>Marudendrap&#363;ram.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><span>4.</span> Iraniy&#363;r k&#333;vil.</li>
<li><span>5.</span> Pillayarpatti k&#333;vil.</li>
<li><span>6.</span> N&#275;mam k&#333;vil.</li>
<li><span>7.</span> Iluppaikudi k&#333;vil.</li>
<li><span>8.</span> Suraikudi k&#333;vil.</li>
<li><span>9.</span> Vel&#257;ngkudi k&#333;vil.</li>
</ul>
<p>When N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis adopt children, they must belong
to the same temple division. An adopted son is called Manjanir
Puthiran, or turmeric-water son, because, at the ceremony of adoption,
the lad has to drink turmeric-water.<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4258src" href="#xd21e4258" name="xd21e4258src">42</a> In villages
where their main temples are situated, the temple manager is obliged to
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb262" href="#pb262" name=
"pb262">262</a>]</span>give food to stranger Chettis, and charge for it
if they belong to another temple division.</p>
<p>According to a variant of the story relating to the origin of the
N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis, &ldquo;they were formerly merchants at
the court of the Ch&#333;la kings who ruled at Kaveripattanam, at one
time a flourishing sea-port at the mouth of the Cauveri, from which
they emigrated in a body on being persecuted by one of them, and first
settled at Nattarasankottai, about three miles north-east of
Sivaganga.&rdquo;</p>
<p>By other castes, the N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis are said to be
the descendants of the offspring of unions between a Sh&#257;n&#257;n
and a Muhammadan and Uppu Korava women. Some of the peculiarities of
the caste are pointed out in support of the story. Thus,
N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai men shave their heads like Muhammadans, and both
men and women have the lobes of their ears dilated like the older
Sh&#257;n&#257;ns. Their girls wear necklaces of shell beads like
Korava women, and the women delight in making baskets for recreation,
as the Korava women do for sale. The caste is sometimes spoken of as
Uppu (salt) Maruhira Chetti. The arguments and illustrations are
naturally much resented by the N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis, who
explain the obnoxious name by the story that they were formerly very
poor, and made a living by selling salt.</p>
<p>The N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis have recourse to panch&#257;yats
(councils) in matters affecting the community. They have, Mr. Sundara
Aiyar writes, &ldquo;been at any rate till recently remarkable for
settling their differences out of court. The influence of the elders in
preventing litigation is very strong. They conciliate the disputants as
far as possible and, after reducing the difference between them to a
minimum, they often get their <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb263"
href="#pb263" name="pb263">263</a>]</span>signatures to an award, in
which a blank is left to decide the still existing point of difference,
the disputants agreeing, after putting in their signatures, to the
mediators&rsquo; filling in the blank, and deciding the dispute as they
choose. We are afraid that this spirit of give-and-take is now
unfortunately diminishing, and the arbitrament of the courts is more
often resorted to than before.&rdquo; There are, among the
N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis, two forms of panch&#257;yat, called
madaththuv&#257;sal mariyal (matam panch&#257;yat) and
k&#333;vilv&#257;sal mariyal (temple panch&#257;yat), of which, at the
present day, only the latter is in vogue. For every temple there is a
manager, an assistant, and a servant called Vair&#257;vi, who must be a
Melakk&#257;ran. The aggrieved party lodges his complaint with the
manager, who sends word to the leading men of the temple division
concerned. The complainant and defendant are summoned to attend a
council meeting, and the evidence is recorded by the temple manager. If
the accused falls to put in an appearance, the Vair&#257;vi is sent to
his house, to take therefrom adavu (security) in the shape of some
article belonging to him. In a recent case, a wealthy
N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chetti promised his brother&rsquo;s widow that
she should be allowed to adopt a boy. But, as the promise was not
fulfilled, she complained to the temple; and, as her brother-in-law did
not attend the council meeting, the Vair&#257;vi went to his house,
and, in his absence, abstracted the adavu. This was regarded as a great
insult, and there was some talk of the case going into court. Matters
such as the arrangement of marriage contracts, monetary disputes,
family discussions, and the like, are referred to the temple council
for settlement. Final decisions are never recorded in writing, but
delivered by word of mouth. Those who fail to abide by the decision of
the council do not receive <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb264" href=
"#pb264" name="pb264">264</a>]</span>a garland from the temple for
their marriage, and without this garland a marriage cannot take
place.</p>
<p>It is noted by Mr. Hayavadana Rao that each of the k&#333;vils or
temples &ldquo;is managed by Karyak&#257;rans, who are nominated to the
place by the local elders. These Karyak&#257;rans act as
Panch&#257;yatdars, and decide all civil cases referred to them. If a
case is first referred to them, it may, if necessary, be carried over
again to the established courts of the country. But, if once a case is
first taken to the courts, they would not entertain it before
themselves. They enforce their decrees (1) by refusing to give the
garland of flowers at the marriage time, (2) by exercising the power of
excommunication.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Every N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chetti youth has to perform a ceremony
called S&#363;ppidi before marriage. On the Karthika day, when the
constellation Krithikai is in the ascendant, he is taken on horseback
to a Pillayar (Gan&#275;sa) temple, where he worships, and whirls a bag
of burning charcoal tied to a long string round his head. In front of
the temple he burns a booth (chokkapane), which has been set up, and
with the ashes his forehead is marked. On his return home, and at the
entrance of N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai houses which he passes, rice lamps
are waved before him (alathi). In like manner, every girl has to go
through a ceremony, called thiruv&#257;dhirai, before marriage. On the
day of the Arudr&#257;darsanam festival, she is bathed and decorated. A
necklace of gold beads is placed on her neck instead of the necklace of
glass beads (p&#257;simani), which she has hitherto worn. She proceeds,
with a silver cup, to the houses where other girls are performing the
ceremony, and bawls out:&mdash;</p>
<p>I have come dancing; give me avarakkai (<i>Dolichos Lablab</i>
beans). <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb265" href="#pb265" name=
"pb265">265</a>]</span></p>
<p>I have come singing; give me padavarangkai (<i>Cyamopsis</i>
beans).</p>
<p>I have come speaking; give me sorakkai (<i>Lagenaria</i> fruit).</p>
<p>Various kinds of vegetables are placed on the silver vessel, cooked,
and distributed. Cakes, called dosai, are made in the house, and,
during their preparation, holes are made in them by married women with
an iron style. These cakes are also distributed, and it is taken as an
insult if any individual does not receive one.</p>
<div class="figure xd21e4296width" id="pl5-265"><img src=
"images/pl5-265.jpg" alt="Jewelry of N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis."
width="520" height="720">
<p class="figureHead">Jewelry of N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis.</p>
</div>
<p>Every N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chetti is said to have the inviolable
right to claim the hand of his paternal aunt&rsquo;s daughter. This
being so, ill-assorted marriages are quite common, the putative father
being often but a child.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e4303src" href=
"#xd21e4303" name="xd21e4303src">43</a> The marriage ceremonies
commence with the giving of gold for the bride&rsquo;s neck. On an
auspicious day, the bridegroom&rsquo;s party give a gold coin to a
goldsmith, who beats it into a thin sheet, and goes home after
receiving betel, etc. On the first day of the marriage rites, a feast
is given to the bridegroom&rsquo;s family, and female ancestors are
worshipped. On the following day, the presentation of the dowry
(sireduththal) takes place. The presents, which are often of
considerable value, are laid out for inspection, and an inventory of
them is made. Perishable articles, such as rice, gh&#299; (clarified
butter), dh&#257;l (<i>Cajanus indicus</i>), and fruits are sold. The
bride&rsquo;s presents are taken to the house of the bridegroom, those
who carry them being rewarded with betel, a silk fan, scent bottle,
silk handkerchief, bottle of chocolate, a tin of biscuits, and a brass
vessel. On the third day, garlands are received from the temples to
which the bride <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb266" href="#pb266"
name="pb266">266</a>]</span>and bridegroom belong. The bride&rsquo;s
party go to the house of the bridegroom, taking on a tray a silk
handkerchief and cloth, and in a silver vessel fifty rupees, betel,
etc. These are presented to the bridegroom. This ceremony is called
m&#257;ppillai ariyapp&#333;thal, or going to examine the son-in-law.
The next item on the programme is n&#257;lkuriththal, or fixing the
day. The bridegroom&rsquo;s party proceed to the house of the bride,
taking with them two cocoanuts wrapped up in a blanket, betel,
turmeric, etc., as a present. The bride is bathed and decorated, and
purangkaliththal is proceeded with. She stands by the side of her
grandmother, and a Br&#257;hman pur&#333;hit, taking up a few leafy
margosa (<i>Melia Azadirachta</i>) twigs, touches the girl&rsquo;s
shoulders, head, and knees with them, and throws them away. Her glass
bead necklace is then removed. At the uppu-eduththal (salt carrying)
ceremony, the bridegroom&rsquo;s party carry a basket containing salt,
a bundle containing nine kinds of grains, and a palmyra scroll for
writing the marriage contract on, to the bride&rsquo;s house. The
sacred fire is lighted, and h&#333;mam performed by the Br&#257;hman
pur&#333;hit. An old man, who has had a number of children, and belongs
to a temple other than that of a bride, and the bridegroom&rsquo;s
sister, then tie the t&#257;li string round her neck. This string bears
a large t&#257;li, about seven inches long and four inches broad, and
seventeen to twenty-three gold ornaments, often of considerable value.
Some of them have very sharp points, so that accidents sometimes arise
from the points sticking in the eyes of babies carried by women. For
every day wear, the massive ornaments are replaced by a smaller set.
Immediately after the t&#257;li has been tied, the marriage contract
(isagudi m&#257;nam) is written. Two copies are made, for the bride and
bridegroom respectively. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb267" href=
"#pb267" name="pb267">267</a>]</span>As an example of a marriage
contract, the following may be cited: &ldquo;This is written for the
marriage celebrated on ... between Subramanyan, the son of Okkurudaiyan
Arun&#257;chelam Chetti Ramanadhan Chetti and Valliammai, the daughter
of Arumb&#257;kurudaiyan K. Narayana Chetti, both formerly of
Ilayaththukudi, at the village of.... The value of jewels given to the
girl is ... of gold; his dowry amounts to ...; money for female servant
...; sirattuchukram money ...; free gift of jewels.... This
esaikudimanam was written by me at.... Signed Ramanadhan Chetti.&rdquo;
The bridegroom goes on horseback to a Pillayar temple where he
worships, and then proceeds in procession through various streets to
the bride&rsquo;s house, accompanied by his sister carrying milk in a
vessel, and a cooly bearing a bundle of seed rice. At every Chetti
house the procession halts, and coloured rice lights are waved before
the bridegroom. At the entrance to the bride&rsquo;s house, he is met
by the bride, whose sister-in-law pushes the couple against each other.
Hence the ceremony is called m&#257;ppillaikuidiththuk&#257;ttal, or
showing the bride to the bridegroom by pushing her. The couple are then
conducted to a dais within the house, and wristlets made of cotton
cloth are tied on by the pur&#333;hit. They exchange cocoanuts and
garlands, and, amid the blowing of the conch shell (musical instrument)
by women, the bride&rsquo;s mother touches the couple with turmeric,
ashes, sandal, etc. On the fourth day, money called veththilai surul
rupa&#299; (betel-roll money) is given to the newly-married couple by
Chettis and the maternal uncles. A silver vessel, containing betel and
two rupees, is given to the bridegroom by his father-in-law. The
bridegroom usually carries on his shoulders a long purse of silk
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb268" href="#pb268" name=
"pb268">268</a>]</span>or red cloth, called valluvaippai, into which he
puts the betel and other things which are given to him. On the last day
of the marriage ceremonies, toe-rings and wristlets are removed, and
the bridal pair eat together.</p>
<p>In connection with pregnancy, two ceremonies are performed, called
respectively marunthidal (medicine giving) and thirthamkudiththal
(drinking holy water). The former is celebrated at about the fifth
month. On an auspicious day, the sister-in-law of the pregnant woman,
amid the blowing of the conch-shell by females, extracts the juice from
the leaves of five plants, and gives to the woman to drink. During the
seventh month the woman is given consecrated water (thirtham) from the
temple. All first-born children, both male and female, have to go
through a ceremony called pudhumai (newness). When they are two years
old, on an auspicious day, fixed by a Br&#257;hman pur&#333;hit, the
maternal uncle of the child ties on its neck strings of coral and glass
beads, to which ornaments of pearls and precious stones are added in
the case of the wealthy. The child is further decorated with other
ornaments, and placed in an oval wooden tray, which is held by the
mother and her sister-in-law. They go round three times with the tray,
and the child&rsquo;s aunt, taking it up, carries it round to be
blessed by those who have assembled. Presents of money are given to the
child by relations and friends, and the maternal uncles have to give a
larger sum than the others. On the second or third day the coral and
bead ornaments are removed, and, on the fourth day, the child, if a
male, is shaved, and must thenceforth have the head clean shaved
throughout life. &ldquo;The story goes that, when the Ch&#333;la king
of K&#257;veripattanam persecuted them, the members of this caste
resolved not to shave their heads until they quitted his territories.
When <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb269" href="#pb269" name=
"pb269">269</a>]</span>they reached their new settlement they shaved
their heads completely as a memorial of their stern
resolution.&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id="xd21e4325src" href=
"#xd21e4325" name="xd21e4325src">44</a> When a death occurs among the
N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis, news thereof is conveyed by the
Thandak&#257;ran, or caste messenger. Those who come to condole with
the bereaved family are received with outstretched hands
(kain&#299;ttikolludhal). The head of the corpse is shaved, and it is
washed and decorated. In front of the house a pandal (booth), supported
by four <i>Thespesia populnea</i> posts, and roofed with twigs of
<i>Eugenia Jambolana</i>, is erected. Beneath this the corpse is laid,
and all present go round it thrice. While the corpse is being got ready
for conveyance to the burning ground, the daughters and sisters of the
deceased husk paddy (unhusked rice). On the way to the burning ground,
the son carries the fire. If the deceased is a young boy or girl, the
pandal is removed after the funeral; otherwise it is removed, on a
Tuesday, Thursday, or Sunday, within four days. The
N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttais restrict the name pandal to the funeral booth,
the marriage booth being called k&#257;vanam or kottagai. Even an
ordinary shed set up in front of a house is not called a pandal, as the
name is associated with funerals. On the day following the funeral, the
bigger fragments of bones are collected by a barber, and given to the
son, who places them in an earthen pot. A Pand&#257;ram offers fruit,
food, etc., to the deceased. Eight days afterwards, a feast, at which
meat is partaken of for the first time since the death, is given to the
relations of the dead person, and their pollution is at an end. They
may not, however, enter a temple for thirty days. On the sixteenth day
after death, the final death ceremonies (karm&#257;ndhiram) are
performed, and liberal presents of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb270"
href="#pb270" name="pb270">270</a>]</span>money, religious books, such
as the R&#257;m&#257;yana, Mah&#257;bh&#257;rata, and Periya
Pur&#257;nam, wooden spoons for domestic use, etc., are given to
Br&#257;hmans.</p>
<p>There are three matams, whereat the N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis
are initiated into their religion, at P&#257;tharakkudi (or
Padanakkudi) and K&#299;la for males, and Tul&#257;vur for females.
They are Saivites, but also, more especially the women, worship such
minor deities as Aiyanar, Mun&#275;swara, and Karuppan. They are also
said to worship two village goddesses, called Sellattamman and
Kannudayamman, at Nattarasankottai.</p>
<p>N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai men have the lobes of the ears artificially
dilated, but seldom wear ornaments therein. They frequently have a gold
chain round the loins, and wear finger rings set with diamonds. The
wives even of wealthy men wear a cheap body cloth, and do menial house
work, such as cleaning the kitchen utensils. They plait baskets, and,
in some houses, wheels for spinning cotton may be seen.</p>
<p>Like other trading classes in Southern India, the
N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis have a trade language of their own, which
varies according to locality. In the city of Madras they have three
tables, for annas, rupees, and tens of rupees respectively. Each of
these is formed out of the syllables of certain words. Thus, the anna
table is composed of the syllables of Tiripurasundari, the goddess at
Madura, which is a great centre for N&#257;ttuk&#333;ttai Chettis. The
syllables (in the inverse order), and their money equivalent are as
follows:&mdash;</p>
<div class="table">
<table>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft cellTop">Ri</td>
<td class="cellRight cellTop">&frac12; anna.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Da</td>
<td class="cellRight">&frac34; anna.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Un</td>
<td class="cellRight">1 anna.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Su</td>
<td class="cellRight">2 annas.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Ra</td>
<td class="cellRight">3 annas.<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb271"
href="#pb271" name="pb271">271</a>]</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Pu</td>
<td class="cellRight">4 annas.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Ri</td>
<td class="cellRight">8 annas.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft cellBottom">Ti</td>
<td class="cellRight cellBottom">12 annas.</td>
</tr>
</table>
</div>
<p>The rupee table is composed of the word
V&#275;dagir&#299;svararthunai, meaning with the help of
V&#275;dagir&#299;svarar, the god at Tirukalikundram near
Madras:&mdash;</p>
<div class="table">
<table>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft cellTop">V&#275;</td>
<td class="cellRight cellTop">1 rupee.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Da</td>
<td class="cellRight">2 rupees.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Gi</td>
<td class="cellRight">3 rupees.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Ri</td>
<td class="cellRight">4 rupees.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">&#298;</td>
<td class="cellRight">5 rupees.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Is</td>
<td class="cellRight">6 rupees.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Va</td>
<td class="cellRight">7 rupees.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Ra</td>
<td class="cellRight">8 rupees.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">A</td>
<td class="cellRight">9 rupees.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Thu</td>
<td class="cellRight">10 rupees.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft cellBottom">Nai</td>
<td class="cellRight cellBottom">11 rupees.</td>
</tr>
</table>
</div>
<p>The tens-of-rupees table is made up from the word
Tirukalikundram:&mdash;</p>
<div class="table">
<table>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft cellTop">Ti</td>
<td class="cellRight cellTop">10 rupees.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Ru</td>
<td class="cellRight">20 rupees.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Ik</td>
<td class="cellRight">30 rupees.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Ka</td>
<td class="cellRight">40 rupees.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Li</td>
<td class="cellRight">50 rupees.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Ik</td>
<td class="cellRight">60 rupees.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Ku</td>
<td class="cellRight">70 rupees.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">In</td>
<td class="cellRight">80 rupees.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">Ra</td>
<td class="cellRight">90 rupees.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft cellBottom">Im</td>
<td class="cellRight cellBottom">100 rupees.</td>
</tr>
</table>
</div>
<p>An anna is sometimes called vanakkam; a rupee is known as vell&#275;
(white).</p>
<p><b>N&#257;ttupattan.&mdash;</b>A section of Ambalav&#257;sis.
(<i>See</i> Unni.)</p>
<p><b>N&#257;ttus&#257;mb&#257;n.&mdash;</b>S&#257;mb&#257;n (a name of
Siva) is a title of some Tamil Paraiyans. N&#257;ttus&#257;mb&#257;n
denotes a village Paraiyan. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb272" href=
"#pb272" name="pb272">272</a>]</span></p>
<p><b>Nattuvan.&mdash;</b>Defined in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as
&ldquo;an occupational term, meaning a dancing-master, which is applied
to males of the dancing-girl castes, who teach dancing.&rdquo; At
nautch parties, when the D&#275;va-d&#257;sis dance, the Nattuvans play
the accompaniment on the drum, bag-pipe, flute, clarionet, cymbals,
etc. At the initiation of a Kaik&#333;lan girl as a D&#275;va-dasi, her
dancing-master seats himself behind her, and, grasping her legs, moves
them up and down in time with the music. Some &#332;cchans in the
Tamily country, who teach dancing to <span class="corr" id="xd21e4564"
title="Source: D&#275;va-dasis">D&#275;va-d&#257;sis</span>, are also
called Nattuvan.</p>
<p><b>Natuvili</b> (middle).&mdash;A sub-division of Paraiyans in
Travancore.</p>
<p><b>Navak&#333;ti</b> (nine crores).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
D&#275;s&#363;r Reddi. A crore is one hundred lakhs, i.e.,
10,000,000.</p>
<p><b>Navalipitta</b> (peacock).&mdash;A sept of J&#257;tapu.</p>
<p><b>Nav&#257;yat.&mdash;</b>The Nav&#257;yats or Nav&#257;yets are
summed up, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as &ldquo;a Musalman
tribe, which appears to have originally settled at Bhatkal in North
Canara, and is known on the west coast as Bhatkali. The derivation of
the name is much disputed. There are five sub-divisions of the tribe,
namely, Kur&#275;shi, Mehkeri, Ch&#299;da, Gheas, and Moh&#257;gir. It
takes a high place among Musalmans, and does not intermarry with other
tribes.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Of the Nevayets, the following account, based on the Saadut Nama,
and conversations with members of the community, is given by Colonel
Wilks.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e4586src" href="#xd21e4586" name=
"xd21e4586src">45</a> &ldquo;Nevayet is generally supposed to be a
corruption of the Hindustanee and Mahratta terms for new-comer. About
the end of the first century of the Hejira, or the early part of the
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb273" href="#pb273" name=
"pb273">273</a>]</span>eighth century of the Christian era, Hejaj Bin
Yusuf, Governor of Irak, on the part of the Khalif
Abd-al-Melik-bin-Merwan, a monster abhorred for his cruelties even
among Musalmans, drove some respectable and opulent persons of the
house of H&acirc;shem to the desperate resolution of abandoning for
ever their native country. Aided by the good offices of the inhabitants
of Kufa, a town of celebrity in those days, situated near to the tomb
of Ali, west of the Euphrates, they departed with their families,
dependents, and effects, and embarked on ships prepared for their
reception in the Persian Gulf. Some of these landed on that part of the
western coast of India called the Concan; the others to the eastward of
Cape Comorin; the descendants of the former are the Nevayets; of the
latter the Lubb&#275;. The Lubb&#275; pretend to one common origin with
the Nevayets, and attribute their black complexion to intermarriage
with the natives; but the Nevayets affirm that the Lubb&#275; are the
descendants of their domestic slaves; and there is certainly, in the
physiognomy of this very numerous class, and in their stature and form,
a strong resemblance to the natives of Abyssinia. The Nevayets of the
western coast preserved the purity of their original blood by
systematically avoiding intermarriage with the Indians, and even with
the highest Muhammadan families, for many centuries after the
establishment of the Musalman dynasties of the Deckan. Even at this
time there are some Nevayets whose complexions approach the European
freshness. Their adherence to each other as members of the same family
preserved their respectability; and they were famed at the Muhammadan
courts of the Deckan for uniting the rare qualities of the soldier, the
scholar, and the gentleman.&rdquo;</p>
<p><b>N&#257;vutiyan.&mdash;</b>A synonym of Velakkattalavan.
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb274" href="#pb274" name=
"pb274">274</a>]</span></p>
<p><b>N&#257;y&#257;di.&mdash;</b>In the Malabar Manual, the
N&#257;y&#257;dis are briefly summed up as follows. &ldquo;Of the
N&#257;y&#257;dis, or lowest caste among the Hindus&mdash;the
dog-eaters&mdash;nothing definite is known. They are most persistent in
their clamour for charity, and will follow at a respectful distance,
for miles together, any person walking, driving, or boating. If
anything is given to them, it must be laid down, and, after the person
offering it has proceeded a sufficient distance, the recipient comes
timidly forward, and removes it.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The subjects, whom I examined and measured at Shoran&#363;r, though
living only about three miles off, had, by reason of the pollution
which they traditionally carry with them, to avoid walking over the
long bridge which spans the river, and follow a circuitous route of
many miles. Eventually they had to climb, or be ignominiously hoisted
over the wall of the bungalow. Ignorant of the orthodox manner of using
a chair, the first victim of the craniometer, who had to sit while his
head was under examination, assumed the undignified position with which
Eton boys who have been swished are familiar. Measurements concluded,
men, women, and children sat down on the grass to an ample feast. And,
before they departed homeward, copious blessings were invoked on me, to
a chorus composed of the repetition of a single shrill note, not unlike
that of the first note of a jackal cry. To quote the newspaper account
of my doings, which refers to the &lsquo;monograms&rsquo; issued by me
on matters ethnological: &ldquo;In the evening the kind gentleman gave
them a sumptuous treat of canji and curry, and gave them also copper
coins, toddy, and arrack. The poor people left the place immensely
pleased, and were safely escorted to the British side of the river from
the Cochin territory.&rdquo; <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb275" href=
"#pb275" name="pb275">275</a>]</span></p>
<p>When travelling on the public roads in Malabar or Cochin, one may
observe a few ragged and dirty cloths spread near the road, with one or
two copper coins on them; and, at the same time, hear a chorus of
monotonous stentorian voices at a distance of a hundred yards or more,
emanating from a few miserable specimens of humanity, standing
ghost-like with dishevelled hair, and a long strip of leaves tied round
the waist, or clad in a dirty loin-cloth. The coins represent the alms
given by the charitably disposed traveller, and the persons are
N&#257;y&#257;dis. I am told that, near Kollat&#363;r, there is a stone
called the N&#257;y&#257;di p&#257;rai, which is believed to be a man
who was turned into stone for not giving alms to a
N&#257;y&#257;di.</p>
<div class="figure xd21e4606width" id="pl5-275"><img src=
"images/pl5-275.jpg" alt="N&#257;y&#257;dis." width="720" height="522">
<p class="figureHead">N&#257;y&#257;dis.</p>
</div>
<p>The name N&#257;y&#257;di is equivalent to N&#257;yattukar,
<i>i.e.</i>, hunter. The N&#257;y&#257;dis are, in fact, professional
hunters, and are excellent shots. The N&#257;yars and other higher
classes, used formerly to take them with them on hunting and shooting
expeditions. But, since the Arms Act came into force, the
N&#257;y&#257;dis find this occupation gone. They are also good
archers, and used to kill deer, pigs, hares, etc., and eat them. These
animals are now difficult to get, as the forests are reserved by
Government, and private forests are denuded of their trees for use as
fuel, and for house-building by a growing population, and for
consumption on the railway. The suggestion has been made that the name
N&#257;y&#257;di is derived from the fact of their eating otters, which
live in hill streams, and are called nir-nai (water-dog).</p>
<p>The approach of a N&#257;y&#257;di within a distance of three
hundred feet is said to contaminate a Br&#257;hman, who has to bathe
and put on a new sacred thread, to cleanse himself of the pollution.
The N&#257;y&#257;dis, in fact, hold the <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb276" href="#pb276" name="pb276">276</a>]</span>lowest position in
the social scale, and consequently labour under the greatest
disadvantage.</p>
<p>The N&#257;y&#257;dis live mostly in isolated huts on the tops of
hills, and generally select a sh&#333;la, or glade, where there is a
pond or stream. Some families live on the land of their landlords,
whose crops they watch by night, to guard them against the attacks of
wild beasts. Sometimes they are engaged in ploughing, sowing, weeding,
transplanting, and reaping, the rice crop, or in plantain (banana)
gardens. I take exception to the comparison by a recent author of the
British Empire to the banana (<i>Musa</i>) throwing out a&euml;rial
roots. The banyan (<i>Ficus bengalensis</i>) must have been meant.</p>
<p>The male members of the community are called N&#257;y&#257;dis, and
the females N&#257;y&#257;dichis. The boys are called Molayans, and the
young girls Manichis. Succession is in the male line
(makkath&#257;yam).</p>
<p>A thatched shed with palm-leaf walls, a few earthen pots, and a
chopper, constitute the N&#257;y&#257;di&rsquo;s property. He
occasionally collects honey and bees-wax, and also the gum (matti
pasai) from the mattip&#257;l tree (<i>Ailanthus malabarica</i>),
which, when burnt, is used as temple incense and for fumigating the
bed-chamber. He receives toddy in exchange for the honey and wax, and
copper coins for the gum, with which he purchases luxuries in the shape
of salt, chillies, dried fish, tobacco, and liquor. He makes rough
ropes from the malanar plant, and the bark of the kayy&#363;l tree
(<i>Bauhinia</i>). The bark is soaked in water, sun-dried, and the
fibre manufactured into rope. He also makes slings of fibre, wherewith
he knocks over birds, and mats from a species of <i>Cyperus</i>.</p>
<p>According to custom, the N&#257;y&#257;di has to offer four ropes,
each eight yards long, to every Namb&#363;tiri illam, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb277" href="#pb277" name="pb277">277</a>]</span>and
two ropes to every N&#257;yar house near his settlement, on the
occasion of the Vishu and &#332;nam festivals. In return he receives a
fixed measure of paddy (rice). The ropes are used for tethering cattle,
and for drawing water from the well. By a wise dispensation of the
ancient local chieftains, to each N&#257;y&#257;di is assigned a desom
(portion of a parish), within which he enjoys certain privileges. And
no N&#257;y&#257;di has any business to poach on his preserves. The
privileges are these. On birthdays, anniversaries, and festive
occasions, the N&#257;y&#257;di receives his share of curry and rice,
tied up in an old cloth. When a person is sick, a black country-made
kambli (blanket), with gingelly (<i>Sesamum</i>), mustard, turmeric,
and cocoanut tied up in the four corners, is passed three times over
the patient and presented to a N&#257;y&#257;di, together with a palm
umbrella, a stick, and a cucumber. This is called kala-dh&#257;nam, or
offering to Yama, the god of death, whose attack has to be warded off
by propitiatory offerings. The N&#257;y&#257;di accepts the gifts, and
prays for the long life and prosperity of the giver. Placing them
before his own family god, he prays that the life of the sick person
may be spared, and that the disease may not be transferred to him.</p>
<p>Like the Cherumans, the N&#257;y&#257;dis drink, but they cannot
afford to buy as much toddy as the former, for the Cheruman works
regularly for a daily wage. Monkeys, which are very troublesome in
gardens, are shot down by the higher classes, and given to the
N&#257;y&#257;dis to eat. Their dietary includes rats, mungooses, pigs,
deer, paraquets, the koel (cuckoo), doves, quails, fowls, paddy-birds,
hares, tortoises, Varanus (lizard), crocodiles, and fish. They abstain
from eating the flesh of dogs, cats, snakes, land-crabs, shell-fish,
and beef. Among vegetables, the tubers of yams (<i>Dioscorea</i>) and
<i>Colocasia</i> are included. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb278"
href="#pb278" name="pb278">278</a>]</span>They produce fire by friction
with two sticks of <i>Lits&oelig;a sebifera</i>, in the shorter of
which a cavity is scooped out. They do not, like the Todas, put
powdered charcoal in the cavity, but ignite the cloth rag by means of
the red-hot wood dust produced by the friction.</p>
<p>When a woman is pregnant, she craves for the flesh of a monkey or
jungle squirrel during the sixth month. During the seventh month, a
ceremony is performed, to relieve her of the influence of devils, who
may be troubling her. It is called ozhinnukalayuka. Abortion is
attributed to the malign influence of evil spirits. To ward off this,
they tie round the neck a magic thread, and invoke the aid of their
hill gods and the spirits of their ancestors. They erect a special hut
for delivery, to which the woman retires. When she is in labour, her
husband shampooes his own abdomen, while praying to the gods for her
safe delivery&mdash;a custom which seems to suggest the couvade. As
soon as his wife is delivered, he offers thanks to the gods &ldquo;for
having got the baby out.&rdquo; The woman observes pollution for ten
days, during which her husband avoids seeing her. Any deformity in the
child is attributed to the evil influence of the gods. On the
twenty-eighth day after birth, the ceremony of naming the child takes
place. The name given to the first-born son is that of the paternal
grandfather, and to the first-born daughter that of the maternal
grandmother. In the fifth year, the ear-boring ceremony takes place,
and the operation is performed by the child&rsquo;s uncle. A piece of
brass wire takes the place of ear-rings. Girls wear a plug of wood in
the lobes. The N&#257;y&#257;dichis do not, like the Cheruman women,
wear bracelets, but have many rows of beads round their necks, and
hanging over their bosoms.</p>
<p>When a girl reaches puberty, a N&#257;y&#257;dichi leads her to a
tank (pond), in which she bathes, after a <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb279" href="#pb279" name="pb279">279</a>]</span>p&#257;ndi, composed
of several pieces of plantain leaf tied together, has been carried
three or four times round her. She must not touch any utensils, and
must abstain from touching her head with the hand, and, if the skin
itches, the body must be scratched with a small stick.</p>
<p>Concerning a very interesting form of marriage, Mr. T. K. Gopal
Panikkar writes as follows.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e4669src" href=
"#xd21e4669" name="xd21e4669src">46</a> &ldquo;A large hut is
constructed of &lsquo;holly&rsquo; and other leaves, inside which the
girl is ensconced. Then all the young men and women of the village
gather round the hut, and form a ring about it. The girl&rsquo;s
father, or the nearest male relative, sits a short distance from the
crowd, with a tom-tom in his hands. Then commences the music, and a
chant is sung by the father, which has been freely translated as
follows:&mdash;</p>
<div class="lgouter">
<p class="line">Take the stick, my sweetest daughter,</p>
<p class="line">Now seize the stick, my dearest love,</p>
<p class="line">Should you not capture the husband you wish for,</p>
<p class="line">Remember, &rsquo;tis fate decides whom you shall
have.</p>
</div>
<p class="first">&ldquo;All the young men, who are eligible for
marriage, arm themselves with a stick each, and begin to dance round
the hut, inside which the bride is seated. This goes on for close on an
hour, when each of them thrusts his stick inside the hut through the
leafy covering. The girl has then to take hold of one of these sticks
from the inside, and the owner of the stick which she seizes becomes
the husband of the concealed bride. This ceremony is followed up by
feasting, after which the marriage is consummated.&rdquo;</p>
<p>A photograph by Mr. F. Fawcett shows a young man with a ring hanging
round his neck, as a sign that he was <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb280" href="#pb280" name="pb280">280</a>]</span>still unattached. But
he was soon about to part with it, for a present of a rupee enabled him
to find a girl, and fix up a marriage, within two days.</p>
<div class="figure xd21e4689width" id="pl5-280"><img src=
"images/pl5-280.jpg" alt="N&#257;y&#257;dis making fire." width="720"
height="528">
<p class="figureHead">N&#257;y&#257;dis making fire.</p>
</div>
<p>Adultery is regarded with abhorrence, and there is a belief that
those who are guilty of it are liable to be attacked by wild beasts or
demons. On the occasion of the marriage of a divorced woman&rsquo;s son
or daughter, the mother attends the festivities, if she receives a
cordial invitation from her children. But she does not look her former
husband straight in the face, and returns to her home the same
evening.</p>
<p>When a man lies at the point of death, it is usual to distribute
rice kanji to the people, who, after taking their fill, become
possessed with the power of predicting the fate in store for the sick
man. According as the taste of the kanji turns to that of a corpse, or
remains unaltered, the death or recovery of the patient is foretold in
their deep and loud voices.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e4697src" href=
"#xd21e4697" name="xd21e4697src">47</a> The N&#257;y&#257;dis either
burn or bury their dead. Several layers of stones are placed within the
grave, and its site is marked by three big stones, one in the middle,
and one at each end. The burnt ashes of the bones are collected, and
preserved in a pot, which is kept close to the hut of the deceased.
Pollution is observed for ten days, during which the enangan (relations
by marriage) cook for the mourners. On the tenth day, the sons of the
deceased go, together with their relations, to the nearest stream, and
bury the bones on the bank. The sons bathe, and perform beli, so that
the soul of the departed may enter heaven, and ghosts may not trouble
them. After the bath, a sand-heap, representing the deceased, is
constructed, and on it are placed a piece of plantain leaf, some
unboiled rice, and karuka grass <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb281"
href="#pb281" name="pb281">281</a>]</span>(<i>Cynodon Dactylon</i>).
Over these water is poured twelve times, and the sons reverently
prostrate themselves before the heap. They then return home, and
cow-dung, mixed with water, is sprinkled over them by their relations,
and poured over the floor of the hut. In this manner they are purified.
Some time during the seventh month after death, according to another
account, the grave, in which the corpse has been buried, is dug up, and
the bones are carefully collected, and spread out on a layer of sticks
arranged on four stones placed at the corners of a pit. The bones are
then covered with more sticks, and the pile is lighted. The partially
burnt bones are subsequently collected by the eldest son of the
deceased, and carried to the hut in a new pot, which is tied to a
branch of a neighbouring tree. This rite concluded, he bathes, and, on
his return, the adiyanthiram (death ceremony) day is fixed. On this
day, the eldest son removes the pot, and buries it by the side of a
stream, near which a heap of sand is piled up. On this all the agnates
pour water three times, prostrate themselves before it, and disperse.
The ceremony is brought to a close with a square meal. Some time ago an
old N&#257;y&#257;di, who had the reputation of being a good shot,
died. His son obtained a handful of gunpowder from a gun-license
holder, and set fire to it near the grave, with a view to satisfying
the soul of the deceased.</p>
<p>The chief gods of the N&#257;y&#257;dis are Mallan, Malavazhi, and
Parakutti, to whom offerings of toddy, rice, and the flesh of monkeys
are made. Parakutti it is who aids them in their hunting expeditions,
bringing the game to them, and protecting them from wild beasts. If
they do not succeed in bagging the expected game, they abuse him.</p>
<p>The N&#257;y&#257;dis are also ancestor worshippers, and keep
representations of the departed, to which offerings <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb282" href="#pb282" name="pb282">282</a>]</span>of
rice and toddy are made during the &#332;nam, Vishu, and other
festivals. Beneath a mango tree in a paramba (garden) were forty-four
stones set up in a circle round the tree. One of the stones was a
beli-kal (beli stone), such as is placed round the inner shrines of
temples. The remainder resembled survey stones, but were smaller in
size. The stones represented forty-four N&#257;y&#257;dis, who had left
the world. On the ceremonial occasions referred to above, a sheep or
fowl is killed, and the blood allowed to fall on them, p&#363;ja
(worship) is performed, and solemn prayers are offered that the souls
of the departed may protect them against wild beasts and snakes. A
N&#257;y&#257;di asserted that, if he came across a tiger, he would
invoke the aid of his ancestors, and the animal would be rendered
harmless.</p>
<p>Whenever the N&#257;y&#257;dis labour under any calamity or disease,
they consult the Parayan astrologer. And, when a woman is possessed by
devils, the Parayan is summoned. He is furnished with a thread and some
toddy. Muttering certain prayers to Parakutti and other deities, he
ties the thread round the woman&rsquo;s neck, drinks the toddy, and the
devil leaves her. When a person is believed to be under the influence
of a devil or the evil eye, salt, chillies, tamarind, oil, mustard,
cocoanut, and a few pice (copper coins) in a vessel are waved thrice
round the head of the affected individual, and given to a
N&#257;y&#257;di, whose curse is asked for. There is this peculiarity
about a N&#257;y&#257;di&rsquo;s curse, that it always has the opposite
effect. So, when he is asked to curse one who has given him alms, he
does so by invoking misery and evil upon him. By the N&#257;y&#257;di
money is called chembu k&#257;su (copper coin), food elam&#257;ttam
(exchange of leaves), and having no food nakk&#257;n illa (nothing to
lick on). As a protection against <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb283"
href="#pb283" name="pb283">283</a>]</span>snake-bite, the
N&#257;y&#257;dis wear a brass toe-ring. And, when engaged in catching
rats in their holes, they wear round the wrist a snake-shaped metal
ring, to render them safe against snakes which may be concealed in the
hole.</p>
<p>The N&#257;y&#257;dis who live within the jurisdiction of the
Kavalap&#257;ra N&#257;yar near Shoran&#363;r wear the kudumi (front
lock of hair), as there are no M&#257;ppillas (Muhammadans) to molest
them. The Kavalap&#257;ra N&#257;yar was at one time an important
chief, and directed all Namb&#363;tiri jenmis (landlords) who held land
within his jurisdiction to bind themselves not to let the land to
M&#257;ppillas. N&#257;y&#257;dis of other parts are not allowed by the
M&#257;ppillas to wear the kudumi, and, if they do so, they are taken
for Parayans and professional sorcerers, and beaten.</p>
<p>Some N&#257;y&#257;dis have become converts to Christianity, others
to Muhammadanism, and maintain themselves by begging for alms from
Muhammadans. They are called Thoppyitta (cap-wearing)
N&#257;y&#257;dis.</p>
<p>The priest of the N&#257;y&#257;dis is called M&#363;ppan. His
appointment is hereditary, and he enquires into all matters affecting
the community, and can excommunicate a guilty person.<a class="noteref"
id="xd21e4721src" href="#xd21e4721" name="xd21e4721src">48</a></p>
<p>Average height, 155 cm.; nasal index, 86.</p>
<p><b>N&#257;yar.&mdash;</b>&ldquo;The N&#257;yars,&rdquo; Mr. H. A.
Stuart writes,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e4731src" href="#xd21e4731"
name="xd21e4731src">49</a> &ldquo;are a Dravidian caste, or rather a
community, for we find several distinct elements with totally different
occupations among the people who call themselves by this title. The
original N&#257;yars were undoubtedly a military body, holding lands
and serving as a militia, but the present N&#257;yar caste includes
persons who, by hereditary <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb284" href=
"#pb284" name="pb284">284</a>]</span>occupation, are traders, artisans,
oilmongers, palanquin-bearers, and even barbers and washermen. The fact
seems to be that successive waves of immigration brought from the
Canarese and Tamil countries different castes and different tribes; and
these, settling down in the country, adopted the customs and manners,
and assumed the caste names of the more respectable of the community
that surrounded them. This process of assimilation is going on even
yet. Chettis of Coimbatore, for example, who settled in Palgh&#257;t
and Valluvan&#257;d within living memory, have developed by this time
into N&#257;yars. In the census schedules we find instances in which
the males of a house affix the term N&#257;yar to their names, while
the names of the females end in Chettichi. Gollas entering the country
from the north have similarly, in course of time, assumed N&#257;yar
customs and manners, and are now styled N&#257;yars. Again the
r&#257;jahs and chieftains of the country sometimes raised individuals
or classes who had rendered them meritorious service to the rank of
N&#257;yars. These men were thereafter styled N&#257;yars, but formed a
separate sub-division with little or no communion with the rest of the
N&#257;yar class, until at least, after the lapse of generations, when
their origin was forgotten. N&#257;yar may thus at present be
considered to be a term almost as wide and general as
S&#363;dra.&rdquo;</p>
<p>According to the Br&#257;hman tradition, the N&#257;yar caste is the
result of union between the Namb&#363;dris with D&#275;va, Gandharva
and Rakshasa women introduced by Parasur&#257;ma; and this tradition
embodies the undoubted fact that the caste by its practice of hypergamy
has had a very large infusion of Aryan blood. In origin the N&#257;yars
were probably a race of Dravidian immigrants, who were amongst the
first invaders of Malabar, and as conquerors assumed the position of
the governing and <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb285" href="#pb285"
name="pb285">285</a>]</span>land-owning class. The large admixture of
Aryan blood combined with the physical peculiarities of the country
would go far to explain the very marked difference between the
N&#257;yar of the present day and what may be considered the
corresponding Dravidian races in the rest of the Presidency.<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e4740src" href="#xd21e4740" name=
"xd21e4740src">50</a></p>
<p>In connection with the former position of the N&#257;yars as
protectors of the State, it is noted by Mr. Logan<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4745src" href="#xd21e4745" name="xd21e4745src">51</a> that
&ldquo;in Johnston&rsquo;s &lsquo;Relations of the most famous Kingdom
in the world&rsquo; (1611), there occurs the following quaintly written
account of this protector guild. &lsquo;It is strange to see how ready
the Souldiour of this country is at his Weapons: they are all gentile
men, and tearmed Naires. At seven Years of Age they are put to School
to learn the Use of their Weapons, where, to make them nimble and
active, their Sinnewes and Joints are stretched by skilful Fellows, and
annointed with the Oyle Sesamus [gingelly: <i lang="la-x-bio">Sesamum
indicum</i>]: By this annointing they become so light and nimble that
they will winde and turn their Bodies as if they had no Bones, casting
them forward, backward, high and low, even to the Astonishment of the
Beholders. Their continual Delight is in their Weapon, perswading
themselves that no Nation goeth beyond them in Skill and
Dexterity.&rsquo; And Jonathan Duncan, who visited Malabar more than
once as one of the Commissioners from Bengal in 1792&ndash;93, and
afterwards as Governor of Bombay, after quoting the following lines
from Mickle&rsquo;s Camoens, Book VII&mdash;</p>
<div class="lgouter">
<p class="line">&rsquo;Poliar the labouring lower clans are named:</p>
<p class="line">By the proud Nayrs the noble rank is claimed;</p>
<p class="line">The toils of culture and of art they scorn:</p>
<p class="line">The shining faulchion brandish&rsquo;d in the
right&mdash;</p>
<p class="line">Their left arm wields the target in the
fight&rsquo;&mdash;</p>
</div>
<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb286" href="#pb286" name=
"pb286">286</a>]</span></p>
<p>went on to observe: &lsquo;These lines, and especially the two last,
contain a good description of a Nayr, who walks along, holding up his
naked sword with the same kind of unconcern as travellers in other
countries carry in their hands a cane or walking staff. I have observed
others of them have it fastened to their back, the hilt being stuck in
their waist band, and the blade rising up and glittering between their
shoulders&rsquo; (Asiatic Researches, V. 10, 18). M. Mah&eacute; de la
Bourdonnais, who had some experience of their fighting qualities in the
field, thus described them: &lsquo;<span lang="fr">Les Nairs sont de
grands hommes basan&eacute;s, l&eacute;gers, et vigoureux: Ils
n&rsquo;ont pas d&rsquo;autre profession que celle des armes, et
seraient de fort bons soldats, s&rsquo;ils &eacute;tiaent
disciplin&eacute;s: mais ils combattent sans ordre, ils prennent la
fuite d&egrave;s qu&rsquo;on les serre de pr&egrave;s avec quelque
sup&egrave;riorit&ecirc;; pourtant, s&rsquo;ils se voient
press&eacute;s avec vigueur et qu&rsquo;ils se croient en danger, ils
reviennent &agrave; la charge, et ne se rendent jamais</span>&rsquo;
(<span lang="fr">M. Esquer, Essai sur les Castes dans
l&rsquo;Inde</span>, page 181). Finally, the only British General of
any note&mdash;Sir Hector Munro&mdash;who had ever to face the
N&#257;yars in the field, thus wrote of their modes of
fighting:&mdash;</p>
<p>&lsquo;One may as well look for a needle in a Bottle of Hay as any
of them in the daytime, they being lurking behind sand banks and
bushes, except when we are marching towards the Fort, and then they
appear like bees out in the month of June.&rsquo; &lsquo;Besides
which,&rsquo; he continued, &lsquo;they point their guns well, and fire
them well also.&rsquo; (Tellicherry Factory Diary, March, 1761). They
were, in short, brave light troops, excellent in skirmishing, but their
organization into small bodies with discordant interests unfitted them
to repel any serious invasion by an enemy even moderately well
organised. Among other strange Malay&#257;li customs, Sheikh
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb287" href="#pb287" name=
"pb287">287</a>]</span>Zin-ud-din<a class="noteref" id="xd21e4775src"
href="#xd21e4775" name="xd21e4775src">52</a> noticed the fact that, if
a chieftain was slain, his followers attacked and obstinately
persevered in ravaging the slayer&rsquo;s country, and killing his
people till their vengeance was satisfied. This custom is doubtless
that which was described so long ago as in the ninth century A.D. by
two Muhammadans, whose work was translated by Renaudot (Lond., 1733).
&lsquo;There are kings who, upon their accession, observe the following
ceremony. A quantity of cooked rice was spread before the king, and
some three or four hundred persons came of their own accord, and
received each a small quantity of rice from the king&rsquo;s own hands
after he himself had eaten some. By eating of this rice they all engage
themselves to burn themselves on the day the king dies or is slain, and
they punctually fulfil their promise.&rsquo; Men, who devoted
themselves to certain death on great occasions, were termed Amoucos by
the Portuguese; and Barbosa, one of the Portuguese writers, alluded to
the practice as prevalent among the N&#257;yars. Purchas has also the
following:&mdash;&lsquo;The king of Cochin hath a great number of
Gentlemen, which he calleth Amocchi, and some are called Nairi: these
two sorts of men esteem not their lives anything, so that it may be for
the honour of the king.&rsquo; The proper Malay&#257;lam term for such
men was Ch&#257;ver, literally those who took up, or devoted themselves
to death. It was a custom of the N&#257;yars, which was readily adopted
by the M&#257;ppillas, who also at times&mdash;as at the great
Mah&#257;makkam, twelfth year feast, at Tirun&#257;v&#257;yi<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e4778src" href="#xd21e4778" name=
"xd21e4778src">53</a>&mdash;devoted themselves to death in the
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb288" href="#pb288" name=
"pb288">288</a>]</span>company of N&#257;yars for the honour of the
Valluvanad R&#257;ja. And probably the frantic fanatical rush of the
M&#257;ppillas on British bayonets, which is not even yet a thing of
the past, is the latest development of this ancient custom of the
N&#257;yars. The martial spirit of the N&#257;yars in these piping
times of peace has quite died out for want of exercise. The N&#257;yar
is more and more becoming a family man. Comparatively few of them
now-a-days even engage in hunting.&rdquo; According to an inscription
of the King Kul&#333;ttunga I (A.D. 1083&ndash;84), he conquered
Kudamalai-Nadu, <i>i.e.</i>, the western hill country (Malabar), whose
warriors, the ancestors of the N&#257;yars of the present day, perished
to the last man in defending their independence.<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4787src" href="#xd21e4787" name="xd21e4787src">54</a></p>
<p>The following description of the N&#257;yars at the beginning of the
sixteenth century is given by Duarte Barbosa.<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4792src" href="#xd21e4792" name="xd21e4792src">55</a> &ldquo;The
Nairs are the gentry, and have no other duty than to carry on war, and
they continually carry their arms with them, which are swords, bows,
arrows, bucklers, and lances. They all live with the kings, and some of
them with other lords, relations of the kings, and lords of the
country, and with the salaried governors, and with one another. They
are very smart men, and much taken up with their nobility.... These
Nairs, besides being all of noble descent, have to be armed as knights
by the hand of a king or lord with whom they live, and until they have
been so equipped they cannot bear arms nor call themselves Nairs.... In
general, when they are seven years of age, they are immediately sent to
school to learn all manner of feats of agility and gymnastics for the
use of their weapons. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb289" href=
"#pb289" name="pb289">289</a>]</span>First they learn to dance and then
to tumble, and for that purpose they render supple all their limbs from
their childhood, so that they can bend them in any direction.... These
Nairs live outside the towns separate from other people on their
estates which are fenced in. When they go anywhere, they shout to the
peasants, that they may get out of the way where they have to pass; and
the peasants do so, and, if they did not do it, the Nairs might kill
them without penalty. And, if a peasant were by misfortune to touch a
Nair lady, her relations would immediately kill her, and likewise the
man that touched her and all his relations. This, they say, is done to
avoid all opportunity of mixing the blood with that of the peasants....
These are very clean and well-dressed women, and they hold it in great
honour to know how to please men. They have a belief amongst them that
the woman who dies a virgin does not go to paradise.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Writing in the eighteenth century, Hamilton states<a class="noteref"
id="xd21e4799src" href="#xd21e4799" name="xd21e4799src">56</a> that
&ldquo;it was an ancient custom for the Samorin (Zamorin) to reign but
twelve years, and no longer. If he died before his term was expired, it
saved him a troublesome ceremony of cutting his own throat on a public
scaffold erected for that purpose. He first made a feast for all his
nobility and gentry, who were very numerous. After the feast he saluted
his guests, went on the scaffold, and very neatly cut his own throat in
the view of the assembly. His body was, a little while after, burned
with great pomp and ceremony, and the grandees elected a new Samorin.
Whether that custom was a religious or a civil ceremony I know not, but
it is now laid aside, and a new custom is followed by the modern
Samorin, that a jubilee is <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb290" href=
"#pb290" name="pb290">290</a>]</span>proclaimed throughout his dominion
at the end of twelve years, and a tent is pitched for him in a spacious
plain, and a great feast is celebrated for ten or twelve days with
mirth and jollity, guns firing night and day, so at the end of the
feast any four of the guests that have a mind to gain a crown by a
desperate action in fighting their way through thirty or forty thousand
of his guards, and kill the Samorin in his tent, he that kills him
succeeds him in his empire. In Anno 1695 one of these jubilees
happened, and the tent pitched near Ponnany, a sea-port of his about
fifteen leagues to the southward of Calicut. There were but three men
that would venture on that desperate action, who fell on, with sword
and target, among the guards, and, after they had killed and wounded
many, were themselves killed. One of the desperadoes had a nephew of
fifteen or sixteen years of age that kept close by his uncle in the
attack on the guards, and, when he saw him fall, the youth got through
the guards into the tent, and made a stroke at his Majesty&rsquo;s
head, and had certainly dispatched him if a large brass lamp which was
burning over his head had not marred the blow, but, before he could
make another, he was killed by the guards, and I believe the same
Samorin reigns yet.&rdquo;</p>
<p>It is noted by Sonnerat<a class="noteref" id="xd21e4806src" href=
"#xd21e4806" name="xd21e4806src">57</a> that the N&#257;yars &ldquo;are
the warriors; they have also the privilege of enjoying all the women of
their caste. Their arms, which they constantly carry, distinguish them
from the other tribes. They are besides known by their insolent
haughtiness. When they perceive pariahs, they call out to them, even at
a great distance, to get out of their way, and, if any one of these
unfortunate people approaches too near a Nair, and through inadvertence
touches him, the Nair has a right <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb291"
href="#pb291" name="pb291">291</a>]</span>to murder him, which is
looked upon as a very innocent action, and for which no complaint is
ever made. It is true that the pariahs have one day in the year when
all the Nairs they can touch become their slaves, but the Nairs take
such precautions to keep out of the way at the time, that an accident
of that kind seldom happens.&rdquo; It is further recorded by
Buchanan<a class="noteref" id="xd21e4811src" href="#xd21e4811" name=
"xd21e4811src">58</a> that &ldquo;the whole of these Nairs formed the
militia of Malayala, directed by the Namburis and governed by the
Rajahs. Their chief delight is in arms, but they are more inclined to
use them for assassination or surprise, than in the open field. Their
submission to their superiors was great, but they exacted deference
from those under them with a cruelty and arrogance, rarely practised
but among Hindus in their state of independence. A Nair was expected to
instantly cut down a Tiar or Mucuai, who presumed to defile him by
touching his person; and a similar fate awaited a slave, who did not
turn out of the road as a Nair passed.&rdquo;</p>
<p>N&#257;yar is commonly said to be derived from the Sanskrit
N&#257;yaka, a leader, and to be cognate with Naik, and Nayudu or
Naidu. In this connection, Mr. L. Moore writes<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4816src" href="#xd21e4816" name="xd21e4816src">59</a> that
&ldquo;if a reference is made to the Anglo-Indian Glossary
(Hobson-Jobson) by Yule and Burnell, it will be found that the term
Naik or Nayakan, and the word Nayar are derived from the same Sanskrit
original, and there is a considerable amount of evidence to show that
the Nayars of Malabar are closely connected by origin with the Nayakans
of Vijayanagar.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e4819src" href="#xd21e4819"
name="xd21e4819src">60</a> Xavier, writing in 1542 to 1544, makes
frequent references to men whom he calls Badages, who are said to have
been <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb292" href="#pb292" name=
"pb292">292</a>]</span>collectors of royal taxes, and to have
grievously oppressed Xavier&rsquo;s converts among the fishermen of
Travancore.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e4824src" href="#xd21e4824" name=
"xd21e4824src">61</a> Dr. Caldwell, alluding to Xavier&rsquo;s letters,
says<a class="noteref" id="xd21e4827src" href="#xd21e4827" name=
"xd21e4827src">62</a> that these Badages were no doubt Vadages or men
from the North, and is of opinion that a Jesuit writer of the time who
called them Nayars was mistaken, and that they were really Nayakans
from Madura. I believe, however, that the Jesuit rightly called them
Nayars, for I find that Father Organtino, writing in 1568, speaks of
these Badages as people from Narasinga (a kingdom north of Madura,
lying close to Bishnaghur).<a class="noteref" id="xd21e4831src" href=
"#xd21e4831" name="xd21e4831src">63</a> Bishnaghur is, of course,
Vijayanagar, and the kingdom of Narasinga was the name frequently given
by the Portuguese to Vijayanagar. Almost every page of Mr.
Sewell&rsquo;s interesting book on Vijayanagar bears testimony to the
close connection between Vijayanagar and the West Coast. Dr. A. C.
Burnell tells us that the kings who ruled Vijayanagar during the latter
half of the fourteenth century belonged to a low non-Aryan caste,
namely, that of Canarese cow-herds.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e4834src"
href="#xd21e4834" name="xd21e4834src">64</a> They were therefore
closely akin to the Nayars, one of the leading Rajas among whom at the
present time, although officially described as a Samanta, is in reality
of the Eradi, <i>i.e.</i>, cow-herd caste.<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4843src" href="#xd21e4843" name="xd21e4843src">65</a> It is
remarkable that Colonel (afterwards Sir Thomas) Munro, in the
memorandum written by him in 1802<a class="noteref" id="xd21e4848src"
href="#xd21e4848" name="xd21e4848src">66</a> on the Poligars of the
Ceded Districts, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb293" href="#pb293"
name="pb293">293</a>]</span>when dealing with the cases of a number of
Poligars who were direct descendants of men who had been chiefs under
the kings of Vijayanagar, calls them throughout his report Naique or
Nair, using the two names as if they were identical. Further
investigation as to the connection of the Nayars of Malabar with the
kingdom of Vijayanagar would, I believe, lead to interesting
results.&rdquo; In the Journal of the Hon. John Lindsay (1783) it is
recorded<a class="noteref" id="xd21e4854src" href="#xd21e4854" name=
"xd21e4854src">67</a> that &ldquo;we received information that our arms
were still successful on the Malabar coast, and that our army was now
advancing into the inland country; whilst the Nayars and Polygars that
occupy the jungles and mountains near Seringapatam, thinking this a
favourable opportunity to regain their former independence, destroyed
the open country, and committed as many acts of barbarity as
Hyder&rsquo;s army had done in the Carnatic.&rdquo;</p>
<p>&ldquo;Some,&rdquo; Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar writes in a note on the
N&#257;yars of Travancore, &ldquo;believe that N&#257;yar is derived
from N&#257;ga (serpents), as the Aryans so termed the earlier settlers
of Malabar on account of the special adoration which they paid to
snakes. The Travancore N&#257;yars are popularly known as Malay&#257;la
S&#363;dras&mdash;a term which contrasts them sharply with the
P&#257;ndi or foreign S&#363;dras, of whom a large number immigrated
into Travancore in later times. Another name by which N&#257;yars are
sometimes known is Malay&#257;li, but other castes, which have long
inhabited the Malay&#257;lam country, can lay claim to this designation
with equal propriety. The most general title of the N&#257;yars is
Pillai (child), which was once added to the names of the Br&#257;hman
dwellers in the south. It must, in all probability, have <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb294" href="#pb294" name="pb294">294</a>]</span>been
after the Br&#257;hmans changed their title to Aiyar (father), by which
name the non-Br&#257;hman people invariably referred to them, that
S&#363;dras began to be termed Pillai. We find that the Vell&#257;las
of the Tamil country and the N&#257;yars of Travancore called
themselves Pillai from very early times. The formal ceremony of paying
down a sum of money, and obtaining a distinction direct from the
Sovereign was known as tirumukham pitikkuka, or catching the face of
the king, and enabled the recipients to add, besides the honorary
suffix Pillai, the distinctive prefix Kanakku, or accountant, to their
name. So important were the privileges conferred by it that even Sanku
Annavi, a Br&#257;hman Dalava, obtained it at the hand of the reigning
Mah&#257;r&#257;ja, and his posterity at Vempann&#363;r have enjoyed
the distinction until the present day. The titles Pillai and Kanakku
are never used together. The name of an individual would be, for
example, either Krishna Pillai or Kanakku R&#257;man Krishnan,
R&#257;man being the name of the Karanavan or the maternal uncle. A
higher title, Chempakaraman, corresponds to the knighthood of
medi&aelig;val times, and was first instituted by Mah&#257;r&#257;ja
Marthanda Varma in memory, it is said, of his great Prime Minister
R&#257;ma Aiyyan Dalawa. The individual, whom it was the king&rsquo;s
pleasure to honour, was taken in procession on the back of an elephant
through the four main streets of the fort, and received by the Prime
Minister, seated by his side, and presented with p&#257;nsup&#257;ri
(betel). Rare as this investiture is in modern times, there are many
ancient houses, to which this title of distinction is attached in
perpetuity. The title Kanakku is often enjoyed with it, the maternal
uncle&rsquo;s name being dropped, <i>e.g.</i>, Kanakku Chempakaraman
Krishnan. Tambi (younger brother) is another title prevalent in
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb295" href="#pb295" name=
"pb295">295</a>]</span>Travancore. It is a distinctive suffix to the
names of N&#257;yar sons of Travancore Sovereigns. But, in ancient
times, this title was conferred on others also, in recognition of
merit. Tambis alone proceed in palanquins, and appear before the
Mah&#257;r&#257;ja without a head-dress. The consorts of
Mah&#257;r&#257;jas are selected from these families. If a lady from
outside is to be accepted as consort, she is generally adopted into one
of these families. The title Karta, or doer, appears also to have been
used as a titular name by some of the rulers of Madura. [At the Madras
census, 1901, Kart&#257;kkal was returned by Balijas claiming to be
descendants of the N&#257;yak kings of Madura and Tanjore.] The
Tekkumkur and Vadakkumkur R&#257;jas in Malabar are said to have first
conferred the title Karta on certain influential N&#257;yar families.
In social matters the authority of the Karta was supreme, and it was
only on important points that higher authorities were called on to
intercede. All the Kartas belong to the Illam sub-division of the
N&#257;yar caste. The title Kuruppu, though assumed by other castes
than N&#257;yars, really denotes an ancient section of the N&#257;yars,
charged with various functions. Some were, for instance, instructors in
the use of arms, while others were superintendents of maid-servants in
the royal household. Writing concerning the Zamorin of Calicut about
1500 A.D., Barbosa states that &ldquo;the king has a thousand waiting
women, to whom he gives regular pay, and they are always at the court
to sweep the palaces and houses of the king, and he does this for the
State, because fifty would be enough to sweep.&rdquo; When a
Mah&#257;r&#257;ja of Travancore enters into a matrimonial alliance, it
is a Kuruppu who has to call out the full title of the royal consort,
Panappillai Amma, after the presentation of silk and cloth has been
performed. The title Panikkar is derived from pani, work. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb296" href="#pb296" name="pb296">296</a>]</span>It
was the Panikkars who kept kalaris, or gymnastic and military schools,
but in modern times many Panikkars have taken to the teaching of
letters. Some are entirely devoted to temple service, and are
consequently regarded as belonging to a division of M&#257;rans, rather
than of N&#257;yars. The title Kaimal is derived from kai, hand,
signifying power. In former times, some Kaimals were recognised
chieftains, <i>e.g.,</i> the Kaimal of Vaikkattillam in North
Travancore. Others were in charge of the royal treasury, which,
according to custom, could not be seen even by the kings except in
their presence. &ldquo;Neither could they,&rdquo; Barbosa writes,
&ldquo;take anything out of the treasury without a great necessity, and
by the counsel of this person and certain others.&rdquo; The titles
Unnithan and Valiyathan were owned by certain families in Central
Travancore, which were wealthy and powerful. They were to some extent
self-constituted justices of the peace, and settled all ordinary
disputes arising in the kara where they dwelt. The title Menavan, or
Menon, means a superior person, and is derived from mel, above, and
avan he. The recipient of the title held it for his lifetime, or it was
bestowed in perpetuity on his family, according to the amount of money
paid down as atiyara. As soon as an individual was made a Menon, he was
presented with an ola (palmyra leaf for writing on) and an iron style
as symbols of the office of accountant, which he was expected to fill.
In British Malabar even now every amsam or revenue village has an
accountant or writer called Menon. The title Menokki, meaning one who
looks over or superintends, is found only in British Malabar, as it was
exclusively a creation of the Zamorin. [They are, I gather, accountants
in temples.]</p>
<p>&ldquo;There are numerous sub-divisions comprised under the general
head N&#257;yar, of which the most important, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb297" href="#pb297" name=
"pb297">297</a>]</span>mentioned in vernacular books, are Kiriyam,
Illam, Svarupam, Itacheri or Idacheri, Pallichan,
Ashtikkurichchi<span class="corr" id="xd21e4876" title=
"Source: .">,</span> Vattak&#257;tan, Otatu, Pulikkal, Vyapari,
Vilakkitalavan, and Veluthetan. Of these Ashtikkurichchi and Pulikkal
are divisions of M&#257;r&#257;n, Vyapari is a division of Chettis, and
Vilakkitalavan and Veluthetan are barbers and washermen
respectively.</p>
<p>&ldquo;The chief divisions of N&#257;yars, as now recognised, are as
follows:&mdash;</p>
<p>1. Kiriyam, a name said to be a corruption of the Sanskrit griha,
meaning house. This represents the highest class, the members of which
were, in former times, not obliged to serve Br&#257;hmans and
Kshatriyas.</p>
<p>2. Illakkar.&mdash;The word illam indicates a Namb&#363;tiri
Br&#257;hman&rsquo;s house, and tradition has it that every illam
family once served an illam. But, in medi&aelig;val times, any
N&#257;yar could get himself recognised as belonging to the Illam
division, provided that a certain sum of money, called adiyara, was
paid to the Government. The Illakkar are prohibited from the use of
fish, flesh, and liquor, but the prohibition is not at the present day
universally respected. In some parts of Malabar, they have moulded many
of their habits in the truly Br&#257;hmanical style.</p>
<p>3. Svarupakkar.&mdash;Adherents of the Kshatriya families of
Travancore. The members of the highest group, Par&#363;r Svarupam, have
their purificatory rites performed by M&#257;r&#257;ns. It is stated
that they were once the Illakkar servants of one Karuttetathu
Nambutiri, who was the feudal lord of Par&#363;r, and afterwards became
attached to the royal household which succeeded to that estate, thus
becoming Par&#363;r Svarupakkar.</p>
<p>4. Padamangalam and Tamil Padam were not originally N&#257;yars, but
immigrants from the Tamil <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb298" href=
"#pb298" name="pb298">298</a>]</span>country. They are confined to a
few localities in Travancore, and until recently there was a
distinctive difference in regard to dress and ornaments between the
Tamil Padam and the ordinary N&#257;yars. The occupation of the
Padamangalakkar is temple service, such as sweeping, carrying lamps
during processions, etc. The Tamil Padakkar are believed to have taken
to various kinds of occupation, and, for this reason, to have become
merged with other sections.</p>
<p>5. V&#257;thi or V&#257;tti.&mdash;This name is not found in the
Jatinirnaya, probably because it had not been differentiated from
M&#257;r&#257;n. The word is a corruption of v&#257;zhti, meaning
praying for happiness, and refers to their traditional occupation. They
use a peculiar drum, called nantuni. Some call themselves Daivampatis,
or wards of God, and follow the makkath&#257;yam system of inheritance
(in the male line).</p>
<p>6. Itacheri or Idacheri, also called Pantaris in South Travancore.
They are herdsmen, and vendors of milk, butter and curds. The name
suggests a relation of some kind to the Idaiyan caste of the Tamil
country.</p>
<p>7. Karuvelam, known also by other names, such as Kappiyara and
Tiruvattar. Their occupation is service in the palace of the
Mah&#257;r&#257;ja, and they are the custodians of his treasury and
valuables. Fifty-two families are believed to have been originally
brought from Kolathan&#257;d, when a member thereof was adopted into
the Travancore royal family.</p>
<p>8. Arikuravan.&mdash;A name, meaning those who reduced the quantity
of rice out of the paddy given to them to husk at the temple of
Kazhayakkuttam near Trivandrum, by which they were accosted by the
local chieftain.</p>
<p>9. Pallichchan.&mdash;Bearers of palanquins for Br&#257;hmans and
Malabar chieftains. They are also employed <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb299" href="#pb299" name="pb299">299</a>]</span>as
their attendants, to carry their sword and shield before them.</p>
<p>10. Vandikk&#257;ran.&mdash;A name, meaning cartmen, for those who
supply fuel to temples, and cleanse the vessels belonging thereto.</p>
<p>11. Kuttina.&mdash;The only heiress of a Svarupam tarwad is said to
have been a maid-servant in the Vadakketam Br&#257;hman&rsquo;s house,
and her daughter&rsquo;s t&#257;li-kettu ceremony to have been
celebrated in her master&rsquo;s newly-built cowshed. The bride was
called kuttilachchi, or bride in a cowshed, and her descendants were
named Kuttina N&#257;yars. They intermarry among themselves, and,
having no priests of their own, obtain purified water from
Br&#257;hmans to remove the effects of pollution.</p>
<p>12. Matavar.&mdash;Also known as Puliyattu, Veliyattu, and
K&#257;llur N&#257;yars. They are believed to have been good archers in
former times.</p>
<p>13. Otatu, also called Kusa. Their occupation is to tile or thatch
temples and Br&#257;hman houses.</p>
<p>14. Mantalayi.&mdash;A tract of land in the Kalkulam taluk, called
Mantalachchi Konam, was granted to them by the State. They are paid
mourners, and attend at the Trivandrum palace when a death occurs in
the royal family.</p>
<p>15. Manigr&#257;mam.&mdash;Believed to represent Hindu recoveries
from early conversion to Christianity. Manigr&#257;mam was a portion of
Cranganore, where early Christian immigrants settled.</p>
<p>16. Vattaykkatan, better known in Travancore as Chakala N&#257;yars,
form in many respects the lowest sub-division. They are obliged to
stand outside the sacrificial stones (balikallu) of a sanctuary, and
are not allowed to take the title Pillai. Pulva is a title of
distinction among them. One section of them is engaged <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb300" href="#pb300" name="pb300">300</a>]</span>in
the hereditary occupation of oil-pressing, and occupies a lower
position in the social scale than the other.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The following list of &ldquo;clans&rdquo; among the N&#257;yars of
Malabar whom he examined anthropometrically is given by Mr. F.
Fawcett<a class="noteref" id="xd21e4922src" href="#xd21e4922" name=
"xd21e4922src">68</a>:&mdash;</p>
<table>
<tr>
<td>
<ul>
<li>Kiriyattil.</li>
<li>Sudra.</li>
<li>Kurup.</li>
<li>Nambiyar.</li>
<li>Ur&#257;li.</li>
<li>Nalli&#333;den.</li>
<li>Viyy&#363;r.</li>
<li>Akattu Charna.</li>
<li>Purattu Charna.</li>
<li>Vattakk&#257;d.</li>
</ul>
</td>
<td>
<ul>
<li>Vangil&#333;th.</li>
<li>Kit&#257;vu.</li>
<li>Pallichan.</li>
<li>Muppathin&#257;yiran.</li>
<li>V&#299;y&#257;p&#257;ri or R&#257;v&#257;ri.</li>
<li>Attikurissi.</li>
<li>Manavalan.</li>
<li>Adung&#257;di.</li>
<li>Adi&#333;di.</li>
<li>Amayengolam.</li>
</ul>
</td>
</tr>
</table>
<p>&ldquo;The Kurup, Nambiyar Viyy&#363;r, Manav&#257;lan,
Veng&#333;lan, Nelli&#333;den, Adung&#257;di, Kit&#257;vu, Adi&#333;di,
&#256;mayengolam, all superior clans, belong, properly speaking, to
North Malabar. The Kiriyattil, or Kiriyam, is the highest of all the
clans in South Malabar, and is supposed to comprise, or correspond with
the group of clans first named from North Malabar. The Akattu Charna
clan is divided into two sub-clans, one of which looks to the Zamorin
as their lord, and the other owns lordship to minor lordlings, as the
Tirumulp&#257;d of Nilamb&#363;r. The former are superior, and a woman
of the latter may mate with a man of the former, but not <i>vice
vers&acirc;</i>. In the old days, every N&#257;yar chief had his
Charnavar, or adherents. The Purattu Charna are the outside adherents,
or fighters and so on, and the Akattu Charna are the inside
adherents&mdash;clerks and domestics. The clan from which the former
were drawn is superior to the latter. The Ur&#257;lis are said to have
been masons; the Pallichans manch&#299;l <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb301" href="#pb301" name="pb301">301</a>]</span>bearers.<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e4975src" href="#xd21e4975" name=
"xd21e4975src">69</a> The S&#363;dra clan supplies female servants in
the houses of Namb&#363;diris. The Vattakk&#257;d (or Chakkingal:
chakku, oil press) clan, whose proper <i>m&eacute;tier</i> is producing
gingelly or cocoanut oil with the oil-mill, is the lowest of all,
excepting, I think, the Pallichan. Indeed, in North Malabar, I have
frequently been told by N&#257;yars of the superior clans that they do
not admit the Vattakk&#257;d to be N&#257;yars, and say that they have
adopted the honorary affix N&#257;yars to their names quite recently.
There is some obscurity as regards the sub-divisions of the
Vattakk&#257;d clan. To the north of Calicut, in Kurumbran&#257;d, they
are divided into the Undi&#257;tuna, or those who pull (to work the
oil-machine by hand), and the Murivechchu-&#257;tune, or those who tie
or fasten bullocks, to work the oil-machine. Yet further north, at
Tellicherry and thereabouts, there are no known sub-divisions, while in
Ern&#257;d, to the eastward, the clan is divided into the
Velutt&#257;tu (white) and Karutt&#257;tu (black). The white have
nothing to do with the expression and preparation of oil, which is the
hereditary occupation of the black. The white may eat with N&#257;yars
of any clan; the black can eat with no others outside their own clan.
The black sub-clan is strictly endogamous; the other, the superior
sub-clan, is not. Their women may marry men of any other clan, the
Pallichchan excepted. Union by marriage, or whatever the function may
be named, is permissible between most of the other clans, the rule by
which a woman may never unite herself with her inferior being always
observed. She may unite herself with a man of her own clan, or with a
man of any superior clan, or with a Namb&#363;tiri, an Embr&#257;ntiri,
or any other Br&#257;hman, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb302" href=
"#pb302" name="pb302">302</a>]</span>or with one of the small sects
coming between the Br&#257;hmans and the N&#257;yars. But she cannot
under any circumstances unite herself with a man of a clan, which is
inferior to hers. Nor can she eat with those of a clan inferior to her;
a man may, and does without restriction. Her children by an equal in
race and not only in mere social standing, but never those by one who
is racially inferior, belong to her tarav&#257;d.<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4984src" href="#xd21e4984" name="xd21e4984src">70</a> The
children of the inferior mothers are never brought into the
tarav&#257;d of the superior fathers, <i>i.e.</i>, they are never
brought into it to belong to it, but they may live there. And, where
they do so, they cannot enter the tarav&#257;d kitchen, or touch the
women while they are eating. Nor are they allowed to touch their
father&rsquo;s corpse. They may live in the tarav&#257;d under these
and other disabilities, but are never of it. The custom, which permits
a man to cohabit with a woman lower in the social scale than himself,
and prohibits a woman from exercising the same liberty, is called the
rule of anul&#333;mam and pratil&#333;mam. Dr. Gundert derives
anul&#333;mam from anu, with l&#333;mam (r&#333;mam), hair, or going
with the hair or grain. So pratil&#333;mam means going against the hair
or grain. According to this usage, a N&#257;yar woman, consorting with
a man of a higher caste, follows the hair, purifies the blood, and
raises the progeny in social estimation. By cohabitation with a man of
a lower division (clan) or caste, she is guilty of pratil&#333;mam,
and, if the difference of caste were admittedly great, she would be
turned out of her family, to prevent the whole family being boycotted.
A corollary of this custom is that a Namb&#363;tiri Br&#257;hman father
cannot touch his own children by his N&#257;yar consort without bathing
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb303" href="#pb303" name=
"pb303">303</a>]</span>afterwards to remove pollution. The children in
the marumakkatayam family belong, of course, to their mother&rsquo;s
family, clan, and caste. They are N&#257;yars, not Namb&#363;tiris. The
N&#257;yars of North Malabar are held to be superior all along the
line, clan for clan, to those of South Malabar, which is divided from
the north by the river Korapuzha, seven miles north of Calicut, so that
a woman of North Malabar would not unite herself to a man of her own
clan name of South Malabar. A N&#257;yar woman of North Malabar cannot
pass northward beyond the frontier; she cannot pass the hills to the
eastward; and she cannot cross the Korapuzha to the south. It is tabu.
The women of South Malabar are similarly confined by custom, breach of
which involves forfeiture of caste. To this rule there is an exception,
and of late years the world has come in touch with the Malay&#257;li,
who nowadays goes to the University, studies medicine and law in the
Presidency town (Madras), or even in far off England. Women of the
relatively inferior Akattu Charna clan are not under quite the same
restrictions as regards residence as are those of most of the other
clans; so, in these days of free communications, when Malay&#257;lis
travel, and frequently reside far from their own country, they often
prefer to select wives from this Akattu Charna clan. But the old order
changeth everywhere, and nowadays Malay&#257;lis who are in the
Government service, and obliged to reside far away from Malabar, and a
few who have taken up their abode in the Presidency town, have wrenched
themselves free of the bonds of custom, and taken with them their wives
who are of clans other than the Akattu Charna. The interdiction to
travel, and the possible exception to it in the case of Akattu Charna
women, has been explained to me in this way. The N&#257;yar woman
observes pollution for three days during <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb304" href="#pb304" name="pb304">304</a>]</span>menstruation. While
in her period, she may not eat or drink with any other member of the
tarav&#257;d, and on the fourth day she must be purified. Purification
is known as m&#257;ttu (change), and it is effected by the washerwoman,
who, in some parts of South Malabar, is of the Mann&#257;n or
Vann&#257;n caste, whose <i>m&eacute;tier</i> is to wash for the
N&#257;yars and Namb&#363;tiris, but who is, as a rule, the washerwoman
of the T&#299;yan caste, giving her, after her bath, one of her own
cloths to wear (m&#257;ttu, change of raiment) instead of the soiled
cloth, which she takes away to wash. Pollution, which may come through
a death in the family, through child-birth, or menstruation, must be
removed by m&#257;ttu. Until it is done, the woman is out of caste. It
must be done in the right way at the right moment, under pain of the
most unpleasant social consequences. How that the influential rural
local magnate wreaks vengeance on a tarav&#257;d by preventing the
right person giving m&#257;ttu to the women is well known in Malabar.
He could not, with all the sections of the Penal Code at his disposal,
inflict greater injury. Now the N&#257;yar woman is said to feel
compelled to remain in Malabar, or within her own part of it, in order
to be within reach of m&#257;ttu. My informant tells me that, the
Vann&#257;n caste being peculiar to Malabar, the N&#257;yar women
cannot go where these are not to be found, and that m&#257;ttu must be
done by one of that caste. But I know, from my own observation in the
most truly conservative localities, in Kurumbran&#257;d for example,
where the N&#257;yar has a relative superiority, that the washerman is
as a rule a T&#299;yan; and I cannot but think that the interdiction
has other roots than those involved in m&#257;ttu. It does not account
for the superstition against crossing water, which has its counterparts
elsewhere in the world. The origin of the interdiction to cross the
river southwards <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb305" href="#pb305"
name="pb305">305</a>]</span>has been explained to me as emanating from
a command of the K&#333;latirri R&#257;jah in days gone by, when, the
Arabs having come to the country about Calicut, there was a chance of
the women being seized and taken as wives. The explanation is somewhat
fanciful. The prohibition to cross the river to the northwards is
supposed to have originated in much the same way. As bearing on this
point, I may mention that the N&#257;yar women living to the east of
Calicut cannot cross the river backwater, and come into the
town.&rdquo; It may be noted in this connection that the Paik&#257;ra
river on the N&#299;lgiri hills is sacred to the Todas, and, for fear
of mishap from arousing the wrath of the river-god, a pregnant Toda
woman will not venture to cross it. No Toda will use the river water
for any purpose, and they do not touch it, unless they have to ford it.
They then walk through it, and, on reaching the opposite bank, bow
their heads. Even when they walk over the Paik&#257;ra bridge, they
take their hands out of the putkuli (body-cloth) as a mark of
respect.</p>
<div class="figure xd21e5000width" id="pl5-305"><img src=
"images/pl5-305.jpg" alt="Akattucharna N&#257;yar." width="518" height=
"720">
<p class="figureHead">Akattucharna N&#257;yar.</p>
</div>
<p>The complexity of the sub-divisions among the N&#257;yars in North
Malabar is made manifest by the following account thereof in the
Gazetteer of Malabar. &ldquo;There are exogamous sub-divisions (perhaps
corresponding to original tarw&#257;ds) called kulams, and these are
grouped to form the sub-castes which are usually endogamous. It is
quite impossible to attempt a complete account of the scheme, but to
give some idea of its nature one example may be taken, and dealt with
in some detail; and for this purpose the portion of Kurumbran&#257;d
known as Payyan&#257;d will serve. This is the country between the
K&#333;ttapuzha and P&#333;rapuzha rivers, and is said to have been
given by a R&#257;ja of Kurumbran&#257;d to a certain Amb&#257;di
K&#333;vilagam Tambur&#257;tti (the st&#257;nam or title of the senior
lady of the Z&#257;morin R&#257;ja&rsquo;s family). In <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb306" href="#pb306" name="pb306">306</a>]</span>this
tract or n&#257;d there were originally six st&#257;nis or chieftains,
who ruled, under the R&#257;ja, with the assistance, or subject to the
constitutional control, of four assemblies of N&#257;yars called
K&#363;ttams. Each k&#363;ttam had its hereditary president. In this
tract there are seven groups of kulams. The highest includes twelve
kulams, Vengalat, Pattillat, V&#299;yy&#363;r, Nelli&#333;t, Atunkudi,
Amayangalat, Nell&#333;li, Nilanch&#275;ri, Rendillat, Pulliy&#257;ni,
Orak&#257;tteri, and Venm&#275;ri. Of these, the Pattillat and
Rendillat (members of the ten and members of the two illams or houses)
affix the title Adiy&#333;di to their names, the last three affix the
title Nambiyar, and the rest affix N&#257;yar. Of the six st&#257;nis
already mentioned, three, with the title of Adiy&#333;di, belong to the
Vengalat kulam, while two of the presidents of <span class="corr" id=
"xd21e5009" title="Source: kuttams">k&#363;ttams</span> belonged to the
Pattillat kulam. The younger members of the st&#257;ni houses are
called kidavu. It is the duty of women of Viyy&#363;r and Nelli&#333;t
kulams to join in the bridal procession of members of the Vengalat
kulam, the former carrying lamps, and the latter salvers containing
flowers, while the Rendillat Adiy&#333;dis furnish cooks to the same
class. Pattillat Adiy&#333;dis and Orak&#257;tteri Nambiyars observe
twelve days&rsquo; pollution, while all the other kulams observe
fifteen. The second group consists of six kulams, Eravatt&#363;r,
Ara-Eravatt&#363;r (or half Eravatt&#363;r), and Attik&#333;dan
N&#257;yars, Tonderi Kid&#257;vus, Punnan Nambiyars, and
M&#275;n&#333;kkis. All these observe fifteen days&rsquo; pollution.
The third group consists of three kulams, Tacch&#333;li to which the
remaining three st&#257;nis belong, K&#333;th&#333;li, and
Kuruvatt&#257;nch&#275;ri. All affix N&#257;yar to their names, and
observe fifteen days&rsquo; pollution. The fourth group consists of
three kulams, Peruv&#257;nian Nambiyars, Chell&#257;dan N&#257;yars,
and Vennap&#257;lan N&#257;yars. All three observe fifteen days&rsquo;
pollution. The name Peruv&#257;nian means great or <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb307" href="#pb307" name=
"pb307">307</a>]</span>principal oil-man; and it is the duty of this
caste to present the Kurumbran&#257;d R&#257;ja with oil on the
occasion of his formal installation. The fifth group consists of the
three kulams, Mannangazhi, Paramchela, and Pallikara N&#257;yars, all
observing fifteen days&rsquo; pollution. A member of the first-named
class has to place an &#257;manapalaga (the traditional seat of
Namb&#363;diris and other high castes) for the Kurumbran&#257;d
R&#257;ja to sit on at the time of his installation, while a member of
the second has to present him with a cloth on the same occasion. The
sixth group consists of four kiriyams named Patam, Tulu, Manan, and
Ottu respectively, and has the collective name of R&#257;v&#257;ri. The
seventh group consists of six kulams, Kand&#333;n, Kannank&#333;dan,
Kotta, Karumba, Kundakollavan, and Panak&#257;dan N&#257;yars. All
observe fifteen days&rsquo; pollution, and the women of these six
kulams have certain duties to perform in connection with the
purification of women of the Vengalat, Pattillat, and Orakatteri
kulams. Besides these seven groups, there are a few other classes
without internal sub-divisions. One such class is known as P&#257;ppini
N&#257;yar. A woman of this class takes the part of the Br&#257;hmini
woman (Nambissan) at the t&#257;li-kettu kalyanam of girls belonging to
the kulams included in the third group. Another class called
P&#257;lattavan takes the place of the Attikurissi N&#257;yar at the
funeral ceremonies of the same three kulams.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In illustration of the custom of polyandry among the N&#257;yars of
Malabar in by-gone days, the following extracts may be quoted.
&ldquo;On the continent of India,&rdquo; it is recorded in Ellis&rsquo;
edition of the Kural, &ldquo;polyandry is still said to be practiced in
Orissa, and among particular tribes in other parts. In Malay&#257;lam,
as is well known, the vision of Plato in his ideal republic is more
completely <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb308" href="#pb308" name=
"pb308">308</a>]</span>realised, the women among the N&#257;yars not
being restricted to family or number, but, after she has been
consecrated by the usual rites before the nuptial fire, in which
ceremony any indifferent person may officiate as the representative of
her husband, being in her intercourse with the other sex only
restrained by her inclinations; provided that the male with whom she
associates be of an equal or superior tribe. But it must be stated, for
the glory of the female character, that, notwithstanding the latitude
thus given to the N&#257;yattis, and that they are thus left to the
guidance of their own free will and the play of their own fancy (which
in other countries has not always been found the most efficient check
on the conduct of either sex), it rarely happens that they cohabit with
more than one person at the same time. Whenever the existing connexion
is broken, whether from incompatibility of temper, disgust, caprice, or
any of the thousand vexations by which from the frailty of nature
domestic happiness is liable to be disturbed, the woman seeks another
lover, the man another mistress. But it mostly happens that the bond of
paternity is here, as elsewhere, too strong to be shaken off, and that
the uninfluenced and uninterested union of love, when formed in youth,
continues even in the decline of age.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In a note on the N&#257;yars in the sixteenth century, C&aelig;sar
Fredericke writes as follows.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e5020src" href=
"#xd21e5020" name="xd21e5020src">71</a> &ldquo;These Nairi having their
wives common amongst themselves, and when any of them goe into the
house of any of these women, he leaveth his sworde and target at the
door, and the time that he is there, there dare not be any so
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb309" href="#pb309" name=
"pb309">309</a>]</span>hardie as to come into that house. The
king&rsquo;s children shall not inherite the kingdom after their
father, because they hold this opinion, that perchance they were not
begotten of the king their father, but of some other man, therefore
they accept for their king one of the sonnes of the king&rsquo;s
sisters, or of some other woman of the blood roiall, for that they be
sure that they are of the blood roiall.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In his &ldquo;New Account of the East Indies, (1727)&rdquo; Hamilton
wrote: &ldquo;The husbands,&rdquo; of whom, he said, there might be
twelve, but no more at one time, &ldquo;agree very well, for they
cohabit with her in their turns, according to their priority of
marriage, ten days more or less according as they can fix a term among
themselves, and he that cohabits with her maintains her in all things
necessary for his time, so that she is plentifully provided for by a
constant circulation. When the man that cohabits with her goes into her
house he leaves his arms at the door, and none dare remove them or
enter the house on pain of death. When she proves with child, she
nominates its father, who takes care of his education after she has
suckled it, and brought it to walk or speak, but the children are never
heirs to their father&rsquo;s estate, but the father&rsquo;s
sister&rsquo;s children are.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Writing in the latter half of the eighteenth century, Grose
says<a class="noteref" id="xd21e5029src" href="#xd21e5029" name=
"xd21e5029src">72</a> that &ldquo;it is among the Nairs that
principally prevails the strange custom of one wife being common to a
number; in which point the great power of custom is seen from its
rarely or never producing any jealousies or quarrels among the
co-tenants of the same woman. Their number is not so much limited by
any specific <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb310" href="#pb310" name=
"pb310">310</a>]</span>law as by a kind of tacit convention, it
scarcely ever happening that it exceeds six or seven. The woman,
however, is under no obligation to admit above a single attachment,
though not less respected for using her privilege to its utmost extent.
If one of the husbands happens to come to the house when she is
employed with another, he knows that circumstance by certain signals
left at the door that his turn is not come, and departs very
resignedly.&rdquo; Writing about the same time, Sonnerat<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e5034src" href="#xd21e5034" name=
"xd21e5034src">73</a> says that &ldquo;these Br&#257;hmans do not
marry, but have the privilege of enjoying all the Nairesses. This
privilege the Portuguese who were esteemed as a great caste, obtained
and preserved, till their drunkenness and debauchery betrayed them into
a commerce with all sorts of women. The following right is established
by the customs of the country. A woman without shame may abandon
herself to all men who are not of an inferior caste to her own, because
the children (notwithstanding what Mr. de Voltaire says) do not belong
to the father, but to the mother&rsquo;s brother; they become his
legitimate heirs at their birth, even of the crown if he is
king.&rdquo; In his &lsquo;Voyages and Travels&rsquo;, Kerr writes as
follows.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e5037src" href="#xd21e5037" name=
"xd21e5037src">74</a> &ldquo;By the laws of their country these Nayres
cannot marry, so that no one has any certain or acknowledged son or
father; all their children being born of mistresses, with each of whom
three or four Nayres cohabit by agreement among themselves. Each one of
this cofraternity dwells a day in his turn with the joint mistress,
counting from noon of one day to the same time of the next, after which
he departs, and another <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb311" href=
"#pb311" name="pb311">311</a>]</span>comes for the like time. Thus they
spend their time without the care or trouble of wives and children, yet
maintain their mistresses well according to their rank. Any one may
forsake his mistress at his pleasure; and, in like manner, the mistress
may refuse admittance to any one of her lovers when she pleases. These
mistresses are all gentlewomen of the Nayre caste, and the Nayres,
besides being prohibited from marrying, must not attach themselves to
any woman of a different rank. Considering that there are always
several men attached to one woman, the Nayres never look upon any of
the children born of their mistresses as belonging to them, however
strong a resemblance may subsist, and all inheritances among the Nayres
go to their brothers, or the sons of their sisters, born of the same
mothers, all relationship being counted only by female consanguinity
and descent. This strange law prohibiting marriage was established that
they might have neither wives nor children on whom to fix their love
and attachment; and that, being free from all family cares, they might
more willingly devote themselves entirely to warlike service.&rdquo;
The term son of ten fathers is used as a term of abuse among
N&#257;yars to this day.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e5043src" href=
"#xd21e5043" name="xd21e5043src">75</a> T&#299;p&#363; Sult&#257;n is
said to have issued the following proclamation to the N&#257;yars, on
the occasion of his visit to Calicut in 1788. &ldquo;And, since it is a
practice with you for one woman to associate with ten men, and you
leave your mothers and sisters unconstrained in their obscene
practices, and are thence all born in adultery, and are more shameless
in your connections than the beasts of the field; I hereby require you
to forsake these sinful practices, and live like the rest of
mankind.&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id="xd21e5046src" href="#xd21e5046"
name="xd21e5046src">76</a></p>
<div class="figure xd21e5050width" id="pl5-312"><img src=
"images/pl5-312.jpg" alt="N&#257;yar females." width="519" height=
"720">
<p class="figureHead">N&#257;yar females.</p>
</div>
<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb312" href="#pb312" name=
"pb312">312</a>]</span></p>
<p>As to the present existence or non-existence of polyandry I must
call recent writers into the witness-box. The Rev. S. Mateer, Mr.
Fawcett writes,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e5057src" href="#xd21e5057"
name="xd21e5057src">77</a> &ldquo;informed me ten years ago&mdash;he
was speaking of polyandry among the N&#257;yars of
Travancore&mdash;that he had &lsquo;known an instance of six brothers
keeping two women, four husbands to one, and two to the other. In a
case where two brothers cohabited with one woman, and one was converted
to Christianity, the other brother was indignant at the
Christian&rsquo;s refusal to live any longer in this condition.&rsquo;
I have not known an admitted instance of polyandry amongst the
N&#257;yars of Malabar at the present day, but there is no doubt that,
if it does not exist now (and I think it does here and there), it
certainly did not long ago.&rdquo; Mr. Gopal Panikkar says<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e5061src" href="#xd21e5061" name=
"xd21e5061src">78</a> that &ldquo;to enforce this social edict upon the
Nairs, the Br&#257;hmans made use of the powerful weapon of their
aristocratic ascendancy in the country, and the Nairs readily submitted
to the Br&#257;hman supremacy. Thus it came about that the custom of
concubinage, so freely indulged in by the Br&#257;hmans with Nair
women, obtained such firm hold upon the country that it has only been
strengthened by the lapse of time. At the present day there are
families, especially in the interior of the district, who look upon it
as an honour to be thus united with Br&#257;hmans. But a reaction has
begun to take place against this feeling, and Br&#257;hman alliances
are invariably looked down upon in respectable Nair tarwads. This
reactionary feeling took shape in the Malabar Marriage Act.&rdquo; Mr.
Justice K. Narayana Marar says: &ldquo;There is nothing strange or to
be ashamed of in the fact that the N&#257;yars were originally of a
stock that practiced polyandry, nor if the <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb313" href="#pb313" name=
"pb313">313</a>]</span>practice continued till recently. Hamilton and
Buchanan say that, among the N&#257;yars of Malabar, a woman has
several husbands, but these are not brothers. These travellers came to
Malabar in the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century.
There is no reason whatever to suppose that they were not just
recording what they saw. For I am not quite sure whether, even now, the
practice is not lurking in some remote nooks and corners of the
country.&rdquo; Lastly, Mr. Wigram writes as follows.<a class="noteref"
id="xd21e5066src" href="#xd21e5066" name="xd21e5066src">79</a>
&ldquo;Polyandry may now be said to be dead, and, although the issue of
a N&#257;yar marriage are still children of their mother rather than of
their father, marriage may be defined as a contract based on mutual
consent, and dissoluble at will. It has been well said (by Mr. Logan)
that nowhere is the marriage tie, albeit informal, more rigidly
observed or respected than it is in Malabar: nowhere is it more
jealously guarded, or its neglect more savagely avenged.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In connection with the t&#257;li-kattu kaly&#257;nam, or
t&#257;li-tying marriage, Mr. Fawcett writes that &ldquo;the details of
this ceremony vary in different parts of Malabar, but the ceremony in
some form is essential, and must be performed for every N&#257;yar girl
before she attains puberty.&rdquo; For an account of this ceremony, I
must resort<a id="xd21e5071" name="xd21e5071"></a> to the evidence of
Mr. K. R. Krishna Menon before the Malabar Marriage
Commission.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e5073src" href="#xd21e5073" name=
"xd21e5073src">80</a></p>
<p>&ldquo;The t&#257;li-kattu kaly&#257;nam is somewhat analogous to
what a d&#275;va-d&#257;si (dancing-girl) of other countries
(districts) undergoes before she begins her profession. Among royal
families, and those of certain Edaprabhus, a Kshatriya, and among the
Charna sect a Nedung&#257;di is <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb314"
href="#pb314" name="pb314">314</a>]</span>invited to the girl&rsquo;s
house at an auspicious hour appointed for the purpose, and, in the
presence of friends and castemen, ties a t&#257;li (marriage badge)
round her neck, and goes away after receiving a certain fee for his
trouble. Among the other sects, the horoscope of the girl is examined
along with those of her enangan (a recognised member of one&rsquo;s own
class) families, and the boy whose horoscope is found to agree with
hers is marked out as a fit person to tie the t&#257;li, and a day is
fixed for the t&#257;li-tying ceremony by the astrologer, and
information given to the Karanavan<a class="noteref" id="xd21e5080src"
href="#xd21e5080" name="xd21e5080src">81</a> (senior male in a tarwad)
of the boy&rsquo;s family. The feast is called ayani&#363;nu, and the
boy is thenceforth called Manav&#257;lan or Pillai (bridegroom). From
the house in which the Manav&#257;lan is entertained a procession is
formed, preceded by men with swords, and shields shouting a kind of
war-cry. In the meantime a procession starts from the girl&rsquo;s
house, with similar men and cries, and headed by a member of her
tarwad, to meet the other procession, and, after meeting the
Manav&#257;lan, he escorts him to the girl&rsquo;s house. After
entering the booth erected for the purpose, he is conducted to a seat
of honour, and his feet are washed by the brother of the girl, who
receives a pair of cloths. The Manav&#257;lan is then taken to the
centre of the booth, where bamboo mats, carpets and white cloths are
spread, and seated there. The brother of the girl then carries her from
inside the house, and, after going round the booth three times, places
her at the left side of the Manav&#257;lan. The father of the girl then
presents new cloths tied in a kambli (blanket) to the pair, and with
this new cloth (called manthravadi) they change their dress. The wife
of the Karanavan of the girl&rsquo;s tarwad, if she be <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb315" href="#pb315" name="pb315">315</a>]</span>of
the same caste, then decorates the girl by putting on anklets, etc. The
pur&#333;hit (officiating priest) called Elayath (a low class of
Br&#257;hmans) then gives the t&#257;li to the Manav&#257;lan, and the
family astrologer shouts muhurtham (auspicious hour), and the
Manav&#257;lan, putting his sword on the lap, ties the t&#257;li round
the neck of the girl, who is then required to hold an arrow and a
looking-glass in her hand. In rich families a Br&#257;hmani sings
certain songs intended to bless the couple. In ordinary families who
cannot procure her presence, a N&#257;yar, versed in songs, performs
the office. The boy and girl are then carried by enangans to a
decorated apartment in the inner part of the house, where they are
required to remain under a sort of pollution for three days. On the
fourth day they bathe in some neighbouring tank (pond) or river,
holding each other&rsquo;s hands. After changing their clothes they
come home, preceded by a procession. Tom-toms (native drums) and
elephants usually form part of the procession, and turmeric water is
sprinkled. When they come home, all doors of the house are shut, and
the Manav&#257;lan is required to force them open. He then enters the
house, and takes his seat in the northern wing thereof. The aunt and
female friends of the girl then approach, and give sweetmeats to the
couple. The girl then serves food to the boy, and, after taking their
meal together from the same leaf, they proceed to the booth, where a
cloth is severed into two parts, and each part given to the
Manav&#257;lan and girl separately in the presence of enangans and
friends. The severing of the cloth is supposed to constitute a
divorce.&rdquo; &ldquo;The tearing of the cloth,&rdquo; Mr. Fawcett
writes, &ldquo;is confined to South Malabar. These are the essentials
of the ceremony, an adjunct to which is that, in spite of the divorce,
the girl observes <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb316" href="#pb316"
name="pb316">316</a>]</span>death pollution when her Manav&#257;lan
dies. The same Manav&#257;lan may tie the t&#257;li on any number of
girls, during the same ceremony or at any other time, and he may be old
or young. He is often an elderly holy Br&#257;hman, who receives a
small present for his services. The girl may remove the t&#257;li, if
she likes, after the fourth day. In some parts of Malabar there is no
doubt that the man who performs the r&ocirc;le of Manav&#257;lan is
considered to have some right to the girl, but in such case it has been
already considered that he is a proper man to enter into sambandham
with her.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Of the t&#257;li-kattu kaly&#257;nam in Malabar, the following
detailed account, mainly furnished by an Ur&#257;li N&#257;yar of
Calicut, is given in the Gazetteer of Malabar. &ldquo;An auspicious
time has to be selected for the purpose, and the preliminary
consultation of the astrologer is in itself the occasion of a family
gathering. The Manav&#257;lan or quasi-bridegroom is chosen at the same
time. For the actual kaly&#257;nam, two pandals (booths), a small one
inside a large one, are erected in front of the padinh&#257;tta macchu
or central room of the western wing. They are decorated with cloth,
garlands, lamps and palm leaves, and the pillars should be of areca
palm cut by an As&#257;ri on Sunday, Monday, or Wednesday. The first
day&rsquo;s ceremonies open with a morning visit to the temple, where
the officiating Br&#257;hman pours water sanctified by mantrams
(religious formul&aelig;), and the addition of leaves of mango, peepul
and darbha, over the girl&rsquo;s head. This rite is called kalasam
maduga. The girl then goes home, and is taken to the macchu, where a
hanging lamp with five wicks is lighted. This should be kept alight
during all the days of the kaly&#257;nam. The girl sits on a piece of
pala (<i>Alstonia scholaris</i>) wood, which is called a mana. She is
elaborately adorned, and some castes <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb317" href="#pb317" name="pb317">317</a>]</span>consider a coral
necklace an essential. In her right hand she holds a
v&#257;alkann&#257;di (brass hand mirror), and in her left a charakkal
(a highly ornate arrow). In front of the girl are placed, in addition
to the five-wicked lamp and nirachaveppu, a metal dish or talam of
parched rice, and the eight lucky things known as ashtamangalyam. A
woman, termed Brahmini or Pushpini, usually of the Nambissan caste,
sits facing her on a three-legged stool (pidam), and renders
appropriate and lengthy songs, at the close of which she scatters rice
over her. About midday there is a feast, and in the evening songs in
the macchu are repeated. Next morning, the ceremonial in the macchu is
repeated for the third time, after which the paraphernalia are removed
to the nearest tank or to the east of the household well, where the
Pushpini sings once more, goes through the form of making the
girl&rsquo;s toilet, and ties a cocoanut frond round each of her wrists
(kapp&#333;la). The girl has then to rise and jump over a kindi
(vessel) of water with an unhusked cocoanut placed on the top,
overturning it the third time. The party then proceed to the pandal,
two men holding a scarlet cloth over the girl as a canopy, and a
Ch&#257;liyan (weaver) brings two cloths (k&#333;di vastiram), which
the girl puts on. In the evening, the previous day&rsquo;s ceremonial
is repeated in the macchu. The third day is the most important, and it
is then that the central act of the ceremony is performed. For this the
girl sits in the inner pandal richly adorned. In some cases she is
carried from the house to the pandal by her karnavan or brother, who
makes a number of pradakshinams round the pandal (usually 3 or 7)
before he places her in her seat. Before the girl are the various
objects already specified, and the hymeneal ditties of the Pushpini
open the proceedings. At the auspicious moment the <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb318" href="#pb318" name=
"pb318">318</a>]</span>Manav&#257;lan arrives in rich attire. He is
often preceded by a sort of body guard with sword and shield who utter
a curious kind of cry, and is met at the gate of the girl&rsquo;s house
by a bevy of matrons with lamps and salvers decorated with flowers and
lights, called talams. A man of the girl&rsquo;s family washes his
feet, and he takes his seat in the pandal on the girl&rsquo;s right.
Sometimes the girl&rsquo;s father at this stage presents new cloths
(mantrav&#257;di or mantrok&#333;di) to the pair, who at once don them.
The girl&rsquo;s father takes the t&#257;li, a small round plate of
gold about the size of a two-anna bit, with a hole at the top, from the
goldsmith who is in waiting, pays him for it,&rsquo; and gives it to
the Manav&#257;lan. The karnavan or father of the girl asks the
astrologer thrice if the moment has arrived, and, as he signifies his
assent the third time, the Manav&#257;lan ties the t&#257;li round the
girl&rsquo;s neck amidst the shouts of those present. The
Manav&#257;lan carries the girl indoors to the macchu, and feasting
brings the day to a close. Tom-toming and other music are of course
incessant accompaniments throughout as on other festal occasions, and
the women in attendance keep up a curious kind of whistling, called
kurava, beating their lips with their fingers. On the fourth day, girl
and Manav&#257;lan go in procession to the temple richly dressed. The
boy, carrying some sort of sword and shield, heads the party. If the
family be one of position, he and the girl must be mounted on an
elephant. Offerings are made, to the deity, and presents to the
Br&#257;hmans. They return home, and, as they enter the house, the
Manav&#257;lan who brings up the rear is pelted by the boys of the
party with plantains, which he wards off with his shield. In other
cases, he is expected to make a pretence of forcing the door open.
These two usages are no doubt to be classed with those marriage
ceremonies which take the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb319" href=
"#pb319" name="pb319">319</a>]</span>form of a contest between the
bridegroom and the bride&rsquo;s relatives, and which are symbolic
survivals of marriage by capture. The Manav&#257;lan and the girl next
partake of food together in the inner pandal&mdash;a proceeding which
obviously corresponds to the ceremonious first meal of a newly-married
couple. The assembled guests are lavishly entertained. The chief
Kovilagans and big N&#257;yar houses will feed 1,000 Br&#257;hmans as
well as their own relations, and spend anything up to ten or fifteen
thousand rupees on the ceremony.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Concerning the t&#257;li-kettu ceremony in Travancore Mr. N.
Subramani Aiyar writes as follows. &ldquo;After the age of eleven, a
N&#257;yar girl becomes too old for this ceremony, though, in some rare
instances, it is celebrated after a girl attains her age. As among
other castes, ages represented by an odd number, <i>e.g.</i>, seven,
nine, and eleven, have a peculiar auspiciousness attached to them. Any
number of girls, even up to a dozen, may go through the ceremony at one
time, and they may include infants under one year&mdash;an arrangement
prompted by considerations of economy, and rendered possible by the
fact that no civil or religious right or liability is contracted as
between the parties. The duty of getting the girls of the tarwad
&lsquo;married&rsquo; devolves on the karanavan, or in his default on
the eldest brother, the father&rsquo;s obligation being discharged by
informing him that the time for the ceremony has arrived. The masters
of the ceremonies at a N&#257;yar t&#257;li-kettu in Travancore are
called Machchampikkar, <i>i.e.</i>, men in the village, whose social
status is equal to that of the tarwad in which the ceremony is to be
celebrated. At a preliminary meeting of the Machchampikkar, the number
of girls for whom the ceremony is to be performed, the bridegrooms, and
other details are settled. The horoscopes are examined by the village
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb320" href="#pb320" name=
"pb320">320</a>]</span>astrologer, and those youths in the tarwads who
have passed the age of eighteen, and whose horoscopes agree with those
of the girls, are declared to be eligible. The ola (palm-leaf) on which
the Kaniyan (astrologer) writes his decision is called the muhurta
charutu, and the individual who receives it from him is obliged to see
that the ceremony is performed on an auspicious day in the near future.
The next important item is the fixing of a wooden post in the
south-west corner or kannimula of the courtyard. At the construction of
the pandal (booth) the Pidakakkar or villagers render substantial aid.
The mandapa is decorated with ears of corn, and hence called
katirmandapa. It is also called mullapandal. On the night of the
previous day the kalati or Br&#257;hman&rsquo;s song is sung. A
sumptuous banquet, called ayaniunnu, is given at the girl&rsquo;s house
to the party of the young man. The ceremony commences with the
bridegroom washing his feet, and taking his seat within the pandal. The
girl meanwhile bathes, worships the household deity, and is dressed in
new cloths and adorned with costly ornaments. A Br&#257;hman woman ties
a thread round the girl&rsquo;s left wrist, and sings a song called
Subhadraveli, which deals with the marriage by capture of Subhadra by
Arjuna. Then, on the invitation of the girl&rsquo;s mother, who throws
a garland round his neck, the bridegroom goes in procession, riding on
an elephant, or on foot. The girl&rsquo;s brother is waiting to receive
him at the pandal. A leading villager is presented with some money, as
if to recompense him for the permission granted by him to commence the
ceremony. The girl sits within the mandapa, facing the east, with her
eyes closed. The bridegroom, on his arrival, sits on her right. He then
receives the minnu (ornament) from the Ilayatu priest, and ties it
round the girl&rsquo;s neck. A song is sung called <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb321" href="#pb321" name=
"pb321">321</a>]</span>ammachampattu, or the song of the maternal
uncle. If there are several brides, they sit in a row, each holding in
her hand an arrow and a looking-glass, and the ornaments are tied on
their necks in the order of their ages. Unless enangans are employed,
there is usually only one t&#257;li-tier, whatever may be the number of
girls. In cases where, owing to poverty, the expenses of the ceremony
cannot be borne, it is simply performed in front of a Br&#257;hman
temple, or in the pandaramatam, or house of the village chieftain. In
many North Travancore taluks the girl removes her tali as soon as she
hears of the tali-tier&rsquo;s death.&rdquo; It is noted by the Rev. S.
Mateer<a class="noteref" id="xd21e5110src" href="#xd21e5110" name=
"xd21e5110src">82</a> that &ldquo;a Nair girl of Travancore must get
married with the t&#257;li before the age of eleven to avoid reproach
from friends and neighbours. In case of need a sword may even be made
to represent a bridegroom.&rdquo; Sometimes, when a family is poor, the
girl&rsquo;s mother makes an idol of clay, adorns it with flowers, and
invests her daughter with the t&#257;li in the presence of the
idol.</p>
<div class="figure xd21e5115width" id="pl5-320"><img src=
"images/pl5-320.jpg" alt="N&#257;yar jewelry." width="516" height=
"720">
<p class="figureHead">N&#257;yar jewelry.</p>
</div>
<p>In an account of the <span class="corr" id="xd21e5121" title=
"Source: tali-kettu">t&#257;li-kettu</span> ceremony, in the Cochin
Census Report, 1901, it is stated that &ldquo;the celebration of the
ceremony is costly, and advantage is therefore taken of a single
occasion in the course of ten or twelve years, at which all girls in a
family, irrespective of their ages, and, when parties agree, all girls
belonging to families that observe death pollution between one another
go through the ceremony. The ceremony opens with the fixing of a post
for the construction of a pandal or shed, which is beautifully
decorated with cloth, pictures and festoons. The male members of the
village are invited, and treated to a feast followed by the
distribution <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb322" href="#pb322" name=
"pb322">322</a>]</span>of p&#257;n-sup&#257;ri. Every time that a
marriage ceremony is celebrated, a member of the family visits His
Highness the R&#257;ja with presents, and solicits his permission for
the celebration. Such presents are often made to the Namb&#363;dri
Jenmis (landlords), by their tenants, and by castes attached to illams.
It may be noted that certain privileges, such as sitting on a grass
mat, having an elephant procession, drumming, firing of pop-guns, etc.,
have often to be obtained from the Ruler of the State. The marriage
itself begins with the procession to the marriage pandal with the eight
auspicious things (ashtamangalyam) and pattiniruththal (seating for
song), at the latter of which a Br&#257;hmini or Pushpini sings certain
songs based upon suitable Pur&#257;nic texts. The girls and other
female members of the family, dressed in gay attire and decked with
costly ornaments, come out in procession to the pandal, where the
Pushpini sings, with tom-toms and the firing of pop-guns at intervals.
After three, five, or seven rounds of this, a cutting of the jasmine
placed in a brass pot is carried on an elephant by the Elayad or family
priest to the nearest Bhagavati temple, where it is planted on the
night previous to the ceremonial day with tom-toms, fireworks, and
joyous shouts of men and women. A few hours before the auspicious
moment for the ceremony, this cutting is brought back. Before the
t&#257;li is tied, the girls are brought out of the room, and, either
from the ground itself or from a raised platform, beautifully decorated
with festoons, etc., are made to worship the sun. The bridegroom, a
Tirumulp&#257;d or an enangan, is then brought into the house with
sword in hand, with tom-toms, firing of pop-guns, and shouts of joy. At
the gate he is received by a few female members with ashtamangalyam in
their hands, and seated on a bench or <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb323" href="#pb323" name="pb323">323</a>]</span>stool in the pandal.
A male member of the family, generally a brother or maternal uncle of
the girl, washes the feet of the bridegroom. The girls are covered with
new cloths of cotton or silk, and brought into the pandal, and seated
screened off from one another. After the distribution of money presents
to the Br&#257;hmans and the Elayad, the latter hands over the
t&#257;li, or thin plate of gold shaped like the leaf of aswatha
(<i>Ficus religiosa</i>), and tacked on to a string, to the
Tirumulp&#257;d, who ties it round the neck of the girl. A single
Tirumulp&#257;d often ties the t&#257;li round the neck of two, three,
or four girls. He is given one to eight rupees per girl for so doing.
Sometimes the t&#257;li is tied by the mother of the girl. The
retention of the t&#257;li is not at all obligatory, nay it is seldom
worn or taken care of after the ceremony. These circumstances clearly
show the purely ceremonial character of this form of marriage. The
Karamel Asan, or headman of the village, is an important factor on this
occasion. In a conspicuous part of the marriage pandal, he is provided
with a seat on a cot, on which a grass mat, a black blanket, and white
cloth are spread one over the other. Before the t&#257;li is tied, his
permission is solicited for the performance of the ceremony. He is paid
4, 8, 16, 32 or 64 puthans (a puthan = 10 pies) per girl, according to
the means of the family. He is also given rice, curry stuff, and
p&#257;n-sup&#257;ri. Rose-water is sprinkled at intervals on the males
and females assembled on the occasion. With the distribution of
p&#257;n-sup&#257;ri, scented sandal paste and jasmine flowers to the
females of the village and wives of relatives and friends, who are
invited for the occasion, these guests return to their homes. The male
members, one or two from each family in the village, are then treated
to a sumptuous feast. In some places, where the Enangu <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb324" href="#pb324" name=
"pb324">324</a>]</span>system prevails, all members of such families,
both male and female, are also provided with meals. On the third day,
the villagers are again entertained to a luncheon of rice and milk
pudding, and on the fourth day the girls are taken out in procession
for worship at the nearest temple amidst tom-toms and shouting. After
this a feast is held, at which friends, relatives, and villagers are
given a rich meal. With the usual distribution of p&#257;n-sup&#257;ri,
sandal and flowers, the invited guests depart. Presents, chiefly in
money, are made to the eldest male member of the family by friends and
relatives and villagers, and with this the ceremony closes. From the
time of fixing the first pole for the pandal to the tying of the
t&#257;li, the village astrologer is in attendance on all ceremonial
occasions, as he has to pronounce the auspicious moment for the
performance of each item. During the four days of the marriage,
entertainments, such as Kathakali drama or Ottan Tullal, are very
common. When a family can ill-afford to celebrate the ceremony on any
grand scale, the girls are taken to the nearest temple, or to the illam
of a Namb&#363;dri, if they happen to belong to sub-divisions attached
to illams, and the t&#257;li is tied with little or no feasting and
merriment. In the northern taluks, the very poor people sometimes tie
the t&#257;li before the Trikkakkarappan on the Tiruvonam
day.&rdquo;</p>
<p>An interesting account of the t&#257;li-kettu ceremony is given by
Duarte Barbosa, who writes as follows.<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5135src" href="#xd21e5135" name="xd21e5135src">83</a>
&ldquo;After they are ten or twelve years old or more, their mothers
perform a marriage ceremony for them in this manner. They advise the
relations and friends that they may come to do honour to their
daughters, and they <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb325" href="#pb325"
name="pb325">325</a>]</span>beg some of their relations and friends to
marry these daughters, and they do so. It must be said that they have
some gold jewel made, which will contain half a ducat of gold, a little
shorter than the tag of lace, with a hole in the middle passing through
it, and they string it on a thread of white silk; and the mother of the
girl stands with her daughter very much dressed out, and entertaining
her with music and singing, and a number of people. And this relation
or friend of hers comes with much earnestness, and there performs the
ceremony of marriage, as though he married her, and they throw a gold
chain round the necks of both of them together, and he puts the above
mentioned jewel round her neck, which she always has to wear as a sign
that she may now do what she pleases. And the bridegroom leaves her and
goes away without touching her nor more to say to her on account of
being her relation; and, if he is not so, he may remain with her if he
wish it, but he is not bound to do so if he do not desire it. And from
that time forward the mother goes begging some young men to deflower
the girl, for among themselves they hold it an unclean thing and almost
a disgrace to deflower women.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The t&#257;li-kettu ceremony is referred to by Kerr, who, in his
translation of Castaneda, states that &ldquo;these sisters of the
Zamorin, and other kings of Malabar, have handsome allowances to live
upon; and, when any of them reaches the age of ten, their kindred send
for a young man of the N&#257;yar caste out of the kingdom, and give
him presents to induce him to initiate the young virgin; after which he
hangs a jewel round her neck, which she wears all the rest of her life,
as a token that she is now at liberty to dispose of herself to anyone
she pleases as long as she lives.&rdquo; <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb326" href="#pb326" name="pb326">326</a>]</span></p>
<p>The opinion was expressed by Mr. (now Sir Henry) Winterbotham, one
of the Malabar Marriage Commissioners, that the Br&#257;hman
t&#257;li-tier was a relic of the time when the Namb&#363;tiris were
entitled to the first fruits, and it was considered the high privilege
of every N&#257;yar maid to be introduced by them to womanhood. In this
connection, reference may be made to Hamilton&rsquo;s &lsquo;New
Account of the East Indies&rsquo;, where it is stated that &ldquo;when
the Zamorin marries, he must not cohabit with his bride till the
Namb&#363;dri, or chief priest, has enjoyed her, and he, if he pleases,
may have three nights of her company, because the first fruits of her
nuptials must be an holy oblation to the god she worships. And some of
the nobles are so complaisant as to allow the clergy the same tribute,
but the common people cannot have that compliment paid to them, but are
forced to supply the priests&rsquo; places themselves.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Of those who gave evidence before the Malabar Commission, some
thought the t&#257;li-kettu was a marriage, some not. Others called it
a mock marriage, a formal marriage, a sham marriage, a fictitious
marriage, a marriage sacrament, the preliminary part of marriage, a
meaningless ceremony, an empty form, a ridiculous farce, an incongruous
custom, a waste of money, and a device for becoming involved in debt.
&ldquo;While,&rdquo; the report states, &ldquo;a small minority of
strict conservatives still maintain that the t&#257;li-kettu is a real
marriage intended to confer on the bridegroom a right to cohabit with
the bride, an immense majority describe it as a fictitious marriage,
the origin of which they are at a loss to explain. And another large
section tender the explanation accepted by our President (Sir T.
Muttusami Aiyar) that, in some way or other, it is an essential caste
observance preliminary to the forming of sexual relations.&rdquo;
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb327" href="#pb327" name=
"pb327">327</a>]</span></p>
<p>In a recent note, Mr. K. Kannan N&#257;yar writes<a class="noteref"
id="xd21e5151src" href="#xd21e5151" name="xd21e5151src">84</a>:</p>
<p>&ldquo;Almost every N&#257;yar officer in Government employ, when
applying for leave on account of the kettukalli&#257;nam of his
daughter or niece, states in his application that he has to attend to
the &lsquo;marriage&rsquo; of the girl. The ceremony is generally
mentioned as marriage even in the letters of invitation sent by
N&#257;yar gentlemen in these days....</p>
<p>This ceremony is not intended even for the betrothal of the girl to
a particular man, but is one instituted under Br&#257;hman influence as
an important kriya (sacrament) antecedent to marriage, and intended, as
the popular saying indicates, for dubbing the girl with the status of
Amma, a woman fit to be married. The saying is T&#257;li-kettiu Amma
&#257;yi, which means a woman has become an Amma when her tali-tying
ceremony is over.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In summing up the evidence collected by him, Mr. L. Moore
states<a class="noteref" id="xd21e5160src" href="#xd21e5160" name=
"xd21e5160src">85</a> that it seems to prove beyond all reasonable
doubt that &ldquo;from the sixteenth century at all events, and up to
the early portion of the nineteenth century, the relations between the
sexes in families governed by marumakkattayam were of as loose a
description as it is possible to imagine. The t&#257;li-kettu
kaly&#257;nam, introduced by the Br&#257;hmans, brought about no
improvement, and indeed in all probability made matters much worse by
giving a quasi-religious sanction to a fictitious marriage, which bears
an unpleasant resemblance to the sham marriage ceremonies performed
among certain inferior castes elsewhere as a cloak for prostitution. As
years passed, some time about the opening of the nineteenth century,
the K&#275;rala Mahatmyam and Keralolpathi were concocted, probably by
Namb&#363;dris, and false and pernicious doctrines as to the
obligations laid on the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb328" href=
"#pb328" name="pb328">328</a>]</span>N&#257;yars by divine law to
administer to the lust of Namb&#363;dris were disseminated abroad. The
better classes among the N&#257;yars revolted against the degrading
custom thus established, and a custom sprang up especially in North
Malabar, of making sambandham a more or less formal contract, approved
and sanctioned by the karnavan (senior male) of the tarwad to which the
lady belonged, and celebrated with elaborate ceremony under the
pudamuri form. That there was nothing analogous to the pudamuri
prevalent in Malabar from A.D. 1550 to 1800 may, I think, be fairly
presumed from the absence of all allusion to it in the works of the
various European writers.&rdquo; According to Act IV, Madras, 1896,
sambandham means an alliance between a man and a woman, by reason of
which they in accordance with the custom of the community to which they
belong, or either of them belongs, cohabit or intend to cohabit as
husband and wife.</p>
<p>Of sambandham the following account was given by Mr. Chandu Menon to
the Malabar Marriage Commission. &ldquo;The variations of the
sambandham are the pudamuri, vastrad&#257;nam, uzhamporukkuka,
vit&#257;ram kayaruka, etc., which are local expressions hardly
understood beyond the localities in which they are used, but there
would be hardly a Malaiy&#257;li who would not readily understand what
is meant by sambandham tudanguga (to begin sambandham). The meaning of
this phrase, which means to &lsquo;marry,&rsquo; is understood
throughout K&#275;ralam in the same way, and there can be no ambiguity
or mistake about it. It is thus found that sambandham is the principal
word denoting marriage among marumakkat&#257;yam N&#257;yars.
[Sambandhak&#257;ran is now the common term for husband.] It will also
be found, on a close and careful examination of facts, that the
principal features of this <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb329" href=
"#pb329" name="pb329">329</a>]</span>sambandham ceremony all over
K&#275;ralam are in the main the same. As there are different local
names denoting marriage, so there may be found local variations in the
performance of the ceremony. But the general features are more or less
the same. For instance, the examination, prior to the betrothal, of the
horoscopes of the bride and bridegroom to ascertain whether their stars
agree astrologically; the appointment of an auspicious day for the
celebration of the ceremony; the usual hour at which the ceremony takes
place; the presentation of d&#257;nam (gifts) to Br&#257;hmans;
sumptuous banquet; the meeting of the bride and bridegroom, are
features which are invariably found in all well-conducted sambandhams
in all parts of K&#275;ralam alike. But here I would state that I
should not be understood as saying that each and every one of the
formalities above referred to are gone through at all sambandhams among
respectable N&#257;yars; and I would further state that they ought to
be gone through at every sambandham, if the parties wish to marry
according to the custom of the country. I would now briefly refer to
the local variations to be found in the ceremony of the sambandham, and
also the particular incidents attached to certain forms of sambandham
in South Malabar. I shall describe the pudamuri or vastrad&#257;nam as
celebrated in North Malabar, and then show how the other forms of
sambandham differ from it. Of all the forms of sambandham, I consider
the pudamuri the most solemn and the most fashionable in North Malabar.
The preliminary ceremony in every pudamuri is the examination of the
horoscopes of the bride and bridegroom by an astrologer. This takes
place in the house of the bride, in the presence of the relations of
the bride and bridegroom. The astrologer, after examination, writes
down <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb330" href="#pb330" name=
"pb330">330</a>]</span>the results of his calculations on a piece of
palmyra leaf, with his opinion as to the fitness or otherwise of the
match, and hands it over to the bridegroom&rsquo;s relations. If the
horoscopes agree, a day is then and there fixed for the celebration of
the marriage. This date is also written down on two pieces of cadjan
(palm leaf), one of which is handed over to the bride&rsquo;s
Karanavan, and the other to the bridegroom&rsquo;s relations. The
astrologer and the bridegroom&rsquo;s party are then feasted in the
bride&rsquo;s house, and the former also receives presents in the shape
of money or cloth. This preliminary ceremony, which is invariably
performed at all pudamuris in North Malabar, is called pudamuri
kurikkal, but is unknown in South Malabar. Some three or four days
prior to the date fixed for the celebration of the pudamuri, the
bridegroom visits his Karanavans and elders in caste, to obtain formal
leave to marry. The bridegroom on such occasion presents his elders
with betel and nuts, and obtains their formal sanction to the wedding.
On the day appointed, the bridegroom proceeds after sunset to the house
of the bride, accompanied by a number of his friends. He goes in
procession, and is received at the gate of the house by the
bride&rsquo;s party, and conducted with his friends to seats provided
in the tekkini or southern hall of the house. There the bridegroom
distributes presents (d&#257;nam) or money gifts to the Br&#257;hmans
assembled. After this, the whole party is treated to a sumptuous
banquet. It is now time for the astrologer to appear, and announce the
auspicious hour fixed. He does it accordingly, and receives his dues.
The bridegroom is then taken by one of his friends to the padinhatta or
principal room of the house. The bridegroom&rsquo;s party has, of
course, brought with them a quantity of new cloths, and betel leaves
and nuts. The <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb331" href="#pb331" name=
"pb331">331</a>]</span>cloths are placed in the western room of the
house (padinhatta), in which all religious and other important
household ceremonies are usually performed. This room will be
decorated, and turned into a bed-room for the occasion. There will be
placed in the room a number of lighted lamps, and ashtamangalyam, which
consists of eight articles symbolical of mangalyam or marriage. These
are rice, paddy (unhusked rice), the tender leaves of cocoanut trees,
an arrow, a looking-glass, a well-washed cloth, burning fire, and a
small round box called cheppu. These will be found placed on the floor
of the room as the bridegroom enters it. The bridegroom with his
groomsman enters the room through the eastern door. The bride, dressed
in rich cloths and bedecked with jewels, enters the room through the
western door, accompanied by her aunt or some other elderly lady of her
family. The bride stands facing east, with the ashtamangalyam and
lit-up lamps in front of her. The groomsman then hands over to the
bridegroom a few pieces of new cloth, and the bridegroom puts them into
the hands of the bride. This being done, the elderly lady who
accompanied the bride sprinkles rice over the lamps and the head and
shoulders of the bride and bridegroom, who immediately leaves the room,
as he has to perform another duty. At the tekkini or southern hall, he
now presents his elders and friends with cakes, and betel leaf and
nuts. Betel and nuts are also given to all the persons assembled at the
place. After the departure of the guests, the bridegroom retires to the
bed-room with the bride. Next morning, the vettilakettu or
salk&#257;ram ceremony follows, and the bridegroom&rsquo;s female
relations take the bride to the husband&rsquo;s house, where there is
feasting in honour of the occasion. Uzhamporukkuka or v&#299;d&#257;ram
kayaral is a peculiar form <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb332" href=
"#pb332" name="pb332">332</a>]</span>of marriage in North Malabar. It
will be seen from description given above that the pudamuri is
necessarily a costly ceremony, and many people resort to the less
costly ceremony of uzhamporukkuka or v&#299;d&#257;ram kayaral. The
features of this ceremony are to a certain extent the same as pudamuri,
but it is celebrated on a smaller scale. There is no cloth-giving
ceremony. The feasting is confined to the relations of the couple. The
particular incident of this form of marriage is that the husband should
visit the wife in her house, and is not permitted to take her to his
house, unless and until he celebrates the regular pudamuri ceremony.
This rule is strictly adhered to in North Malabar, and instances in
which the husband and wife joined by the uzhamporukkuka ceremony, and
with grown-up children as the issue of such marriage, undergo the
pudamuri ceremony some fifteen or twenty years after uzhamporukkuka, in
order to enable the husband to take the wife to his house, are known to
me personally. The sambandham of South Malabar, and the kidakkora
kaly&#257;nam of Palghat have all or most of the incidents of pudamuri,
except the presenting of cloths. Here money is substituted for cloths,
and the other ceremonies are more or less the same. There is also
salk&#257;ram ceremony wanting in South Malabar, as the wives are not
at once taken to the husband&rsquo;s house after marriage.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In connection with the following note by Mr. C. P. R&#257;man Menon
on sambandham among the Akattu Charna or Akathithaparisha (inside
clan), Mr. Fawcett states that &ldquo;my informant says in the first
place that the man should not enter into sambandham with a woman until
he is thirty. Now-a-days, when change is running wild, the man is often
much less. In North Malabar, which is much more conservative than the
south, it was, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb333" href="#pb333" name=
"pb333">333</a>]</span>however, my experience that sambandham was rare
on the side of the man before twenty-seven.&rdquo; &ldquo;The
Karanavan,&rdquo; Mr. R&#257;man Menon writes, &ldquo;and the women of
his household choose the bride, and communicate their choice to the
intending bridegroom through a third party; they may not, dare not
speak personally to him in the matter. He approves. The bride&rsquo;s
people are informally consulted, and, if they agree, the astrologer is
sent for, and examines the horoscopes of both parties to the intended
union. As a matter of course these are found to agree, and the
astrologer fixes a day for the sambandham ceremony. A few days before
this takes place, two or three women of the bridegroom&rsquo;s house
visit the bride, intimating beforehand that they are coming. There they
are well treated with food and sweetmeats, and, when on the point of
leaving, they inform the senior female that the bridegroom (naming him)
wishes to have sambandham with ... (naming her), and such and such a
day is auspicious for the ceremony. The proposal is accepted with
pleasure, and the party from the bridegroom&rsquo;s house returns home.
Preparations for feasting are made in the house of the bride, as well
as in that of the bridegroom on the appointed day. To the former all
relations are invited for the evening, and to the latter a few friends
who are much of the same age as the bridegroom are invited to partake
of food at 7 or 8 <span class="sc">P.M.</span>, and accompany him to
the bride&rsquo;s house. After eating they escort him, servants
carrying betel leaves (one or two hundred according to the means of the
taravad), areca nuts and tobacco, to be given to the bride&rsquo;s
household, and which are distributed to the guests. When the
bride&rsquo;s house is far away, the bridegroom makes his procession
thither from a neighbouring house. Arrived at the bride&rsquo;s house,
they sit awhile, and are again <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb334"
href="#pb334" name="pb334">334</a>]</span>served with food, after which
they are conducted to a room, where betel and other chewing stuff is
placed on brass or silver plates called th&#257;lam. The chewing over,
sweetmeats are served, and then all go to the bridal chamber, where the
women of the house and others are assembled with the bride, who,
overcome with shyness, hides herself behind the others. Here again the
bridegroom and his party go through more chewing, while they chat with
the women. After a while the men withdraw, wishing the couple all
happiness, and then the women, departing one by one, leave the couple
alone, one of them shutting the door from the outside. The Pattar
Br&#257;hmans always collect on these occasions, and receive small
presents (dakshina) of two to four annas each, with betel leaves and
areca nuts from the bridegroom, and sometimes from the bride. A few who
are invited receive their dakshina in the bridal chamber, the others
outside. Those of the bridegroom&rsquo;s party who live far away are
given sleeping accommodation at the bride&rsquo;s house [in a
N&#257;yar house the sleeping rooms of the men and women are at
different ends of the house]. About daybreak next morning the
bridegroom leaves the house with his party, leaving under his pillow 8,
16, 32, or 64 rupees, according to his means, which are intended to
cover the expenses of the wife&rsquo;s household in connection with the
ceremony. The sambandham is now complete. The girl remains in her own
taravad house, and her husband visits her there, coming in the evening
and leaving next morning. A few days after the completion of the
ceremony, the senior woman of the bridegroom&rsquo;s house sends some
cloths, including pavu mundu (superior cloths) and thorthu mundu
(towels) and some oil to the bride for her use for six months. Every
six months she does the same, and, at the &#332;nam, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb335" href="#pb335" name=
"pb335">335</a>]</span>Vishu, and Thiruvath&#299;ra festivals, she
sends besides a little money, areca nuts, betel and tobacco. The money
sent should be 4, 8, 16, 32, or 64 rupees. Higher sums are very rarely
sent. Before long, the women of the husband&rsquo;s house express a
longing for the girl-wife to be brought to their house, for they have
not seen her yet. Again the astrologer is requisitioned, and, on the
day he fixes, two or three of the women go to the house of the girl,
or, as they call her, Amm&#257;yi (uncle&rsquo;s wife). They are well
treated, and presently bring away the girl with them. As she is about
to enter the gate-house of her husband&rsquo;s taravad, the stile of
which she crosses right leg first, two or three of the women meet her,
bearing a burning lamp and a brass plate (th&#257;lam), and precede her
to the nalukattu of the house. There she is seated on a mat, and a
burning lamp, a nazhi (measure) of rice, and some plantains are placed
before her. One of the younger women takes up a plantain, and puts a
piece of it in the Amm&#257;yi&rsquo;s mouth; a little ceremony called
madhuram t&#299;tal, or giving the sweets for eating. She lives in her
husband&rsquo;s house for a few days, and is then sent back to her own
with presents, bracelets, rings or cloths, which are gifts of the
senior woman of the house. After this she is at liberty to visit her
husband&rsquo;s house on any day, auspicious or inauspicious. In a big
taravad, where there are many women, the Amm&#257;yi does not, as a
rule, get much sympathy and good-will in the household, and, if she
happens to live temporarily in her husband&rsquo;s house, as is
sometimes, though very rarely the case in South Malabar, and to be the
wife of the Karanavan, it is observed that she gets more than her share
of whatever good things may be going. Hence the proverb, &lsquo;Place
Amm&#257;yi Amma on a stone, and grind her with another stone.&rsquo; A
sambandham ceremony at <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb336" href=
"#pb336" name="pb336">336</a>]</span>Calicut is recorded by Mr.
Fawcett, at which there were cake and wine for the guests, and a ring
for the bride.</p>
<p>In connection with sambandham, Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar writes from
Travancore that &ldquo;it is known in different localities as
gunadosham (union through good or evil), vastrad&#257;nam or putavakota
(giving of cloth), and uzhamporukkal (waiting one&rsquo;s turn). It may
be performed without any formal ceremony whatever, and is actually a
private transaction confidentially gone through in some families. The
bridegroom and his friends assemble at the house of the bride on the
appointed night, and, before the assembled guests, the bridegroom
presents the bride with a few unbleached cloths. Custom enjoins that
four pieces of cloth should be presented, and the occasion is availed
of to present cloths to the relatives and servants of the bride also.
The girl asks permission of her mother and maternal uncle, before she
receives the cloths. After supper, and the distribution of
p&#257;n-sup&#257;ri, the party disperses. Another day is fixed for the
consummation ceremony. On that day the bridegroom, accompanied by a few
friends, goes to the bride&rsquo;s house with betel leaves and nuts.
After a feast, the friends retire.&rdquo;</p>
<p>It is noted in the Cochin Census Report, 1901, that one name for the
sambandham rite is kitakkora, meaning bed-chamber ceremony. In the same
report, the following account of a puberty ceremony is given.
&ldquo;The tirandukuli ceremony is practically a public declaration
that a girl has reached the age of maturity. When a girl attains
puberty, she is seated in a separate room, where a lamp is lit, and a
brass pot with a bunch of cocoanut flowers is kept. She has to keep
with her a circular plate of brass called v&#257;lkann&#257;di,
literally a looking-glass with a handle. The event is proclaimed by
korava <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb337" href="#pb337" name=
"pb337">337</a>]</span>(shouts of joy by females). The females of the
neighbouring houses, and of the families of friends and relatives,
visit her. New cloths are presented to the girl by her near relatives.
On the third day the villagers, friends and relatives are treated to a
luncheon of rice and milk pudding. Early in the morning on the fourth
day, the Mannans or V&#275;lans appear. The girl is anointed with oil,
and tender leaves of the cocoanut palm are tied round the head and
waist. In the company of maidens she is brought out of the room, and
the V&#275;lans sing certain songs. Thence the party move on to the
tank, where the girl wears a cloth washed by a V&#275;lan, and takes a
bath. After the bath the V&#275;lans again sing songs. In the
afternoon, the girl is taken out by the females invited for the
occasion to an ornamental pandal, and the V&#275;lans, standing at a
distance, once more sing. With the usual distribution of
p&#257;n-sup&#257;ri, sandal and jasmine flowers, the ceremony closes.
In the midst of the song, the female guests of the village, the wives
of friends and relatives, and most of the members of the family itself,
present each a small cloth to the V&#275;lans. They are also given a
small amount of money, rice, betel leaf, etc. The guests are then
entertained at a feast. In some places, the girl is taken to a separate
house for the bath on the fourth day, whence she returns to her house
in procession, accompanied by tom-toms and shouting. In the northern
t&#257;luks, the V&#275;lan&rsquo;s song is in the night, and the
performance of the ceremony on the fourth day is compulsory. In the
southern t&#257;luks, it is often put off to some convenient day.
Before the completion of this song ceremony, the girl is prohibited
from going out of the house or entering temples.&rdquo;</p>
<p>It is provided, by the Malabar Marriage Act, 1896, that, &ldquo;when
a sambandham has been registered in the manner <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb338" href="#pb338" name=
"pb338">338</a>]</span>therein laid down, it shall have the incidence
of a legal marriage; that is to say, the wife and children shall be
entitled to maintenance by the husband or father, respectively, and to
succeed to half his self-acquired property, if he dies intestate; while
the parties to such a sambandham cannot register a second sambandham
during its continuance, that is, until it is terminated by death or by
a formal application for divorce in the Civil Courts. The total number
of sambandhams registered under the Act has, however, been
infinitesimal, and the reason for this is, admittedly, the reluctance
of the men to fetter their liberty to terminate sambandham at will by
such restrictions as the necessity for formal divorce, or to undertake
the burdensome responsibility of a legal obligation to maintain their
wife and offspring. If, as the evidence recorded by the Malabar
Marriage Commission tended to show, &lsquo;a marriage law in North
Malabar, and throughout the greater part of South Malabar, would merely
legalise what is the prevailing custom,&rsquo; it is hard to see why
there has been such a disinclination to lend to that custom the dignity
of legal sanction.&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id="xd21e5200src" href=
"#xd21e5200" name="xd21e5200src">86</a> The following applications to
register sambandhams under the Act were received from 1897 to
1904:&mdash;</p>
<div class="table">
<table class="verticalBorderInside">
<thead>
<tr class="label">
<td class="cellHeadLeft cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">&mdash;&mdash;</td>
<td class="cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">N&#257;yars.</td>
<td class="cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">Tiyans.</td>
<td class="cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">Others.</td>
<td class="cellHeadRight cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">Total.</td>
</tr>
</thead>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">1897</td>
<td>28</td>
<td>6</td>
<td>2</td>
<td class="cellRight">36</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">1898</td>
<td>8</td>
<td>2</td>
<td>4</td>
<td class="cellRight">14</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">1899</td>
<td>8</td>
<td>2</td>
<td>4</td>
<td class="cellRight">14</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">1900</td>
<td>8</td>
<td>...</td>
<td>9</td>
<td class="cellRight">17</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">1901</td>
<td>3</td>
<td>...</td>
<td>1</td>
<td class="cellRight">4</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">1902</td>
<td>...</td>
<td>...</td>
<td>...</td>
<td class="cellRight">...</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">1903</td>
<td>2</td>
<td>...</td>
<td>...</td>
<td class="cellRight">2</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft cellBottom">Total</td>
<td class="cellBottom"><span class="sum">57</span></td>
<td class="cellBottom"><span class="sum">10</span></td>
<td class="cellBottom"><span class="sum">20</span></td>
<td class="cellRight cellBottom"><span class="sum">87</span></td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
</div>
<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb339" href="#pb339" name=
"pb339">339</a>]</span></p>
<p>In a recent account of a N&#257;yar wedding in high life in
Travancore, the host is said to have distributed flowers, attar, etc.,
to all his Hindu guests, while the European, Eurasian, and other
Christian guests, partook of cake and wine, and other refreshments, in
a separate tent. The Chief Secretary to Government proposed the toast
of the bride and bridegroom.</p>
<p>The following note on N&#257;yar pregnancy ceremonies was supplied
to Mr. Fawcett by Mr. U. Balakrishnan N&#257;yar. &ldquo;A woman has to
observe certain ceremonies during pregnancy. First, during and after
the seventh month, she (at least among the well-to-do classes) bathes,
and worships in the temple every morning, and eats before her morning
meal a small quantity of butter, over which mantrams (consecrated
formul&aelig;) have been said by the temple priest, or by
Namb&#363;tiris. This is generally done till delivery. Another, and
even more important ceremony, is the puli-kuti (drinking tamarind
juice). This is an indispensable ceremony, performed by rich and poor
alike, on a particular day in the ninth month. The day and hour are
fixed by the local astrologer. The ceremony begins with the planting of
a twig of the ampasham tree on the morning of the day of the ceremony
in the principal courtyard (natu-muttam) of the tarav&#257;d. At the
appointed hour or muh&#363;rtam, the pregnant woman, after having
bathed, and properly attired, is conducted to a particular portion of
the house (vatakini or northern wing), where she is seated, facing
eastward. The ammayi, or uncle&rsquo;s wife, whose presence on the
occasion is necessary, goes to the courtyard, and, plucking a few
leaves of the planted twig, squeezes a few drops of its juice into a
cup. This she hands over to the brother, if any, of the pregnant woman.
It is necessary that the brother should wear a gold ring on his
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb340" href="#pb340" name=
"pb340">340</a>]</span>right ring finger. Holding a country knife
(pissan kathi) in his left hand, which he directs towards the mouth, he
pours the tamarind juice over the knife with his right hand three
times, and it dribbles down the knife into the woman&rsquo;s mouth, and
she drinks it. In the absence of a brother, some other near relation
officiates. After she has swallowed the tamarind juice, the woman is
asked to pick out one of several packets of different grains placed
before her. The grain in the packet she happens to select is supposed
to declare the sex of the child in her womb. The ceremony winds up with
a sumptuous feast to all the relatives and friends of the
family.&rdquo; In connection with pregnancy ceremonies, Mr. N.
Subramani Aiyar writes that &ldquo;the puli-kuti ceremony is performed
at the seventh, or sometimes the ninth month. The husband has to
contribute the rice, cocoanut, and plantains, and present seven vessels
containing sweetmeats. In the absence of a brother, a M&#257;r&#257;n
pours the juice into the mouth of the woman.&rdquo; It is noted in the
Cochin Census Report, 1901, that &ldquo;the puli-kudi ceremony consists
in administering to the woman with child a few pills of tamarind and
other acid substances. The pills are placed at the end of a
knife-blade, and pushed into the mouth of the woman by means of a gold
ring. The ceremony, which in a way corresponds to the pumsavana of the
Br&#257;hmans, is performed either by a brother or uncle of the woman,
and, in the absence of both, by the husband himself. Unlike
Br&#257;hmans, the ceremony is performed only at the time of the first
pregnancy.&rdquo; In the eighth month, a ceremony, called garbha veli
uzhiyal, is performed by the Kaniyan (astrologer) to remove the effects
of the evil eye.</p>
<p>The ceremonies observed in connection with pregnancy are described
as follows in the Gazetteer of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb341"
href="#pb341" name="pb341">341</a>]</span>Malabar. &ldquo;The first
regular ceremony performed during pregnancy is known as pulikudi or
drinking tamarind, which corresponds to the Pumsavanam of the
Br&#257;hmans. But there are other observances of less importance,
which commonly, if not invariably, precede this, and may be considered
as corresponding to the Garbharakshana (embryo or womb protection)
ceremony sometimes performed by Br&#257;hmans, though not one of the
obligatory sacraments. Sometimes the pregnant woman is made to consume
daily a little ghee (clarified butter), which has been consecrated by a
Namb&#363;diri with appropriate mantrams. Sometimes exorcists of the
lower castes, such as P&#257;nans, are called in, and perform a
ceremony called Balikkala, in which they draw magic patterns on the
ground, into which the girl throws lighted wicks, and sing rude songs
to avert from the unborn babe the unwelcome attentions of evil spirits,
accompanying them on a small drum called tudi, or with bell-metal
cymbals. The ceremony concludes with the sacrifice of a cock, if the
woman is badly affected by the singing. The pulikudi is variously
performed in the fifth, seventh, or ninth month. An auspicious hour has
to be selected by the village astrologer for this as for most
ceremonies. A branch of a tamarind tree should be plucked by the
pregnant woman&rsquo;s brother, who should go to the tree with a kindi
(bell-metal vessel) of water, followed by an Enangatti<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e5315src" href="#xd21e5315" name=
"xd21e5315src">87</a> carrying a hanging lamp with five wicks
(tukkuvilakku), and, before plucking it, perform three pradakshinams
round it. In the room in which the ceremony is to be <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb342" href="#pb342" name=
"pb342">342</a>]</span>performed, usually the vadakkini, there is
arranged a mat, the usual lamp (nilavilakku) with five wicks, and a
para measure of rice (niracchaveppu), also the materials necessary for
the performance of Ganapathi p&#363;ja (worship of the god
Gan&#275;sa), consisting of plantains, brown sugar, leaves of the
sacred basil or tulasi (<i>Ocimum sanctum</i>), sandal paste, and the
eight spices called ashtagantham. The woman&rsquo;s brother performs
Ganapathi p&#363;ja, and then gives some of the tamarind leaves to the
Enangatti, who expresses their juice, and mixes it with that of four
other plants.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e5323src" href="#xd21e5323"
name="xd21e5323src">88</a> The mixture is boiled with a little rice,
and the brother takes a little of it in a jack (<i>Artocarpus
integrifolia</i>) leaf folded like a spoon, and lets it run down the
blade of a knife into his sister&rsquo;s mouth. He does this three
times. Then the mixture is administered in the same manner by some
woman of the husband&rsquo;s family, and then by an Amm&#257;yi (wife
of one of the members of the girl&rsquo;s tarwad). The branch is then
planted in the nadumittam, and feasting brings the ceremony to a close.
The above description was obtained from an Urali N&#257;yar of Calicut
taluk. In other localities and castes, the details vary considerably.
Sometimes the mixture is simply poured into the woman&rsquo;s mouth,
instead of being dripped off a knife. Some castes use a small spoon of
gold or silver instead of the jack leaves. In South Malabar there is
not as a rule any procession to the tamarind tree. Among Agathu Charna
N&#257;yars of South Malabar, the ceremony takes place in the
nadumittam, whither the tamarind branch is brought by a Tiyan. The girl
carries a valkannadi or bell-metal mirror, a charakk&#333;l or arrow,
and a pisankatti (knife). An Enangatti pours some oil <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb343" href="#pb343" name="pb343">343</a>]</span>on
her head, and lets it trickle down two or three hairs to her navel
where it is caught in a plate. Then the girl and her brother, holding
hands, dig a hole with the charakk&#333;l and pisankatti, and plant the
tamarind branch in the nadumittam, and water it. Then the juice is
administered. Until she is confined, the girl waters the tamarind
branch, and offers rice, flowers, and lighted wicks to it three times a
day. When labour begins, she uproots the branch.&rdquo;</p>
<p>&ldquo;At delivery,&rdquo; Mr. Balakrishnan N&#257;yar writes,
&ldquo;women of the barber caste officiate as midwives. In some
localities, this is performed by V&#275;lan caste women. Pollution is
observed for fifteen days, and every day the mother wears cloths washed
and presented by a woman of the Vann&#257;n [or T&#299;yan] caste. On
the fifteenth day is the purificatory ceremony. As in the case of death
pollution, a man of the Attikurissi clan sprinkles on the woman a
liquid mixture of oil and the five products of the cow
(p&#257;nchagavya), with gingelly (<i>Sesamum</i>) seeds. Then the
woman takes a plunge-bath, and sits on the ground near the tank or
river. Some woman of the family, with a copper vessel in her hands,
takes water from the tank or river, and pours it on the mother&rsquo;s
head as many as twenty-one times. This done, she again plunges in the
water, from which she emerges thoroughly purified. It may be noted
that, before the mother proceeds to purify herself, the new-born babe
has also to undergo a rite of purification. It is placed on the bare
floor, and its father or uncle sprinkles a few drops of cold water on
it, and takes it in his hands. The superstitious believe that the
temperament of the child is determined by that of the person who thus
sprinkles the water. All the members of the tarav&#257;d observe
pollution for fifteen days following the delivery, during <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb344" href="#pb344" name=
"pb344">344</a>]</span>which they are prohibited from entering temples
and holy places.&rdquo; It is noted by Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar that the
first act done, when a male child is born, is to beat the earth with a
cocoanut leaf, and, if the issue is a female, to grind some turmeric in
a mortar, with the object, it is said, of removing the child&rsquo;s
fear.</p>
<p>In connection with post-natal ceremonies, Mr. Balakrishnan
N&#257;yar writes further that &ldquo;the twenty-seventh day after the
child&rsquo;s birth, or the first recurring day of the star under which
it was born, marks the next important event. On this day, the Karanavan
of the family gives to the child a spoonful or two of milk mixed with
sugar and slices of plantain. Then he names the child, and calls it in
the ear by the name three times. This is followed by a feast to all
friends and relatives, the expenses of which are met by the father of
the child. With the N&#257;yar, every event is introduced by a
ceremonial. The first meal of rice (chor&#363;n) partaken of by the
child forms no exception to the rule. It must be remembered that the
child is not fed on rice for some time after birth, the practice being
to give it flour of dried plantain boiled with jaggery (crude sugar).
There is a particular variety of plantain, called kunnan, used for this
purpose. Rice is given to the child for the first time generally during
the sixth month. The astrologer fixes the day, and, at the auspicious
hour, the child, bathed and adorned with ornaments (which it is the
duty of the father to provide) is brought, and laid on a plank. A
plantain leaf is spread in front of it, and a lighted brass lamp placed
near. On the leaf are served a small quantity of cooked
rice&mdash;generally a portion of the rice offered to some temple
divinity&mdash;some tamarind, salt, chillies, and sugar. [In some
places all the curries, etc., prepared for the attendant feast, are
also served.] <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb345" href="#pb345" name=
"pb345">345</a>]</span>Then the Karanavan, or the father, ceremoniously
approaches, and sits down facing the child. First he puts in the mouth
of the child a mixture of the tamarind, chillies and salt, then some
rice, and lastly a little sugar. Thenceforward the ordinary food of the
child is rice. It is usual on this occasion for relatives (and
especially the bandhus, such as the ammayi, or &lsquo;uncle&rsquo;s
wife&rsquo;) to adorn the child with gold bangles, rings and other
ornaments. The rice-giving ceremony is, in some cases, preferably
performed at some famous temple, that at Guruvay&#363;r being a
favourite one for this purpose.&rdquo; It is noted by Mr. N. Subramani
Aiyar that the rice-giving ceremony is usually performed by taking the
child to a neighbouring temple, and feeding it with the meal offered to
the deity as nivadiyam. In some places, the child is named on the
chor&#363;n day.</p>
<p>Of ceremonies which take place in infancy and childhood, the
following account is given in the Gazetteer of Malabar. &ldquo;On the
fifth day after birth, a woman of the Attikurissi or M&#257;rayan caste
among N&#257;yars, or of the barber caste in the lower classes, is
called in, and purifies the mother, the other women of the household,
and the room in which the child was born, by lustration with milk and
gingelly oil, using karuga (<i>Cynodon Dactylon</i>) as a sprinkler.
Her perquisites are the usual n&#299;racchaveppu (1 edangazhi of paddy
and 1 nazhi of uncooked rice) placed together with a lamp of five wicks
in the room to be cleansed, and a small sum in cash. A similar
purification ceremony on the 15th day concludes the pollution period.
In some cases, milk and cow&rsquo;s urine are sprinkled over the woman,
and, after she has bathed, the M&#257;rayan, or Attikurissi waves over
her and the child two vessels, one containing water, stained red with
turmeric and lime, and one water blackened with <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb346" href="#pb346" name=
"pb346">346</a>]</span>powdered charcoal. During this and other
periods, a characteristic service called m&#257;ttu (change) has to be
rendered by people of the Mann&#257;n caste to N&#257;yars, and to
other castes by their proper washermen, who may or may not be
Mann&#257;ns. On the day of birth, the Mann&#257;tti brings a clean
t&#363;ni (cloth) of her own, and a mundu (cloth), which she places in
the yard, in which she finds the accustomed perquisites of grain set
out, and a lamp. An Attikurissi N&#257;yar woman takes the clean
clothes, and the Mann&#257;tti removes those previously worn by the
mother. Every subsequent day during the pollution period, the
Mann&#257;tti brings a change of raiment, but it is only on the 7th and
15th days that any ceremonial is observed, and that the Attikurissi
woman is required. On those days, a Mann&#257;n man attends with the
Mann&#257;tti, He makes three pradakshinams round the clean clothes,
the lamp, and the niracchaveppu, and scatters a little of the grain
forming the latter on the ground near it, with an obeisance, before the
Attikurissi woman takes the clothes indoors. This rite of m&#257;ttu
has far reaching importance. It affords a weapon, by means of which the
local tyrant can readily coerce his neighbours, whom he can subject to
the disabilities of excommunication by forbidding the washerman to
render them this service; while it contributes in no small degree to
the reluctance of Malay&#257;li women to leave K&#275;rala, since it is
essential that the m&#257;ttu should be furnished by the appropriate
caste and no other.</p>
<p>&ldquo;On the twenty-eighth day (including the day of birth) comes
the P&#257;lu-kudi (milk-drinking) ceremony, at which some women of the
father&rsquo;s family must attend. Amongst castes in which the wife
lives with the husband, the ceremony takes place in the husband&rsquo;s
house, to which the wife and child return for the first time on this
day. The usual lamp, niracchaveppu and kindi of water, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb347" href="#pb347" name="pb347">347</a>]</span>are
set forth with a plate, if possible of silver, containing milk, honey,
and bits of a sort of plantain called kunnan, together with three jack
leaves folded to serve as spoons. The mother brings the child newly
bathed, and places it in his Karnavan&rsquo;s lap. The goldsmith is in
attendance with a string of five beads (mani or kuzhal) made of the
panchaloham or five metals, gold, silver, iron, copper and lead, which
the father ties round the baby&rsquo;s waist. The Karnavan, or the
mother, then administers a spoonful of the contents of the plate to the
child with each of the jack leaves in turn. The father&rsquo;s sister,
or other female relative, also administers some, and the Karnavan then
whispers the child&rsquo;s name thrice in its right ear.</p>
<p>&ldquo;The name is not publicly announced till the Ch&#333;runnu or
Annapr&#257;sanam (rice giving), which takes place generally in the
sixth month, and must be performed at an auspicious moment prescribed
by an astrologer. The paraphernalia required are, besides the
five-wicked lamp, some plantain leaves on which are served rice and
four kinds of curry called kalan, olan, avil, and ericchakari, some
pappadams (wafers of flour and other ingredients), plantains and
sweetmeats called upp&#275;ri (plantains fried in cocoanut oil). The
mother brings the child newly bathed, and wearing a cloth for the first
time, and places it in the Karnavan&rsquo;s lap. The father then ties
round the child&rsquo;s neck a gold ring, known as muhurta mothiram
(auspicious moment ring), and the relatives present give the child
other ornaments of gold or silver according to their means, usually a
n&#363;l or neck-thread adorned with one or more pendants, an arannal
or girdle, a pair of bangles, and a pair of anklets. The Karnavan then,
after an oblation to Ganapathi, gives the child some of the curry, and
whispers its name in its right ear three times. He then carries the
child to a cocoanut tree <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb348" href=
"#pb348" name="pb348">348</a>]</span>near the house, round which he
makes three pradakshinams, pouring water from a kindi round the foot of
the tree as he does so. The procession then returns to the house, and
on the way an old woman of the family proclaims the baby&rsquo;s name
aloud for the first time in the form of a question, asking it
&lsquo;Krishnan&rsquo; (for instance), &lsquo;dost thou see the
sky?&rsquo; In some cases, the father simply calls out the name
twice.</p>
<p>&ldquo;The Vidyarambham ceremony to celebrate the beginning of the
child&rsquo;s education takes place in the fifth or seventh year. In
some places, the child is first taken to the temple, where some water
sanctified by mantrams is poured over his head by the
Sh&#257;ntik&#257;ran (officiating priest). The ceremony at the house
is opened by Ganapathi p&#363;ja performed by an Ezhuttacchan, or by a
Namb&#363;dri, or another N&#257;yar. The Ezhuttacchan writes on the
child&rsquo;s tongue with a gold fanam (coin) the invocation to
Ganapathi (Hari Sri Ganapathayi nama), or sometimes the fifty-one
letters of the Malayalam alphabet, and then grasps the middle finger of
the child&rsquo;s right hand, and with it traces the same letters in
parched rice. He also gives the child an ola (strip of palm leaf)
inscribed with them, and receives in return a small fee in cash. Next
the child thrice touches first the Ezhuttacchan&rsquo;s feet, and then
his own forehead with his right hand, in token of that reverent
submission to the teacher, which seems to have been the key-note of the
old Hindu system of education.</p>
<p>&ldquo;The K&#257;thukuttu or ear-boring is performed either at the
same time as the P&#257;la-kudi or the Choulam, or at any time in the
fifth or seventh year. The operator, who may be any one possessing the
necessary skill, pierces first the right and then the left ear with two
gold or silver wires brought by the goldsmith, or with karamullu
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb349" href="#pb349" name=
"pb349">349</a>]</span>thorns. The wires or thorns are left in the
ears. In the case of girls, the hole is subsequently gradually
distended by the insertion of nine different kinds of thorns or plugs
in succession, the last of which is a bamboo plug, till it is large
enough to admit the characteristic Malay&#257;li ear ornament, the
boss-shaped toda.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Of the death ceremonies among the N&#257;yars of Malabar, the
following detailed account is given by Mr. Fawcett. &ldquo;When the
dying person is about to embark for that bourne from which no traveller
returns, and the breath is about to leave his body, the members of the
household, and all friends who may be present, one by one, pour a
little water, a few drops from a tiny cup made of a leaf or two of the
tulsi (<i>Ocimum sanctum</i>), into his mouth, holding in the hand a
piece of gold or a gold ring, the idea being that the person should
touch gold ere it enters the mouth of the person who is dying. If the
tarav&#257;d is rich enough to afford it, a small gold coin (a
r&#257;si fanam, if one can be procured) is placed in the mouth, and
the lips are closed. As soon as death has taken place, the corpse is
removed from the cot or bed and carried to the vatakkini (a room in the
northern end of the house), where it is placed on long plantain leaves
spread out on the floor; while it is in the room, whether by day or
night, a lamp is kept burning, and one member of the tarav&#257;d holds
the head in his lap, and another the feet in the same way; and here the
neighbours come to take a farewell look at the dead. As the
Malay&#257;lis believe that disposal of a corpse by cremation or burial
as soon as possible after death is conducive to the happiness of the
spirit of the departed, no time is lost in setting about the funeral.
The bodies of senior members of the tarav&#257;d, male or female, are
burned, those of children under two are buried; so too are the bodies
of all <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb350" href="#pb350" name=
"pb350">350</a>]</span>persons who have died of cholera or small-pox.
When preparations for the funeral have been made, the corpse is removed
to the natumuttam or central yard of house, if there is one (there
always is in the larger houses); and, if there is not, is taken to the
front yard, where it is again laid on plantain leaves. It is washed and
anointed, the usual marks are made with sandal paste and ashes as in
life, and it is neatly clothed. There is then done what is called the
potavekkuka ceremony, or placing new cotton cloths (k&#333;ti mundu)
over the corpse by the senior member of the deceased&rsquo;s
tarav&#257;d followed by all the other members, and also the
sons-in-law and daughters-in-law, and all relatives. These cloths are
used for tying up the corpse, when being taken to the place of burial
or cremation. In some parts of Malabar, the corpse is carried on a bier
made of fresh bamboos, tied up in these cloths, while in others it is
carried, well covered in the cloths, by hand. In either case it is
carried by the relatives. Before the corpse is removed, there is done
another ceremony called p&#257;ravirakkuka, or filling up p&#257;ras.
(A p&#257;ra is a measure nearly as big as a gallon.) All adult male
members of the tarav&#257;d take part in it under the direction of a
man of the Attikkurissi clan who occupies the position of director of
the ceremonies during the next fifteen days, receiving as his
perquisites all the rice and other offerings made to the
deceased&rsquo;s spirit. It consists in filling up three p&#257;ra
measures with paddy (unhusked rice), and one edang&#257;li (1/10 of a
p&#257;ra) with raw rice. These offerings of paddy and rice are placed
very near the corpse, together with a burning lamp of the kind commonly
used in Malabar, called nela vilaku. If the tarav&#257;d is rich enough
to afford one, a silk cloth is placed over the corpse before its
removal for cremation. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb351" href=
"#pb351" name="pb351">351</a>]</span>As much fuel as is necessary
having been got ready at the place of cremation, a small pit about the
size of the corpse is dug, and across this are placed three long stumps
of plantain tree, one at each end, and one in the middle, on which as a
foundation the pyre is laid. The whole, or at least a part of the wood
used, should be that of the mango tree. As the corpse is being removed
to the pyre, the senior Anandravan<a class="noteref" id="xd21e5374src"
href="#xd21e5374" name="xd21e5374src">89</a> who is next in age
(junior) to the deceased tears from one of the new cloths laid on the
corpse a piece sufficient to go round his waist, ties it round his
waist and holds in his hand, or tucks into his cloth at the waist, a
piece of iron, generally a long key. This individual is throughout
chief among the offerers of pindam (balls of rice) to the deceased. The
corpse is laid on the bier with the head to the south, with the fuel
laid over it, and a little camphor, sandalwood and gh&#299; (clarified
butter), if these things are within the means of the tarav&#257;d. Here
must be stated the invariable rule that no member of the tarav&#257;d,
male or female, who is older than the deceased, shall take any part
whatever in the ceremony, or in any subsequent ceremony following on
the cremation or burial. All adult males junior to the deceased should
be present when the pyre is lighted. The deceased&rsquo;s younger
brother, or, if there is none surviving, his nephew (his sister&rsquo;s
eldest son) sets fire to the pyre at the head of the corpse. If the
deceased left a son, this son sets fire at the same time to the pyre at
the feet of the corpse. In the case of the deceased being a woman, her
son sets fire to the pyre; failing a son, the next junior in age to her
has the right to do it. It is a matter of greatest <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb352" href="#pb352" name=
"pb352">352</a>]</span>importance that the whole pyre burns at once.
The greatest care is taken that it burns as a whole, consuming every
part of the corpse. While the corpse is being consumed, all the members
of the deceased&rsquo;s tarav&#257;d who carried it to the pyre go and
bathe in a tank (there is always one in the compound or grounds round
every N&#257;yar&rsquo;s house). The eldest, he who bears the piece of
torn cloth and iron (the key), carries an earthen pot of water, and all
return together to the place of cremation. It should be said that, on
the news of a death, the neighbours assemble, assisting in digging the
grave, preparing the pyre, and so on, and, while the members of the
tarav&#257;d go and bathe, they remain near the corpse. By the time the
relatives return it is almost consumed by the fire, and the senior
Anandravan carries the pot of water thrice round the pyre, letting the
water leak out by making holes in the pot as he walks round. On
completing the third round, he dashes the pot on the ground close by
where the head of the dead body has been placed. A small image
representing the deceased is then made out of raw rice, and to this
image a few grains of rice and gingelly seeds are offered. When this
has been done, the relatives go home and the neighbours depart, bathing
before entering their houses. When the cremation has been done by
night, the duty of s&#275;shakriya (making offerings to the
deceased&rsquo;s spirit) must be begun the next day between 10 and 11
A.M., and is done on seven consecutive days. In any case the time for
this ceremony is after 10 and before 11, and it continues for seven
days. It is performed as follows. All male members of the tarav&#257;d
younger than the deceased go together to a tank and bathe, <i>i.e.,</i>
they souse themselves in the water, and return to the house. The eldest
of them, the man who tore off the strip of cloth from <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb353" href="#pb353" name="pb353">353</a>]</span>the
corpse, has with him the same strip of cloth and the piece of iron, and
all assemble in the central courtyard of the house, where there have
been placed ready by an enangan some rice which has been half boiled, a
few grains of gingelly, a few leaves of the cher&#363;la (<i>&AElig;rua
lanata</i>), some curds, a smaller measure of paddy, and a smaller
measure of raw rice. These are placed in the north-east corner with a
lamp of the ordinary Malabar pattern. A piece of palmyra leaf, about a
foot or so in length and the width of a finger, is taken, and one end
of it is knotted. The knotted end is placed in the ground, and the long
end is left sticking up. This represents the deceased. The rice and
other things are offered to it. The belief concerning this piece of
palmyra leaf is explained thus. There are in the human body ten
humours:&mdash;V&#257;y&#363;s, Pr&#257;nan, Ap&#257;nan, Sam&#257;nan,
Ud&#257;nan, Vy&#257;nan, N&#257;gan, Kurman, Krikalan,
D&#275;vadattan, Dhananjayan. These are called Dasav&#257;yu,
<i>i.e.</i>, ten airs. When cremation was done for the first time, all
these, excepting the last, were destroyed by the fire. The last one
flew up, and settled on a palmyra leaf. Its existence was discovered by
some Br&#257;hman sages, who, by means of mantrams, forced it down to a
piece of palmyra leaf on the earth. So it is thought that, by making
offerings to this Dhananjayan leaf for seven days, the spirit of the
deceased will be mollified, should he have any anger to vent on the
living members of the tarav&#257;d. The place where the piece of leaf
is to be fixed has been carefully cleaned, and the leaf is fixed in the
centre of the prepared surface. The offerings made to it go direct to
the spirit of the deceased, and the peace of the tarav&#257;d is
assured. The men who have bathed and returned have brought with them
some grass (karuka pulla), plucked on their way back to the house.
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb354" href="#pb354" name=
"pb354">354</a>]</span>They kneel in front of the piece of palmyra,
with the right knee on the ground. Some of the grass is spread on the
ground near the piece of leaf, and rings made with it are placed on the
ring finger of the right hand by each one present. The first offerings
consist of water, sandal paste, and leaves of the cher&#363;la, the
eldest of the Anandravans leading the way. Boys need not go through the
actual performance of offerings; it suffices for them to touch the
eldest as he is making the offerings. The half boiled rice is made into
balls (pindam), and each one present takes one of these in his right
hand, and places it on the grass near the piece of palmyra leaf. Some
gingelly seeds are put into the curd, which is poured so as to make
three rings round the pindams. It is poured out of a small cup made
with the leaf on which the half-boiled rice had been placed. It should
not be poured from any other kind of vessel. The whole is then covered
with this same plantain leaf, a lighted wick is waved, and some milk is
put under the leaf. It is undisturbed for some moments, and leaf is
gently tapped with the back of the fingers of the right hand. The leaf
is then removed, and torn in two at its midrib, one piece being placed
on either side of the pindams. The ceremony is then over for the day.
The performers rise, and remove the wet clothing they have been
wearing. The eldest of the Anandravans should, it was omitted to
mention, be kept somewhat separated from the other Anandravans while in
the courtyard, and before the corpse is removed for cremation; a
son-in-law or daughter-in-law, or some such kind of relation remaining,
as it were, between him and them. He has had the piece of cloth torn
from the covering of the corpse tied round his waist, and the piece of
iron in the folds of his cloth, or stuck in his waist during the
ceremony <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb355" href="#pb355" name=
"pb355">355</a>]</span>which has just been described. Now, when it has
been completed, he ties the piece of cloth to the pillar of the house
nearest to the piece of palmyra leaf which has been stuck in the
ground, and puts the piece of iron in a safe place. The piece of
palmyra leaf is covered with a basket. It is uncovered every day for
seven days at the same hour, while the same ceremony is repeated. The
balls of rice are removed by women and girls of the tarav&#257;d who
are junior to the deceased. They place them in the bell-metal vessel in
which the rice was boiled. The senior places the vessel on her head,
and leads the way to a tank, on the bank of which the rice is thrown.
It is hoped that crows will come and eat it; for, if they do, the
impression is received that the deceased&rsquo;s spirit is pleased with
the offering. But, if somehow it is thought that the crows will not
come and eat it, the rice is thrown into the tank. Dogs are not to be
allowed to eat it. The women bathe after the rice has been thrown away.
When the ceremony which has been described has been performed for the
seventh time, i.e., on the seventh day after death, the piece of
palmyra leaf is removed from the ground, and thrown on the ashes of the
deceased at the place of cremation. During these seven days, no member
of the tarav&#257;d goes to any other house. The house of the dead, and
all its inmates are under pollution. No outsider enters it but under
ban of pollution, which is, however, removable by bathing. A visitor
entering the house of the dead during these seven days must bathe
before he can enter his own house. During these seven days, the
Karanavan of the family receives visits of condolence from relatives
and friends to whom he is &ldquo;at home&rdquo; on Monday, Wednesday or
Saturday. They sit and chat, chew betel, and go home, bathing ere they
enter their houses. It is said <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb356"
href="#pb356" name="pb356">356</a>]</span>that, in some parts of
Malabar, the visitors bring with them small presents in money or kind
to help the Karanavan through the expenditure to which the funeral
rites necessarily put him. To hark back a little, it must not be
omitted that, on the third day after the death, all those who are
related by marriage to the tarav&#257;d of the deceased combine, and
give a good feast to the inmates of the house and to the neighbours who
are invited, one man or woman from each house. The person so invited is
expected to come. This feast is called patni karigi. On the seventh
day, a return feast will be given by the tarav&#257;d of the deceased
to all relatives and neighbours. Between the seventh and fourteenth day
after death no ceremony is observed, but the members of the
tarav&#257;d remain under death pollution. On the fourteenth day comes
the sanchayanam. It is the disposal of the calcined remains; the ashes
of the deceased. The male members of the tarav&#257;d go to the place
of cremation, and, picking up the pieces of unburnt bones which they
find there, place these in an earthen pot which has been sun-dried (not
burnt by fire in the usual way), cover up the mouth of this pot with a
piece of new cloth, and, all following the eldest who carries it,
proceed to the nearest river (it must be running water), which receives
the remains of the dead. The men then bathe, and return home. In some
parts of Malabar the bones are collected on the seventh day, but it is
not orthodox to do so. Better by far than taking the remains to the
nearest river is it to take them to some specially sacred place,
Benares, Gaya, Ram&#275;swaram, or even to some place of sanctity much
nearer home, as to Tirunelli in Wynaad, and there dispose of them in
the same manner. The bones or ashes of any one having been taken to
Gaya and there deposited in the river, the survivors of the
tarav&#257;d have <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb357" href="#pb357"
name="pb357">357</a>]</span>no need to continue the annual ceremony for
that person. This is called ashtagaya sr&#257;dh. It puts an end to the
need for all earthly ceremonial. It is believed that the collection and
careful disposal of the ashes of the dead gives peace to his spirit,
and, what is more important, the pacified spirit will not thereafter
injure the living members of the tarav&#257;d, cause miscarriage to the
women, possess the men (as with an evil spirit), and so on. On the
fifteenth day after death is the purificatory ceremony. Until this has
been done, any one touched by any member of the tarav&#257;d should
bathe before he enters his house, or partakes of any food. A man of the
Athikurisi clan officiates. He sprinkles milk oil, in which some
gingelly seeds have been put, over the persons of those under
pollution. This sprinkling, and the bath which follows it, remove the
death pollution. The purifier receives a fixed remuneration for his
offices on this occasion, as well as when there is a birth in the
tarav&#257;d. In the case of death of a senior member of a
tarav&#257;d, well-to-do and recognised as of some importance, there is
the feast called pinda atiyantaram on the sixteenth day after death,
given to the neighbours and friends. With the observance of this feast
of pindams there is involved the d&#299;ksha, or leaving the entire
body unshaved for forty-one days, or for a year. There is no variable
limit between forty-one days or a year. The forty-one-day period is the
rule in North Malabar. I have seen many who were under the d&#299;ksha
for a year. He who lets his hair grow may be a son or nephew of the
deceased. One member only of the tarav&#257;d bears the mark of
mourning by his growth of hair. He who is under the d&#299;ksha offers
half-boiled rice and gingelly seeds to the spirits of the deceased
every morning after his bath, and he is under restriction from women,
from <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb358" href="#pb358" name=
"pb358">358</a>]</span>alcoholic drinks, and from chewing betel, also
from tobacco. When the d&#299;ksha is observed, the ashes of the dead
are not deposited as described already (in the sun-dried vessel) until
its last day&mdash;the forty-first or a year after death. When it is
carried on for a year, there is observed every month a ceremony called
bali. It is noteworthy that, in this monthly ceremony and for the
conclusion of the d&#299;ksha, it is not the thirtieth or three hundred
and sixty-fifth day which marks the date for the ceremonies, but it is
the day (of the month) of the star which was presiding when the
deceased met his death: the returning day on which the star
presides.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e5402src" href="#xd21e5402" name=
"xd21e5402src">90</a> For the bali, a man of the Elayatu caste
officiates. The Elayatus are priests for the N&#257;yars. They wear the
Br&#257;hmin&rsquo;s thread, but they are not Br&#257;hmins. They are
not permitted to study the V&#275;das, but to the N&#257;yars they
stand in the place of the ordinary pur&#333;hit. The officiating
Elayatu prepares the rice for the bali, when to the deceased,
represented by karuka grass, are offered boiled rice, curds, gingelly
seeds, and some other things. The Elayatu should be paid a rupee for
his services, which are considered necessary even when the man under
d&#299;ksha is himself familiar with the required ceremonial. The last
day of the d&#299;ksha is one of festivity. After the bali, the man
under d&#299;ksha is shaved. All this over, the only thing to be done
for the deceased is the annual sr&#257;dh or yearly funeral
commemorative rite. Rice-balls are made, and given to crows. Clapping
of hands announces to these birds that the rice is being thrown for
them, and, should they not come at once and eat, it is evident that the
spirit is displeased, and the tarav&#257;d had better look out. The
spirits of those who <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb359" href="#pb359"
name="pb359">359</a>]</span>have committed suicide, or met death by any
violent means, are always particularly vicious and troublesome to the
tarav&#257;d, their spirits possessing and rendering miserable some
unfortunate member of it. Unless they are pacified, they will ruin the
tarav&#257;d, so Br&#257;hman priests are called in, and appease them
by means of tilah&#333;mam, a rite in which sacrificial fire is raised,
and gh&#299;, gingelly, and other things are offered through
it.&rdquo;</p>
<p>&ldquo;There are,&rdquo; Mr. Fawcett writes, &ldquo;many interesting
features in the death ceremonies as performed by the Kiriattil class.
Those who carry the corpse to the pyre are dressed as women, their
cloths being wet, and each carries a knife on his person. Two junior
male members of the tarav&#257;d thrust pieces of mango wood into the
southern end of the burning pyre, and, when they are lighted, throw
them over their shoulders to the southwards without looking round.
Close to the northern end of the pyre, two small sticks are fixed in
the ground, and tied together with a cloth, over which water is poured
thrice. All members of the tarav&#257;d prostrate to the ground before
the pyre. They follow the enangu carrying the pot of water round the
pyre, and go home without looking round. They pass to the northern side
of the house under an arch made by two men standing east and west,
holding at arms length, and touching at the points, the spade that was
used to dig the pit under the pyre, and the axe with which the wood for
the pyre was cut or felled. After this is done the kodali ceremony,
using the spade, axe, and big knife. These are placed on the leaves
where the corpse had lain. Then follows circumambulation and
prostration by all, and the leaves are committed to the burning
pyre.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In connection with the death ceremonies, it is noted in the Cochin
Census Report, 1901, that &ldquo;the last <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb360" href="#pb360" name="pb360">360</a>]</span>moments of a dying
person are really very trying. All members (male and female), junior to
the dying person, pour into his or her mouth drops of Ganges or other
holy water or conjee (rice) water in token of their last tribute of
regard. Before the person breathes his last, he or she is removed to
the bare floor, as it is considered sacrilegious to allow the last
breath to escape while lying on the bed, and in a room with a ceiling,
which last is supposed to obstruct the free passage of the breath. The
names of gods, or sacred texts are loudly dinned into his or her ears,
so that the person may quit this world with the recollections of God
serving as a passport to heaven. The forehead, breast, and the joints
especially are besmeared with holy ashes, so as to prevent the
messengers of death from tightly tying those parts when they carry away
the person. Soon after the last breath, the dead body is removed to
some open place in the house, covered from top to toe with a washed
cloth, and deposited on the bare floor with the head towards the south,
the region of the God of death. A lighted lamp is placed near the head,
and other lights are placed all round the corpse. A mango tree is cut,
or other firewood is collected, and a funeral pyre is constructed in
the south-eastern corner of a compound or garden known as the corner of
Agni, which is always reserved as a cemetery for the burning or burial
of the dead. All male members, generally junior, bathe, and, without
wiping their head or body, they remove the corpse to the yard in front
of the house, and place it on a plantain leaf. It is nominally anointed
with oil, and bathed in water. Ashes and sandal are again smeared on
the forehead and joints. The old cloth is removed, and the body is
covered with a new unwashed cloth or a piece of silk. A little gold or
silver, or small coins are put into the <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb361" href="#pb361" name="pb361">361</a>]</span>mouth. With the
breaking of a cocoanut, and the offering of some powdered rice, betel
leaf, areca nut, etc., the body is taken to the pyre. The members
junior to the deceased go round the pyre three, five, or seven times,
throw paddy and rice over the dead body, put scantlings of sandal wood,
prostrate at the feet of the corpse, and then set fire to the pyre.
When the body is almost wholly consumed, one of the male members
carries a pot of water, and, after making three rounds, the pot is
broken and thrown into the pyre. The death of an elderly male member of
a family is marked by udakakriya and sanchayanam, and the daily bali
performed at the bali kutti (altar) planted in front of the house, or
in the courtyard in the centre of the house, where there is one. The
Ashtikurissi N&#257;yar officiates as priest at all such obsequies. On
the morning of the fifteenth day, the members of the family wear cloths
washed by a V&#275;lan, and assemble together for purification by the
N&#257;yar priest, both before and after bathing, who throws on them
paddy and rice, and sprinkles the holy mixture. The Elayad or family
pur&#333;hit then performs another punnayaham or purification, and on
the sixteenth day he takes the place of the priest. On the evening of
the fifteenth day, and the morning of the sixteenth day, the
pur&#333;hits and villagers are sumptuously feasted, and presents of
cloths and money are made to the Elayads. In the Chitt&#363;r
t&#257;luk, the Tamil Br&#257;hman sometimes performs priestly
functions in place of the Elayad. D&#299;ksha is performed for
forty-one days, or for a whole year, for the benefit of the departed
soul. This last ceremony is invariably performed on the death of the
mother, maternal uncle, and elder brother.&rdquo;</p>
<div class="figure xd21e5416width" id="pl5-361"><img src=
"images/pl5-361.jpg" alt="N&#257;yar house." width="720" height="512">
<p class="figureHead">N&#257;yar house.</p>
</div>
<p>In connection with the habitations of the N&#257;yars, Mr. Fawcett
writes as follows. &ldquo;A house may face east or <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb362" href="#pb362" name=
"pb362">362</a>]</span>west, never north or south; as a rule, it faces
the east. Every garden is enclosed by a bank, a hedge, or a fencing of
some kind, and entrance is to be made at one point only, the east,
where there is a gate-house, or, in the case of the poorest houses, a
small portico or open doorway roofed over. One never walks straight
through this; there is always a kind of stile to surmount. It is the
same everywhere in Malabar, and not only amongst the N&#257;yars. The
following is a plan of a n&#257;lapura or four-sided house, which may
be taken as representative of the houses of the rich:&mdash;</p>
<div class="figure xd21e5425width"><img src="images/p362.png" alt=
"Plan of n&#257;lapura or four-sided house, ground floor." width="498"
height="387"></div>
<p>Numbers 6 and 7 are rooms, which are generally used for storing
grain. At A is a staircase leading to the room of the upper storey
occupied by the female members of the family. At B is another staircase
leading to the rooms of the upper storey occupied by the male members.
There is no connection between the portions allotted to the men and
women. No. 8 is for the family gods. The Karanavans and old women of
the family are perpetuated in images of gold or silver, or, more
commonly, brass. Poor people, who cannot <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb363" href="#pb363" name="pb363">363</a>]</span>afford to have these
images made, substitute a stone. Offerings are made to these images, or
to the stones at every full moon. The throat of a fowl will be cut
outside, and the bird is then taken inside and offered. The entrance is
at C.</p>
<div class="figure xd21e5434width"><img src="images/p363-1.png" alt=
"Plan of n&#257;lapura or four-sided house, upper storey." width="491"
height="308"></div>
<p>There are windows at * * *. E are rooms occupied by women and
children. It may be noticed that the apartment where the men sleep has
no windows on the side of the house which is occupied by women. The
latter are relatively free from control by the men as to who may visit
them. We saw, when speaking of funeral ceremonies, that a house is
supposed to have a courtyard, and, of course, it has this only when
there are four sides to the house. The n&#257;lapura is the proper form
of house, for in this alone can all ceremonial be observed in orthodox
fashion. But it is not the ordinary N&#257;yar&rsquo;s house that one
sees all over Malabar. The ordinary house is roughly of the shape here
indicated. Invariably there is an upper storey. There are no doors, and
only a few tiny windows opening to the west. Men sleep at one end,
women at the other, each having their own staircase. Around the house
there is <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb364" href="#pb364" name=
"pb364">364</a>]</span>always shade from the many trees and palms.
Every house is in its own seclusion.&rdquo;</p>
<div class="figure floatLeft xd21e5444width"><img src=
"images/p363-2.png" alt="Plan of ordinary N&#257;yar&rsquo;s house."
width="129" height="165"></div>
<p>Concerning N&#257;yar dwellings, Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar writes that
&ldquo;the houses of the N&#257;yar, standing in a separate compound,
have been by many writers supposed to have been designed with special
reference to the requirements of offence and defence, and Major Welsh
states that the saying that every man&rsquo;s house is his castle is
well verified here. The higher ambition of the N&#257;yar is, as has
frequently been said, to possess a garden, wherein he can grow, without
trouble or expense, the few necessaries of his existence. The garden
surrounding the house is surrounded by a hedge or strong fence. At the
entrance is an out-house, or patipura, which must have served as a kind
of guardroom in medi&aelig;val times. In poorer houses its place is
taken by a roofed door, generally provided with a stile to keep out
cattle. The courtyard is washed with cow-dung, and diverse figures are
drawn with white chalk on the fence. Usually there are three
out-houses, a vadakkettu on the north side serving as a kitchen, a
cattle-shed, and a tekketu on the southern side, where some family
spirit is located. These are generally those of Maruta, <i>i.e.</i>,
some member of the family who has died of small-pox. A sword or other
weapon, and a seat or other emblem is located within this out-house,
which is also known by the names of gurusala (the house of a saint),
kalari (military training-ground), and daivappura (house of a deity).
The tekketu is lighted up every evening, and periodical offerings are
made to propitiate the deities enshrined within. In the south-west
corner is the serpent kavu (grove), and by its side a tank for bathing
purposes. Various useful trees are grown in the garden, such as the
jack, areca palm, cocoanut, plantain, <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb365" href="#pb365" name="pb365">365</a>]</span>tamarind, and mango.
The whole house is known as vitu. The houses are built on various
models, such as pattayappura, n&#257;lukettu, ettukettu, and
kuttikettu.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Concerning the dress of the N&#257;yars, Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar
writes that &ldquo;the males dress themselves in a mundu (cloth), a
loose lower garment, and a towel. A neriyatu, or light cloth of fine
texture with coloured border, is sometimes worn round the mundu on
festive occasions. Coats and caps are recent introductions, but are
eschewed by the orthodox as unnational. It is noted by Mr. Logan that
&lsquo;the women clothe themselves in a single white cloth of fine
texture, reaching from the waist to the knees, and occasionally, when
abroad, they throw over the shoulder and bosom another similar cloth.
But by custom the N&#257;yar women go uncovered from the waist. Upper
garments indicate lower caste, or sometimes, by a strange reversal of
Western notions, immodesty.&rsquo; Edward Ives, who came to Anjengo
about 1740, observes that &lsquo;the groves on each bank of the river
are chiefly planted with cocoanut trees, and have been inhabited by men
and women in almost a pure state of nature, for they go with their
breasts and bellies entirely naked. This custom prevails universally
throughout every caste from the poorest planter of rice to the daughter
or consort of the king upon the throne.&rsquo;&rdquo; (According to
ancient custom, N&#257;yar women in Travancore used to remove their
body-cloth in the presence of the Royal Family. But, since 1856, this
custom has been abolished, by a proclamation during the reign of H. H.
Vanchi Bala R&#257;ma Varma Kulasakhara Perumal Bhagiodya R&#257;ma
Varma. In a critique on the Indian Census Report, 1901. Mr. J. D. Rees
observes<a class="noteref" id="xd21e5457src" href="#xd21e5457" name=
"xd21e5457src">91</a> that <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb366" href=
"#pb366" name="pb366">366</a>]</span>&ldquo;if the Census Commissioner
had enjoyed the privilege of living among the N&#257;yars, he would not
have accused them of an &lsquo;excess of females.&rsquo; The most
beautiful women in India, if numerous, could never be excessive.&rdquo;
Concerning N&#257;yar females, Pierre Loti writes<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5462src" href="#xd21e5462" name="xd21e5462src">92</a> that
&ldquo;<span lang="fr">les femmes ont presque toutes les traits
d&rsquo;une finesse particuli&egrave;re. Elles se font des bandeaux a
la Vierge, et, avec le reste de leurs cheveux, tr&egrave;s noirs et
tr&egrave;s lisses, composent une esp&egrave;ce de galette ronde qui se
porte au sommet de la t&ecirc;te, en avant et de c&ocirc;t&eacute;,
retombant un peu vers le front comme une petite toque
cavali&egrave;rement pos&eacute;e, en contraste sur l&rsquo;ensemble de
leur personne qui demeure toujours grave et
hi&eacute;ratique.</span>&rdquo;] The N&#257;yars are particularly
cleanly. Buchanan writes that &ldquo;the higher ranks of the people of
Malayala use very little clothing, but are remarkably clean in their
persons. Cutaneous disorders are never observed except among slaves and
the lowest orders, and the N&#257;yar women are remarkably careful,
repeatedly washing with various saponaceous plants to keep their hair
and skins from every impurity.&rdquo; The washerman is constantly in
requisition. No dirty cloths are ever worn. When going for temple
worship, the N&#257;yar women dress themselves in the tattu form by
drawing the right corner of the hind fold of the cloth between the
thighs, and fastening it at the back. The cloth is about ten cubits
long and three broad, and worn in two folds. The oldest ornament of the
N&#257;yar women is the necklace called n&#257;gapatam, the pendants of
which resemble a cobra&rsquo;s hood. The N&#257;yar women wear no
ornament on the head, but decorate the hair with flowers. The
n&#257;gapatam, and several other forms of neck ornament, such as
kazhultila, nalupanti, puttali, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb367"
href="#pb367" name="pb367">367</a>]</span>chelakkamotiram,
amat&#257;li, arumpumani, and kumilat&#257;li are fast vanishing. The
kuttu-minnu is worn on the neck for the first time by a girl when her
t&#257;li-kettu is celebrated. This ornament is also called gnali.
Prior to the t&#257;li-kettu ceremony, the girls wear a k&#257;su or
sovereign. The inseparable neck ornament of a N&#257;yar woman in
modern days is the addiyal, to which a patakkam is attached. The only
ornament for the ears is the takka or toda. After the lobes have been
dilated at the karnavedha ceremony, and dilated, a big leaden ring is
inserted in them. The nose ornament of women is called mukkuthi, from
which is suspended a gold wire called gnattu. No ornament is worn in
the right nostril. The wearing of gold bangles on the wrists has been
long the fashion among South Indian Hindu females of almost all high
castes. Round the waist N&#257;yar women wear chains of gold and
silver, and, by the wealthy, gold belts called kachchapuram are worn.
Anklets were not worn in former times, but at the present day the
kolusu and padasaram of the Tamilians have been adopted. So, too, the
time-honoured toda is sometimes set aside in favour of the Tamil
kammal, an ornament of much smaller size. Canter Visscher (who was
Chaplain at Cochin in the eighteenth century) must have been much
struck by the expenditure of the N&#257;yar women on their dress, for
he wrote<a class="noteref" id="xd21e5471src" href="#xd21e5471" name=
"xd21e5471src">93</a> &lsquo;there is not one of any fortune who does
not own as many as twenty or thirty chests full of robes made of silver
and other valuable materials, for it would be a disgrace in their case
to wear the same dress two or three days in
succession&rsquo;.&rdquo;</p>
<p>It is noted by Mr. Fawcett that &ldquo;the Venetian sequin, which
probably first found its way to Malabar in the days <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb368" href="#pb368" name="pb368">368</a>]</span>of
Vasco da Gama and Albuquerque, is one of those coins which, having
found favour with a people, is used persistently in ornamentation long
after it has passed out of currency. So fond are the Malay&#257;lis of
the sequin that to this day there is quite a large trade in imitations
of the coin for purposes of ornament. Such is the persistence of its
use that the trade extends to brass and even copper imitation of the
sequins. The former are often seen to bear the legend &lsquo;Made in
Austria.&rsquo; The N&#257;yars wear none but the gold sequins. The
brass imitations are worn by the women of the inferior races. If one
asks the ordinary Malay&#257;li, say a N&#257;yar, what persons are
represented on the sequin, one gets for answer that they are R&#257;ma
and S&#299;ta; between them a cocoanut tree.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In connection with the wearing of charms by N&#257;yars Mr. Fawcett
writes as follows. &ldquo;One individual (a Kiriattil N&#257;yar) wore
two rings made of an amalgamation of gold and copper, called
tamb&#257;k, on the ring finger of the right hand for good luck.
Tamb&#257;k rings are lucky rings. It is a good thing to wash the face
with the hand, on which is a tamb&#257;k ring. Another wore two rings
of the pattern called tril&#333;ham (lit. metals) on the ring finger of
each hand. Each of these was made during an eclipse. Yet another wore a
silver ring as a vow, which was to be given up at the next festival at
Kotti&#363;r, a famous festival in North Malabar. The right nostril of
a S&#363;dra N&#257;yar was slit vertically as if for the insertion of
a jewel. His mother miscarried in her first pregnancy, so, according to
custom, he, the child of her second pregnancy, had his nose slit.
Another wore a silver bangle. He had a wound in his arm which was long
in healing, so he made a vow to the god at Tirupati (in the North Arcot
district), that, if his arm was healed, he would give up the bangle at
the Tirupati temple. He intended to send the <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb369" href="#pb369" name=
"pb369">369</a>]</span>bangle there by a messenger. An Akattu Charna
N&#257;yar wore an amulet to keep off the spirit of a Br&#257;hman who
died by drowning. Another had a silver ring, on which a piece of a
bristle from an elephant&rsquo;s tail was arranged.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Tattooing is said by Mr. Subramani Aiyar not to be favoured by North
Travancore N&#257;yars, and to be only practiced by N&#257;yar women
living to the south of Quilon. Certain accounts trace it to the
invasion of Travancore by a Moghul Sirdar in 1680 A.D. In modern times
it has become rare. The operation is performed by women of the Odda or
Kurava caste before a girl reaches the twelfth year.</p>
<p>Concerning the religious worship of the N&#257;yars, Mr. Subramani
Aiyar writes that &ldquo;Buchanan notes that the proper deity of the
N&#257;yars is Vishnu, though they wear the mark of Siva on their
foreheads. By this is merely meant that they pay equal reverence to
both Siva and Vishnu, being Smartas converted to the tenets of
Sankaracharya. Besides worshipping the higher Hindu deities, the
N&#257;yars also manifest their adoration for several minor ones, such
as M&#257;tan, Utayam, Yakshi, Chattan, Chantakarnan, Murti, Maruta,
and Arukula. Most of these have granite representations, or at least
such emblems as a sword or a cane, and are provided with a local
habitation. Besides these, persons who have met with accidental death,
and girls who have died before their t&#257;li-tying ceremony, are
specially worshipped under the designations of Kazhichchavu and
Kannichchavu. Magicians are held in some fear, and talismanic amulets
are attached to the waist by members of both sexes. Kuttichattan, the
mischievous imp of Malabar, is supposed to cause much misery. Various
spirits are worshipped on the Tiruvonam day in the month of Avani
(August-September), on the Uchcharam or 28th <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb370" href="#pb370" name="pb370">370</a>]</span>day
of Makarom (January-February), and on some Tuesdays and Fridays.
Kolam-tullal, Velan-pravarti, Ayiramaniyam-tullel, Chavuttu,
Tila-homam, and a host of other ceremonies are performed with a view to
propitiate spirits, and the assistance of the Kaniyans and V&#275;lans
is largely sought. Serpents, too, whose images are located on the
north-western side of most gardens in Central and North Travancore,
receive a large share of adoration. The sun is an object of universal
worship. Though the Gayatri cannot be studied, or the Sandhyavandanam
of the Brahmans performed, an offering of water to the sun after a
bath, to the accompaniment of some hymn, is made by almost every pious
N&#257;yar. The Panchakshara is learnt from an Ilayatu, and repeated
daily. A large portion of the time of an old N&#257;yar is spent in
reading the R&#257;mayana, Bhagavata and Mah&#257;bharata, rendered
into Malay&#257;lam by Tunchattu Ezhuttachhan, the greatest poet of the
Malabar coast. Many places in Travancore are pointed out as the scene
of memorable incidents in the R&#257;mayana and Mah&#257;bharata. There
are many temples, tanks, and mountains connected with R&#257;ma&rsquo;s
march to the capital of R&#257;vana. Equally important are the singular
feats said to have been performed by the five P&#257;ndavas during the
time of their wanderings in the jungles before the battle of
Kurukshetra. Bhima especially has built temples, raised up huge
mountains, and performed many other gigantic tasks in the country.
There are some village temples owned exclusively by the N&#257;yars,
where all the karakkars (villagers) assemble on special occasions. A
very peculiar socio-religious ceremony performed here is the
k&#363;ttam. This is a village council, held at the beginning of every
month for the administration of the communal affairs of the caste,
though, at <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb371" href="#pb371" name=
"pb371">371</a>]</span>the present day, a sumptuous feast at the cost
of each villager in rotation, and partaken of by all assembled, and a
small offering to the temple, are all that remains to commemorate it.
Astrology is believed in, and some of its votaries are spoken of as
Trikalagnas, or those who know the past, present, and future. It is due
to a curse of Siva on the science of his son, who made bold by its
means to predict even the future of his father, that occasional
mistakes are said to occur in astrological calculations. Sorcery and
witchcraft are believed to be potent powers for evil. To make a person
imbecile, to paralyse his limbs, to cause him to lavish all his wealth
upon another, to make him deaf and dumb, and, if need be, even to make
an end of him, are not supposed to be beyond the powers of the ordinary
wizard. Next to wizardry and astrology, palmistry, omens, and the
lizard science are generally believed in. In the category of good omens
are placed the elephant, a pot full of water, sweetmeats, fruit, fish
and flesh, images of gods, kings, a cow with its calf, married women,
tied bullocks, gold lamps, ghee, milk, and so on. Under the head of bad
omens come the donkey, a broom, buffalo, untied bullock, barber, widow,
patient, cat, washerman, etc. The worst of all omens is beyond question
to allow a cat to cross one&rsquo;s path. An odd number of N&#257;yars,
and an even number of Br&#257;hmans, are good omens, the reverse being
particularly bad. On the Vinayaka-chaturthi day in the month of Avani,
no man is permitted to look at the rising moon under penalty of
incurring unmerited obloquy.</p>
<p>&ldquo;The chief religious festival of the N&#257;yars is &#332;nam,
which takes place in the last week of August, or first week of
September. It is a time of rejoicing and merriment. Father Paulinus,
writing in the latter half of the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb372"
href="#pb372" name="pb372">372</a>]</span>eighteenth century, observes
that about the tenth September the rain ceases in Malabar. All nature
seems then as if renovated; the flowers again shoot up, and the trees
bloom. In a word, this season is the same as that which Europeans call
spring. The &#332;nam festival is said, therefore, to have been
instituted for the purpose of soliciting from the gods a happy and
fruitful year. It continues for eight days, and during that time the
Indians are accustomed to adorn their houses with flowers, and to daub
them over with cow-dung, because the cow is a sacred animal, dedicated
to the Goddess Lakshmi, the Ceres of India. On this occasion they also
put on new clothes, throw away all their old earthenware and replace it
by new. &#332;nam is, according to some, the annual celebration of the
Malabar new year, which first began with Cheraman Perumal&rsquo;s
departure for Mecca. But, with the majority of orthodox Hindus, it is
the day of the annual visit of Mahabali to his country, which he used
to govern so wisely and well before his overthrow. There is also a
belief that it is Maha-Vishnu who, on &#332;nam day, pays a visit to
this mundane universe, for the just and proper maintenance of which he
is specially responsible. In some North Malabar title-deeds and
horoscopes, Mr. Logan says, the year is taken as ending with the day
previous to &#332;nam. This fact, he notes, is quite <span class="corr"
id="xd21e5494" title="Source: reconcileable">reconcilable</span> with
the other explanation, which alleges that the commencement of the era
coincides with Perumal&rsquo;s departure for Arabia, if it is assumed,
as is not improbable, that the day on which he sailed was
Thiruv&#333;nam day, on which acknowledgment of fealty should have been
made. &#332;nam, it may be observed, is a contraction of
Thiruv&#333;nam which is the asterism of the second day of the
festival. Throughout the festival, boys from five to fifteen years of
age go out <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb373" href="#pb373" name=
"pb373">373</a>]</span>early in the morning to gather flowers, of which
the kadali is the most important. On their return, they sit in front of
the tulasi (sacred basil) mandapam, make a carpet-like bed of the
blossoms which they have collected, and place a clay image of Ganapati
in the centre. A writer in the Calcutta Review<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5499src" href="#xd21e5499" name="xd21e5499src">94</a> describes
how having set out at dawn to gather blossoms, the children return with
their beautiful spoils by 9 or 10 A.M., and then the daily decoration
begins. The chief decoration consists of a carpet made out of the
gathered blossoms, the smaller ones being used in their entirety, while
the large flowers, and one or two varieties of foliage of different
tints, are pinched up into little pieces to serve the decorator&rsquo;s
purpose. This flower carpet is invariably in the centre of the clean
strip of yard in front of the neat house. Often it is a beautiful work
of art, accomplished with a delicate touch and a highly artistic sense
of tone and blending. The carpet completed, a miniature pandal (booth),
hung with little festoons, is erected over it, and at all hours of the
day neighbours look in, to admire and criticise the beautiful
handiwork.&rdquo;</p>
<p>&ldquo;Various field sports, of which foot-ball is the chief, are
indulged in during the &#332;nam festival. To quote Paulinus once more,
the men, particularly those who are young, form themselves into
parties, and shoot at each other with arrows. These arrows are blunted,
but exceedingly strong, and are discharged with such force that a
considerable number are generally wounded on both sides. These games
have a great likeness to the Ceralia and Juvenalia of the ancient
Greeks and Romans.&rdquo; <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb374" href=
"#pb374" name="pb374">374</a>]</span></p>
<p>In connection with bows and arrows, Mr. Fawcett writes that &ldquo;I
once witnessed a very interesting game called &#275;it&#363;
(&#275;iththu), played by the N&#257;yars in the southern portion of
Kurumbran&#257;d during the ten days preceding &#332;nam. There is a
semi-circular stop-butt, about two feet in the highest part, the
centre, and sloping to the ground at each side. The players stand 25 to
30 yards before the concave side of it, one side of the players to the
right, the other to the left. There is no restriction of numbers as to
sides. Each player is armed with a little bow made of bamboo, about 18
inches in length, and arrows, or what answer for arrows, these being no
more than pieces of the midrib of the cocoanut palm leaf, roughly
broken off, leaving a little bit of the end to take the place of the
feather. In the centre of the stop-butt, on the ground, is placed the
target, a piece of the heart of the plantain tree, about 3 inches in
diameter, pointed at the top, in which is stuck a small stick
convenient for lifting the cheppu, as the mark which is the immediate
objective of the players is called. They shoot indiscriminately at the
mark, and he who hits it (the little arrows shoot straight, and stick
in readily) carries off all the arrows lying on the ground. Each side
strives to secure all the arrows, and to deprive the other side of
theirs&mdash;a sort of &lsquo;beggar my neighbour.&rsquo; He who hits
the mark last takes all the arrows; that is, he who hits it, and runs
and touches the mark before any one else hits it. As I stood watching,
it happened several times that as many as four arrows hit the mark,
while the youth who had hit first was running the 25 yards to touch the
cheppu. Before he could touch it, as many as four other arrows had
struck it, and, of course, he who hit it last and touched the mark
secured all the arrows for his side. The game is accompanied by much
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb375" href="#pb375" name=
"pb375">375</a>]</span>shouting, gesticulation and laughter. Those
returning, after securing a large number of arrows, turned somersaults,
and expressed their joy in saltatory motions.&rdquo; In a note on this
game with bows and arrows in Kurumbranad, Mr. E. F. Thomas writes that
&ldquo;the players themselves into two sides, which shoot alternately
at the mark. Beside the mark stand representatives of the two sides.
When the mark is hit by a member of either side, on his representative
shouting &lsquo;Run, man,&rsquo; he runs up the lists. His object is to
seize the mark before it is hit by any one belonging to the other side.
If he can do this, his side takes all the arrows which have been shot,
and are sticking in the stop-butt. If, on the other hand, the mark is
hit by the other side before he reaches it, he may not seize the mark.
A member of the other side runs up in his turn to seize the mark if
possible before it is hit again by the first side. If he can do this,
he takes out, not all the arrows, but only the two which are sticking
in the mark. If, while number two is running, the mark is hit a third
time, a member of the first side runs up, to seize the mark if
possible. The rule is that one or three hits take all the arrows in the
stop-butt, two or four only the arrows sticking in the mark. Great
excitement is shown by all who take part in the game, which attracts a
number of spectators. The game is played every fortnight by
N&#257;yars, Tiyans, M&#257;ppillas, and others. I am told that it is a
very old one, and is dying out. I saw it at Naduvan&#363;r.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The &#332;nam games in the south-east of Malabar, in the
neighbourhood of Palghat, are said by Mr. Fawcett to be of a rough
character, &ldquo;the tenants of certain jenmis (landlords) turning out
each under their own leader, and engaging in sham fights, in which
there is much rough play. Here, too, is to be seen a kind of boxing,
which <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb376" href="#pb376" name=
"pb376">376</a>]</span>would seem to be a relic of the days of the
Roman pugiles using the cestus in combat. The position taken up by the
combatants is much the same as that of the pugiles. The Romans were
familiar with Malabar from about 30 B.C. to the decline of their
power.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e5514src" href="#xd21e5514" name=
"xd21e5514src">95</a> We may safely assume that the 3,000 lbs. of
pepper, which Alaric demanded as part of the ransom of Rome when he
besieged the city in the fifth century, came from Malabar.&rdquo;
Swinging on the uzhinjal, and dancing to the accompaniment of merry
songs, are said to be characteristic amusements of the womankind during
&#332;nam festival, and, on the Patinaram Makam, or sixteenth day after
Thiruvonam. This amusement is indulged in by both sexes. It is noted by
Mr. Fawcett that &ldquo;the cloths given as &#332;nam presents are
yellow, or some part of them, is yellow. There must be at least a
yellow stripe or a small patch of yellow in a corner, which suggests a
relic of sun-worship in a form more pronounced than that which obtains
at present. It is a harvest festival, about the time when the first
crop of paddy (rice) is harvested.&rdquo;</p>
<div class="figure xd21e5518width" id="pl5-376"><img src=
"images/pl5-376.jpg" alt="Bhagavati temple, Pandal&#363;r." width="720"
height="518">
<p class="figureHead">Bhagavati temple, Pandal&#363;r.</p>
</div>
<p>Concerning another important festival in Malabar, the Thiruvathira,
Mr. T. K. Gopal Panikkar writes as follows.<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5524src" href="#xd21e5524" name="xd21e5524src">96</a>
&ldquo;Thiruvathira is one of the three great national occasions of
Malabar. It generally comes off in the Malay&#257;lam month of Dhanu
(December or January) on the day called the Thiruvathira day. It is
essentially a festival in which females are almost exclusively
concerned, and lasts for but a single day. The popular conception of it
is that it is in commemoration of the death of K&#257;mad&#275;van, the
Cupid of our national mythology. As recorded in the old Pur&#257;nas,
K&#257;mad&#275;van <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb377" href="#pb377"
name="pb377">377</a>]</span>was destroyed in the burning fire of the
third eye of Siva, one of the chief members of our divine Trinity.
Hence he is now supposed to have only an ideal or rather spiritual
existence, and thus he exerts a powerful influence upon the lower
passions of human nature. The memory of this unhappy tragedy is still
kept alive among us, particularly the female section, by means of the
annual celebration of this important festival. About a week before the
day, the festival practically opens. At about four in the morning,
every young female of Nair families with pretensions to decency gets
out of bed, and takes her bath in a tank. Usually a fairly large number
of these young ladies collect at the tank for the purpose. Then all, or
almost all of them, plunge in the water, and begin to take part in the
singing that is presently to follow. One of them then leads off by
means of a peculiar rhythmic song, chiefly pertaining to Cupid. This
singing is simultaneously accompanied by a curious sound produced with
her hand on the water. The palm of the left hand is closed, and kept
immediately underneath the surface of the water. Then the palm of the
other is forcibly brought down in a slanting direction, and struck
against its surface, so that the water is completely ruffled, and is
splashed in all directions, producing a loud deep noise. This process
is continuously prolonged, together with the singing. One stanza is now
over along with the sound, and then the leader stops awhile for the
others to follow in her wake. This being likewise over, she caps her
first stanza with another, at the same time beating on the water, and
so on until the conclusion of the song. All of them make a long pause,
and then begin another. The process goes on until the peep of dawn,
when they rub themselves dry, and come home to dress <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb378" href="#pb378" name=
"pb378">378</a>]</span>themselves in the neatest and grandest possible
attire. They also darken the fringes of their eyelids with a sticky
preparation of soot mixed up with a little oil or ghee, and sometimes
with a superficial coating of antimony powder. They also wear white,
black, or red marks down the middle of their foreheads. They also chew
betel, and thus redden their mouths and lips. They then proceed to the
enjoyment of another prominent item of pleasure, viz., swinging to and
fro on what is usually known as an uzhinjal, or swing made of bamboo.
On the festival day, after the morning bath is over, they take a light
meal, and in the noon the family dinner is voraciously attacked, the
essential and almost universal ingredients being ordinary ripe plantain
fruits, and a delicious preparation of arrowroot powder purified and
mixed with jaggery (crude sugar) or sugar, and also cocoanut. Then,
till evening, dancing and merry-making are ceaselessly indulged in. The
husband population are inexcusably required to be present in the
wives&rsquo; houses before evening, as they are bound to do on the
&#332;nam and Vishu occasions. Failure to do this is looked upon as a
step, or rather the first step, on the part of the defaulting husband
towards a final separation or divorce from the wife. Despite the rigour
of the bleak December season during which the festival commonly falls,
heightened inevitably by the constant blowing of the cold east wind
upon their moistened frames, these lusty maidens derive considerable
pleasure from their early baths, and their frolics in the water. The
biting cold of the season, which makes their persons shiver and quiver,
becomes to them in the midst of all their ecstatic frolics an
additional source of pleasure. The two items described above, viz., the
swinging and beating of the water, have each their own distinctive
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb379" href="#pb379" name=
"pb379">379</a>]</span>significance. The former typifies the attempt
which these maidens make in order to hang themselves on these
instruments, and destroy their lives in consequence of the lamented
demise of their sexual deity K&#257;mad&#275;van. The beating on the
water symbolises their beating their chests in expression of their
deep-felt sorrow caused by their Cupid&rsquo;s death.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Yet another important festival, Vishu, is thus described by Mr.
Gopal Panikkar. &ldquo;Vishu, like the &#332;nam and Thiruvathira
festivals, is a remarkable event among us. Its duration is limited to
one day. The 1st of M&#275;tam (some day in April) is the unchangeable
day, on which it falls. It is practically the astronomical new
year&rsquo;s day. This was one of the periods when, in olden days, the
subjects of ruling princes or authorities in Malabar, under whom their
lots were cast, were expected to bring their new year&rsquo;s offerings
to such princes. Failure to comply with the customary and
time-consecrated demands was visited with royal displeasure, resulting
in manifold varieties of oppression. The British Government, finding
this was a great burden, pressing rather heavily upon the people,
obtained as far back as 1790 a binding promise from those Native
Princes that such exactions of presents from the people should be
discontinued thereafter. Consequently the festival is now shorn of much
of its ancient sanctity and splendour. But suggestive survivals of the
same are still to be found in the presents, which tenants and
dependents bring to leading families on the day previous to the Vishu.
Being the commencement of a new year, native superstition surrounds it
with a peculiar solemn importance. It is believed that a man&rsquo;s
whole prosperity in life, depends upon the nature, auspicious or
otherwise, of the first things that he happens to fix his eyes upon
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb380" href="#pb380" name=
"pb380">380</a>]</span>on this particular morning. According to Nair,
and even general Hindu mythology, there are certain objects which
possess an inherent inauspicious character. For instance, ashes,
firewood, oil, and a lot of similar objects are inauspicious ones,
which will render him who chances to notice them first fare badly in
life for the whole year, and their obnoxious effects will be removed
only on his seeing holy things, such as reigning princes, oxen, cows,
gold, and such like, on the morning of the next new year. The effects
of the sight of these various materials are said to apply even to the
attainment of objects by a man starting on a special errand, who
happens for the first time to look at them after starting. However,
with this view, almost every family religiously takes care to prepare
the most sightworthy objects on the new year morning. Therefore, on the
previous night they prepare what is known as a kani. A small circular
bell-metal vessel is taken, and some holy objects are systematically
arranged inside it. A grandha or old book made of palmyra leaves, a
gold ornament, a new-washed cloth, some &lsquo;unprofitably gay&rsquo;
flowers of the konna tree (<i>Cassia Fistula</i>), a measure of rice, a
so-called looking-glass made of bell-metal, and a few other things, are
all tastefully arranged in the vessel, and placed in a prominent room
inside the house. On either side of this vessel two brass or bell-metal
lamps, filled with cocoanut oil clear as diamond sparks, are kept
burning, and a small plank of wood, or some other seat, is placed in
front of it. At about 5 o&rsquo;clock in the morning of the day, some
one who has got up first wakes up the inmates, both male and female, of
the house, and takes them blindfolded, so that they may not gaze at
anything else, to the seat near the kani. The members are seated, one
after another, in the seat, and <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb381"
href="#pb381" name="pb381">381</a>]</span>are then, and not till then,
asked to open their eyes, and carefully look at the kani. Then each is
made to look at some venerable member of the house, or sometimes a
stranger even. This over, the little playful urchins of the house begin
to fire small crackers, which they have bought and stored for the
occasion. The kani is then taken round the place from house to house
for the benefit of the poor families, which cannot afford to prepare
such a costly adornment. With the close of the noise of the crackers,
the morning breaks, and preparations are begun for the morning meal.
This meal is in some parts confined to rice kanji (gruel) with a grand
appendage of other eatable substances, and in others to ordinary rice
and its accompaniments, but in either case on a grand scale.
Immediately the day dawns, the heads of the families give to almost all
the junior members and servants of the household, and to wives and
children, money presents to serve as their pocket-money. In the more
numerically large families, similar presents are also made by the heads
of particular branches of the same family to their juniors, children,
wives and servants. One other item connected with the festival deserves
mention. On the evening of the previous day, about four or five
o&rsquo;clock, most well-to-do families distribute paddy or rice, as
the case may be, in varying quantities, and some other accessories to
the family workmen, whether they live on the family estates or not. In
return for this, these labourers bring with them for presentation the
fruits of their own labours, such as vegetables of divers sorts,
cocoanut oil, jaggery, plantains, pumpkins, cucumbers, brinjals (fruit
of <i>Solanum Melongena</i>), etc., according as their respective
circumstances permit. With the close of the midday meal the festival
practically concludes. In some families, after <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb382" href="#pb382" name="pb382">382</a>]</span>the
meal is over, dancing and games of various kinds are carried on, which
contribute to the enhancement of the pleasantries incidental to the
festival. As on other prominent occasions, card-playing and other games
are also resorted to.&rdquo;</p>
<p>On the subject of religion, Mr. Fawcett writes as follows. &ldquo;No
N&#257;yar, unless one utterly degraded by the exigencies of a
Government office, would eat his food without having bathed and changed
his cloth. It is a rule seldom broken that every N&#257;yar goes to the
temple to pray at least once a day after having bathed: generally twice
a day. The mere approach anywhere near his vicinity of a Cheruman, a
Pulayan, or any inferior being, even a Tiyan, as he walks to his house
from the temple, cleansed in body and mind, his marks newly set on his
forehead with sandal-wood paste, is pollution, and he must turn and
bathe again ere he can enter his house and eat. Buchanan tells us that
in his time, about a century ago, the man of inferior caste thus
approaching a N&#257;yar would be cut down instantly with a sword;
there would be no words. Now that the people of India are
inconvenienced with an Arms Act which inhibits sword play of this kind,
and with a law system under which high and low are rated alike, the
N&#257;yar has to content himself with an imperious grunt-like shout
for the way to be cleared for him as he stalks on imperturbed. His
arrogance is not diminished, but he cannot now show it in quite the
same way.</p>
<div class="figure xd21e5550width" id="pl5-385"><img src=
"images/pl5-385.jpg" alt="Aiyappan temple." width="720" height="504">
<p class="figureHead">Aiyappan temple.</p>
</div>
<p>&ldquo;I will attempt a description of the ceremonial observed at
the Pish&#257;ri k&#257;vu&mdash;the Pish&#257;ri temple near Quilandy
on the coast 15 miles north of Calicut, where Bhagavati is supposed in
vague legend to have slain an &#256;sura or gigantic ogre, in
commemoration of which <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb383" href=
"#pb383" name="pb383">383</a>]</span>event the festival is held yearly
to Bhagavati and her followers. The festival lasts for seven days. When
I visited it in 1895, the last day was on the 31st of March. Before
daybreak of the first day, the ordinary temple priest, a M&#363;ssad,
will leave the temple after having swept it and made it clean; and
(also before daybreak) five Namb&#363;tiris will enter it, bearing with
them sudhi kalasam. The kalasam is on this occasion made of the five
products of the cow (panchagavyam), together with some water, a few
leaves of the banyan tree, and darbha grass, all in one vessel. Before
being brought to the temple, mantrams or magic verses will have been
said over it. The contents of the vessel are sprinkled all about the
temple, and a little is put in the well, thus purifying the temple and
the well. The Namb&#363;tiris will then perform the usual morning
worship, and, either immediately after it or very soon afterwards, they
leave the temple, and the M&#363;ssad returns and resumes his office.
The temple belongs to four tarav&#257;ds, and no sooner has it been
purified than the K&#257;ranavans of these four tarav&#257;ds,
virtually the joint-owners of the temple (known as Ur&#257;las) present
to the temple servant (Pish&#257;rodi) the silver flag of the temple,
which has been in the custody of one of them since the last festival.
The Pish&#257;rodi receives it, and hoists it in front of the temple
(to the east), thus signifying that the festival has begun. While this
is being done, emphasis and grandeur is given to the occasion by the
firing off of miniature mortars such as are common at all South Indian
festivals. After the flag is hoisted, there are hoisted all round the
temple small flags of coloured cloth. For the next few days there is
nothing particular to be done beyond the procession morning, noon, and
night; the image of Bhagavati being carried on an elephant to an
orchestra <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb384" href="#pb384" name=
"pb384">384</a>]</span>of drums, and cannonade of the little mortars.
All those who are present are supposed to be fed from the temple. There
is a large crowd. On the morning of the fifth day, a man of the
washerman (Vann&#257;n) caste will announce to the neighbours by beat
of tom-tom that there will be a procession of Bhagavati issuing from
the gates of the temple, and passing round about. Like all those who
are in any way connected with the temple, this man&rsquo;s office is
hereditary, and he lives to a small extent on the bounty of the temple,
<i>i.e.</i>, he holds a little land on nominal terms from the temple
property, in consideration for which he must fulfil certain
requirements for the temple, as on occasions of festivals. His office
also invests him with certain rights in the community. In the afternoon
of the fifth day, the Vann&#257;n and a Man&#363;tan, the one following
the other, bring two umbrellas to the temple; the former bringing one
of cloth, and the latter one of cadjan (palm leaves). I am not sure
whether the cloth umbrella has been in the possession of the
Vann&#257;n, but think it has. At all events, when he brings it to the
temple, it is in thorough repair&mdash;a condition for which he is
responsible. The cadjan umbrella is a new one. Following these two as
they walk solemnly, each with his umbrella, is a large crowd. There are
processions of Bhagavati on the elephant encircling the temple thrice
in the morning, at noon, and at night. Early on the sixth day, the
headman of the Mukkuvans (fishermen), who by virtue of his headship is
called the Arayan, together with the blacksmith and the goldsmith,
comes to the temple followed by a crowd, but accompanied by no
orchestra of drums. To the Arayan is given half a sack of rice for
himself and his followers. A silver umbrella belonging to the temple is
handed over to him, to be used when <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb385" href="#pb385" name="pb385">385</a>]</span>he comes to the
temple again in the evening. To the blacksmith is given the temple
sword. The goldsmith receives the silver umbrella from the Arayan, and
executes any repairs that may be needful, and, in like manner, the
blacksmith looks to the sword. In the afternoon, the headman of the
Tiyans, called the Tand&#257;n, comes to the temple followed by two of
his castemen carrying slung on a pole over their shoulders three
bunches of young cocoanuts&mdash;an appropriate offering, the Tiyans
being those whose ordinary profession is climbing the cocoanut palm,
drawing the toddy, securing the cocoanuts, etc. This time there will be
loud drumming, and a large crowd with the Tand&#257;n, and in front of
him are men dancing, imitating sword play with sticks and shields,
clanging the shields, pulling at bows as if firing off imaginary
arrows, the while shouting and yelling madly. Then come the blacksmith
and the goldsmith with the sword. Following comes the Arayan with the
silver umbrella to the accompaniment of very noisy drumming, in great
state under a canopy of red cloth held lengthways by two men, one
before, the other behind. The procession of Bhagavati continues
throughout the night, and ceases at daybreak. These six days of the
festival are called Vil&#257;kku. A word about the drumming. The number
of instrumentalists increases as the festival goes on, and on the last
day I counted fifty, all N&#257;yars. The instruments were the ordinary
tom-tom, a skin stretched tight over one side of a circular wooden
band, about 1&frac12; feet in diameter and 2 or 3 inches in width, and
the common long drum much narrower at the ends than in the middle; and
there were (I think) a few of those narrow in the middle, something
like an hour-glass cut short at both ends. They are beaten with carved
drum-sticks, thicker at the end held in the hand. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb386" href="#pb386" name="pb386">386</a>]</span>The
accuracy with which they were played on, never a wrong note although
the rhythm was changed perpetually, was truly amazing. And the
crescendo and diminuendo, from a perfect fury of wildness to the
gentlest pianissimo, was equally astonishing, especially when we
consider the fact that there was no visible leader of this strange
orchestra. Early on the seventh and last day, when the morning
procession is over, there comes to the temple a man of the P&#257;nan
caste (umbrella-makers and devil-dancers). He carries a small cadjan
umbrella which he has made himself, adorned all round the edges with a
fringe of the young leaves of the cocoanut palm. His approach is
heralded and noised just as in the case of the others on the previous
day. The umbrella should have a long handle, and, with it in his hand,
he performs a dance before the temple. The temple is situated within a
hollow square enclosure, which none in caste below the N&#257;yar is
permitted to enter. To the north, south, east, and west, there is a
level entrance into the hollow square, and beyond this entrance no man
of inferior caste may go. The P&#257;nan receives about 10 lbs. of raw
rice for his performance. In the afternoon, a small crowd of Vettuvars
come to the temple, carrying with them swords, and about ten small
baskets made of cocoanut palm leaves, containing salt. These baskets
are carried slung on a pole. The use of salt here is obscure.<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e5568src" href="#xd21e5568" name=
"xd21e5568src">97</a> I remember a case of a N&#257;yar&rsquo;s house
having been plundered, the idol knocked down, and salt put in the place
where it should have stood. The act was looked on as most insulting.
The Vettuvans dance and shout in much excitement, cutting their heads
with their own swords in their frenzy. Some <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb387" href="#pb387" name="pb387">387</a>]</span>of
them represent devils or some kind of inferior evil spirits, and dance
madly under the influence of the spirits which they represent. Then
comes the Arayan as on the previous day with his little procession, and
lastly comes the blacksmith with the sword. The procession in the
evening is a great affair. Eight elephants, which kept line
beautifully, took part in it when I witnessed it. One of them, very
handsomely caparisoned, had on its back a priest (M&#363;ssad) carrying
a sword smothered in garlands of red flowers representing the goddess.
The elephant bearing the priest is bedizened on the forehead with two
golden discs, one on each side of the forehead, and over the centre of
the forehead hangs a long golden ornament. These discs on the
elephant&rsquo;s forehead are common in Malabar in affairs of ceremony.
The M&#257;ppilla poets are very fond of comparing a beautiful
girl&rsquo;s breasts to these cup-like discs. The elephant bears other
jewels, and over his back is a large canopy-like red cloth richly
wrought. Before the elephant walked a N&#257;yar carrying in his right
hand in front of him a sword of the kind called n&#257;ndakam smeared
with white (probably sandal) paste. To its edge, at intervals of a few
inches, are fastened tiny bells, so that, when it is shaken, there is a
general jingle. Just before the procession begins, there is something
for the Tiyans to do. Four men of this caste having with them
p&#363;kalasams (flower kalasams), and five having jannakalasams, run
along the west, north, and east sides of the temple outside the
enclosure, shouting and making a noise more like the barking of dogs
than anything else. The kalasams contain arrack (liquor), which is
given to the temple to be used in the ceremonies. Members of certain
families only are allowed to perform in this business, and for what
they do each <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb388" href="#pb388" name=
"pb388">388</a>]</span>man receives five edang&#257;lis of rice from
the temple, and a small piece of the flesh of the goat which is
sacrificed later. These nine men eat only once a day during the
festival; they do no work, remaining quietly at home unless when at the
temple; they cannot approach any one of caste lower than their own;
they cannot cohabit with women; and they cannot see a woman in
menstruation during these days. A crowd of Tiyans join more or less in
this, rushing about and barking like dogs, making a hideous noise. They
too have kalasams, and, when they are tired of rushing and barking,
they drink the arrack in them. These men are always under a vow. In
doing what they do, they fulfil their vow for the benefit they have
already received from the goddess&mdash;cure from sickness as a rule.
To the west of the temple is a circular pit&mdash;it was called the
fire-pit, but there was no fire in it&mdash;and this pit all the Tiyan
women of the neighbourhood circumambulate, passing from west round by
north, three times, holding on the head a pewter plate, on which are a
little rice, bits of plantain leaves and cocoanut, and a burning wick.
As each woman completes her third round, she stands for a moment at the
western side, facing east, and throws the contents of the plate into
the pit. She then goes to the western gate of the enclosure, and puts
down her plate for an instant while she makes profound salaam to the
goddess ere going away. Now the procession starts out from the temple,
issuing from the northern gate, and for a moment confronts a being so
strange that he demands description. Of the many familiar demons of the
Malay&#257;lis, the two most intimate are Kuttichch&#257;ttan and
Gulikan, who are supposed to have assisted K&#257;li (who is scarcely
the K&#257;li of Br&#257;hmanism) in overcoming the &#256;sura, and on
the occasion of this festival these <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb389" href="#pb389" name="pb389">389</a>]</span>demons dance before
her. Gulikan is represented by the Vann&#257;n and Kuttichch&#257;ttan
by the Man&#363;tan who have been already mentioned, and who are under
like restrictions with the nine Tiyans. I saw poor Gulikan being made
up, the operation occupying five or six hours or more before his
appearance. I asked who he was, and was told he was a devil. He looked
mild enough, but then his make-up had just begun. He was lying flat on
the ground close by the north-east entrance of the enclosure, where
presently he was to dance, a man painting his face to make it hideous
and frightful. This done, the hair was dressed; large bangles were put
on his arms, covering them almost completely from the shoulder to the
wrist; and his head and neck were swathed and decorated. A wooden
platform arrangement, from which hung a red ornamented skirt, was
fastened to his hips. There was fastened to his back an elongated
Prince of Wales&rsquo; feathers arrangement, the top of which reached
five feet above his head, and he was made to look like nothing human.
Kuttichch&#257;ttan was treated in much the same manner. As the
procession issues from the northern gate of the temple, where it is
joined by the elephants, Gulikan stands in the northern entrance of the
enclosure (which he cannot enter), facing it, and a halt is made for
three minutes, while Gulikan dances. The poor old man who represented
this fearful being, grotesquely terrible in his wonderful
metamorphosis, must have been extremely glad when his dance was
concluded, for the mere weight and uncomfortable arrangement of his
paraphernalia must have been extremely exhausting. It was with
difficulty that he could move at all, let alone dance. The. procession
passes round by east, where, at the entrance of the enclosure,
Kuttichch&#257;ttan gives his <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb390"
href="#pb390" name="pb390">390</a>]</span>dance, round by south to the
westward, and, leaving the enclosure, proceeds to a certain banyan
tree, under which is a high raised platform built up with earth and
stones. Preceding the procession at a distance of fifty yards are the
nine men of the Tiyan caste mentioned already, carrying kalasams on
their heads, and a crowd of women of the same caste, each one carrying
a pewter plate, larger than the plates used when encircling the fire
pit, on which are rice, etc., and the burning wick as before. The plate
and its contents are on this occasion, as well as before, called
talap&#333;li. I could not make out that anything in particular is done
at the banyan tree, and the procession soon returns to the temple, the
nine men and the Tiyan women following, carrying their kalasams and
talap&#333;li. On the way, a number of cocks are given in sacrifice by
people under a vow. In the procession are a number of devil-dancers,
garlanded with white flowers of the pagoda tree mixed with red,
jumping, gesticulating, and shouting, in an avenue of the crowd in
front of the elephant bearing the sword. The person under a vow holds
the cock towards one of these devil-dancers, who, never ceasing his
gyrations and contortions, presently seizes its head, wrings it off,
and flings it high in the air. The vows which are fulfilled by this
rude decapitation of cocks have been made in order to bring about cure
for some ailment. The procession passes through the temple yard from
west to east, and proceeds half a mile to a banyan tree, under which,
like the other, there is a high raised platform. When passing by the
temple, the Tiyan women empty the contents of their plates in the fire
pit as before, and the nine men hand over the arrack in their kalasams
to the temple servants. Let me note here the curious distribution of
the rice which is heaped in the fire pit. <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb391" href="#pb391" name="pb391">391</a>]</span>Two-thirds of it go
to the four Tiyans who carried the p&#363;kalasams, and one-third to
the five who carried the jannakalasams. Returning to the procession, we
find it at the raised platform to the east of the temple. On this
platform have been placed already an ordinary bamboo quart-like measure
of paddy (unhusked rice), and one of rice, each covered with a plantain
leaf. The principal devil-dancer takes a handful of rice and paddy, and
flings it all around. The procession then visits in turn the gates of
the gardens of the four owners of the temple. At each is a measure of
rice and a measure of paddy covered with plantain leaves, with a small
lamp or burning wick beside them, and the devil-dancer throws a handful
towards the house. The procession then finds its way to a tree to the
west, under which, on the platform, is now a measure of paddy and a
lamp. Some Br&#257;hmans repeat mantrams, and the elephant, the priest
on his back and the sword in his hand, all three are supposed to
tremble violently. Up to this time the procession has moved leisurely
at a very slow march. Now, starting suddenly, it proceeds at a run to
the temple, where the priest descends quickly from the elephant, and is
taken inside the temple by the M&#363;ssad priests. He, who has been
carrying the sword all this time, places it on the sill of the door of
the room in which it is kept for worship, and prostrates before it. The
sword then shakes itself for fifteen minutes, until the chief priest
stays its agitation by sprinkling on it some tirtam fluid made sacred
by having been used for anointing the image of the goddess. This done,
the chief amongst the devil-dancers will, with much internal tumult as
well as outward convolutions, say in the way of oracle whether the
d&#275;vi has been pleased with the festival in her honour, or not. As
he pronounces this oracular utterance, he falls <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb392" href="#pb392" name="pb392">392</a>]</span>in a
sort of swoon, and everyone, excepting only the priests and temple
servants, leaves the place as quickly as possible. The sheds which have
been erected for temporary habitation around the temple will be quickly
demolished, and search will be made round about to make sure that no
one remains near while the mystic rite of sacrifice is about to be
done. When the whole place has been cleared, the four owners of the
temple, who have stayed, hand over each a goat with a rope tied round
its neck to the chief priest, and, as soon as they have done so, they
depart. There will remain now in the temple three M&#363;ssads, one
drummer (Marayar), and two temple servants. The reason for all this
secrecy seems to lie in objection to let it be known generally that any
sacrifice is done. I was told again and again that there was no such
thing. It is a mystic secret. The M&#363;ssad priests repeat mantrams
over the goats for an hour as a preliminary to the sacrifice. Then the
chief priest dons a red silk cloth, and takes in his hand a
chopper-like sword in shape something like a small bill-hook, while the
goats are taken to a certain room within the temple. This room is
rather a passage than a room, as there are to it but two walls running
north and south. The goats are made to stand in turn in the middle of
this room, facing to the south. The chief priest stands to the east of
the goat, facing west, as he cuts off its head with the chopper. He
never ceases his mantrams, and the goats never flinch&mdash;the effect
of the mantrams. Several cocks are then sacrificed in the same place,
and over the carcasses of goats and cocks there is sprinkled charcoal
powder mixed in water (karutta gurusi) and saffron (turmeric) powder
and lime-water (chukanna gurusi), the flow of mantrams never ceasing
the while. The M&#363;ssads only see the sacrifice&mdash;a part of the
rite which <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb393" href="#pb393" name=
"pb393">393</a>]</span>is supremely secret. Equally so is that which
follows. The carcass of one goat will be taken out of the temple by the
northern door to the north side of the temple, and from this place one
of the temple servants, who is blindfolded, drags it three times round
the temple, the M&#363;ssads following closely, repeating their
mantrams, the drummer in front beating his drum softly with his
fingers. The drummer dare not look behind him, and does not know what
is being done. After the third round, the drummer and the temple
servant go away, and the three M&#363;ssads cook some of the flesh of
the goats and one or two of the cocks (or a part of one) with rice.
This rice, when cooked, is taken to the k&#257;vu (grove) to the north
of the temple, and there the M&#363;ssads again ply their mantrams. As
each mantram is ended, a handful of saffron (turmeric) powder is flung
on the rice, and all the time the drummer, who by this time has
returned, keeps up an obligato pianissimo with his drum, using his
fingers. He faces the north, and the priests face the south. Presently
the priests run (not walk) once round the temple, carrying the cooked
rice, and scattering it wide as they go, repeating mantrams. They enter
the temple, and remain within until daybreak. No one can leave the
temple until morning comes. Before daybreak, the temple is thoroughly
swept and cleaned, and then the M&#363;ssads go out, and the five
Namb&#363;tiris again enter before sunrise, and perform the ordinary
worship thrice in the day, for this day only. The next morning, the
M&#363;ssad priests return and resume their duties. Beyond noting that
the weirdness of the human tumult, busy in its religious effusion, is
on the last night enhanced by fireworks, mere description of the scene
of the festival will not be attempted, and such charming adjuncts of it
as the gallery of pretty N&#257;yar women looking on from the
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb394" href="#pb394" name=
"pb394">394</a>]</span>garden fence at the seething procession in the
lane below must be left to the imagination. It will have been noticed
that the Namb&#363;tiris hold aloof from the festival; they purify the
temple before and after, but no more. The importance attached to the
various offices of those who are attached to the temple by however
slender a thread, was illustrated by a rather amusing squabble between
two of the Mukkuvans, an uncle and nephew, as to which of them should
receive the silver umbrella from the temple, and bear it to the house
of the goldsmith to be repaired. During the festival, one of them made
a rapid journey to the Zamorin (about fifty miles distant), paid some
fees, and established himself as the senior who had the right to carry
the umbrella.</p>
<div class="figure xd21e5589width" id="pl5-393"><img src=
"images/pl5-393.jpg" alt="Aiyappan temple, near Calicut." width="720"
height="527">
<p class="figureHead">Aiyappan temple, near Calicut.</p>
</div>
<p>&ldquo;An important local festival is that held near Palghat, in
November, in the little suburb Kalp&#257;ti inhabited entirely by
Pattar Br&#257;hmans from the east. But it is not a true Malay&#257;li
festival, and it suffices to mention its existence, for it in no way
represents the religion of the N&#257;yar. The dragging of cars, on
which are placed the images of deities, common everywhere from the
temple of Jagganath at P&#363;ri in Orissa to Cape Comorin, is quite
unknown in Malabar, excepting only at Kalp&#257;ti, which is close to
the eastern frontier of Malabar.</p>
<p>&ldquo;Near Chowgh&#257;t (Chavag&#257;t), about 30 miles to the
southward of Calicut, on the backwater, at a place called
Guruvay&#363;r, is a very important temple, the property of the
Zamorin, yielding a very handsome revenue. I visited the festival on
one occasion, and purchase was made of a few offerings such as are made
to the temple in satisfaction of vows&mdash;a very rude representation
of an infant in silver, a hand, a leg, an ulcer, a pair of eyes, and,
most curious of all, a silver string which represents a man, the giver.
Symbolization of the offering of self is made by <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb395" href="#pb395" name="pb395">395</a>]</span>a
silver string as long as the giver is tall. Goldsmiths working in
silver and gold are to be seen just outside the gate of the temple,
ready to provide at a moment&rsquo;s notice the object any person
intends to offer, in case he is not already in possession of his votive
offering. The subject of vows can be touched on but incidentally here.
A vow is made by one desiring offspring, to have his hand or leg cured,
to have an ulcer cured, to fulfil any desire whatsoever, and he decides
in solemn affirmation to himself to give a silver image of a child, a
silver leg, and so on, in the event of his having fulfilment of his
desire.</p>
<p>&ldquo;A true Malay&#257;li festival is that held at Kottiy&#363;r
in North Malabar, in the forest at the foot of the Wyn&#257;d hills
rising 3,000 to 5,000 feet from the sides of the little glade where it
is situated. It is held in July during the height of the monsoon rain.
Though it is a festival for high and low, these do not mix at
Kottiy&#363;r. The N&#257;yars go first, and after a few days, the
N&#257;yars having done, the Tiyans, and so on. A curious feature of it
is that the people going to attend it are distinctly rowdy, feeling
that they have a right to abuse in the vilest and filthiest terms
everyone they see on the way&mdash;perhaps a few days&rsquo; march. And
not only do they abuse to their hearts&rsquo; content in their
exuberant excitement, but they use personal violence to person and
property all along the road. They return like lambs. At Kottiy&#363;r
one sees a temple of &#298;svara, there called Perum&#257;l (or
Perum&#257;l &#298;svara) by the people, a low thatched building
forming a hollow square, in the centre of which is the shrine, which I
was not permitted to see. There were some Namb&#363;tiri priests, who
came out, and entered into conversation. The festival is not held at
the temple, but in the forest about a quarter of a mile distant. This
spot is deemed extremely sacred and dreadful. There was, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb396" href="#pb396" name=
"pb396">396</a>]</span>however, no objection to myself and my
companions visiting it; we were simply begged not to go. There were
with us a N&#257;yar and a Kurichchan, and the faces of these men, when
we proceeded to wade through the little river, knee-deep and about
thirty yards wide, in order to reach the sacred spot, expressed anxious
wonder. They dared not <span class="corr" id="xd21e5603" title=
"Source: acompany">accompany</span> us across. No one (excepting, of
course, a Muhammadan) would go near the place, unless during the few
days of the festival, when it was safe; at all other times any man
going to the place is destroyed instantly. Nothing on earth would have
persuaded the N&#257;yar or the Kurichchiyan to cross that river.
Orpheus proceeding to find his Eurydice, Dant&eacute; about to enter
the Inferno, had not embarked on so fearful a journey. About a hundred
yards beyond the stream, we came upon the sacred spot, a little glade
in the forest. In the centre of the glade is a circle of piled up
stones, 12 feet in diameter. In the middle of the pile of stones is a
rude lingam. Running east from the circle of the lingam is a long shed,
in the middle of which is a long raised platform of brick, used
apparently as a place for cooking. Around the lingam there were also
thatched sheds, in which the people had lodged during the festival.
Pilgrims going to this festival carry with them offerings of some kind.
Tiyans take young cocoanuts. Every one who returns brings with him a
swish made of split young leaves of the cocoanut palm.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Of the Kottiy&#363;r festival, the following account is given in the
Gazetteer of Malabar. &ldquo;The Namb&#363;diri priests live in a
little wayside temple at Kottiy&#363;r, but the true shrine is a
quarter of a mile away in the forest across one of the feeder streams
of the Valarpattanam river. For eleven months in the year, the scene is
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb397" href="#pb397" name=
"pb397">397</a>]</span>inconceivably desolate and dreary; but during
the month Edavam (May-June) upwards of 50,000 N&#257;yars and Tiyans
from all parts of Malabar throng the shrine for the twenty-eight days
of the annual festival. During the rest of the year, the temple is
given up to the revels of Siva and Parvati, and the impious Hindu who
dares to intrude is consumed instantly to ashes. The two great
ceremonies are the Neyy&#257;ttam and the Elan&#299;r&#257;ttam, the
pouring of ghee (clarified butter) and the pouring of the milk of the
green cocoanut. The former is performed by the N&#257;yars, who attend
the festival first, and the latter by Tiyans. In May, all roads lead to
Kottiy&#363;r, and towards the middle of the month the ghee pourers, as
the N&#257;yar pilgrims are called, who have spent the previous four
weeks in fasting and purificatory rites, assemble in small shrines
subordinate to the Kottiy&#363;r temple. Thence, clad in white, and
bearing each upon his head a pot of ghee, they set forth in large
bodies headed by a leader. At Manattana the pilgrims from all parts of
Malabar meet, and thence to Kottiy&#363;r the procession is unbroken.
However long their journey, the pilgrims must eat only once, and the
more filthy their language, the more orthodox is their conduct. As many
as five thousand pots of ghee are poured over the lingam every year.
After the Neyy&#257;ttam ceremony, the N&#257;yars depart, and it is
the turn of the Tiyans. Their preparations are similar to those of the
N&#257;yars, and their language <i>en route</i> is even more startling.
Eruvatti near Kadir&#363;r is the place where most of them assemble for
their pilgrimage, and their green cocoanuts are presented gratis by the
country people as an offering to the temple. The Elan&#299;r&#257;ttam
ceremony begins at midnight, and the pilgrims heap up their cocoanuts
in front of the shrine continuously till the evening of the
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb398" href="#pb398" name=
"pb398">398</a>]</span>same day. Each Tiyan then marches thrice round
the heap, and falls prostrate before the lingam; and a certain
N&#257;yar sub-caste removes the husks preparatory to the spilling of
the milk. The festival finally closes with a mysterious ceremony, in
which ghee and mantrams play a great part, performed for two days
consecutively by the presiding Namb&#363;diri, and Kottiy&#363;r is
then deserted for another year.&rdquo;</p>
<div class="figure xd21e5617width" id="pl5-397"><img src=
"images/pl5-397.jpg" alt="Palni pilgrim and Kavadi." width="720"
height="506">
<p class="figureHead">Palni pilgrim and Kavadi.</p>
</div>
<p>&ldquo;A shrine,&rdquo; Mr. Fawcett continues, &ldquo;to which the
Malay&#257;lis, N&#257;yars included, resort is that of Subramania at
Palni in the north-west corner of the Madura district about a
week&rsquo;s march from the confines of Malabar near Palghat. Not only
are vows paid to this shrine, but men, letting their hair grow for a
year after their father&rsquo;s death, proceed to have it cut there.
The plate shows an ordinary Palni pilgrim. The arrangement which he is
carrying is called a k&#257;vadi. There are two kinds of k&#257;vadi, a
milk k&#257;vadi containing milk, and a fish k&#257;vadi containing
fish, in a pot. The vow may be made in respect of either, each being
appropriate to certain circumstances. When the time comes near for the
pilgrim to start for Palni, he dresses in reddish orange cloths,
shoulders his k&#257;vadi, and starts out. Together with a man ringing
a bell, and perhaps one with a tom-tom, with ashes on his face, he
assumes the r&ocirc;le of a beggar. The well-to-do are inclined to
reduce the beggar period to the minimum; but a beggar every votary must
be, and as a beggar he goes to Palni in all humbleness and humiliation,
and there he fulfils his vow, leaves his k&#257;vadi and his hair, and
a small sum of money. Though the individuals about to be noticed were
not N&#257;yars, their cases illustrate very well the religious idea of
the N&#257;yar as expressed under certain circumstances, for between
the N&#257;yars and these there <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb399"
href="#pb399" name="pb399">399</a>]</span>is in this respect little if
any difference. It was at Guruvay&#363;r in November, 1895. On a high
raised platform under a peepul tree were a number of people under vows,
bound for Palni. A boy of 14 had suffered as a child from epilepsy, and
seven years ago his father vowed on his behalf that, if he were cured,
he would make the pilgrimage to Palni. He wore a string of beads round
his neck, and a like string on his right arm. These were in some way
connected with the vow. His head was bent, and he sat motionless under
his k&#257;vadi, leaning on the bar, which, when he carried it, rested
on his shoulder. He could not go to Palni until it was revealed to him
in a dream when he was to start. He had waited for this dream seven
years, subsisting on roots (yams, etc.), and milk&mdash;no rice. Now he
had had the long-looked-for dream, and was about to start. Another
pilgrim was a man wearing an oval band of silver over the lower portion
of the forehead, almost covering his eyes; his tongue protruding beyond
the teeth, and kept in position by a silver skewer through it. The
skewer was put in the day before, and was to be left in for forty days.
He had been fasting for two years. He was much under the influence of
his god, and whacking incessantly at a drum in delirious excitement.
Several of the pilgrims had a handkerchief tied over the mouth, they
being under a vow of silence. One poor man wore the regular instrument
of silence, the mouth-lock&mdash;a wide silver band over the mouth, and
a skewer piercing both cheeks. He sat patiently in a nice tent-like
affair, about three feet high. People fed him with milk, etc., and he
made no effort to procure food, relying merely on what was given him.
The use of the mouth-lock is common with the N&#257;yars when they
assume the pilgrim&rsquo;s robes and set out for Palni; <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb400" href="#pb400" name="pb400">400</a>]</span>and
I have often seen many of them garbed and mouth-locked, going off on a
pilgrimage to that place. Pilgrims generally go in crowds under charge
of a priestly guide, one who, having made a certain number of journeys
to the shrine, wears a peculiar sash and other gear. They call
themselves p&#363;j&#257;ris, and are quite <i>au fait</i> with all the
ceremonial prior to the journey, as well as with the exigencies of the
road. As I stood there, one of these p&#363;j&#257;ris stood up amidst
the recumbent crowd. He raised his hands towards the temple a little to
the west, and then spread out his hands as if invoking a blessing on
the people around him. Full of religious fervour, he was (apparently at
any rate) unconscious of all but the spiritual need of his flock.</p>
<p>&ldquo;Brief mention must be made of the festival held at
Kodungall&#363;r near Cranganore in the northernmost corner of the
Cochin State, as it possesses some strange features peculiar to
Malabar, and is much frequented by the N&#257;yars. I have been
disappointed in obtaining particulars of the festival, so make the
following excerpt from Logan&rsquo;s Manual of Malabar. &lsquo;It takes
the people in great crowds from their homes. The whole country near the
lines of march rings with the shouts &ldquo;Nada-a Nada-a&rdquo; of the
pilgrims to the favourite shrine. Of what takes place when the pilgrims
reach this spot perhaps the less said the better. In their passage up
to the shrine, the cry of &ldquo;Nada-a Nada-a&rdquo; (march, march
away) is varied by terms of unmeasured abuse levelled at the goddess (a
Bhagavati) of the shrine. This abusive language is supposed to be
acceptable to her. On arrival at the shrine, they desecrate it in every
conceivable way, believing that this too is acceptable; they throw
stones and filth, howling volleys of <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb401" href="#pb401" name="pb401">401</a>]</span>opprobrium at her
house. The chief of the fisherman caste, styled K&#363;li Muttatta
Arayan, has the privilege of being the first to begin the work of
polluting the Bhoot or shrine. Into other particulars it is unnecessary
to enter. Cocks are slaughtered and sacrificed. The worshipper gets
flowers only, and no holy water after paying his vows. Instead of
water, he proceeds outside and drinks arrack or toddy, which an
attendant N&#257;yar serves out. All castes are free to go, including
Tiyars and low caste people. The temple was originally only a Bhoot or
holy tree with a platform. The image in the temple is said to have been
introduced only of recent years.&rsquo; It is a pity Mr. Logan is so
reticent. My information is that the headman of the Mukkuvans opens the
festival by solemnly making a f&aelig;cal deposit on the image. Here
again there is the same strange union of everything that is filthy,
abusive, foul and irreverent, with every mode of expressing the deepest
religious feeling.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Of the cock festival at Cranganore, the following, account is given
by Mr. T. K. Gopal Panikkar<a class="noteref" id="xd21e5636src" href=
"#xd21e5636" name="xd21e5636src">98</a> in his interesting little book
on Malabar and its folk. &ldquo;In the midst of its native charms is
situated a temple dedicated to Kali, the goddess who presides over the
infectious diseases, cholera and small-pox. She is a virgin goddess,
whom no quantity of blood will satisfy. The temple is an old-fashioned
one, presenting no striking architectural peculiarities. The priestly
classes attached to it are not, as usual, Br&#257;hmins, but a peculiar
sect called Adigals, of whom there are but three families in the whole
of Malabar. The Br&#257;hmins are purposely excluded from participation
in the poojah ceremonies, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb402" href=
"#pb402" name="pb402">402</a>]</span>lest their extreme sanctity might
increase the powers of the goddess to a dangerous extent. Poojahs are
daily offered to her. An annual festival known as Bharani, connected
with this goddess, plays a most important part in the religious history
of Malabar. It comes off in the Malayalam month of Meenam (about March
or April). Pilgrimages undertaken to the temple on this occasion are
potent enough to safeguard the pilgrims, and their friends and
relations, from the perilous attacks of cholera and small-pox. Hence
people resort thither annually by thousands from almost all parts of
Malabar; and, the more north you go, the stronger will you find the
hold which the goddess has upon the popular imagination. The chief
propitiatory offering on the occasion is the sacrifice of cocks. In
fact, every family makes a point of undertaking this sacred mission.
People arrange to start on it at an auspicious moment, on a fixed day
in small isolated bodies. Preparations are made for the journey. Rice,
salt, chillies, curry-stuffs, betel leaves and nuts, a little turmeric
powder and pepper, and, above all, a number of cocks form an almost
complete paraphernalia of the pilgrimage. These are all gathered and
preserved in separate bundles inside a large bag. When the appointed
hour comes, they throw this bag on their shoulders, conceal their money
in their girdles, and, with a native-fashioned umbrella in the one hand
and a walking-stick in the other, they start, each from his own house,
to meet the brother pilgrims at the rendezvous. Here a foreman is
selected practically by common consent. Then commences the vociferous
recitation of that series of obscene songs and ballads, which
characterises the pilgrimage all along. The foreman it is that opens
the ball. He is caught up by others <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb403" href="#pb403" name="pb403">403</a>]</span>in equally loud and
profuse strains. This is continued right up till the beginning of their
homeward journey. Nobody whom they come across on the way can
successfully escape the coarse Billingsgate of these religious zealots.
Even women are not spared. Perhaps it is in their case that the
pilgrims wax all the more eloquently vulgar. A number of cock&rsquo;s
feathers are stuck or tied upon the tip of a stick, and with this as a
wand they begin to dance and pipe in a set style, which is extremely
revolting to every sense of decency. Some of the pilgrims walk all the
distance to the temple, while others go by boat or other conveyance;
but in neither case do they spare any passer-by. Hundreds of gallons of
arrack and toddy are consumed during the festival. The pilgrims reach
the temple in their dirty attire. The temple premises are crowded to
overflowing. The worship of the goddess is then commenced. The
offerings consist of the sacrifice of cocks at the temple altar,
turmeric powder, but principally of pepper, as also some other objects
of lesser importance. A particular spot inside the temple is set apart
for the distribution of what is called manjal prasadam (turmeric powder
on which divine blessings have been invoked). The work of doling it out
is done by young maidens, who are during the process subjected to
ceaseless volleys of vile and vulgar abuse. Now, leaving out of account
the minor ceremonies, we come to the principal one, viz., the sacrifice
of cocks. The popular idea is that the greater the number of cocks
sacrificed, the greater is the efficacy of the pilgrimage. Hence men
vie with one another in the number of cocks that they carry on the
journey. The sacrifice is begun, and then there takes place a regular
scramble for the sanctified spot reserved for this butchering ceremony.
One man holds a cock by the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb404" href=
"#pb404" name="pb404">404</a>]</span>trunk, and another pulls out its
neck by the head, and, in the twinkling of an eye, by the intervention
of a sharpened knife, the head is severed from the trunk. The blood
then gushes forth in forceful and continuous jets, and is poured on a
piece of granite specially reserved. Then another is similarly
slaughtered, and then as many as each of the pilgrims can bring. In no
length of time, the whole of the temple yard is converted into one
horrible expanse of blood, rendering it too slippery to be safely
walked over. The piteous cries and death throes of the poor devoted
creatures greatly intensify the horror of the scene. The stench
emanating from the blood mixing with the nauseating smell of arrack
renders the occasion all the more revolting. One other higher and more
acceptable kind of offering requires more than a passing mention. When
a man is taken ill of any infectious disease, his relations generally
pray to this goddess for his recovery, solemnly covenanting to perform
what goes by the name of a thulabharum ceremony. This consists in
placing the patient in one of the scale-pans of a huge balance, and
weighing him against gold, or more generally pepper (and sometimes
other substances as well), deposited in the other scale-pan. Then this
weight of the substance is offered to the goddess. This is to be
performed right in front of the goddess in the temple yard. The usual
offerings being over, the homeward journey of the pilgrims is begun.
Though the festival is called Bharani, yet all the pilgrims must vacate
the temple on the day previous to the Bharani day. For, from that day
onwards, the temple doors are all shut up, and, for the next seven
days, the whole place is given over to the worst depredations of the
countless demons over whom this blood-thirsty goddess holds sway. No
human beings can safely remain there, lest <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb405" href="#pb405" name="pb405">405</a>]</span>they
might become prey to these ravenous demons. In short, the Bharani day
inaugurates a reign of terror in the locality, lasting for these seven
days. Afterwards, all the dirt is removed. The temple is cleansed and
sanctified, and again left open to public worship. The pilgrims return,
but not in the same manner in which they repaired thither. During the
backward journey, no obscene songs or expressions are indulged in. They
are to come back quietly and calmly, without any kind of
demonstrations. They get back to their respective homes, and distribute
the sandals and other pujah substances to their relations and friends
who have elected to remain at home; and the year&rsquo;s pilgrimage is
brought to a close.&rdquo;</p>
<p>&ldquo;The month Karkkatakam,&rdquo; Mr. Fawcett writes, &ldquo;when
the Malay&#257;lis say the body is cool, is the time when, according to
custom, the N&#257;yar youths practice physical exercises. At
Pay&#333;li in North Malabar, when I was there in 1895, the local
instructor of athletics was a Paravan, a mason by caste. As he had the
adjunct Kurup to his name, it took some time to discover the fact.
Teachers of his ilk are invariably of the Paravan caste, and, when they
are believed to be properly accomplished, they are given the honorific
Kurup. So carefully are things regulated that no other person was
permitted to teach athletics within the amsham (a local area, a small
county), and his womenfolk had privileges, they only being the midwives
who could attend on the N&#257;yar women of the amsham. His fee for a
course of exercises for the month was ten rupees. He, and some of his
pupils, gave an exhibition of their quality. Besides bodily contortions
and somersaults, practiced in a long low-roofed shed having a sandy
floor, there is play with the following instruments:&mdash;watta;
cheruvadi, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb406" href="#pb406" name=
"pb406">406</a>]</span>a short stick; and a stick like a quarter-staff
called a sariravadi, or stick the length of one&rsquo;s body. The watta
is held in the right hand as a dagger; it is used to stab or strike
and, in some ingenious way, turn over an opponent. The total length of
the watta is two feet, and of the cheruvadi about three feet. The
latter is squared at the ends, and is but a short staff. It is held in
the right hand a few inches from the end, and is used for striking and
guarding only. The sariravadi is held at or near one end by one or by
both hands. The distance between the hands is altered constantly, and
so is the end of the stick, which is grasped now by one, now by another
end by either hand, as occasion may require; sometimes it is grasped in
the middle. The performance with these simple things was astonishing. I
should say the watta and the cheruvadi represented swords, or rather
that they were used for initiation or practice in <span class="corr"
id="xd21e5651" title="Source: swordmanship">swordsmanship</span>, when
the N&#257;yars were the military element in Malabar. The opponents,
who faced each other with the sariravadi or quarter-staff, stood thirty
feet apart, and, as if under the same stimulus, each kicked one leg
high in the air, gave several lively bounds in the air, held their
staff horizontally in front with out-stretched arms, came down slowly
on the haunches, placed the staff on the ground, bent over, and touched
it with the forehead. With a sudden bound they were again on their
feet, and, after some preliminary pirouetting, went for each other
tooth and nail. The sword play, which one sees during festive
ceremonies, such as a marriage or the like, is done by the hereditary
retainers, who fight imaginary foes, and destroy and vanquish opponents
with much contortion of body, and always indulge in much of this
preliminary overture to their performance. There is always, by
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb407" href="#pb407" name=
"pb407">407</a>]</span>way of preliminary, a high kick in the air,
followed by squatting on the haunches, bounding high, turning,
twisting, pirouetting, and all the time swinging the sword unceasingly
above, below, behind the back, under the arm or legs, in ever so many
impossible ways. N&#257;yar shields are made of wood, covered with
leather, usually coloured bright red. Within the boss are some hard
seeds, or metal balls loose in a small space, so that there is a
jingling sound like that of the small bells on the ankles of the
dancer, when the shield is oscillated or shaken in the hand. The swords
are those which were used ordinarily for fighting. There are also
swords of many patterns for processional and other purposes, more or
less ornamented about the handle, and half way up the blade.&rdquo;</p>
<p>&ldquo;The N&#257;yars,&rdquo; Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar writes,
&ldquo;have a distinct feudal organisation, and the division of their
territories had an unmistakeable reference to it. The territorial unit
was the d&#275;sam, presided over by a D&#257;savazhi. A number of
d&#275;sams adjoining one another constituted a n&#257;du, which was
under the jurisdiction of a chieftain called the N&#257;duvazhi. Above
the N&#257;duvazhis was the R&#257;jah, the highest suzerain in the
country. In course of time, each n&#257;du split itself up into a
certain number of taras, over the affairs of which a Karanavan, or
elder, presided. An assembly of these Karanavans constituted the six
hundred&mdash;an old socio-military organisation of the N&#257;yars in
medi&aelig;val times. These six hundred are referred to in two places
in the second Syrian Christian document, which bears the date 925 A.D.
In a South Travancore inscription, dated 371 M.E., the same
organisation is referred to as Venattarunuru, or the six hundred of
Venad, and one of their duties evidently related to the supervision of
the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb408" href="#pb408" name=
"pb408">408</a>]</span>working of temples and charitable institutions
connected therewith. As Venad was divided into eighteen districts in
ancient days, there might have been altogether eighteen six hundred in
the country. The N&#257;duvazhis possessed considerable authority in
all social matters and possessed enough lands to be cultivated by their
Kudiyans. A feudal basis was laid for the whole organisation. Large
numbers served as soldiers in times of war, and cultivated their lands
when the country was quiet. In modern times, none of them take to
military service in Travancore, except those employed as sepoys in the
N&#257;yar Brigade.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Concerning the organisation of the N&#257;yars, Mr. Logan writes
that they were, &ldquo;until the British occupied the country, the
militia of the district (Malabar). This name implies that they were the
&lsquo;leaders&rsquo; of the people. Originally they seem to have been
organised into six hundreds, and each six hundred seems to have had
assigned to it the protection of all the people in a n&#257;d or
country. The n&#257;d was in turn split up into taras, a Dravidian word
signifying originally a foundation, the foundation of a house, hence
applied collectively to a street, as in Tamil teru, in Telugu teruvu,
and in Canarese and Tulu teravu. The tara was the N&#257;yar
territorial unit of organisation for civil purposes, and was governed
by representatives of the caste, who were styled K&#257;ranavar or
elders. The six hundred was probably composed exclusively of those
Karanavar or elders, who were in some parts called Mukhyastans (chief
men), or Madhyastans (mediators), or Pram&#257;nis (chief men), and
there seem to have been four families of them to each tara, so that the
n&#257;d must have originally consisted of one hundred and fifty taras.
This tara organisation of the protector caste played a most important
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb409" href="#pb409" name=
"pb409">409</a>]</span>part in the political history of the country,
for it was the great bulwark against the tyranny and oppression of the
R&#257;jas. The evidence of the Honourable East India Company&rsquo;s
linguist (interpreter, agent) at Calicut, which appears in the diary of
the Tellicherry Factory under date 28th May, 1746, deserves to be here
reproduced. He wrote as follows: &lsquo;These N&#257;yars, being heads
of the Calicut people, resemble the parliament, and do not obey the
king&rsquo;s dictates in all things, but chastise his ministers when
they do unwarrantable acts.&rsquo; The parliament referred to must have
been the k&#363;ttam (assembly) of the n&#257;d. The k&#363;ttam
answered many purposes when combined action on the part of the
community was necessary. The N&#257;yars assembled in their
k&#363;ttams whenever hunting, or war, or arbitration, or what not was
in hand, and this organisation does not seem to have been confined to
Malabar, for the koot organisation of the people of South Canara gave
the British officers much trouble in 1832&ndash;33. In so far as
Malabar was concerned, the system seems to have remained in an
efficient state down to the time of the British occupation, and the
power of the R&#257;jas was strictly limited. Mr. Murdoch Brown, of
Anjarakandi, who knew the country well, thus wrote to Mr. Francis
Buchanan in the earliest years of the present (nineteenth) century
regarding the despotic action of the R&#257;jas when constituted, after
the Mysorean conquest the revenue agents of the Government of Haidar
Ali. &lsquo;By this new order of things, these latter (the R&#257;jas)
were vested with despotic authority over the other inhabitants, instead
of the very limited prerogatives that they had enjoyed by the feudal
system, under which they could neither exact revenue from the lands of
their vassals, nor exercise any, direct authority in their
districts.&rsquo; And <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb410" href=
"#pb410" name="pb410">410</a>]</span>again, &lsquo;The R&#257;ja was no
longer what he had been, the head of a feudal aristocracy with limited
authority, but the all-powerful deputy of a despotic prince, whose
military force was always at his command to curb or chastise any of the
chieftains who were inclined to dispute or disobey his
mandates.&rsquo;<a class="noteref" id="xd21e5666src" href="#xd21e5666"
name="xd21e5666src">99</a> From the earliest times, therefore, down to
the end of the eighteenth century, the N&#257;yar tara and n&#257;d
organization kept the country from oppression and tyranny on the part
of the rulers, and to this fact more than to any other is due the
comparative prosperity, which the Malay&#257;li country so long
enjoyed, and which made Calicut at one time the great emporium of trade
between the East and the West. But, besides protection, the N&#257;yars
had originally another most important function in the body politic.
Besides being protectors, they were also supervisors or overseers, a
duty which, as a very ancient deed testifies, was styled
k&#257;nam&mdash;a Dravidian word derived from the verb k&#257;nuka (to
see, etc). Parasu R&#257;man (so the tradition preserved in the
K&#275;ralolpatti runs) separated the N&#257;yars into taras, and
ordered that to them belonged the duty of supervision (<i>lit.</i> kan
= the eye), the executive power (<i>lit.</i> kei = the hand, as the
emblem of power), and the giving of orders (<i>lit.</i> kalpana, order,
command), so as to prevent the rights from being curtailed, or suffered
to fall into disuse. The N&#257;yars were originally the overseers or
supervisors of the n&#257;d, and they seem to have been employed in
this capacity as the collectors of the share of produce of the land
originally reserved for Government purposes. As remuneration for this
service, and for their other function as protectors, another share of
the produce of the soil <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb411" href=
"#pb411" name="pb411">411</a>]</span>seems to have been reserved
specially for them. It be well worth the study of persons acquainted
with other districts of the Presidency to ascertain whether somewhat
similar functions to these (protection, and supervision) did not
originally appertain to the K&#257;valgars of Tamil districts and the
K&#257;pus in the Telugu country, for both of these words seem to have
come from the same root as the Malay&#257;lam k&#257;nam. And it is
significant that the Tamil word now used for proprietorship in the soil
is k&#257;ni-y&#257;tchi, to which word the late Mr. F. W. Ellis in his
paper on Mirasi Rights assigned a similar derivation.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The occupation of the N&#257;yars is described by Mr. N. Subramani
Aiyar as &ldquo;comprising all kinds of worldly pursuits. So late as
the end of the eighteenth century, there were with the then
Mah&#257;r&#257;ja of Travancore a hundred thousand soldiers,
consisting of N&#257;yars and Chovas, armed with arrows, spears, swords
and battle-axes. The chief occupation of the N&#257;yars is
agriculture. Cultivation of a slipshod, time-honoured type is the forte
of the N&#257;yar, for which he has always found time from times of
old, though engaged in other occupations as well. In the Velakali, a
kind of mock fight, which is one of the items of the utasom programme
in every important temple in Malabar, the dress worn by the N&#257;yars
is supposed to be their ancient military costume. Even now, among the
N&#257;yars who form the Mah&#257;r&#257;ja&rsquo;s own Brigade,
agriculture, to which they are enabled to attend during all their
off-duty days, goes largely to supplement their monthly pay. Various
other occupations, all equally necessary for society, have been,
according to the K&#275;ralavakasakrama, assigned to the N&#257;yars,
and would seem to have determined their original sub-divisions. They
are domestic servants in Br&#257;hman <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb412" href="#pb412" name="pb412">412</a>]</span>and Kshatriya houses
and temples, and deal in dairy produce, as well as being engaged in
copper-sheet roofing, tile-making, pottery, palanquin-bearing, and so
on. But these traditional occupations are fast ceasing under the
ferment of a new civilisation. In the matter of education, the
N&#257;yars occupy a prominent position. Almost every N&#257;yar girl
is sent to the village school to learn the three R&rsquo;s, quite as
much as a matter of course as the schooling of boys. This constitutes a
feature of Malabar life that makes it the most literate country in all
India, especially in respect of the female sex. After R&#257;manujam
Ezhuttachchan developed and enriched the Malay&#257;lam language,
numerous Asans or village teachers came into existence in different
parts of Malabar. After a preliminary study of Malay&#257;lam, such as
desired higher, <i>i.e.</i>, Sanskrit education, got discipled to an
Ambalav&#257;si or a Sastri. Even to-day the estimable desire to study
Sanskrit is seen in some N&#257;yar youths, who have readily availed
themselves of the benefit of the local Sanskrit college. In respect of
English education, the N&#257;yars occupy a prominent position. The
facility afforded by the Government of Travancore for the study of
English is being largely availed of by N&#257;yars, and it is a matter
deserving to be prominently recorded that, in recent years, several
N&#257;yar girls have passed the Matriculation examination of the
University of Madras.&rdquo;</p>
<p>It is noted, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that &ldquo;the
N&#257;yars as a class are the best educated and the most advanced of
the communities in Malabar (excepting perhaps the Pattar Br&#257;hmans,
who are not strictly a Malay&#257;lam class), and are intellectually
the equals of the Br&#257;hmans of the East Coast. Many of them have
risen to the highest posts in Government, and the caste <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb413" href="#pb413" name="pb413">413</a>]</span>has
supplied many of the leading members of the learned
professions.&rdquo;</p>
<p><b>N&#257;yi</b> (dog).&mdash;An exogamous sept of Kuruba.</p>
<p><b>N&#257;yinar.&mdash;</b>N&#257;yinar, N&#257;yanar, or Nainar,
has been recorded as a section of Vell&#257;las, who are thought to be
descended from Jains who were converted to Hinduism, and as a title of
Jains, Kaik&#333;lans, Pallis, and Udaiy&#257;ns. N&#257;yanikulam
occurs as a synonym of B&#333;ya. The word N&#257;yinar is the same as
N&#257;yaka, meaning lord or master, and the Saivite saints, being
religious teachers, are so called, <i>e.g.</i>, Sundara M&#363;rti
N&#257;yanar.</p>
<p><b>N&#257;yinda.&mdash;</b>Recorded, in the Mysore Census Report,
1901, as the name of a caste, which follows the hereditary occupation
of barber, and also of agriculture. &ldquo;They are,&rdquo; it is there
said, &ldquo;members of the village hierarchy. They are paid, like the
Agasa (washerman), in kind for their services. They are also fiddlers,
and have the exclusive right of wind instruments. They are known as
K&#275;lasiga or Haj&#257;m. They are both Saivites and Vaishnavites. A
section of them wear the lingam, and follow Lingayetism. They are known
as Silavanta. These people are largely in requisition at feasts,
marriages, etc., when they form the music band.&rdquo; Kelasi is the
name of a Canarese barber caste, and Haj&#257;m is a Hindustani word
for barber.</p>
<p><b>Nedung&#257;di.&mdash;</b>This name, denoting a settlement in
Nedungan&#257;d in the Walluvan&#257;d taluk of Malabar, has been
returned as a sub-caste of N&#257;yars and S&#257;mantas.</p>
<p><b>Nekk&#257;ra.&mdash;</b>A small class of washermen in South
Canara. The women only are said to do the washing, while the men are
employed as devil-dancers.</p>
<p><b>Nellika</b> (<i>Phyllanthus Emblica</i>).&mdash;An illam of
Tiyan.</p>
<p><b>Nellu</b> (paddy, unhusked rice).&mdash;A g&#333;tra of Kurni.
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb414" href="#pb414" name=
"pb414">414</a>]</span></p>
<p><b>Nemilli</b> (peacock).&mdash;An exogamous sept of B&#333;ya and
Balija.</p>
<p><b>N&#275;rali</b> (<i>Eugenia Jambolana</i>).&mdash;An exogamous
sept of Gangadik&#257;ra Holeya.</p>
<p><b>Nerati.&mdash;</b>Nerati or Neravati is a sub-division of
K&#257;pu.</p>
<p><b>N&#275;se.&mdash;</b>An occupational term, meaning weaver applied
to several of the weaving castes, but more especially to the Kurnis. It
is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that &ldquo;in the
inscriptions of R&#257;ja R&#257;ja the Ch&#333;la king, about the
beginning of the eleventh century, the Paraiyan caste is called by its
present name. It had then two sub-divisions, Nesavu (the weavers) and
Ulavu (the ploughman).&rdquo;</p>
<p><b>N&#275;tpaniv&#257;ndlu</b> (neyyuta, to weave).&mdash;Recorded
by the Rev. J. Cain<a class="noteref" id="xd21e5751src" href=
"#xd21e5751" name="xd21e5751src">100</a> as a name for M&#257;la
weavers.</p>
<p><b>Nettik&#333;tala.&mdash;</b>In a note on the Nettik&#333;talas or
Neththik&#333;talasi, Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes that they correspond
to the Kalladi Siddhans of the Tamil country. The name means those who
cut their foreheads. They are mendicants who beg from Gavara
K&#333;matis, whom they are said to have assisted in days of old by
delaying the progress of R&#257;ja Vishnu Vardhana. (See K&#333;mati.)
When their dues are not promptly paid, they make cuts in their
foreheads and other parts of the body, and make blood flow.</p>
<p><b>N&#275;yig&#275;.&mdash;</b>The silk and cotton hand-loom weavers
of the Mysore Province are, in the Census Report, 1891, dealt with
collectively under the occupational name N&#275;yig&#275; (weaving),
which includes Bilimagga, D&#275;v&#257;nga, Khatri, Patv&#275;gar,
S&#257;le, Saur&#257;shtra (Patn&#363;lk&#257;ran), S&#275;niga and
Togata. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb415" href="#pb415" name=
"pb415">415</a>]</span></p>
<p><b>Neytikkar.&mdash;</b>Weavers of coir (cocoanut fibre) mats in
Malabar.</p>
<p><b>N&#275;yyala.&mdash;</b>The N&#275;yyala are a Telugu fishing
caste found chiefly in Vizagapatam and Ganjam, for the following note
on whom I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The name is derived
from the Telugu n&#275;yyalu, meaning fried rice or cholam (<i>Sorghum
vulgare</i>), which is made by female members of the caste, especially
during the harvest season, into balls with jaggery (crude sugar). These
are carried about the country by the men for sale to those engaged in
reaping the crop and others. As payment, they receive from, the reapers
a portion of the grain which they are cutting. A further occupation of
the caste is fishing with konti vala, or koyyala vala <i>i.e.</i>, nets
supported on a row of bamboo sticks, which are placed in shallow water,
and dragged by two men.</p>
<p>The N&#257;ga (cobra) is reverenced by the caste. A Br&#257;hman
officiates at marriages, during which the sacred thread is worn. The
remarriage of widows is permitted, provided that the woman has no
children by her first husband. Divorce is not allowed. The dead are
burnt, and the chinna (little) and pedda r&#333;zu (big day) death
ceremonies are observed.</p>
<p>As a caste, the N&#275;yyalas do not drink intoxicating liquor, and
eat only in Br&#257;hman houses. Their usual title is Ayya.</p>
<p><b>N&#275;yye</b> (clarified butter).&mdash;An occupational
sub-division of K&#333;mati.</p>
<p><b>N&#299;la</b> (blue).&mdash;An exogamous sept of M&#275;dara.</p>
<p><b>N&#299;lag&#257;ra</b> (indigo people).&mdash;The name of a class
of dyers, who are, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, included in the
Kumb&#257;ra or potter caste.</p>
<p><b>N&#299;li</b> (indigo).&mdash;An exogamous sept of Padma
Sal&#275; and Togata. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb416" href=
"#pb416" name="pb416">416</a>]</span></p>
<p><b>Nirganti.&mdash;</b>Recorded, in the Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer,
as a regulator and distributor of water to irrigated lands. He is
usually a Holeya by caste.</p>
<p><b>Nirp&#363;si</b> (wearers of sacred ashes).&mdash;Recorded, at
times of census, as a sub-division of P&#257;ndya Vell&#257;las.
N&#299;rp&#363;si <span class="corr" id="xd21e5808" title=
"Source: Vellala">Vell&#257;la</span> is described, in the Gazetteer of
the South Arcot district, as a name current in the South Arcot district
meaning Vell&#257;las who put on holy ash, in reference to certain
Jains, who formerly became Saivites taking off their sacred threads,
and putting holy ashes on their foreheads.</p>
<p><b>Nityad&#257;su.&mdash;</b>Nityad&#257;su, or Nityulu, meaning
immortal slaves, is a name by which some M&#257;la D&#257;saris style
themselves.</p>
<p><b>Nodha.&mdash;</b>Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as
a very small caste of hill cultivators and earth-workers in the Oriya
country.</p>
<p><b>N&#333;kkan.&mdash;</b>The N&#333;kkans, who often go by the name
of J&#257;dipillais (children of the caste), are a class of mendicants,
who beg from members of the Palli caste. The word N&#333;kkan is said
to mean &lsquo;he who looks&rsquo;. The N&#333;kkans make periodical
visits to villages where Pallis live, and receive from them a small fee
in money. They attend at Palli marriages, and, during processions,
carry flags (palempores) bearing devices of Hanum&#257;n, tigers, Agni,
etc., which are made at K&#257;lahasti.</p>
<p>The N&#333;kkans claim fees from the Pallis, because one of their
ancestors helped them. The legend runs as follows. During the reign of
a Palli king at Conjeeveram, a car, bearing the idol of the god, stood
still, and could not be moved. A human sacrifice was considered
necessary, but no one would offer himself as a victim. A N&#333;kkan
came forward, and allowed his only daughter, who was pregnant, to be
sacrificed. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb417" href="#pb417" name=
"pb417">417</a>]</span>Pleased at his behaviour, the king ordered that
the Pallis should in future treat the N&#333;kkans as their
J&#257;dipillais. Some N&#333;kkans say that they were presented with
copper-grants, one of which is reputed to be in the possession of one
N&#333;kka Ramasw&#257;mi of Mulav&#257;yal village in the Ponn&#275;ri
t&#257;luk of the Chingleput district.</p>
<p>In the course of their rounds, the N&#333;kkans repeat the story of
the origin of the Pallis, one version of which runs as follows. Two
Asuras, V&#257;th&#257;pi and En&#257;dhapi, who were ruling at
Ratnagiripatnam, obtained at the hands of Siva, by means of severe
tapas (penance), the following boon. No child should die within their
dominions, and the Asuras should be invincible, and not meet their
death at the hands of uterine-born beings. The D&#275;vatas and others,
unable to bear the tyranny of the Asuras, prayed to Brahma for rescue.
He directed them to the Rishi Jambuvamuni, who was doing penance on the
banks of the river Jumna. This Rishi is said to have married a woman
named &#256;sendi, who was born from the cheeks of Parvati. Hearing the
request of the D&#275;vatas, the Rishi lighted the sacred fire, and
therefrom arose a being called R&#363;dra Vanniyan, and forty other
warriors, including N&#299;lakanta, Gangabala, and Vajrab&#257;hu. The
Pallis are descended from these fire-born heroes. (<i>See</i>
Palli)</p>
<p>N&#333;kkans wear the sacred thread, and carry with them a big drum
and a gourd pipe like that used by snake-charmers.</p>
<p><b>Noliya.&mdash;</b>A synonym used by Oriya castes for the Telugu
Jal&#257;ris.</p>
<p><b>Nonaba.&mdash;</b>A territorial sub-division of Vakkaliga. The
name is derived from Nonambav&#257;di, one of the former great
divisions of the Tanjore country.</p>
<p><b>N&#333;ttak&#257;ran.&mdash;</b>The office of village
N&#333;ttak&#257;ran, or tester, has been abolished in modern times. It
was <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb418" href="#pb418" name=
"pb418">418</a>]</span>generally held by a goldsmith, whose duty was to
test the rupees when the land revenue was being gathered in, and see
that they were not counterfeit.</p>
<p><b>Nuchchu</b> (broken rice).&mdash;A g&#333;tra of Kurni.</p>
<p><b>N&#363;kala</b> (coarse grain powder).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
Padma S&#257;l&#275;.</p>
<p><b>Nulayan.&mdash;</b>In the Madras Census Report, 1901, ninety-six
individuals are recorded as belonging to a small caste of
Malay&#257;lam fishermen and boatmen. The Nulayans are found in
Travancore, and were returned in the census of Malabar, as the two
small British settlements of Anjengo and Tangacheri in Travancore are
under the jurisdiction of the Collector of Malabar.</p>
<p><b>N&#363;n&#275;</b> (oil).&mdash;An occupational sub-division of
K&#333;mati.</p>
<p><b>Nunia</b> (nuno, salt).&mdash;A sub-division of Odiya.</p>
<p><b>N&#363;rankurup.&mdash;</b>An occupational name for Paravans
settled in Malabar, whose employment is that of lime-burners
(n&#363;ru, lime).</p>
<p><b>N&#363;rb&#257;sh.&mdash;</b>Recorded, at the census, 1901, as a
synonym of D&#363;d&#275;kula. A corruption of n&#363;rbaf
(weaving).</p>
<p><b>N&#363;vvala</b> (gingelly: <i>Sesamum indicum</i>).&mdash;An
exogamous sept of Kamma and M&#275;dara. Gingelly seeds, from which an
oil is extracted, &ldquo;form an essential article of certain religious
ceremonies of the Hindus, and have therefore received the names of
h&#333;ma-dh&#257;nya or the sacrificial grain, and pitri-tarpana or
the grain that is offered as an oblation to deceased ancestors.&rdquo;
(<i>U. C. Dutt.</i>) During the death ceremonies of some Br&#257;hmans,
libations of water mixed with gingelly seeds, called t&#299;lothakam,
and a ball of rice, are offered daily to two stones representing the
spirit of the deceased.</p>
<p><b>Ny&#257;yam</b> (justice).&mdash;An exogamous sept of Padma
S&#257;l&#275;.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnotes">
<hr class="fnsep">
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2534" href="#xd21e2534src" name="xd21e2534">1</a></span> Madras
Census Report, 1891.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2571" href="#xd21e2571src" name="xd21e2571">2</a></span> Madras
Census Report, 1901.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2597" href="#xd21e2597src" name="xd21e2597">3</a></span> Mysore
Census Reports, 1891, 1901.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2600" href="#xd21e2600src" name="xd21e2600">4</a></span> Mysore
and Coorg Gazetteer.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2628" href="#xd21e2628src" name="xd21e2628">5</a></span>
Hobson-Jobson.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2675" href="#xd21e2675src" name="xd21e2675">6</a></span> Wigram :
Malabar Law and Customs.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2678" href="#xd21e2678src" name="xd21e2678">7</a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 3rd ed., 1905.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2683" href="#xd21e2683src" name="xd21e2683">8</a></span> A
Forgotten Empire, Vijayanagar.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2686" href="#xd21e2686src" name="xd21e2686">9</a></span> Fifth
Report of the Committee on the affairs of the East India Company.
Reprint, Higginbotham, Madras.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2691" href="#xd21e2691src" name="xd21e2691">10</a></span> College
History of India, 1888.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2725" href="#xd21e2725src" name="xd21e2725">11</a></span> Manual
of the South Canara district.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2735" href="#xd21e2735src" name="xd21e2735">12</a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i></p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2744" href="#xd21e2744src" name="xd21e2744">13</a></span> M.J.
Walhouse. Journ. Anthrop. Inst., V, 1876.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2751" href="#xd21e2751src" name="xd21e2751">14</a></span> Devil
Worship of the Tuluvas, Ind. Ant., XXIII, 1894.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2817" href="#xd21e2817src" name="xd21e2817">15</a></span> Devil
Worship of the Tuluvas. Ind. Ant., XXIII, XXIV, XXV, XXVI,
1894&ndash;7.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2858" href="#xd21e2858src" name="xd21e2858">16</a></span> With
the exception of the notes by Mr. Subramani Aiyar, this article is a
reproduction, with very slight changes, of an account of the
Namb&#363;tiris by Mr. F. Fawcett, which has already been published in
the Madras Bulletin Series (III, I, 1900).</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2870" href="#xd21e2870src" name="xd21e2870">17</a></span> N.
Subramani Aiyar, Malabar Quart. Review, VII, I, 1908.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2890" href="#xd21e2890src" name="xd21e2890">18</a></span> A New
Account of the East Indies, 1744.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e2895" href="#xd21e2895src" name="xd21e2895">19</a></span> The
Namb&#363;tiris everywhere believe that Europeans have tails.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e3069" href="#xd21e3069src" name="xd21e3069">20</a></span> The
Todas, 1906.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e3138" href="#xd21e3138src" name="xd21e3138">21</a></span>
Tarav&#257;d or tarwad: a marumakkat&#257;yam family, consisting of all
the descendants in the female line of one common female ancestor.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e3156" href="#xd21e3156src" name="xd21e3156">22</a></span> The
Lusiad.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e3173" href="#xd21e3173src" name="xd21e3173">23</a></span> Chela,
the cloth worn by M&#363;ppillas (Muhammadans in Malabar). There are
also Chela N&#257;yars. The word is said to mean the rite of
circumcision.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e3530" href="#xd21e3530src" name="xd21e3530">24</a></span> Malabar
Quart. Review, I, 1, 1902.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e3535" href="#xd21e3535src" name="xd21e3535">25</a></span> In all
ceremonies, and indeed in all arrangements connected with labour in
rural Malabar, it is the rule to reckon in the old, and not in the
existing, currency.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e3549" href="#xd21e3549src" name="xd21e3549">26</a></span>
Brahmanism and Hinduism.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e3556" href="#xd21e3556src" name="xd21e3556">27</a></span> <i>Op.
cit.</i></p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e3560" href="#xd21e3560src" name="xd21e3560">28</a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i></p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e3567" href="#xd21e3567src" name="xd21e3567">29</a></span> The
Namb&#363;tiris take objection to a statement of Mr. Logan, in the
Manual of Malabar, that the <span class="corr" id="xd21e3569" title=
"Source: Vadhyar">V&#257;dhyar</span> shuts the door, and locks it.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e3577" href="#xd21e3577src" name="xd21e3577">30</a></span> Orissa.
Annals of Rural Bengal.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e3601" href="#xd21e3601src" name="xd21e3601">31</a></span> By
keeping a lamp lighted at the fire perpetually alight, or by heating a
piece of pl&#257;su or darbha grass in the fire, and putting it away
carefully.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e3609" href="#xd21e3609src" name="xd21e3609">32</a></span> An
&#257;mana palaga or &#257;ma palaga, literally tortoise plank, is a
low wooden seat of chamatha wood, supposed to be shaped like a tortoise
in outline.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e3689" href="#xd21e3689src" name="xd21e3689">33</a></span> The
accounts of marriage and death ceremonies in the Gazetteer of Malabar
are from a grandhavari.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e3716" href="#xd21e3716src" name="xd21e3716">34</a></span> Ind.
Law Reports, Madras Series, XII, 1889.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4094" href="#xd21e4094src" name="xd21e4094">35</a></span> Madras
Census Report, 1901.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4104" href="#xd21e4104src" name="xd21e4104">36</a></span> The
proverb Chetti Chidambaram is well known<span class="corr" id=
"xd21e4106" title="Source: ,">.</span></p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4120" href="#xd21e4120src" name="xd21e4120">37</a></span> Malabar
Quart: Review, 1905.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4126" href="#xd21e4126src" name="xd21e4126">38</a></span> C.
Hayavadana Rao, Indian Review, VIII, 8, 1907.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4140" href="#xd21e4140src" name="xd21e4140">39</a></span>
Gazetteer of the South Arcot district.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4151" href="#xd21e4151src" name="xd21e4151">40</a></span>
Gazetteer of the Madura district.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4163" href="#xd21e4163src" name="xd21e4163">41</a></span> Indian
Review, VIII, 8, 1907.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4258" href="#xd21e4258src" name="xd21e4258">42</a></span> Indian
Law Reports, Madras Series, XXIX, 1906.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4303" href="#xd21e4303src" name="xd21e4303">43</a></span> C.
Hayavadana Rao, <i>Loc. cit.</i></p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4325" href="#xd21e4325src" name="xd21e4325">44</a></span> C.
Hayavadana Rao. <i>Loc. cit.</i></p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4586" href="#xd21e4586src" name="xd21e4586">45</a></span>
Historical Sketches of the South of India, 1810.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4669" href="#xd21e4669src" name="xd21e4669">46</a></span> Malabar
and its Folk.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4697" href="#xd21e4697src" name="xd21e4697">47</a></span> Malabar
and its Folk.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4721" href="#xd21e4721src" name="xd21e4721">48</a></span> This
note is based mainly on articles by Mr. S. Appadorai Aiyar and Mr. L.
K. Anantha Krishna Aiyar.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4731" href="#xd21e4731src" name="xd21e4731">49</a></span> Madras
Census Report, 1891.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4740" href="#xd21e4740src" name="xd21e4740">50</a></span>
Gazetteer of the Malabar district.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4745" href="#xd21e4745src" name="xd21e4745">51</a></span> Manual
of the Malabar district.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4775" href="#xd21e4775src" name="xd21e4775">52</a></span> The
author of Tahafat-ul-Mujahidin or hints for persons seeking the way to
God, as it is frequently translated, or more literally an offering to
warriors who shall fight in defence of religion against infidels.
Translated by Rowlandson. London, 1833.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4778" href="#xd21e4778src" name="xd21e4778">53</a></span> See
Manual of the Malabar district, 164, sq., and Fawcett, Madras Museum
Bull., III, 3, 1901.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4787" href="#xd21e4787src" name="xd21e4787">54</a></span> E.
Hultzsch, South-Indian Inscriptions, III, 2, 1203.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4792" href="#xd21e4792src" name="xd21e4792">55</a></span>
Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar. Translation.
Hakluyt Society, 1866.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4799" href="#xd21e4799src" name="xd21e4799">56</a></span> New
Account of the East Indies, 1744.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4806" href="#xd21e4806src" name="xd21e4806">57</a></span> Voyage
to the East Indies, 1774 and 1781.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4811" href="#xd21e4811src" name="xd21e4811">58</a></span> Journey
through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar, 1807.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4816" href="#xd21e4816src" name="xd21e4816">59</a></span> Malabar
Law and Custom, 3rd ed., 1905.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4819" href="#xd21e4819src" name="xd21e4819">60</a></span> Vide R.
Sewell. A Forgotten Empire (Vijayanagar), 1900.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4824" href="#xd21e4824src" name="xd21e4824">61</a></span> Father
Coleridge&rsquo;s Life and Letters of St. Francis Xavier.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4827" href="#xd21e4827src" name="xd21e4827">62</a></span> History
of Tinnevelly.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4831" href="#xd21e4831src" name="xd21e4831">63</a></span>
Coleridge&rsquo;s Xavier.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4834" href="#xd21e4834src" name="xd21e4834">64</a></span>
Burnell. Translation of the Daya Vibhaga, Introduction. <i>Vide</i>
also Elements of South Indian Pal&aelig;ography (2nd ed., p. 109),
where Dr. Burnell says that it is certain that the Vijayanagar kings
were men of low caste.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4843" href="#xd21e4843src" name="xd21e4843">65</a></span>
<i>Vide</i> Glossary, Report of the Malabar Marriage Commission, p. 2,
and Day&rsquo;s Land of the Permauls, p. 44.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4848" href="#xd21e4848src" name="xd21e4848">66</a></span> Fifth
Report of the Committee on the affairs of the East India Company, II,
499, 530. Reprint by Higginbotham, Madras.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4854" href="#xd21e4854src" name="xd21e4854">67</a></span> Lives
of the Lindsays. By Lord Lindsay, 1849.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4922" href="#xd21e4922src" name="xd21e4922">68</a></span> Madras
Museum Bull., III, 3, 1901.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4975" href="#xd21e4975src" name="xd21e4975">69</a></span> A
manchil is a conveyance carried on men&rsquo;s shoulders, and more like
a hammock slung on a pole, with a flat covering over it, than a
palanquin.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e4984" href="#xd21e4984src" name="xd21e4984">70</a></span>
Tarw&#257;d or tarav&#257;d, a marumakkathayam family, consisting of
all the descendants in the female line of one common female
ancestor.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5020" href="#xd21e5020src" name="xd21e5020">71</a></span> The
Voyage and Travell of M. C&aelig;sar Fredericke, Merchant of Venice,
into the East Indies and beyond the Indies (1563). Translation. Hakluyt
Voyages, V, 394.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5029" href="#xd21e5029src" name="xd21e5029">72</a></span> Travels
to the East Indies.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5034" href="#xd21e5034src" name="xd21e5034">73</a></span> Voyage
to the East Indies, 1774 and 1781.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5037" href="#xd21e5037src" name="xd21e5037">74</a></span> R.
Kerr. General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, 1811,
History of the Discovery and Conquest of India by the Portuguese
between the years 1497 and 1525, from the original Portuguese of Herman
Lopes de Castaneda.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5043" href="#xd21e5043src" name="xd21e5043">75</a></span> Wigram,
Malabar Law and Custom, Ed. 1900.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5046" href="#xd21e5046src" name="xd21e5046">76</a></span> T. A.
Kalyanakrishna Aiyar, Malabar Quart. Review, II, 1903.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5057" href="#xd21e5057src" name="xd21e5057">77</a></span> <i>Op
cit.</i></p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5061" href="#xd21e5061src" name="xd21e5061">78</a></span> Malabar
and its Folk, 1900.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5066" href="#xd21e5066src" name="xd21e5066">79</a></span> Malabar
Law and Custom, 1882.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5073" href="#xd21e5073src" name="xd21e5073">80</a></span> Report
of the Malabar Marriage Commission, 1894.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5080" href="#xd21e5080src" name="xd21e5080">81</a></span> The
rights and obligations of Karanavans are fully dealt with by Moore,
Malabar Law and Custom, 3rd edition, 1905.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5110" href="#xd21e5110src" name="xd21e5110">82</a></span> Journ.
Anthrop. Inst., XII, 1883.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5135" href="#xd21e5135src" name="xd21e5135">83</a></span> <i>Op.
cit.</i></p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5151" href="#xd21e5151src" name="xd21e5151">84</a></span> Malabar
Quart. Review, VII, 3, 1908.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5160" href="#xd21e5160src" name="xd21e5160">85</a></span> <i>Op.
cit.</i></p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5200" href="#xd21e5200src" name="xd21e5200">86</a></span>
Gazetteer of Malabar.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5315" href="#xd21e5315src" name="xd21e5315">87</a></span> An
Enangan or Inangan is a man of the same caste and sub-division or
marriage group. It is usually translated &ldquo;kinsman,&rdquo; but is
at once wider and narrower in its connotation. My Enangans are all who
can marry the same people that I can. An Enangatti is a female member
of an Enangan&rsquo;s family.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5323" href="#xd21e5323src" name="xd21e5323">88</a></span> The
aimpuli or &ldquo;five tamarinds&rdquo; are Tamarindus indica, Garcinia
Cambogia, Spondias mangifera, Bauhinia racemosa, and Hibiscus
hirtus.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5374" href="#xd21e5374src" name="xd21e5374">89</a></span> The
eldest male member of the tarav&#257;d is called the Karanavan. All
male members, brothers, nephews, and so on, who are junior to him, are
called Anandravans of the tarav&#257;d.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5402" href="#xd21e5402src" name="xd21e5402">90</a></span> All
caste Hindus who perform the sr&#257;dh ceremonies calculate the day of
death, not by the day of the month, but by the thithis (day after full
or new moon).</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5457" href="#xd21e5457src" name="xd21e5457">91</a></span>
Nineteenth Century, 1904.</p>
<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="label"><a class="noteref"
id="xd21e5462" href="#xd21e5462src" name="xd21e5462">92</a></span>
L&rsquo;Inde (sans les Anglais).</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5471" href="#xd21e5471src" name="xd21e5471">93</a></span> Letters
from Malabar.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5499" href="#xd21e5499src" name="xd21e5499">94</a></span>
January, 1899.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5514" href="#xd21e5514src" name="xd21e5514">95</a></span> See
Thurston. Catalogue of Roman, etc., Coins, Madras Government Museum,
2nd ed., 1894.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5524" href="#xd21e5524src" name="xd21e5524">96</a></span> Malabar
and its Folk, 1900.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5568" href="#xd21e5568src" name="xd21e5568">97</a></span> The
Vettuvans were once salt-makers.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5636" href="#xd21e5636src" name="xd21e5636">98</a></span> Malabar
and its Folk, Madras, 1900.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5666" href="#xd21e5666src" name="xd21e5666">99</a></span>
Buchanan, Mysore, Canara and Malabar.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5751" href="#xd21e5751src" name="xd21e5751">100</a></span> Ind.
Ant., VIII, 1879.</p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="div1 chapter">
<div class="divHead">
<h2 class="main">O</h2>
<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb419" href="#pb419" name=
"pb419">419</a>]</span></p>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first"><b>&#332;cchan.&mdash;</b>The &#332;cchans are a class
of temple priests, usually officiate as p&#363;j&#257;ris at
Pid&#257;ri and other Amman (Gr&#257;ma D&#275;vata) temples. They are
for the most part Saivites, but some belong to the Vadagalai or
Tengalai Vaishnava sects. Some of the p&#363;j&#257;ris wear the sacred
thread when within the temple. Their insignia are the udukkai, or
hour-glass shaped drum, and the silambu, or hollow brass ring filled
with bits of brass, which rattle when it is shaken. In the Chingleput
district, some &#332;cchans act as dancing-masters to
D&#275;vad&#257;sis, and are sometimes called Nattuvan.</p>
<p>The name &#332;cchan is derived from the Tamil &#333;chai, meaning
sound, in reference to the usual mode of invoking the Gr&#257;ma
D&#275;vatas (village deities) by beating on a drum and singing their
praises. It has been suggested that &#332;cchan is a contracted form of
Uvacchan, which occurs in certain old inscriptions.<a class="noteref"
id="xd21e5901src" href="#xd21e5901" name="xd21e5901src">1</a> Of these,
the oldest is dated Sakha 1180 (A.D. 1258), and refers to the tax on
Uvacchas. Another inscription, in which the same tax is referred to, is
dated Sakha 1328 (A.D. 1406). In both these inscriptions, Uvacchan has
been interpreted as referring to Jonakas, who are a class of
Muhammadans. This is one of the meanings given by Winslow,<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e5904src" href="#xd21e5904" name="xd21e5904src">2</a>
who also gives &ldquo;a caste of drummers at temples,
&#332;cchan.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In the northern districts, the &#332;cchans are divided into five
sections, called M&#257;rayan, P&#257;ndi, Kandappan, Periya or
Pallavar&#257;yan, and Pulavan. M&#257;rayan is also the name of temple
priests in Travancore, on whom the title &#332;cchan is bestowed as a
mark of royal favour by the Travancore sovereigns.<a class="noteref"
id="xd21e5909src" href="#xd21e5909" name="xd21e5909src">3</a> The
&#332;cchans have <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb420" href="#pb420"
name="pb420">420</a>]</span>many titles, <i>e.g.</i>, Archaka or Umai
Archaka, D&#275;var, Parasaivan, Mudaliar, Vallabar&#257;yan,
P&#363;s&#257;li, Pulavar, and Kamban. Of these, the last two are said
to be derived from the Tamil epic poet Kamban, who is traditionally
believed to have belonged to the &#332;cchan caste. There is a legend
that Kamban was on his way to the residence of a king, when he heard an
oil-monger, who was driving his bulls, remonstrate with them, saying
&ldquo;Should you kick against each other because the poet Kamban, like
the &#332;cchan he is, hums his verse?&rdquo; On hearing this, Kamban
approached the oil-monger, and went with him to the king, to whom he
reported that he had been insulted. By order of the king, the
oil-monger burst forth into verse, and explained how his bulls had
taken fright on hearing Kamban&rsquo;s impromptu singing. Kamban was
greatly pleased with the poet oil-monger, and begged the king to let
him go with honours heaped on him.</p>
<p>In the southern districts, more especially in Madura and Tinnevelly,
it is usual for an &#332;cchan to claim his paternal aunt&rsquo;s
daughter in marriage. In the northern districts, a man may also marry
his maternal uncle&rsquo;s or sister&rsquo;s daughter. Br&#257;hman
Gurukkals officiate at marriages. In their puberty, marriage, and death
ceremonies, the &#332;cchans closely follow the Pallis or Vanniyans.
The dead are burnt, and Br&#257;hmans officiate at the funeral
ceremonies.</p>
<p>The caste is an organised one, and there is usually a headman,
called Periyathanak&#257;ran, at places where &#332;cchans occur.</p>
<p><b>&#332;da v&#257;ndlu</b> (boatmen).&mdash;A synonym of M&#299;la,
a fishing caste in Ganjam and Vizagapatam. Some prosperous M&#299;las
have adopted &#332;da Balija as their caste name. (<i>See</i>
V&#257;da.) <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb421" href="#pb421" name=
"pb421">421</a>]</span></p>
<p><b>&#332;dan.&mdash;</b>An occupational name of a class of
N&#257;yars, who are tile-makers.</p>
<p><b>Od&#257;ri.&mdash;</b>The Od&#257;ris or Vod&#257;ris are
Tulu-speaking potters in the South Canara district. Those who have
abandoned the profession of potter call themselves M&#363;lia, as also
do some potters, and those who are employed as p&#363;j&#257;ris
(priests) at bh&#363;thasthanas (devil shrines). In many cases, the
headman combines the duties of that office with those of
p&#363;j&#257;ri, and is called M&#363;lia. Otherwise his title is
Gurik&#257;ra.</p>
<p>The Canarese potters in South Canara, in making pots, use the
ordinary wheel, which is rotated by means of a long stick. The wheel of
the Od&#257;ris is more primitive, consisting of a small disc, concave
above, made of unburnt clay, fitting by means of a pebble pivot into a
pebble socket, which is rotated by hand.</p>
<p>Like other Tulu castes, the Od&#257;ris worship bh&#363;thas, but
also reverence Venkatar&#257;mana.</p>
<p>In their marriage ceremonial, the Od&#257;ris follow the Bant type.
At the betrothal, the headmen or fathers of the contracting couple
exchange betel, and the party of the future bridegroom give a ring to
the people of the bride-elect. The marriage rites are completed in a
single day. A bench is placed within the marriage pandal (booth), and
covered with clothes brought by the Madiv&#257;li (washerman caste).
The bridegroom is conducted thither by the bride&rsquo;s brother, and,
after going round three times, takes his seat. He is generally preceded
by women carrying lights, rice and fruits before him. The lamp is hung
up, and the other articles are deposited on the ground. One by one, the
women throw a grain of rice, first over the lamp, and then a few grains
over the head of the bridegroom. Then the barber comes, and, after
throwing rice, shaves <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb422" href=
"#pb422" name="pb422">422</a>]</span>the face of the bridegroom, using
milk instead of water. The bride is also shaved by a barber woman. The
pair are decorated, and brought to the pandal, where those assembled
throw rice over their heads, and make presents of money. Their hands
are then united by the headman, and the dh&#257;re water poured over
them by the maternal uncle of the bride.</p>
<p>An interesting rite in connection with pregnancy is the presentation
of a fowl or two to the pregnant woman by her maternal uncle. The fowls
are tended with great care, and, if they lay eggs abundantly, it is a
sign that the pregnant woman will be prolific.</p>
<p>The dead are either buried or cremated. If cremation is resorted to,
the final death ceremonies (bojja) must be celebrated on the eleventh
or thirteenth day. If the corpse has been buried, these ceremonies must
not take place before the lapse of at least a month.</p>
<p><b>Odd&#275;.&mdash;</b>The Odd&#275;s or Voddas, who are commonly
called Wudders, are summed up by Mr. H. A. Stuart<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5954src" href="#xd21e5954" name="xd21e5954src">4</a> as being
&ldquo;the navvies of the country, quarrying stone, sinking wells,
constructing tank bunds, and executing other kinds of earthwork more
rapidly than any other class, so that they have got almost a monopoly
of the trade. They are Telugu people, who came originally from Orissa,
whence their name. Were they more temperate, they might be in very good
circumstances, but, as soon as they have earned a small sum, they
strike work and have a merry-making, in which all get much intoxicated,
and the carouse continues as long as funds last. They are very
ignorant, not being able even to calculate how much work they have
done, and trusting altogether to their employer&rsquo;s honesty. They
are an open-hearted, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb423" href="#pb423"
name="pb423">423</a>]</span>good-natured lot, with loose morals, and no
restrictions regarding food, but they are proud, and will only eat in
the houses of the higher castes, though most S&#363;dras look down upon
them. Polygamy and divorce are freely allowed to men, and women are
only restricted from changing partners after having had eighteen. Even
this limit is not set to the men.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Women who have had seven husbands are said to be much respected, and
their blessing on a bridal pair is greatly praised. There is a common
saying that a widow may mount the marriage dais seven times.</p>
<p>In the Census Report, 1871, the Odd&#275;s are described as being
&ldquo;the tank-diggers, well-sinkers, and road-makers of the country
who live in detached settlements, building their huts in conical or
bee-hive form, with only a low door of entrance. They work in gangs on
contract, and every one, except very old and very young, takes a share
in the work. The women carry the earth in baskets, while the men use
the pick and spade. The babies are usually tied up in cloths, which are
suspended, hammock fashion, from the boughs of trees. They are employed
largely in the Public Works Department, and in the construction and
maintenance of railways. They are rather a fine-looking race, and all
that I have come across are Vaishnavites in theory, wearing the trident
prominently on their foreheads, arms, and breasts. The women are tall
and straight. They eat every description of animal food, and especially
pork and field-rats, and all drink spirituous liquors.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Of the Odd&#275;s, the following brief accounts are given in the
Nellore, Coimbatore, and Madura Manuals:&mdash;</p>
<p><i>Nellore</i>.&mdash;&ldquo;These people are the tank-diggers. They
sometimes engage in the carrying trade, but beyond this, they only move
about from place to place <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb424" href=
"#pb424" name="pb424">424</a>]</span>as they have work. The word
Vodd&#275; or Odd&#275; is said to be a corruption of the Sanskrit
Odhra, the name for the country now called Orissa, and the people are
ordinarily supposed to have emigrated from the Uriya country. Besides
Telugu, they are said to speak a peculiar dialect among themselves;
and, if this should turn out to be Uriya, the question might be
regarded as settled. The laborious occupation of the men tends to
develop their muscles. I have seen some very fine men among the
tribe.&rdquo;</p>
<p><i>Coimbatore</i>.&mdash;&ldquo;Numerous, owing to the hard nature
of the subsoil and the immense and increasing number of irrigation
wells, which demand the labour of strong men accustomed to the use of
the crowbar, pick-axe, and powder. They are black, strong, and of good
physique, highly paid, and live on strong meat and drink.&rdquo;</p>
<p><i>Madura</i>.&mdash;&ldquo;An itinerant caste of tank-diggers and
earth-workers. They are Telugus, and are supposed to have come
southward in the time of the N&#257;yyakkans. Possibly Tirumala sent
for them to dig out his great teppakulam, and assist in raising
gopuras. They are a strong, hard-working class, but also drunken,
gluttonous, and vicious. And but little faith can be placed in their
most solemn promises. They will take advances from half a dozen
employers within a week, and work for none of them, if they can
possibly help it.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In Mysore numbers of Odd&#275;s are now permanently settled in the
outskirts of large towns, where both sexes find employment as sweepers,
etc., in connection with sanitation and conservancy. Some Odd&#275;s
are, at the present time (1908), employed at the Mysore manganese
mines. The tribe is often found concerting with the Korachas, Koramas,
and other predatory classes in <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb425"
href="#pb425" name="pb425">425</a>]</span>committing dacoities and
robberies, and it has passed into a proverb that they would rather bear
any amount of bodily torture than confess or disclose the truth
regarding the crimes attributed to them. Some Odd&#275;s have settled
down as agriculturists and contractors, and some are very prosperous.
For example, there are a few Odd&#275;s near Kuppam in the North Arcot
district, whose credit is so good that any rich merchant would advance
them large sums of money. A wealthy Odd&#275;, worth nearly a lakh of
rupees, worried my assistant for half an anna, wherewith to purchase
some betel leaf. It is recorded by Bishop Whitehead,<a class="noteref"
id="xd21e5984src" href="#xd21e5984" name="xd21e5984src">5</a> in the
diary of a tour in the Nizam&rsquo;s Dominions, that, at Khammamett,
&ldquo;the Waddas who have become Christians have for some time past
possessed land and cattle of their own, and are well-to-do people. One
of the headmen, who was presented to me after service, said that he had
80 acres of land of his own.&rdquo;</p>
<div class="figure xd21e5988width" id="pl5-425"><img src=
"images/pl5-425.jpg" alt="Odd&#275;s." width="720" height="491">
<p class="figureHead">Odd&#275;s.</p>
</div>
<p>Some of the timber work in the Nallamalai hills, in the Kurnool
district, is done by Odd&#275;s, who fell trees, and keep bulls for
dragging the timber out of the forests. Under the heading &ldquo;Uppara
and Vadde Vandlu,&rdquo; the Rev. J. Cain gives<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5994src" href="#xd21e5994" name="xd21e5994src">6</a> the
following account of the distribution of wages. &ldquo;The tank-diggers
had been paid for their work, and, in apportioning the share of each
labourer, a bitter dispute arose because one of the women had not
received what she deemed her fair amount. On enquiry it turned out that
she was in an interesting condition, and therefore could claim not only
her own, but also a share for the expected child.&rdquo;</p>
<p>A legend is current to the effect that, long ago, the Odd&#275;s
were ordered to dig a tank, to enable the D&#275;vatas <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb426" href="#pb426" name="pb426">426</a>]</span>and
men to obtain water. This was done, and they demanded payment, which
was made in the form of a pinch of the sacred ashes of Siva to each
workman, in lieu of money. When they reached home, the ashes turned
into money, but they were not satisfied with the amount, and clamoured
for more. The god, growing angry, cursed them thus: &ldquo;What you
obtain in the forests by digging shall be lost as soon as you reach
high ground.&rdquo; Parvati, taking pity on them, asked Siva to give
them large sums of money. Whereon Siva, hollowing out a measuring-rod,
filled it with var&#257;hans (gold coins), and gave it to the maistry.
He also filled a large pumpkin with money, and buried it in a field,
where the Odd&#275;s were working. The measuring-rod was pawned by the
maistry for toddy. The Odd&#275;s, noticing the raised mound caused by
the burying of the pumpkin, left it untouched to show the depth that
they had dug. A buffalo, which was grazing in a field close by, exposed
the pumpkin, which the Odd&#275;s, not suspecting its contents, sold to
a K&#333;mati.</p>
<p>According to another legend, the Odd&#275;s were employed by God,
who had assumed a human form, and was living amongst them. On one
occasion, God had to perform a certain ceremony, so he gave the
Odd&#275;s an advance of three days&rsquo; pay, and ordered them not to
worry him. This they failed to do, and were accordingly laid under a
curse to remain poor for ever.</p>
<p>A further legend is current among the Odd&#275;s to the effect that,
when Siva and Parvati were walking one sultry day upon the earth, they
got very hot and thirsty. The drops of perspiration which fell from
Siva were changed by him into a man with a pick and crowbar, while
those falling from Parvati turned into a woman carrying a basket. The
man and woman quickly sunk <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb427" href=
"#pb427" name="pb427">427</a>]</span>a well, with the cooling waters of
which the god and goddess refreshed themselves, and in gratitude
promised the labourers certain gifts, the nature of which is not now
known, but neither was satisfied, and both grumbled, which so incensed
Siva that he cursed them, and vowed that they and their descendants
should live by the sweat of their brows.</p>
<p>Among the Odd&#275;s, the following sayings are current:&mdash;</p>
<p>The Odd&#275;s live with their huts on their heads (<i>i.e.</i>, low
huts), with light made from gathered sticks, on thin conji (gruel),
blessing those who give, and cursing those who do not.</p>
<p>Cobras have poison in their fangs, and Odd&#275;s in their
tongues.</p>
<p>Though wealth accumulates like a mountain, it soon disappears like
mist.</p>
<p>At recent times of census, the following occupational sub-divisions
were returned:&mdash;Kallu or R&#257;ti (stone-workers) and Mannu
(earth-workers), Manti or Bailu (open space), between which there is
said to be no intermarriage. The endogamous sub-divisions
N&#257;tap&#363;ram and &#362;r&#363; (village men), Bid&#257;ru
(wanderers), and Konga (territorial) were also returned. B&#275;ri was
given as a sub-caste, and Odd&#275;r&#257;zu as a synonym for the caste
name. In Ganjam, Bol&#257;si is said to be a sub-division of the
Odd&#275;s. The caste titles are N&#257;yakan and Boyan. The similarity
of the latter word to Boer was fatal, for, at the time of my visit to
the Odd&#275;s, the South African war was just over, and they were
afraid that I was going to get them transported, to replace the Boers
who had been exterminated. Being afraid, too, of my evil eye, they
refused to fire a new kiln of bricks for the new club chambers at
Coimbatore until I had taken my departure. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb428" href="#pb428" name="pb428">428</a>]</span></p>
<p>It is noted, in the Mysore Census Report, 1891, that &ldquo;the
caste divides itself into two main branches, the Kallu and Mannu
Vaddas, between whom there is no social intercourse of any kind, or
intermarriage. The former are stone-workers and builders, and more
robust than the latter, and are very dexterous in moving large masses
of stone by rude and elementary mechanical appliances. They are hardy,
and capable of great exertion and endurance. The Kallu Vaddas consider
themselves superior to the Mannu Vaddas (earth diggers). Unlike the
Kallu Vaddas, the Mannu Vaddas or Bailu Vaddas are a nomadic tribe,
squatting wherever they can find any large earthwork, such as deepening
and repairing tanks, throwing up embankments, and the like. They are
expert navvies, turning out within a given time more hard work than any
other labouring class.&rdquo; The Mannu Odd&#275;s eat rats,
porcupines, and scaly ant-eaters or pangolins (<i>Manis
pentadactyla</i>).</p>
<p>Of exogamous septs, the following may be cited:&mdash;</p>
<table>
<tr>
<td>
<ul>
<li>Bandollu, rock.</li>
<li>Bochchollu, hairs.</li>
<li>Cheruku, sugarcane.</li>
<li>Enumala, buffalo.</li>
<li>Goddali, axe.</li>
<li>Gampa, basket.</li>
<li>Idakottu, break-down.</li>
<li>Jambu (<i>Eugenia Jambolana</i>).</li>
<li>K&#333;m&#257;li, buffoon.</li>
<li>Santha, a fair.</li>
<li>Sivar&#257;tri, a festival.</li>
<li>Manch&#257;la, cot.</li>
</ul>
</td>
<td>
<ul>
<li>Sampangi (<i>Michelia Champaca</i>).</li>
<li>Th&#257;tichettu, palmyra palm.</li>
<li>Band&#257;ri (<i>Dodon&oelig;a viscosa</i>).</li>
<li>D&#275;vala, belonging to god.</li>
<li>Donga, thief.</li>
<li>Malle, jasmine.</li>
<li>Panthipattu, pig-catcher.</li>
<li>Panthikottu, pig-killer.</li>
<li>Upputh&#333;luvaru, salt-carrier.</li>
<li>P&#299;tak&#257;la, dais on which a priest sits.</li>
<li>Thappata, drum.</li>
</ul>
</td>
</tr>
</table>
<p>At the Mysore census, 1901, a few returned g&#333;tras, such as
arashina (turmeric), huvvina (flowers), honna (gold), and akshantala
(rice grain). <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb429" href="#pb429" name=
"pb429">429</a>]</span></p>
<p>&ldquo;The women of the Vaddevandlu section of the tank-digger
caste,&rdquo; the Rev. J. Cain writes,<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6093src" href="#xd21e6093" name="xd21e6093src">7</a> &ldquo;only
wear the glass bracelets on the left arm, as, in years gone by
(according to their own account), a seller of these bracelets was one
day persuading them to buy, and, leaving the bracelets on their left
arms, went away, promising to return with a fresh supply for their
right arms. As yet he has not re-appeared.&rdquo; But an old woman
explained that they have to use their right arm when at work, and if
they wore bangles on it, they would frequently get broken.</p>
<p>In some places, tattooing on the forehead with a central vertical
line, dots, etc., is universally practiced, because, according to the
Odd&#275;, they should bear tattoo marks as a proof of their life on
earth (bhul&#333;kam) when they die. Odd&#275;s, calling themselves
Pachcha Botlu, are itinerant tattooers in the Ganjam, Vizagapatam and
God&#257;vari districts. While engaged in performing the operation,
they sing Telugu songs, to divert the attention of those who are being
operated on.</p>
<p>The office of headman, who is known as Yejam&#257;nadu,
Samayag&#257;du, or Pedda (big) B&#333;yadu, is hereditary, and
disputes, which cannot be settled at a council meeting, are referred to
a Balija D&#275;sai Chetti, whose decision is final. In some cases, the
headman is assisted by officers called Chinna (little) B&#333;yadu,
Sank&#363;thi, and Banthari. An Odd&#275;, coming to a place where
people are assembled with shoes on, is fined, and described as gurram
ekki vachchinavu (having come on a horse). The Odd&#275;s are very
particular about touching leather, and beating with shoes brings
pollution. Both the beater and the person beaten have to undergo a
purificatory ceremony, and <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb430" href=
"#pb430" name="pb430">430</a>]</span>pay a fine. When in camp at
Dimbhum, in the Coimbatore district, I caught hold of a ladle, to show
my friend Dr. Rivers what were the fragrant contents of a pot, in which
an Odd&#275; woman was cooking the evening meal. On returning from a
walk, we heard a great noise proceeding from the Odd&#275; men who had
meanwhile returned from work, and found the woman seated apart on a
rock and sobbing. She had been excommunicated, not because I touched
the ladle, but because she had afterwards touched the pot. After much
arbitration, I paid up the necessary fine, and she was received back
into her caste.</p>
<p>When a girl reaches puberty, she is confined in a special hut, in
which a piece of iron, margosa leaves (<i>Melia Azadirachta</i>),
sticks of <i>Strychnos Nux-vomica</i>, and the arka plant
(<i>Calotropis gigantea</i>) are placed, to ward off evil spirits. For
fear of these spirits she is not allowed to eat meat, though eggs are
permitted. On the seventh day, a fowl is killed, waved in front of the
girl, and thrown away. At the end of the period of pollution, the hut
is burnt down. Sometimes, when the girl bathes on the first day, a
sieve is held over her head, and water poured through it. In some
places, on the eleventh day, chicken broth, mixed with arrack (liquor),
is administered, in order to make the girl&rsquo;s back and waist
strong. The hen, from which the broth is made, must be a black one, and
she must have laid eggs for the first time. The flesh is placed in a
mortar, pounded to a pulp, and boiled, with the addition of condiments,
and finally the arrack.</p>
<p>Both infant and adult marriages are practiced. The marriage
ceremony, in its simplest form, is, according to Mr. F. S.
Mullaly,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e6115src" href="#xd21e6115" name=
"xd21e6115src">8</a> not a tedious one, the bride and <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb431" href="#pb431" name=
"pb431">431</a>]</span>bridegroom walking three times round a stake
placed in the ground. In the more elaborate ritual, on the betrothal
day, the bride-price, etc., are fixed, and an adjournment is made to
the toddy shop. The marriage rites are, as a rule, very simple, but, in
some places, the Odd&#275;s have begun to imitate the marriage
ceremonies of the Balijas. On the third day, the contracting couple go
in procession to a tank, where the bridegroom digs up some mud, and the
bride carries three basketfuls thereof to a distance. The following
story is narrated in connection with their marriage ceremonies. A
certain king wanted an Odd&#275; to dig a tank, which was subsequently
called Nidimamidi Koththacheruvu, and promised to pay him in
varah&#257;lu (gold coins). When the work was completed, the Odd&#275;
went to the king for his money, but the king had no measure for
measuring out the coins. A person was sent to fetch one, and on his way
met a shepherd, who had on his shoulders a small bamboo stick, which
could easily be converted into a measure. Taking this stick, he
returned to the king, who measured out the coins, which fell short of
the amount expected by the Odd&#275;s, who could not pay the debts,
which they had contracted. So they threw the money into the tank,
saying &ldquo;Let the tank leak, and the land lie fallow for
ever.&rdquo; All were crying on account of their misery and
indebtedness. A Balija, coming across them, took pity on them, and gave
them half the amount required to discharge their debts. After a time
they wanted to marry, and men were sent to bring the bottu (marriage
badge), milk-post, musicians, etc. But they did not return, and the
Balija suggested the employment of a pestle for the milk-post, a string
of black beads for the bottu, and betel leaves and areca nuts instead
gold coins for the oli (bride-price). <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb432" href="#pb432" name="pb432">432</a>]</span></p>
<p>The Odd&#275;s are in some places Vaishnavites, in others Saivites,
but they also worship minor deities, such as Ellamma, Ankamma, etc., to
whom goats and sheep are sacrificed, not with a sword or knife, but by
piercing them with a spear or crowbar. Writing at the commencement of
the nineteenth century, Buchanan states<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6123src" href="#xd21e6123" name="xd21e6123src">9</a> that
&ldquo;although the Woddaru pray to Vishnu, and offer sacrifices to
Marima, Gungama, Durgama, Putalima, and Mutialima, yet the proper
object of worship belonging to the caste is a goddess called Yellama,
one of the destroying spirits. The image is carried constantly with
their baggage; and in her honour there is an annual feast, which lasts
three days. On this occasion they build a shed, under which they place
the image, and one of the tribe officiates as priest or puj&#257;ri.
For these three days offerings of brandy, palm wine, rice, and flowers
are made to the idol, and bloody sacrifices are performed before the
shed. The Woddas abstain from eating the bodies of the animals
sacrificed to their own deity, but eat those which they sacrifice to
the other Saktis.&rdquo;</p>
<div class="figure xd21e6127width" id="pl5-432"><img src=
"images/pl5-432.jpg" alt="Odd&#275; hut." width="720" height="493">
<p class="figureHead">Odd&#275; hut.</p>
</div>
<p>The dead are generally buried. By some Odd&#275;s the corpse is
carried to the burial-ground wrapped up in a new cloth, and carried in
a dhubati (thick coarse cloth) by four men. On the way to the grave,
the corpse is laid on the ground, and rice thrown over its eyes. It is
then washed, and the n&#257;mam (Vaishnavite sect mark) painted, or
vib&#363;thi (sacred ashes) smeared on the forehead of a man, and
kunkumam (coloured powder) on that of a female. Earth is thrown by
those assembled into the grave before it is filled in. On the
karm&#257;ndhiram day, or last day of the death ceremonies, the
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb433" href="#pb433" name=
"pb433">433</a>]</span>relations repair to a tank or well outside the
village. An effigy is made with mud, to which cooked rice, etc., is
offered. Some rice is cooked, and placed on an arka (<i>Calotropis</i>)
leaf as an offering to the crows. If a married woman has died, the
widower cuts through his waist thread, whereas a widow is taken to the
water&rsquo;s edge, and sits on a winnow. Her bangles are broken, and
the bottu is snapped by her brother. Water is then poured over her head
three times through the winnow. After bathing, she goes home, and sits
in a room with a lamp, and may see no one till the following morning.
She is then taken to one or more temples, and made to pull the tail of
a cow three times. The Odd&#275;s of Coimbatore, in the Tamil country,
have elaborated both the marriage and funeral ceremonies, and copy
those of the Balijas and Vell&#257;las. But they do not call in the
assistance of a Br&#257;hman pur&#333;hit.</p>
<p>A woman, found guilty of immorality, is said to have to carry a
basketful of earth from house to house, before she is re-admitted to
the caste.</p>
<p>The following note on a reputed cure for snake poisoning used by
Odd&#275;s was communicated to me by Mr. Gustav Haller. &ldquo;A young
boy, who belonged to a gang of Odd&#275;s, was catching rats, and put
his hand into a bamboo bush, when a cobra bit him, and clung to his
finger when he was drawing his hand out of the bush. I saw the dead
snake, which was undoubtedly a cobra. I was told that the boy was in a
dying condition, when a man of the same gang said that he would cure
him. He applied a brown pill to the wound, to which it stuck without
being tied. The man dipped a root into water, and rubbed it on the
lad&rsquo;s arm from the shoulder downwards. The arm, which was
benumbed, gradually became sensitive, and at last the fingers could
move, and the pill <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb434" href="#pb434"
name="pb434">434</a>]</span>dropped off. The moist root was rubbed on
to the boy&rsquo;s tongue and into the corner of the eye before
commencing operations. The man said that a used pill is quite
efficacious, but should be well washed to get rid of the poison. In the
manufacture of the pill, five leaves of a creeper are dried, and ground
to powder. The pill must be inserted for nine days between the bark and
cambium of a margosa tree (<i>Melia Azadirachta</i>) during the new
moon, when the sap ascends.&rdquo; The creeper is <i>Tinospora
cordifolia</i> (gul b&#275;l) and the roots are apparently those of the
same climbing shrub. There is a widespread belief that gul b&#275;l
growing on a margosa tree is more efficacious as a medicine than that
which is found on other kinds of trees.</p>
<p>The insigne of the caste at Conjeeveram is a spade.<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e6153src" href="#xd21e6153" name=
"xd21e6153src">10</a></p>
<p>&ldquo;In the Ceded Districts,&rdquo; Mr. F. S. Mullaly
writes,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e6158src" href="#xd21e6158" name=
"xd21e6158src">11</a> &ldquo;some of the Wudders are known as Donga
Wuddiwars, or thieving Wudders, from the fact of their having taken to
crime as a profession. Those of the tribe who have adopted criminal
habits are skilful burglars and inveterate robbers. They are chiefly to
be found among the stone Wudder class, who, besides their occupation of
building walls, are also skilful stone-cutters. By going about under
the pretence of mending grindstones, they obtain much useful
information as to the houses to be looted, or parties of travellers to
be attacked. In committing a highway robbery or dacoity, they are
always armed with stout sticks. Burglary by Wudders may usually be
traced to them, if careful observations are made of the breach in the
wall. The implement is ordinarily the crowbar used by them in their
profession as stone-workers, and the blunt marks of the crowbar
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb435" href="#pb435" name=
"pb435">435</a>]</span>are, as a rule, noticeable. They will never
confess, or implicate another of their fraternity, and, should one of
them be accused of a crime, the women are most clamorous, and inflict
personal injuries on themselves and their children, to deter the police
from doing their duty, and then accuse them of torture. Women and
children belonging to criminal gangs are experts in committing grain
thefts from kalams or threshing-floors, where they are engaged in
harvest time, and also in purloining their neighbours&rsquo; poultry.
Stolen property is seldom found with Wudders. Their receivers are
legion, but they especially favour liquor shopkeepers in the vicinity
of their encampment. Instances have been known of valuable jewellery
being exchanged for a few drams of arrack. In each Wudder community,
there is a headman called the Ganga R&#257;ja, and, in the case of
criminal gangs of these people, he receives two shares of spoil.
Identifiable property is altered at once, many of the Wudders being
themselves able to melt gold and silver jewellery, which they dispose
of for about one-tenth of the value.&rdquo;</p>
<p>It has been said of the navvies in England that &ldquo;many persons
are quite unaware that the migratory tribe of navvies numbers about
100,000, and moves about from point to point, wherever construction
works are going forward, such as railways, harbour, canals, reservoirs
and drainage works. Generally the existence of these works is unknown
to the public until their completion. They then come into use, but the
men who risked their lives to make them are gone nobody knows where.
They are public servants, upon whose labours the facilities of modern
civilised life largely depend, and surely, therefore, their claim on
our sympathies is universal.&rdquo; And these remarks apply
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb436" href="#pb436" name=
"pb436">436</a>]</span>with equal force to the Odd&#275;s, who numbered
498,388 in the Madras Presidency at the census, 1901.</p>
<p>In the Census Report, 1901, Odder&#257;zulu is given as a synonym of
Odd&#275;. One of the sections of the Yerukalas is also called
Odd&#275;. Vadde (Odd&#275;) Cakali (Ts&#257;kala) is recorded, in the
Vizagapatam Manual, as the name for those who wash clothes, and carry
torches and palanquins.</p>
<p><b>Oddilu.&mdash;</b>The Oddilu are described<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6174src" href="#xd21e6174" name="xd21e6174src">12</a> by the Rev.
J. Cain as principally raftsmen on the God&#257;vari river, who have
raised themselves in life, and call themselves Sishti Karanamalu. He
states further that they are Kois (or Koyis) who are regarded as more
honourable than any of the others, and have charge of the principal
v&#275;lpu (tribal gods).</p>
<p><b>&#332;dhuvar</b> (reader or reciter).&mdash;A name for
Pand&#257;rams, who recite hymns in temples.</p>
<p><b>Odisi.&mdash;</b>A sub-division of Bhond&#257;ri.</p>
<p>Odiya.&mdash;It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that
&ldquo;this is the principal Uriya caste of farmers in Ganjam. Odia and
Uriya are different forms of one and the same word, and this caste name
simply means a native of the Odia or Uriya country, as Telaga means a
man of the Telugu country. In both cases, therefore, we find a number
of persons included, who are in reality members of some other caste.
The total number of sub-divisions of Odia, according to the census
schedules, is 146, but a number of these are names of various Uriya
castes, and not true sub-divisions. The largest sub-division is
Ben&#257;ito, which is returned by 62,391 persons. The Nunia
sub-division, the next largest, was returned by 9,356
individuals.&rdquo; It is further recorded, in the <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb437" href="#pb437" name=
"pb437">437</a>]</span>Census Report, 1901, that Odiya, Oriya, or Uriya
&ldquo;is one of the vaguest terms in the whole of Table XIII (Caste
and Tribe). The Odiyas are a race by themselves, split up into many
castes. &lsquo;Odiya&rsquo; also often means merely a man who speaks
Oriya. The term is, however, so constantly returned by itself without
qualification, that Odiya has perforce figured in the tables of all the
censuses as a caste. The Odiyas of the hills differ, however, from the
Odiyas of the plains, the Odiyas of Ganjam from those of Vizagapatam,
and the customs of one mutt&#257;h (settlement) from those of the
next.&rdquo; Mr. Narasing Doss writes to me that &ldquo;Odiya literally
means an inhabitant of Odissa or Orissa. There is a separate caste
called Odiya, with several sub-divisions. They are cultivators by
profession. Marriage is infant or adult. They employ Br&#257;hmans at
ceremonials. Widows and divorcees are remarried. They eat fish and
meat, but not fowls or beef, and do not drink liquor. They burn the
dead. Members of the N&#257;gabonso sept claim to be descendants of
N&#257;gamuni, the serpent rishi.&rdquo;</p>
<p>I gather that there are three main sections among the Odiyas, viz.,
Ben&#257;ito, Nuniya, and Baraghoria, of which the first-named rank
above the others in the social scale. From them Oriya Br&#257;hmans and
Koronos will accept water. The Ben&#257;itos and Nuniyas are found all
over Ganjam, whereas the Baraghorias are apparently confined to
villages round about Aska and Purushothap&#363;r. There are numerous
exogamous g&#333;tras within the caste, among which are N&#257;gasira
(cobra), Gonda (rhinoceros), Kochipo (tortoise), and Baraha (boar). The
gods of the g&#333;tra should be worshipped at the commencement of any
auspicious ceremony. The Odiyas also worship Jagann&#257;tha, and
T&#257;kur&#257;nis (village deities). A number of titles occur in the
caste, <i>e.g.,</i> Bissoyi, Podh&#257;no, Jenna, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb438" href="#pb438" name=
"pb438">438</a>]</span>Bariko, S&#257;hu, Sw&#257;yi, Gaudo, Pulleyi,
Chando, Dolei, and Torei.</p>
<p>When an unmarried girl is ill, a vow is taken that, if she recovers,
she shall be married to the dharma d&#275;vata (sun), which is
represented by a brass vessel.</p>
<p>People of mixed origin sometimes call themselves Odiyas, and pass as
members of this caste. Some Bhayipuos, for example, who correspond to
the Telugu &#256;dap&#257;pas, call themselves Odiyas or Beniya
Odiyas.</p>
<p><b>Odiya T&#333;ti.&mdash;</b>A Tamil synonym for Oriya Haddis
employed as scavengers in municipalities in the Tamil country.</p>
<p><b>&#332;jali.&mdash;</b>The &#332;jali, V&#333;jali, or &#332;zolu
are summed up, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as being
&ldquo;Telugu blacksmiths in the Vizagapatam Agency. They eat beef, but
are somewhat superior to the Paidis and M&#257;las in social position.
They are also called Mettu Kamsali.&rdquo; It is stated in the
Vizagapatam Manual that, during the reign of Ch&#333;la Chakravati, the
Kamsalas (artisans) claimed to be equal to Br&#257;hmans. This offended
the sovereign, and he ordered their destruction. Some only escaped
death by taking shelter with people of the &lsquo;&#332;zu&rsquo;
caste. As an acknowledgment of their gratitude many of the Kamsalas
have &#333;zu affixed to their house-name, <i>e.g.</i>, Katt&#333;zu,
Lakk&#333;zu.</p>
<p><b>Okkiliyan.&mdash;</b>Okkiliyan is the Tamil synonym for
Vakkaliga, the large caste of Canarese cultivators, and the name is
derived from okkalu, meaning cultivation or agriculture. In the Madras
Census Report, 1901, the Vakkaligas or Okkiliyans are described as
&ldquo;Canarese cultivators, who originally belonged to Mysore, and are
found mainly in Madura and Coimbatore. The caste is split up into
several sub-divisions, the names of two of which, Nonaba and
Gangadik&#257;ra, are derived from <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb439"
href="#pb439" name="pb439">439</a>]</span>former divisions of the
Mysore country. Each of these is again split up into totemistic
exogamous sections or k&#363;las, some of which are Chinnada (gold),
Belli (silver), Khajj&#257;ya (cake), Yemme (buffalo), Alagi (pot),
J&#333;la (ch&#333;lum: a millet).&rdquo; The Vakkaligas say they are
descendants of the Ball&#257;l R&#257;jah of &#256;n&#275;gundi, and
that they left their homes in pursuit of more suitable occupation, and
settled themselves in Kongan&#257;d (Coimbatore). The Okkiliyans, whom
I have investigated, were settled in the Tamil country in the
Coimbatore district, where they were engaged as cultivators, bakers,
milk-vendors, bricklayers, merchants, cart-drivers, tailors, cigar
manufacturers, and coolies. They returned the following eight
endogamous sub-divisions:&mdash;</p>
<ul>
<li>(1) Gangadik&#257;ra, or those who lived on the banks of the
Ganges.</li>
<li>(2) Gudi, temple.</li>
<li>(3) K&#299;r&#275; (<i>Amarantus</i>), which is <span class="corr"
id="xd21e6228" title="Source: largerly">largely</span> cultivated by
them.</li>
<li>(4) Kunchu, a tassel or bunch.</li>
<li>(5) K&#257;m&#257;ti, foolish. Said to have abandoned their
original occupation of cultivating the land, and adopted the profession
of bricklayer.</li>
<li>(6) Gauri, Siva&rsquo;s consort.</li>
<li>(7) Bai.</li>
<li>(8) S&#257;nu.</li>
</ul>
<p>Like other Canarese castes, the Okkiliyans have exogamous septs
(k&#363;ttam or k&#363;tta), such as Belli (silver), Kast&#363;ri
(musk), Patt&#275;g&#257;ra (headman), Aruva, Hattianna, etc. By
religion they are both Saivites and Vaishnavites. Those of the Aruva
sept are all Saivites, and the Hatti sept are Vaishnavites.
Intermarriage between Saivites and Vaishnavites is permitted, even
though the former be Ling&#257;yats. The Okkiliyans also worship
village <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb440" href="#pb440" name=
"pb440">440</a>]</span>deities, and sacrifice goats and fowls to
M&#257;g&#257;liamma and Koniamma.</p>
<p>The Kiraikk&#257;rans of Coimbatore, whose main occupation is
cultivating kirai (<i>Amarantus</i>) and other vegetables, are said to
be Kempati Okkiliyans, <i>i.e.</i> Okkiliyans who emigrated from
Kempampatti in Mysore.</p>
<p>The hereditary headman of the caste, at Coimbatore, is called
Pattak&#257;ran, who has under him a Chinna (little) Pattak&#257;ran.
The headman presides over the caste council meetings, settles disputes,
and inflicts fines and other forms of punishment. If a person is
accused of using coarse language, he is slapped on the cheek by the
Chinna Pattak&#257;ran. If, during a quarrel, one person beats the
other with shoes, he has to purify himself and his house, and feed some
of his fellow castemen. The man who has been slippered also has to
undergo purificatory ceremony, but has not to stand a feast. In cases
of adultery, the guilty persons have to carry a basket of sand on the
head round the quarters of the community, accompanied by the Chinna
Pattak&#257;ran, who beats them with a tamarind switch. In some places,
I am informed, there is a headman for the village, called &#362;ru
Goundan, who is subject to the authority of the N&#257;ttu Goundan.
Several n&#257;dus, each composed of a number of villages, are subject
to a Pattakar, who is assisted by a Band&#257;ri. All these offices are
hereditary.</p>
<p>When a Gangadik&#257;ra girl reaches puberty, her maternal uncle, or
his son, constructs a hut of stems of cocoanut leaves, reeds and
branches of <i>Pongamia glabra</i>. Every day her relations bring her a
cloth, fruits, and flowers. On alternate days she is bathed, and
dressed in a cloth supplied by the washerwoman. The hut is broken up,
and a new one constructed on the third, fifth, and seventh days. During
the marriage ceremony, the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb441" href=
"#pb441" name="pb441">441</a>]</span>bridegroom carries a dagger
(katar) with a lime stuck on its tip, and partly covered with a cloth,
when he proceeds to the bride&rsquo;s house with a bamboo, new clothes,
the t&#257;li (marriage badge), jewels, wrist-thread (kankanam),
fruits, cocoanuts, rice, and a new mat, camphor, etc. He must have the
dagger with him till the wrist-threads are untied. The barber cuts the
nails of the bridegroom. The Pattak&#257;ran, or a Br&#257;hman priest,
takes round the t&#257;li to be blessed by those assembled, and gives
it to the bridegroom, who ties it on the bride&rsquo;s neck. The ends
of the cloths of the contracting couple, with betel leaves and areca
nuts in them, are tied together, and they link together the little
finger of their right hands. They then look at the sky, to see the
pole-star, Arundati, who was the wife of the ascetic Vasishta, and the
emblem of chastity. The marriage booth has four posts, and the
milk-post is made of the milk hedge (<i lang="la-x-bio">Euphorbia
Tirucalli</i>), to which are tied mango leaves and a wrist-thread. At
some Okkiliyan marriages, the caste priest, called Kanig&#257;ra
(soothsayer), officiates at the t&#257;li-tying ceremony. Very great
importance is attached to the linking of the fingers of the bridal
couple by the Kanig&#257;ra or maternal uncle. The dowry is not given
at the time of marriage, but only after the birth of a child. For her
first confinement, the woman is taken to her parents&rsquo; home, and,
after delivery, is sent back to her husband with the dowry. This is not
given before the birth of a child, as, in the event of failure of issue
or death of his wife, the husband might claim the property, which might
pass to a new family.</p>
<div class="figure xd21e6267width" id="pl5-441"><img src=
"images/pl5-441.jpg" alt="Vakkaliga bride." width="490" height="720">
<p class="figureHead">Vakkaliga bride.</p>
</div>
<p>Among some Okkiliyans the custom is maintained by which the father
of a young boy married to a grown-up girl cohabits with his
daughter-in-law until her husband has reached maturity. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb442" href="#pb442" name="pb442">442</a>]</span></p>
<p>A dead person, I was informed at Coimbatore, is buried in a sitting
posture, or, if young and unmarried, in a recumbent position. As the
funeral procession proceeds on its way to the burial-ground, the
relations and friends throw coins, fruits, cakes, cooked rice, etc., on
the road, to be picked up by poor people. If the funeral is in high
life, they may even throw flowers made of gold or silver, but not
images, as some of the higher classes do. At the south end of the
grave, a hollow is scooped out for the head and back to rest in. A
small quantity of salt is placed on the abdomen, and the grave is
filled in. Leaves of the arka plant (<i lang="la-x-bio">Calotropis
gigantea</i>), or tang&#275;du (<i lang="la-x-bio">Cassia
auriculata</i>), are placed in three corners, and a stone is set up
over the head. The son, having gone round the grave with a pot of water
and a fire-brand, breaks the pot on the stone before he retires. The
widow of the deceased breaks her bangles, and throws them on the grave.
The son and other mourners bathe, and return home, where they worship a
lighted lamp. On the third day, dried twigs of several species of
<i lang="la-x-bio">Ficus</i> and j&#257;k tree (<i lang=
"la-x-bio">Artocarpus integrifolia</i>), milk, a new cloth, plantains,
tender cocoanuts, cheroots, raw rice, betel, etc., required for
worship, are taken to the grave. The twigs are burnt, and reduced to
ashes, with which, mixed with water, the figure of a human being is
made. It is covered with a new cloth, and flowers are thrown on it.
P&#363;ja is done to plantains, cocoanut, etc., placed on a plantain
leaf, and milk is poured over the figure by relations and friends. The
widow breaks her t&#257;li string, and throws it on the figure. The
son, and the four bearers who carried the corpse to the grave, are
shaved. Each of the bearers is made to stand up, holding a pestle. The
barber touches their shoulders with holy grass <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb443" href="#pb443" name=
"pb443">443</a>]</span>dipped in gingelly (<i lang=
"la-x-bio">Sesamum</i>) oil. Raw rice, and other eatables, are sent to
the houses of the bearers by the son of the deceased. At night the
cloths, turban, and other personal effects of the dead man are
worshipped. Pollution is removed on the eleventh day by a Br&#257;hman
sprinkling holy water, and the caste people are fed. They perform
sr&#257;dh. By some Okkiliyans, the corpse is, like that of a
Ling&#257;yat Badaga, etc., carried to the burial-ground in a structure
called t&#275;ru kattu, made of a bamboo framework surmounted by a
canopy, whereon are placed five brass vessels (kalasam). The structure
is decorated with cloths, flags, and plantain trees.</p>
<p>The Morasu Vakkaligas, who sacrifice their fingers, are dealt with
separately (<i>see</i> Morasu).</p>
<p><b>&#332;lai.&mdash;</b>A sub-division of Palli, the members of
which wear <span class="corr" id="xd21e6304" title=
"Source: a">an</span> ear ornament called &#333;lai.</p>
<p><b>Ol&#257;ro.&mdash;</b>A sub-division of Gadaba.</p>
<p><b>Ol&#275;kara.&mdash;</b><i>See</i> Vilyak&#257;ra.</p>
<p><b>Olikala</b> (pyre and ashes).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
D&#275;v&#257;nga.</p>
<p>Omanaito.&mdash;The Omanaitos or Omaitos are an Oriya cultivating
caste, for the following account of which I am indebted to Mr. C.
Hayavadana Rao. According to a tradition, the ancestor of the caste was
one Am&#257;tya, a minister of Sr&#299; R&#257;ma at Ay&#333;dhya.
After R&#257;ma had gone to heaven, there was no one to take care of
them, and they took to agriculture. The caste is divided into two
endogamous sections, called Bodo (big) and Sanno (little). The latter
are regarded as illegitimate children of the former by a Bottada,
Gaudo, or other woman. The Bodo section is divided into septs, called
Sva (parrot), Bh&#257;g (tiger), Kochchimo (tortoise), N&#257;ga
(cobra), Sila (stone), Dh&#363;dho (milk), Kumda (<i>Cucurbita
maxima</i>), and Kukru (dog). <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb444"
href="#pb444" name="pb444">444</a>]</span></p>
<p>The caste headman is called Bhatha N&#257;yak, whose office is
hereditary. He arranges council meetings for settling social questions,
and takes a leading part in excommunicating members of the caste. Like
the G&#333;nds, the Omanaitos cannot tolerate a man suffering from
sores, and he is formally excommunicated. To be received back into the
caste, he has to give a caste feast, of which the Bhatha N&#257;yak is
the first to partake.</p>
<p>Girls are married before or after puberty. A man claims his paternal
aunt&rsquo;s daughter in marriage. As soon as a young man&rsquo;s
parents think it is time that he should get married, they set out, with
some sweets and jaggery (crude sugar), for the house of the paternal
aunt, where the hand of her daughter is asked for. A second visit of a
similar nature is made later on, when the marriage is decided on. An
auspicious day is fixed by the D&#275;s&#257;ri. A messenger is sent to
the house of the bride-elect with some rice, three rupees, a sheep, and
a new cloth, which are presented to her parents, who invite the
bridegroom and his party to come on the appointed day. On that day, the
bridegroom is conducted in procession, sometimes on horseback, to the
bride&rsquo;s village. There, in front of her hut, a pandal (booth) has
been constructed of eight posts of the s&#257;l tree (<i>Shorea
robusta</i>), and a central post of the ippa (<i>Bassia</i>) tree, to
which seven pieces of turmeric and seven mango leaves are tied. At the
auspicious moment, the bridegroom is conducted in procession to the
booth, and the messenger says aloud to the paternal aunt &ldquo;The
bridegroom has come. Bring the bride quickly.&rdquo; She stands by the
side of the bridegroom, and the D&#275;s&#257;ri links together their
little fingers, while the women throw rice coloured with turmeric over
them. Water, which has been brought from the village stream at early
morn, and coloured with turmeric, is <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb445" href="#pb445" name="pb445">445</a>]</span>poured over the
couple from five pots. They then dress themselves in new cloths
presented by their fathers-in-law. A feast is given by the
bride&rsquo;s party. On the following day, the bride is conducted to
the home of the bridegroom, at the entrance to which they are met by
the bridegroom&rsquo;s mother, who sprinkles rice coloured with
turmeric over them, and washes their feet with turmeric-water. Liquor
is then distributed, and a meal partaken of. The D&#275;s&#257;ri takes
seven grains of rice and seven areca nuts and ties them up in the ends
of the cloths of the contracting couple. On the following day, a feast
is held, and, next day, the parties of the bride and bridegroom throw
turmeric-water over each other. All then repair to the stream, and
bathe. A feast follows, for which a sheep is killed.</p>
<p>It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam District, that in
the course of an Omanaito wedding there is a free fight, with mud for
missiles.</p>
<p>The remarriage of widows is permitted, and a younger brother may
marry the widow of his elder brother. Divorce is allowed, and
divorc&eacute;es may marry again.</p>
<p>The Omanaitos worship T&#257;kur&#257;ni and Ch&#257;mariya
D&#275;vata, as priest of whom a member of the caste officiates. An
annual festival is held in the month of Chaitro.</p>
<p>The dead are burnt. Pollution on account of a death in a family
lasts for ten days, during which the caste occupation is not carried
out, and the mourners are fed by people of another sept. On the
eleventh day a feast is held, at which liquor is forbidden.</p>
<p>The caste title, is usually N&#257;yako, but the more prosperous
take the title P&#257;tro.</p>
<p><b>Ondipuli.&mdash;</b>Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901,
as Telugu-speaking cultivators and cattle-breeders <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb446" href="#pb446" name="pb446">446</a>]</span>in
the Salem district. The name is sometimes applied to the beggars
attached to the Palli caste.</p>
<p><b>Onn&#257;m Parisha</b> (first party).&mdash;A section of
Elayad.</p>
<p><b>Onne</b> (<i>Pterocarpus Marsupium</i>).&mdash;An exogamous sept
of Toreyas, who are not allowed to mark their foreheads with the juice
which exudes from the trunk of this tree.</p>
<p><b>Onteddu.&mdash;</b>Onteddu or Onti-eddu is the name of a
sub-division of G&#257;nigas or G&#257;ndlas, who only use one bullock
for their oil-mills.</p>
<p><b>Opoto.&mdash;</b>Opoto or Apoto is the name of the
palanquin-bearing section of Gaudos.</p>
<p><b>Oppamtara.&mdash;</b>A title conferred by the R&#257;ja of Cochin
on some N&#257;yars.</p>
<p><b>Oppanakk&#257;ran</b> (trader).&mdash;Telugu traders and
agriculturists. Recorded as a sub-division of Balija.</p>
<p><b>Oppomarango</b> (<i>Achyranthes aspera</i>).&mdash;An exogamous
sept of Bhond&#257;ri, the members of which may not use the root as a
tooth-brush.</p>
<p><b>Ore.&mdash;</b>An honorific title of N&#257;yars.</p>
<p><b>Origabhakthudu</b> (saluting devotee).&mdash;A class of
mendicants, who are said to beg only from Perikes.</p>
<p><b>Oriya.&mdash;</b>Oriya, or Uriya, is a general term for those who
speak the Oriya language. At times of census, it has been recorded as a
sub-division of various castes, e.g., S&#333;ndi and Dh&#333;bi.</p>
<p><b>Oruganti.&mdash;</b>A sub-division of K&#257;pu and
Mutr&#257;cha.</p>
<p><b>Orun&#363;l</b> (one string).&mdash;A sub-division of
M&#257;r&#257;ns, whose widows do not remarry.</p>
<p><b>Oshtama.&mdash;</b>A corrupt form of the word Vaishnava, applied
to S&#257;t&#257;nis, who are called by illiterate folk Oishnam&#257;ru
or Oshtam&#257;ru.</p>
<p><b>Osta.&mdash;</b>Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901,
as the name of a caste of barbers for Muhammadans. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb447" href="#pb447" name="pb447">447</a>]</span></p>
<p><b>Otattu</b> (tile-makers).&mdash;An occupational name for
N&#257;yars, who tile or thatch temples and Br&#257;hman houses.</p>
<p><b>Ottaisekkan.&mdash;</b>The name, indicating those who work their
oil-mill with a single bullock, of a sub-division of V&#257;niyan.</p>
<p><b>Ottikunda</b> (empty pot).&mdash;An exogamous sept of Kamma.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnotes">
<hr class="fnsep">
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5901" href="#xd21e5901src" name="xd21e5901">1</a></span> E.
Hultzsch. South Indian Inscriptions, I. 82, 108, 1890.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5904" href="#xd21e5904src" name="xd21e5904">2</a></span>
Comprehensive Tamil and English Dictionary.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5909" href="#xd21e5909src" name="xd21e5909">3</a></span>
Travancore Census Report, 1901.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5954" href="#xd21e5954src" name="xd21e5954">4</a></span> Manual
of the North Arcot district.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5984" href="#xd21e5984src" name="xd21e5984">5</a></span> Madras
Dioc. Magazine, April, 1908.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e5994" href="#xd21e5994src" name="xd21e5994">6</a></span> Ind.
Ant., VIII, 1879.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6093" href="#xd21e6093src" name="xd21e6093">7</a></span> Ind.
Ant., V, 1876.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6115" href="#xd21e6115src" name="xd21e6115">8</a></span> Notes on
Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6123" href="#xd21e6123src" name="xd21e6123">9</a></span> Journey
through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6153" href="#xd21e6153src" name="xd21e6153">10</a></span> J. S.
F. Mackenzie. Ind. Ant., IV, 1875.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6158" href="#xd21e6158src" name="xd21e6158">11</a></span> <i>Op.
cit.</i></p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6174" href="#xd21e6174src" name="xd21e6174">12</a></span> Ind.
Ant., VIII, 1879.</p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="div1 chapter">
<div class="divHead">
<h2 class="main">P</h2>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first"><b>Paccha</b> (green).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
Kamma. The equivalent Pacchai is a sub-division of Tamil Paraiyans, and
of Malaiy&#257;lis who have settled on the Pacchaimalais (green hills).
Pacchi pow&#257;ku (green tobacco) occurs as an exogamous sept of
D&#275;v&#257;nga. Pacchai Kutti is the name given to Koravas who
travel about the country as professional tattooers, the operation of
tattooing being known as pricking with green. In like manner, Pacchai
Botlu is the name for Odd&#275;s, who are itinerant tattooers in the
Ganjam, Vizagapatam, and God&#257;vari districts.</p>
<p><b>Pachilia.&mdash;</b>A sub-division of Oriya Gaudos.</p>
<p><b>Pada</b> (fighting).&mdash;A sub-division of N&#257;yar.</p>
<p><b>Padah&#257;ru M&#257;dala</b> (sixteen m&#257;dalas).&mdash;The
name, indicating the amount of the bride-price, of a section of
Upparas. A m&#257;dala is equal to two rupees. Some say that the name
has reference to the modas, or heaps of earth, in which salt was
formerly made.</p>
<p><b>Padaiy&#257;chi.&mdash;</b>A synonym or title of Palli or
Vanniyan, and Savalakk&#257;ran.</p>
<p><b>Pad&#257;l.&mdash;</b>A title of headmen of the Bagatas.</p>
<p><b>P&#257;dam.&mdash;</b>Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report,
1901, as a sub-division of N&#257;yar. P&#257;damangalum <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb448" href="#pb448" name="pb448">448</a>]</span>or
P&#257;damangalakk&#257;r is also recorded as a sub-division of
N&#257;yars, who escort processions in temples. Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar
writes that &ldquo;P&#257;damangalam and the Tamil P&#257;dam are
recorded as a division of N&#257;yars, but they are said to be
immigrants to Travancore from the Tamil country.&rdquo; P&#257;dam also
occurs as an exogamous sept of Moosu Kamma.</p>
<p><b>Padarti.&mdash;</b>A title of p&#363;j&#257;ris (priests) in
South Canara, and a name by which St&#257;nikas are called.</p>
<p><b>Padavala</b> (boat).&mdash;An exogamous sept of
D&#275;v&#257;nga.</p>
<p><b>Padiga R&#257;ju.&mdash;</b>Recorded, in the Madras Census
Report, as the same as Bhatr&#257;zu. The Padiga R&#257;julu are,
however, beggars attached to the Padma S&#257;l&#275;s, and apparently
distinct from Bhatr&#257;zus. The name is probably derived from padiga,
a kind of vessel, and may bear reference to the vessel which they carry
with them on their begging expeditions.</p>
<p><b>Padma</b> (lotus).&mdash;A sub-division of Velama.</p>
<p><b>Padma S&#257;l&#275;.&mdash;</b>The Padma (lotus) S&#257;l&#275;s
are a Telugu-speaking caste of weavers, who are scattered all over the
Madras Presidency. The majority are engaged in their hereditary
occupation, but only the minority possess looms of their own, and they
work, for the most part, for the more prosperous owners of hand-looms.
As a class they are poor, being addicted to strong drinks, and in the
hands of the money-lenders, who take care that their customers always
remain in debt to them. Like the Kaik&#333;lans, the Padma
S&#257;l&#275;s weave the coarser kinds of cotton cloths, and cannot
compete with the Patn&#363;lk&#257;rans and Kh&#257;tr&#275;s in the
manufacture of the finer kinds.</p>
<p>The Padma S&#257;l&#275;s have only one g&#333;tra, Markand&#275;ya.
But, like other Telugu castes, they have a number of <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb449" href="#pb449" name=
"pb449">449</a>]</span>exogamous septs or intip&#275;rus, of which the
following are examples:&mdash;</p>
<p>Band&#257;ri, treasurer. Bomma, an idol. Canji, gruel.
Chinthaginjala, tamarind seeds. G&#333;rantla, <i>Lawsonia alba.</i>
Jinka, gazelle. K&#257;lava, ditch. K&#257;sulu, copper coins. Kongara,
crane. Kadavala, pots. Manchi, good. N&#299;li, indigo. N&#363;kalu,
flour of grain or pulse. Ny&#257;yam, justice. &#362;tla, rope for
hanging pots. P&#333;thu, male. Paththi, cotton. Putta, ant-hill.
Th&#275;lu, scorpion. Tangedla, <i>Cassia auriculata.</i> Tumma,
<i>Acacia arabica.</i> Avari, indigo plant. Chinnam, gold? Gurram,
horse. Geddam, beard. K&#333;ta, fort. M&#275;da, raised mound Middala,
storeyed house. M&#257;midla, mango. Nar&#257;la, nerves. P&#363;la,
flowers. S&#257;dhu, quiet or meek.</p>
<p>The Padma S&#257;l&#275;s profess to be Vaishnavites, but some are
Saivites. All the families of the exogamous sept S&#257;dhu are said to
be lingam-wearing Saivites. In addition to their house-god
Venkat&#275;swara, they worship Pulikondla Rangasw&#257;mi, Maremma,
Durgamma, Narasappa, Sunk&#257;lamma, Urukundhi V&#299;ranna, Gangamma,
Kinkiniamma, Muty&#257;lamma, K&#257;lelamma, Ankamma, and Padvetiamma.
Their caste deity is Bh&#257;vana Rishi, to whom, in some places, a
special temple is dedicated. A festival in honour of this deity is
celebrated annually, during which the god and goddess are represented
by two decorated pots placed on a model of a tiger (vyagra
v&#257;hanam), to which, on the last day of the ceremonial, large
quantities of rice and vegetables are offered, which are distributed
among the loom-owners, p&#363;jari, headman, fasting celebrants,
etc.</p>
<p>The Padma S&#257;l&#275;s belong to the right-hand, and the
D&#275;v&#257;ngas to the left-hand faction, and the latter aver
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb450" href="#pb450" name=
"pb450">450</a>]</span>that the Padma S&#257;l&#275;s took away the
body of the goddess Chaud&#275;swari, leaving them the head.</p>
<p>Three kinds of beggars are attached to the Padma S&#257;l&#275;s,
viz., S&#257;dhana S&#363;rulu, Padiga R&#257;julu or Koonapilli
v&#257;ndlu, and Inaka-mukku Bhatr&#257;zus. Concerning the
S&#257;dhana S&#363;rulu, Buchanan writes as follows.<a class="noteref"
id="xd21e6509src" href="#xd21e6509" name="xd21e6509src">1</a>
&ldquo;The Vaishnavite section of the Samay Sale is called Padma
S&#257;l&#275;. The whole Shalay formerly wore the linga, but, a house
having been possessed by a devil, and this sect having been called on
to cast him out, all their prayers were of no avail. At length ten
persons, having thrown aside their linga, and offered up their
supplications to Vishnu, they succeeded in expelling the enemy, and
ever afterwards they followed the worship of this god, in which they
have been initiated by their brethren. The descendants of these men,
who are called Sadana Asholu (S&#257;dana S&#363;rulu), or the
celebrated heroes, never work, and, having dedicated themselves to god,
live upon the charity of the industrious part of the caste, with whom
they disdain to marry.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The Padiga R&#257;julu are supposed to be the descendants of three
persons, Adigadu, Padigadu and Baludu, who sprang from the sweat of
Bh&#257;vana Rishi, and the following legend is current concerning the
origin of the Padma S&#257;l&#275;s and Padiga R&#257;julu. At the
creation of the world, men were naked, and one Markand&#275;ya, who was
sixteen years old, was asked to weave cloths. To enable him to do so,
he did thapas (penance), and from the sacred fire arose Bh&#257;vana
Rishi, bearing a bundle of thread obtained from the lotus which sprang
from Vishnu&rsquo;s navel. Bh&#257;vana Rishi made cloths, and
presented them to the D&#275;vatas, and offered a cloth to Bhairava
also. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb451" href="#pb451" name=
"pb451">451</a>]</span>This he refused to accept, as it was the last,
and not the first, which is usually rolled up, and kept on the loom.
Finding it unsuitable for wearing, Bhairava uttered a curse that the
cloths made should wear out in six months. Accordingly, Siva asked
Bh&#257;vana to procure him a tiger&rsquo;s skin for wearing. Narada
came to the assistance of Bh&#257;vana, and told him to go to
Udayagiri, where Bhadr&#257;vati, the daughter of S&#363;rya, was doing
penance to secure Bh&#257;vana as her husband. She promised to secure a
skin, if he would marry her. To this he consented, and, in due course,
received the tiger&rsquo;s skin. Making the tiger his v&#257;hanam
(vehicle), he proceeded to the abode of Siva (Kail&#257;s&#257;m), and
on his way thither met a R&#257;kshasa, whom he killed in a fight, in
the course of which he sweated profusely. From the sweat proceeded
Adigadu, Padigadu, and Baludu. When he eventually reached Siva, the
tiger, on the sacred ashes being thrown over it, cast its skin, which
Siva appropriated. In consequence of this legend, tigers are held in
reverence by the Padma S&#257;l&#275;s, who believe that they will not
molest them.</p>
<p>The legendary origin of the Padma S&#257;l&#275;s is given as
follows in the Baramahal Records.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e6518src"
href="#xd21e6518" name="xd21e6518src">2</a> &ldquo;In former days, the
other sects of weavers used annually to present a piece of cloth to a
rishi or saint, named Markand&#275;yulu. One year they omitted to make
their offering at the customary period, which neglect enraged the
rishi, who performed a y&#257;ga or sacrifice of fire, and, by the
power of mantras or prayers, he caused a man to spring up out of the
fire of the sacrifice, and called him Padma Saliwarlu, and directed him
to weave a piece of cloth for his use. This he did, and presented
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb452" href="#pb452" name=
"pb452">452</a>]</span>it to the rishi, saying &lsquo;Oh! Sw&#257;mi,
who is thy servant to worship, and how is he to obtain moksham or
admittance to the presence of the Supreme?&rsquo; The rishi answered
&lsquo;Pay adoration to me, and thou wilt obtain
moksham.&rsquo;&rdquo;</p>
<p>The office of headman (Setti or Gaudu) is hereditary. The headman
has under him an assistant, called Ummidi Setti or Ganumukhi, who is
the caste messenger, and is exempt from the various subscriptions for
temple festivals, etc.</p>
<p>When a girl reaches puberty, she is forbidden to eat meat or
<i>Amarantus</i> during the period of ceremonial pollution. In settling
the preliminaries of a marriage, a Br&#257;hman pur&#333;hit takes
part. With some Padma S&#257;l&#275;s it is etiquette not to give
direct answers when a marriage is being fixed up. For example, those
who have come to seek the hand of a girl say &ldquo;We have come for a
sumptuous meal,&rdquo; to which the girl&rsquo;s parents, if consenting
to the match, will reply &ldquo;We are ready to feed you. You are our
near relations.&rdquo; The marriage rites are a blend of the Canarese
and Telugu types. In the Ceded districts, the bride is conveyed to the
house of the bridegroom, seated on a bull, after worship has been done
to Hanum&#257;n. As she enters the house, a cocoanut is waved, and
thrown on the ground. She then bathes in an enclosure with four posts,
round which cotton thread has been wound nine times. Wrist-threads of
cotton and wool are tied on the bride and bridegroom. The bottu
(marriage badge) is tied round the bride&rsquo;s neck, and she stands
on a pile of cholum (<i>Sorghum vulgare</i>: millet) on the floor or in
a basket. The bridegroom stands on a mill-stone. While the bottu is
being tied, a screen is interposed between the contracting couple. The
bride&rsquo;s nose-screw ornament is dropped into a plate of milk,
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb453" href="#pb453" name=
"pb453">453</a>]</span>from which she has to pick it out five times.
Towards evening, the bridal couple go in procession through the
streets, and to the temple, if there is one. On their return to the
house, the bridegroom picks up the bride, and dances for a short time
before entering. This ceremony is called d&#275;ga-&#257;ta, and is
performed by several Telugu castes.</p>
<p>Some Padma S&#257;l&#275;s bury their dead in the usual manner,
others, like the Ling&#257;yats, in a sitting posture. It is customary,
in some places, to offer up a fowl to the corpse before it is removed
from the house, and, if a death occurs on a Saturday or Sunday, a fowl
is tied to the bier, and burnt with the corpse. This is done in the
belief that otherwise another death would very soon take place. The
Tamilians, in like manner, have a proverb &ldquo;A Saturday corpse will
not go alone.&rdquo; On the way to the burial-ground, the corpse is
laid down, and water poured into the mouth. The son takes a pot of
water round the grave, and holes are made in it by the Ummidi Setti,
through which the water trickles out. On the fifth day, a sheep is
killed, and eaten. During the evening the S&#257;t&#257;ni comes, and,
after doing p&#363;ja (worship), gives the relatives of the deceased
sacred arrack (liquor) in lieu of holy water (thirtham) and meat, for
which he receives payment. On the last day of the death ceremonies
(karm&#257;ndiram), the S&#257;t&#257;ni again comes with arrack, and,
according to a note before me, all get drunk. (See S&#257;l&#275;.)</p>
<p><b>Pagad&#257;la</b> (trader in coral).&mdash;A sub-division or
exogamous sept of Balija and Kavarai. The Pagad&#257;la Balijas of the
Vizagapatam district are described as dealing in coral and pearls.
Pagada M&#363;kara (coral nose-ring) has been returned as a
sub-division of Kamma. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb454" href=
"#pb454" name="pb454">454</a>]</span></p>
<p><b>Pagati V&#275;sham.&mdash;</b>A class of Telugu beggars, who put
on disguises (v&#275;sham) while begging.<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6547src" href="#xd21e6547" name="xd21e6547src">3</a> At the
annual festival at Tirupati in honour of the goddess Gangamma, custom
requires the people to appear in a different disguise every morning and
evening. These disguises include those of a Bair&#257;gi, serpent,
etc.<a class="noteref" id="xd21e6550src" href="#xd21e6550" name=
"xd21e6550src">4</a></p>
<p><b>Paguththan.&mdash;</b>A title of Sembadavan.</p>
<p><b>Paida (gold or money).&mdash;</b>An exogamous sept of M&#257;la.
The equivalent Paidam occurs as an exogamous sept of
D&#275;v&#257;nga.</p>
<p><b>Paidi&mdash;</b>The Paidis are summed up, in the Madras Census
Report, 1891, as &ldquo;a class of agricultural labourers and weavers,
found in the Vizagapatam district. Some of them are employed as
servants and village watchmen. They are closely akin to the P&#257;nos
and D&#333;mbos of the hills, and M&#257;las of the plains. They speak
a corrupt dialect of Uriya.&rdquo; In the Census Report, 1901, Kangara
(servant) is recorded as a synonym for Paidi.</p>
<p>For the following note on the Paidis of the Vizagapatam district, I
am mainly indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. There is a great deal of
confusion concerning this caste, and the general impression seems to be
that it is the same as D&#333;mb and P&#257;no. I am informed that the
same man would be called Paidi by Telugus, D&#333;mb by the Savaras,
and P&#257;no by the Konds. In the interior of the Jeypore Agency
tracts the D&#333;mbs and Paidis both repudiate the suggestion that
they are connected with each other. The Paidis, in some places, claim
to belong to the V&#257;lm&#299;ki kulam, and to be descended from
V&#257;lm&#299;ki, the author of the R&#257;m&#257;yana. A similar
descent, it may be noted, is claimed by the B&#333;yas. In the
Vizagapatam Manual, the Paidim&#257;lalu or Paidi M&#257;las (hill
M&#257;las) are <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb455" href="#pb455"
name="pb455">455</a>]</span>described as cultivating land, serving as
servants and village watchmen, and spinning cotton. It is said that
they will not eat food, which has been seen by K&#333;matis. The Paidis
stoutly deny their connection with the M&#257;las.</p>
<p>When a Paidi girl reaches puberty, she is kept under pollution for a
varying number of days, and, on the last day, a M&#257;diga is
summoned, who cuts her finger and toe nails, after which she bathes.
Girls are married either before or after puberty. The m&#275;narikam
custom is in force, according to which a man should marry his maternal
uncle&rsquo;s daughter. If he does so, the bride-price (v&#333;li) is
fixed at five rupees; otherwise it is ten rupees. The marriage
ceremonies last over four days, and are of the low-country Telugu type.
The remarriage of widows and divorce are permitted.</p>
<p>The Paidis are Vaishnavites, and sing songs in praise of R&#257;ma
during the month Karth&#299;ka (November-December). Each family feeds a
few of the castemen at least once during that month. They also observe
the Sankramanam festival, at which they usually wear new clothes. The
dead are either burnt or buried, and the chinna (small) and pedda
r&#333;zu (big day) death ceremonies are observed.</p>
<p>Some Paidis are cultivators, but a large number are prosperous
traders, buying up the hill produce, and bringing it to the
low-country, where it is sold at markets. Their children study English
in the hill schools. The caste titles are Anna and Ayya.</p>
<p>Some time ago some prisoners, who called themselves Billaik&#257;vu
(cat-eaters), were confined in the Vizagapatam jail. I am informed that
these people are M&#257;la Paidis, who eat cat flesh.</p>
<p>The following note refers to the Paidis who live in the southern
part of Ganjam. Some have settled as <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb456" href="#pb456" name="pb456">456</a>]</span>watchmen, or in other
capacities, among the Savaras, whose language they speak in addition to
their own. In their marriage ceremonies, they conform to the Telugu
type, with certain variations adopted from the Oriya ceremonial. On the
first day, a pandal (booth) is set up, and supported on twelve posts. A
feast is given to males during the day, and to females at night. Like
the Oriya Dand&#257;sis, they bring water from seven houses of members
of castes superior to their own. The auspicious time for tying the
pushte (gold marriage badge) on the following day is fixed so as to
fall during the night. At the appointed time, the bridegroom rushes
into the house of the bride, and the contracting couple throw rice over
each other. Taking the bride by the hand, the bridegroom conducts her
to the pandal, wherein they take their seats on the dais. The bride
should be seated before the bridegroom, and there is a mock struggle to
prevent this, and to secure first place for the bridegroom. He then
ties a mokkuto (chaplet) on the bride&rsquo;s forehead, a thread on her
wrist, and the pushte on her neck. After this has been done, the couple
bathe with the water already referred to, and once more come to the
dais, where a small quantity of rice, sufficient to fill a measure
called adda, is placed before them. Some amusement is derived from the
bride abstracting a portion of the rice, so that, when the bridegroom
measures it, there is less than there should be. The marriage
ceremonies conclude on the third day with offerings to ancestors, and
distribution of presents to the newly married couple.</p>
<p>The death ceremonies are based on the Oriya type. On the day after
death, the funeral pyre is extinguished, and the ashes are thrown on to
a tree or an ant-hill. As they are being borne thither, the priest asks
the man <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb457" href="#pb457" name=
"pb457">457</a>]</span>who carries them what has become of the dead
person, and he is expected to reply that he has gone to K&#257;s&#299;
(Benares) or Jagann&#257;tham. A cloth is spread on the spot where the
corpse was burnt, and offerings of food are placed on it. On the fourth
day, a pig is killed and cooked. Before being cooked, one of the legs
is hung up near the spot where the deceased breathed his last. Death
pollution is got rid of by touching oil and turmeric, and the
ceremonies conclude with a feast. An annual offering of food is made,
in the month of November, to ancestors, unless a death takes place in
the family during this month.</p>
<p>The Ganjam Paidis worship the T&#257;kur&#257;nis (village deities),
and sacrifice goats and sheep at local temples. As they are a polluting
caste, they stand at a distance opposite the entrance to the temple,
and, before they retire, take a pinch or two of earth. This, on their
return home, they place on a cloth spread on a spot which has been
cleansed, and set before it the various articles which have been
prepared as offerings to the T&#257;kur&#257;ni. When a Paidi is
seriously ill, a male or female sorcerer (Bejjo or Bejjano) is
consulted. A square, divided into sixteen compartments, is drawn on the
floor with rice-flour. In each compartment are placed a leaf, cup of
<i>Butea frondosa</i>, a quarter-anna piece, and some food. Seven small
bows and arrows are set up in front thereof in two lines. On one side
of the square a big cup, filled with food, is placed. A fowl is
sacrificed, and its blood poured thrice round this cup. Then, placing
water in a vessel near the cup, the sorcerer or sorceress throws into
it a grain of rice, giving out at the same time the name of some god or
goddess. If the rice sinks, it is believed that the illness is caused
by the anger of the deity, whose name has been mentioned. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb458" href="#pb458" name="pb458">458</a>]</span>If
the rice floats, the names of various deities are called out, until a
grain sinks.</p>
<p>It is recorded<a class="noteref" id="xd21e6597src" href="#xd21e6597"
name="xd21e6597src">5</a> that, in the Parvatip&#363;r country of the
Vizagapatam district, &ldquo;the Paidis (Paidi M&#257;las) do most of
the crime, and often commit dacoities on the roads. Like the Konda
Doras, they have induced some of the people to employ watchmen of their
caste as the price of immunity from theft. They are connected with the
Dombus of the R&#257;yagada and Gunupur t&#257;luks, who are even
worse.&rdquo;</p>
<p><b>Paik.&mdash;</b>It is noted by Yule and Burnell,<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e6604src" href="#xd21e6604" name="xd21e6604src">6</a>
under the heading Pyke or Paik, that &ldquo;Wilson gives only one
original of the term so expressed in Anglo-Indian speech. He writes
&lsquo;P&#257;ik or P&#257;yik, corruptly Pyke, Hind., etc. (from S.
pad&#257;tika), P&#257;ik or P&#257;yak, Mar., a footman, an armed
attendant, an inferior police and revenue officer, a messenger, a
courier, a village watchman. In Cuttack the P&#257;iks formerly
constituted a local militia, holding land of the Zamindars or
R&#257;jas by the tenure of military service.&rsquo; But it seems clear
to us that there are here two terms rolled together: (<i>a</i>) Pers.
Paik, a foot-runner or courier; (<i>b</i>) Hind. p&#257;&#299;k and
p&#257;yik (also Mahr.) from Skt. pad&#257;tika, and padika, a
foot-soldier.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In the Madras Census Report, 1891, Paiko is defined as &ldquo;rather
an occupational than a caste name. It means a foot-soldier, and is used
to denote the retainers of the Uriya Chiefs of Ganjam and Vizagapatam.
These men were granted lands on feudal tenure, and belonged to various
castes. They are now ordinary agriculturists. Some are employed in the
police, and as peons in the various public departments.&rdquo; In the
records relating to human sacrifice and infanticide, 1854, the Paiks
are <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb459" href="#pb459" name=
"pb459">459</a>]</span>referred to as matchlock men, by whom the Konds
and Gonds are kept in abject servitude. In the Vizagapatam Manual,
1869, various castes are referred to as being &ldquo;all paiks or
fighting men. Formerly they were a very numerous body, but their
numbers are much diminished now, that is as fighting men, for the old
army used to be paid, some in money, and some in grants of land. Now
there are very few paiks kept up as fighting men; those discharged from
service have taken to trading with the coast, and to cultivating their
pieces of land. The fort at K&#333;tap&#257;d on the Bustar frontier
always had a standing garrison of several hundred paiks. They are
gradually being disbanded since we have put police there. The men are a
fine race, brave, and capital shots with the matchlock.&rdquo; Paiko
has been recorded, at times of census, as a synonym or sub-division of
Rona. And Paikar&#257;yi occurs as a title of Badh&#333;yis.</p>
<p><b>Paiki.&mdash;</b>A division of Toda.</p>
<p><b>Pailm&#257;n.&mdash;</b>Pailm&#257;n or Pailw&#257;n has been
described<a class="noteref" id="xd21e6625src" href="#xd21e6625" name=
"xd21e6625src">7</a> as &ldquo;an occupational term meaning a wrestler,
used by all classes following the occupation, whether they are Hindus
or Musalmans. The Hindus among them are usually Gollas or
Jettis.&rdquo; In the Telugu country, the Pailm&#257;ns wrestle, and
perform various mountebank, conjuring, and juggling feats. A wandering
troupe of Mar&#257;tha Pailw&#257;ns performed before me various
stick-exercises, acrobatic and contortionist feats, and balancing feats
on a bamboo pole supported in the kamerband (belly-band) of a veteran
member of the troupe. The performance wound up with gymnastics on a
lofty pole kept erect by means of ropes tied to casual trees and
tent-pegs, and surmounted by a pliant bamboo, on which the <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb460" href="#pb460" name=
"pb460">460</a>]</span>performer swung and balanced himself while
playing a drum, or supporting a pile of earthen pots surmounted by a
brass vessel on his head. The entertainment took place amid the music
of drum and clarionet, and the patter of one of the troupe, the
performers playing the drum in the waits between their turns.</p>
<p><b>Painda.&mdash;</b>A synonym of Paidi.</p>
<p><b>P&#257;kan&#257;ti</b> (eastern territory).&mdash;A sub-division
of various Telugu classes, <i>e.g.,</i> Balija, Golla, Kamsala,
K&#257;pu, M&#257;la, and Ts&#257;kala.</p>
<p><b>Paki.&mdash;</b>Recorded by the Rev. J. Cain<a class="noteref"
id="xd21e6645src" href="#xd21e6645" name="xd21e6645src">8</a> as a
sweeper caste in the God&#257;vari district, members of which have come
from the neighbourhood of Vizagapatam, and are great sticklers for
their caste rules.</p>
<p><b>Pakin&#257;du.&mdash;</b>A territorial sub-division of Kamsalas
and other Telugu castes, corresponding to P&#257;kan&#257;ti.</p>
<p><b>Pakirithi.&mdash;</b>Pakirithi or Parigiri, meaning Vaishnavite,
is a sub-division of Besthas, who, on ceremonial occasions, wear the
Vaishnava sect mark.</p>
<p><b>P&#257;l</b> (milk).&mdash;P&#257;l or P&#257;la has been
recorded as a sub-division of Idaiyan and Kurumba, and an exogamous
sept of M&#257;la. (<i>See</i> H&#257;lu.)</p>
<p><b>Palakala</b> (planks).&mdash;An exogamous sept of Kamma.</p>
<p><b>P&#257;lamala.&mdash;</b>P&#257;lama is recorded as a
sub-division of the K&#257;nikars of Travancore and Palamalathillom,
said to denote the mountain with trees with milky juice, as an
exogamous sept of the same tribe.</p>
<p><b>P&#257;l&#257;vili.&mdash;</b>A g&#333;tra of Gollas, who are not
allowed to erect p&#257;l&#257;vili, or small booths inside the house
for the purpose of worship.</p>
<p><b>P&#257;layakk&#257;ran.&mdash;</b><i>See</i> Mutr&#257;cha.</p>
<p><b>Paligiri.&mdash;</b>A sub-division of Mutr&#257;cha. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb461" href="#pb461" name="pb461">461</a>]</span></p>
<p><b>Palissa</b> (shield) <b>Kollan.</b>&mdash;A class of Kollans in
Malabar, who make leather shields. It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of
Malabar, that, at the t&#257;li-kettu ceremony, &ldquo;the girl and
manav&#257;lan (bridegroom) go to the tank on the last day of the
ceremony. The girl, standing in the tank, ducks her whole body under
water thrice. As she does so for the third time, a p&#257;ndibali or
triangular platter made of cocoanut fronds and pieces of plantain stem
and leaf plaited together and adorned with five lighted wicks, is
thrown over her into the water, and cut in half as it floats by an
enangan, who sings a song called K&#257;likkakam. Lastly, the girl
chops in two a cocoanut placed on the bank. She aims two blows at it,
and failure to sever it with a third is considered inauspicious. Among
Palissa Kollans and some other castes, the lucky dip ceremony is
performed on the last day (called n&#257;l&#257;m kaly&#257;nam or
fourth marriage). An enangan, drawing out the packets at random,
distributes them to the manav&#257;lan, the girl, and himself in turn.
It is lucky for the manav&#257;lan to get the gold, and the girl the
silver. A significant finish to the ceremony in the form of a
symbolical divorce is not infrequent in South Malabar at all events.
Thus, among the Palissa Kollans the manav&#257;lan takes a piece of
thread from his mundu (cloth), and gives it, saying &lsquo;Here is your
sister&rsquo;s acch&#257;ram&rsquo; to the girl&rsquo;s brother, who
breaks it in two and puffs it towards him. In other cases, the
manav&#257;lan gives the girl a cloth on the first day, and cuts it in
two, giving her one half on the last; or the manav&#257;lan and an
enangan of the girl hold opposite ends of a cloth, which the
manav&#257;lan cuts and tears in two, and then gives both pieces to the
girl.&rdquo;</p>
<p><b>Paliyans</b> of Madura and Tinnevelly. In a note on the Malai
(hill) Paliyans of the Madura district, the <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb462" href="#pb462" name="pb462">462</a>]</span>Rev.
J. E. Tracy writes as follows. &ldquo;I went to their village at the
foot of the Periyar hills, and can testify to their being the most
abject, hopeless, and unpromising specimens of humanity that I have
ever seen. There were about forty of them in the little settlement,
which was situated in a lovely spot. A stream of pure water was flowing
within a few feet of their huts, and yet they were as foul and filthy
in their personal appearance as if they were mere animals, and very
unclean ones. Rich land that produced a luxuriant crop of rank reeds
was all around them, and, with a little exertion on their part, might
have been abundantly irrigated, and produced continuous crops of grain.
Yet they lived entirely on nuts and roots, and various kinds of gum
that they gathered in the forest on the slopes of the hills above their
settlement. Only two of the community had ever been more than seven
miles away from their village into the open country below them. Their
huts were built entirely of grass, and consisted of only one room each,
and that open at the ends. The chief man of the community was an old
man with white hair. His distinctive privilege was that he was allowed
to sleep between two fires at night, while no one else was allowed to
have but one&mdash;a distinction that they were very complaisant about,
perhaps because with the distinction was the accompanying obligation to
see that the community&rsquo;s fire never went out. As he was also the
only man in the community who was allowed to have two wives, I inferred
that he delegated to them the privilege of looking after the fires,
while he did the sleeping, whereas, in other families, the man and wife
had to take turn and turn about to see that the fire had not to be
re-lighted in the morning. They were as ignorant as they were filthy.
They had no place of worship, but seemed to <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb463" href="#pb463" name=
"pb463">463</a>]</span>agree that the demons of the forest around them
were the only beings that they had to fear besides the Forest
Department. They were barely clothed, their rags being held about them,
in one or two cases, with girdles of twisted grass. They had much the
same appearance that many a famine subject presented in the famine of
1877, but they seemed to have had no better times to look back upon,
and hence took their condition as a matter of course. The forest had
been their home from time immemorial. Yet the forest seemed to have
taught them nothing more than it might have been supposed to have
taught the prowling jackal or the laughing hy&aelig;na. There were no
domesticated animals about their place: strange to say, not even a
pariah dog. They appeared to have no idea of hunting, any more than
they had of agriculture. And, as for any ideas of the beauty or
solemnity of the place that they had selected as their village site,
they were as innocent of such things as they were of the beauties of
Robert Browning&rsquo;s verse.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In a note written in 1817, Mr. T. Turnbull states that the Madura
Pulliers &ldquo;are never seen unless when they come down to travellers
to crave a piece of tobacco or a rag of cloth, for which they have a
great predilection. The women are said to lay their infants on warm
ashes after delivery, as a substitute for warm clothing and
beds.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The Palayans, or Pulleer, are described by General Burton<a class=
"noteref" id="xd21e6707src" href="#xd21e6707" name="xd21e6707src">9</a>
as &ldquo;good trackers, and many of them carried bows and arrows, and
a few even possessed matchlocks. I met one of these villagers going out
on a sporting excursion. He had on his head a great chatty (earthen
pot) full of water, and an old brass-bound matchlock. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb464" href="#pb464" name="pb464">464</a>]</span>It
was the height of the dry season. He was taking water to a hollow in a
rock, which he kept carefully replenished, and then ensconced himself
in a clump of bushes hard by, and waited all day, if necessary, with
true native patience, for hog, deer, or pea-fowl to approach his
ambush.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In the Madura Manual, it is noted that &ldquo;the Poleiyans have
always been the pr&aelig;dial slaves of the Kunuvans. According to the
survey account, they are the aborigines of the Palni hills. The
marriage ceremony consists merely of a declaration of consent made by
both parties at a feast, to which all their relatives are invited. As
soon as a case of small-pox occurs in one of their villages, a cordon
is drawn round it, and access to other villages is denied to all the
inhabitants of the infected locality, who at once desert their homes,
and camp out for a sufficiently long period. The individual attacked is
left to his fate, and no medicine is exhibited to him, as it is
supposed that the malady is brought on solely by the just displeasure
of the gods. They bury their dead.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The Paliyans are described, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district,
as a &ldquo;very backward caste, who reside in small scattered parties
amid the jungles of the Upper Palnis and the Varushan&#257;d valley.
They speak Tamil with a peculiar intonation, which renders it scarcely
intelligible. They are much less civilised than the Pulaiyans, but do
not eat beef, and consequently carry no pollution. They sometimes build
themselves grass huts, but often they live on platforms up trees, in
caves, or under rocks. Their clothes are of the scantiest and dirtiest,
and are sometimes eked out with grass or leaves. They live upon roots
(yams), leaves, and honey. They cook the roots by putting them into a
pit in the ground, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb465" href="#pb465"
name="pb465">465</a>]</span>heaping wood upon them, and lighting it.
The fire is usually kept burning all night as a protection against wild
beasts, and it is often the only sign of the presence of the Paliyans
in a jungle, for they are shy folk, who avoid other people. They make
fire with quartz and steel, using the floss of the silk-cotton tree as
tinder. Weddings are conducted without ceremonies, the understanding
being that the man shall collect food and the woman cook it. When one
of them dies, the rest leave the body as it is, and avoid the spot for
some months.</p>
<div class="figure xd21e6719width" id="pl5-465"><img src=
"images/pl5-465.jpg" alt="Paliyan." width="495" height="720">
<p class="figureHead">Paliyan.</p>
</div>
<p>A detailed account of the Paliyans of the Palni hills by the Rev. F.
Dahmen has recently been published,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e6725src"
href="#xd21e6725" name="xd21e6725src">10</a> to which I am indebted for
the following information. &ldquo;The Paliyans are a nomadic tribe, who
for the most part rove in small parties through the jungle-clad gorges
that fringe the Upper Palnis plateau. There they maintain themselves
mostly on the products of the chase and on roots (yams, etc.), leaves
and wild fruits (<i>e.g.,</i> of the wild date tree), at times also by
hiring their labour to the Kunnuvan or Mannadi villagers. The find of a
bee-hive in the hollow of some tree is a veritable feast for them. No
sooner have they smoked the bees out than they greedily snatch at the
combs, and ravenously devour them on the spot, with wax, grubs, and
all. Against ailments the Paliyans have their own remedies: in fact,
some Paliyans have made a name for themselves by their knowledge of the
medicinal properties of herbs and roots. Thus, for instance, they make
from certain roots (periya uri katti v&#275;r) a white powder known as
a very effective purgative. Against snake-bite they always carry with
them certain leaves (naru valli v&#275;r), which they hold to be a very
efficient antidote. As soon as <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb466"
href="#pb466" name="pb466">466</a>]</span>one of them is bitten, he
chews these, and also applies them to the wound. Patience and cunning
above all are required in their hunting-methods. One of their devices,
used for big game, <i>e.g.,</i> against the sambar (deer), or against
the boar, consists in digging pitfalls, carefully covered up with twigs
and leaves. On the animal being entrapped, it is dispatched with clubs
or the aruv&#257;l (sickle). Another means consists in arranging a heap
of big stones on a kind of platform, one end of which is made to rest
on higher ground, the other skilfully equipoised by a stick resting on
a fork, where it remains fixed by means of strong twine so disposed
that the least movement makes the lever-like stick on the fork fly off,
while the platform and the stones come rapidly down with a crash. The
string which secures the lever is so arranged as to unloose itself at
the least touch, and the intended victim can hardly taste the food that
serves for bait without bringing the platform with all its weight down
upon itself. Similar traps, but on a smaller scale, are used to catch
smaller animals: hares, wild fowl, etc. Flying squirrels are smoked out
of the hollows of trees, and porcupines out of their burrows, and then
captured or clubbed to death on their coming out. The first drops of
blood of any animal the Paliyans kill are offered to their god. A good
catch is a great boon for the famished Paliyan. The meat obtained
therefrom must be divided between all the families of the settlement.
The skins, if valuable, are preserved to barter for the little
commodities they may stand in need of, or to give as a tribute to their
chief. One of their methods for procuring fish consists in throwing the
leaves of a creeper called in Tamil karungakodi, after rubbing them,
into the water. Soon the fish is seen floating on the surface. Rough
fashioned hooks are also used. When not engaged on some <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb467" href="#pb467" name=
"pb467">467</a>]</span>expedition, or not working for hire, the
Paliyans at times occupy themselves in the fabrication of small
bird-cages, or in weaving a rough kind of mat, or in basket-making. The
small nicknacks they turn out are made according to rather ingenious
patterns, and partly coloured with red and green vegetable dyes. These,
with the skins of animals, and the odoriferous resin collected from the
dammer tree, are about the only articles which they barter or sell to
the inhabitants of the plains, or to the Mannadis.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Concerning the religion and superstitions of the Paliyans, the Rev.
F. Dahmen writes as follows. &ldquo;The principal religious ceremony
takes place about the beginning of March. May&#257;ndi (the god) is
usually represented by a stone, preferably one to which nature has
given some curious shape, the serpent form being especially valued. I
said &lsquo;represented,&rsquo; for, according to our Paliyans, the
stone itself is not the god, who is supposed to live somewhere, they do
not exactly know where. The stone that represents him has its shrine at
the foot of a tree, or is simply sheltered by a small thatched
covering. There, on the appointed day, the Paliyans gather before
sunrise. Fire is made in a hole in front of the sacred stone, a fine
cock brought in, decapitated amidst the music of horn and drum and the
blood made to drip on the fire. The head of the fowl ought to be
severed at one blow, as this is a sign of the satisfaction of the god
for the past, and of further protection for the future. Should the head
still hang, this would be held a bad omen, foreboding calamities for
the year ensuing. The instrument used in this sacred operation is the
aruv&#257;l, but the sacrificial aruv&#257;l cannot be used but for
this holy purpose. Powers of witchcraft and magic are attributed to the
Paliyans by other castes, and probably <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb468" href="#pb468" name="pb468">468</a>]</span>believed in by
themselves. The following device adopted by them to protect themselves
from the attacks of wild animals, the panther in particular, may be
given as an illustration. Four jackals&rsquo; tails are planted in four
different spots, chosen so as to include the area within which they
wish to be safe from the claws of the brute. This is deemed protection
enough: though panthers should enter the magic square, they could do
the Paliyans no harm; their mouths are locked.&rdquo; It is noted by
the Rev. F. Dahmen that Paliyans sometimes go on a pilgrimage to the
Hindu shrine of Subrahmaniyam at Palni.</p>
<p>Writing concerning the Paliyans who live on the Travancore frontier
near Shenkotta, Mr. G. F. D&rsquo;Penha states<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6744src" href="#xd21e6744" name="xd21e6744src">11</a> that they
account for their origin by saying that, at some very remote period, an
Eluvan took refuge during a famine in the hills, and there took to wife
a Palliyar woman, and that the Palliyars are descended from these two.
&ldquo;The Palliyar,&rdquo; he continues, &ldquo;is just a shade lower
than the Eluvan. He is permitted to enter the houses of Eluvans,
Elavanians (betel-growers), and even of Maravars, and in the hills,
where the rigour of the social code is relaxed to suit circumstances,
the higher castes mentioned will even drink water given by Palliyars,
and eat roots cooked by them. The Palliyars regard sylvan deities with
great veneration. Kurupusw&#257;mi is the tribe&rsquo;s tutelary god,
and, when a great haul of wild honey is made, offerings are given at
some shrine. They pretend to be followers of Siva, and always attend
the Adi Amavasai ceremonies at Courtallum. The Palliyar cultivates
nothing, not even a sweet potato. He keeps no animal, except a stray
dog or two. An axe, a knife, and a pot are all the impedimenta he
carries. An <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb469" href="#pb469" name=
"pb469">469</a>]</span>expert honey-hunter, he will risk his neck
climbing lofty precipices or precipitous cliffs. A species of sago-palm
furnishes him with a glairy glutinous fluid on which he thrives, and
such small animals as the iguana (<i>Varanus</i>), the tortoise, and
the larvae of hives are never-failing luxuries.&rdquo;</p>
<div class="figure xd21e6753width" id="pl5-469"><img src=
"images/pl5-469.jpg" alt="Paliyan." width="497" height="720">
<p class="figureHead">Paliyan.</p>
</div>
<p>The Paliyans, whom I investigated in North Tinnevelly, were living
in the jungles near the base of the mountains, in small isolated
communities separated from each other by a distance of several miles.
They speak Tamil with a peculiar intonation, which recalls to mind the
Irulas. They are wholly illiterate, and only a few can count up to ten.
A woman has been known to forget her own name. At a marriage, the
father, taking the hand of the bride, and putting it into that of the
bridegroom, says &ldquo;I give this girl to you. Give her roots and
leaves, and protect her.&rdquo; The value of a bride or bridegroom
depends very much on the quantity of roots, etc., which he or she can
collect. When a widow does not remarry, the males of the community
supply her with roots and other products of the jungle. Marriages are,
as a rule, contracted within the settlement, and complications
occasionally occur owing to the absence of a girl of suitable age for a
young man. Indeed, in one settlement I came across two brothers, who
had for this reason resorted to the adelphous form of polyandry. It
would be interesting to note hereafter if this custom, thus casually
introduced, becomes established in the tribe. As an exception to the
rule of marriage within the settlement, it was noted that a party of
Paliyans had wandered from the Gandamanaikan&#363;r forests to the
jungle of Ayanarkoil, and there intermarried with the members of the
local tribe, with which they became incorporated. The Paliyans admit
members <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb470" href="#pb470" name=
"pb470">470</a>]</span>of other castes into their ranks. A case was
narrated to me, in which a Maravan cohabited for some time with a
Paliya woman, who bore children by him. In this way is the purity of
type among the jungle tribes lost as the result of civilisation, and
their nasal index reduced from platyrhine to mesorhine dimensions.</p>
<p>The Tinnevelly Paliyans say that Valli, the wife of the god
Subramaniya, was a Paliyan woman. As they carry no pollution, they are
sometimes employed, in return for food, as night watchmen at the
Vaishnavite temple known as Azhagar Koil at the base of the hills. They
collect for the Forest Department minor produce in the form of
root-bark of <i>Ventilago madraspatana</i> and <i>Anisochilus
carnosus,</i> the fruit of <i>Terminalia Chebula</i> (myrabolams),
honey, bees-wax, etc., which are handed over to a contractor in
exchange for rice, tobacco, betel leaves and nuts, chillies, tamarinds
and salt. The food thus earned as wages is supplemented by yams (tubers
of <i>Dioscorea</i>) and roots, which are dug up with a digging-stick,
and forest fruits. They implicitly obey the contractor, and it was
mainly through his influence that I was enabled to interview them, and
measure their bodies, in return for a banquet, whereof they partook
seated on the grass in two semicircles, the men in front and women in
the rear, and eating off teak leaf plates piled high with rice and
vegetables. Though the prodigious mass of food provided was greedily
devoured till considerable abdominal distension was visible,
dissatisfaction was expressed because it included no meat (mutton), and
I had not brought new loin-cloths for them. They laughed, however, when
I expressed a hope that they would abandon their dirty cloths,
turkey-red turbans and European bead necklaces, and revert to the
primitive leafy garment of their forbears. A struggle ensued for
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb471" href="#pb471" name=
"pb471">471</a>]</span>the limited supply of sandal paste, with which a
group of men smeared their bodies, in imitation of the higher classes,
before they were photographed. A feast given to the Paliyans by some
missionaries was marred at the outset by the unfortunate circumstance
that betel and tobacco were placed by the side of the food, these
articles being of evil omen as they are placed in the grave with the
dead. A question whether they eat beef produced marked displeasure, and
even roused an apathetic old woman to grunt &ldquo;Your other questions
are fair. You have no right to ask that.&rdquo; If a Paliyan happens to
come across the carcase of a cow or buffalo near a stream, it is
abandoned, and not approached for a long time. Leather they absolutely
refuse to touch, and one of them declined to carry my camera box,
because he detected that it had a leather strap.</p>
<p>They make fire with a quartz strike-a-light and steel and the floss
of the silk-cotton tree (<i>Bombax malabaricum</i>). They have no means
of catching or killing animals, birds, or fish with nets, traps, or
weapons, but, if they come across the carcase of a goat or deer in the
forest, they will roast and eat it. They catch &ldquo;vermin&rdquo;
(presumably field rats) by smoking them out of their holes, or digging
them out with their digging-sticks. Crabs are caught for eating by
children, by letting a string with a piece of cloth tied to the end
down the hole, and lifting it out thereof when the crab seizes hold of
the cloth with its claws. Of wild beasts they are not afraid, and scare
them away by screaming, clapping the hands, and rolling down stones
into the valleys. I saw one man, who had been badly mauled by a tiger
on the buttock and thigh when he was asleep with his wife and child in
a cave. During the dry season they live in natural caves and crevices
in rocks, but, if these leak <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb472" href=
"#pb472" name="pb472">472</a>]</span>during the rains, they erect a
rough shed with the floor raised on poles off the ground, and sloping
grass roof, beneath which a fire is kept burning at night, not only for
warmth, but also to keep off wild beasts. They are expert at making
rapidly improvised shelters at the base of hollow trees by cutting away
the wood on one side with a bill-hook. Thus protected, they were quite
snug and happy during a heavy shower, while we were miserable amid the
drippings from an umbrella and a mango tree.</p>
<p>Savari is a common name among the Tinnevelly Paliyans as among other
Tamils. It is said to be a corruption of Xavier, but Savari or Sabari
are recognised names of Siva and Parvati. There is a temple called
Savarimalayan on the Travancore boundary, whereat the festival takes
place at the same time as the festival in honour of St. Xavier among
Roman Catholics. The women are very timid in the presence of Europeans,
and suffer further from hippophobia; the sight of a horse, which they
say is as tall as a mountain, like an elephant, producing a regular
stampede into the depths of the jungle. They carry their babies slung
in a cloth on the back, and not astride the hips according to the
common practice of the plains. The position, in confinement, is to sit
on a rock with legs dependent. Many of these Paliyans suffer from
jungle fever, as a protection against which they wear a piece of
turmeric tied round the neck. The dead are buried, and a stone is
placed on the grave, which is never re-visited.</p>
<p>Like other primitive tribes, the Paliyans are short of stature and
dolichocephalic, and the archaic type of nose persists in some
individuals.</p>
<p>Average height 150.9 cm. Nasal index 83 (max. 100).</p>
<p><b>Pallan.&mdash;</b>The Pallans are &ldquo;a class of agricultural
labourers found chiefly in Tanjore, Trichinopoly, Madura <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb473" href="#pb473" name="pb473">473</a>]</span>and
Tinnevelly. They are also fairly numerous in parts of Salem and
Coimbatore, but in the remaining Tamil districts they are found only in
very small numbers.&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id="xd21e6797src" href=
"#xd21e6797" name="xd21e6797src">12</a></p>
<div class="figure xd21e6801width" id="pl5-473"><img src=
"images/pl5-473.jpg" alt="Pallan." width="495" height="720">
<p class="figureHead">Pallan.</p>
</div>
<p>The name is said to be derived from pallam, a pit, as they were
standing on low ground when the castes were originally formed. It is
further suggested that the name may be connected with the wet
cultivation, at which they are experts, and which is always carried out
on low ground. In the Manual of the Madura district (1868), the Pallans
are described as &ldquo;a very numerous, but a most abject and despised
race, little, if indeed at all, superior to the Paraiyas. Their
principal occupation is ploughing the lands of more fortunate Tamils,
and, though nominally free, they are usually slaves in almost every
sense of the word, earning by the ceaseless sweat of their brow a bare
handful of grain to stay the pangs of hunger, and a rag with which to
partly cover their nakedness. They are to be found in almost every
village, toiling and moiling for the benefit of Vell&#257;lans and
others, and with the Paraiyas doing patiently nearly all the hard and
dirty work that has to be done. Personal contact with them is avoided
by all respectable men, and they are never permitted to dwell within
the limits of a village nattam. Their huts form a small detached
hamlet, the Pallach&#275;ri, removed from a considerable distance from
the houses of the respectable inhabitants, and barely separated from
that of the Paraiyas, the Parei-ch&#275;ri. The Pallans are said by
some to have sprung from the intercourse of a Sudra and a Br&#257;hman
woman. Others say D&#275;vendra created them for the purpose of
labouring in behalf of Vell&#257;lans. Whatever may have been their
origin, it seems to be tolerably certain that in ancient <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb474" href="#pb474" name=
"pb474">474</a>]</span>times they were the slaves of the
Vell&#257;lans, and regarded by them merely as chattels, and that they
were brought by the Vell&#257;lans into the P&#257;ndya-mandala.&rdquo;
Some Pallans say that they are, like the Kallans, of the lineage of
Indra, and that their brides wear a wreath of flowers in token thereof.
They consider themselves superior to Paraiyans and Chakkiliyans, as
they do not eat beef.</p>
<p>It is stated in the Manual of Tanjore (1883) that the &ldquo;Pallan
and Paraiya are rival castes, each claiming superiority over the other;
and a deadly and never-ending conflict in the matter of caste
privileges exists between them. They are pr&aelig;dial labourers, and
are employed exclusively in the cultivation of paddy (rice) lands.
Their women are considered to be particularly skilled in planting and
weeding, and, in most parts of the delta, they alone are employed in
those operations. The Palla women expose their body above the
waist&mdash;a distinctive mark of their primitive condition of slavery,
of which, however, no trace now exists.&rdquo; It is noted by Mr. G. T.
Mackenzie<a class="noteref" id="xd21e6811src" href="#xd21e6811" name=
"xd21e6811src">13</a> that &ldquo;in the first quarter of the
nineteenth century, the female converts to Christianity in the extreme
south ventured, contrary to the old rules for the lower castes, to
clothe themselves above the waist. This innovation was made the
occasion for threats, violence, and a series of disturbances. Similar
disturbances arose from the same cause nearly thirty years later, and,
in 1859, Sir Charles Trevelyan, Governor of Madras, interfered, and
granted permission to the women of lower caste to wear a cloth over the
breasts and shoulders.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In connection with disputes between the right-hand and left-hand
factions, it is stated<a class="noteref" id="xd21e6816src" href=
"#xd21e6816" name="xd21e6816src">14</a> that &ldquo;whatever the
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb475" href="#pb475" name=
"pb475">475</a>]</span>origin of the factions, feeling still runs very
high, especially between the Pallans and the Paraiyans. The violent
scenes which occurred in days gone by<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6821src" href="#xd21e6821" name="xd21e6821src">15</a> no longer
occur, but quarrels occur when questions of precedence arise (as when
holy food is distributed at festivals to the village goddesses), or if
a man of one faction takes a procession down a street inhabited chiefly
by members of the other. In former times, members of the opposite
faction would not live in the same street, and traces of this feeling
are still observable. Formerly also the members of one faction would
not salute those of the other, however much their superiors in station;
and the menials employed at funerals (Paraiyans, etc.) would not salute
the funeral party if it belonged to the rival faction.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In the Coimbatore Manual it is noted that &ldquo;the Pallan has in
all times been a serf, labouring in the low wet lands (pallam) for his
masters, the Br&#257;hmans and Goundans. The Pallan is a stout,
shortish black man, sturdy, a meat-eater, and not over clean in person
or habit; very industrious in his favourite wet lands. He is no longer
a serf.&rdquo; The occupations of the Pallans, whom I examined at
Coimbatore, were cultivator, gardener, cooly, blacksmith, railway
porter, tandal (tax-collector, etc.), and mas&#257;lchi (office peon,
who looks after lamps, ink-bottles, etc.). Some Pallans are
maniyag&#257;rans (village munsifs or magistrates).</p>
<p>In some places a Pallan family is attached to a land-holder, for
whom they work, and, under ordinary conditions, they do not change
masters. The attachment of the Pallan to a particular individual is
maintained by the master paying a sum of money as an advance, which the
Pallan is unable to repay. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb476" href=
"#pb476" name="pb476">476</a>]</span></p>
<p>The Pallans are the J&#257;ti Pillais of the P&#257;ndya
Kamm&#257;lans, or Kamm&#257;lans of the Madura country. The story goes
that a long while ago the headman of the Pallans came begging to the
Kollan section of the P&#257;ndya Kamm&#257;lans, which was employed in
the manufacture of ploughs and other agricultural implements, and said
&ldquo;Worshipful sirs, we are destitute to the last degree. If you
would but take pity on us, we would become your slaves. Give us ploughs
and other implements, and we shall ever afterwards obey you.&rdquo; The
Kollans, taking pity on them, gave them the implements and they
commenced an agricultural life. When the harvest was over, they brought
the best portion of the crop, and gave it to the Kollans. From that
time, the Pallans became the &ldquo;sons&rdquo; of the P&#257;ndya
Kamm&#257;lans, to whom even now they make offerings in gratitude for a
bumper crop.</p>
<p>At times of census the Pallans return a number of sub-divisions, and
there is a proverb that one can count the number of varieties of rice,
but it is impossible to count the divisions of the Pallans. As examples
of the sub-divisions, the following may be quoted:&mdash;</p>
<ul>
<li>Aiya, father.</li>
<li>Amm&#257;, mother.</li>
<li>Anja, father.</li>
<li>Atta, mother.</li>
<li>D&#275;vendra.&mdash;The sweat of D&#275;vendra, the king of gods,
is said to have fallen on a plant growing in water from which arose a
child, who is said to have been the original ancestor of the
Pallans.</li>
<li>Kadaiyan, lowest or last.</li>
<li>Konga.&mdash;The Kongas of Coimbatore wear a big marriage
t&#257;li, said to be the emblem of Sakti, while the other sections
wear a small t&#257;li. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb477" href=
"#pb477" name="pb477">477</a>]</span></li>
<li>Mangan&#257;du, territorial.</li>
<li>S&#333;zhia, territorial.</li>
<li>Tondam&#257;n, territorial.</li>
</ul>
<p>These sub-divisions are endogamous, and Aiya and Amm&#257; Pallans
of the Sivaganga zemind&#257;ri and adjacent parts of the Madura
district possess exogamous septs or k&#299;lais, which, like those of
the Maravans, Kallans, and some other castes, run in the female line.
Children belong to the same k&#299;lai as that of their mother and
maternal uncle, and not of their father.</p>
<p>The headman of the Pallans is, in the Madura country, called
Kudumban, and he is assisted by a K&#257;l&#257;di, and, in large
settlements, by a caste messenger entitled V&#257;riyan, who summons
people to attend council-meetings, festivals, marriages and funerals.
The offices of Kudumban and K&#257;l&#257;di are hereditary. When a
family is under a ban of excommunication, pending enquiry, the caste
people refuse to give them fire, and otherwise help them, and even the
barber and washerman are not permitted to work for them. As a sign of
excommunication, a bunch of leafy twigs of margosa (<i>Melia
Azadirachta</i>) is stuck in the roof over the entrance to the house.
Restoration to caste necessitates a purificatory ceremony, in which
cow&rsquo;s urine is sprinkled by the V&#257;riyan. When a woman is
charged with adultery, the offending man is brought into the midst of
the assembly, and tied to a harrow or hoeing plank. The woman has to
carry a basket of earth or rubbish, with her cloth tied so as to reach
above her knees. She is sometimes, in addition, beaten on the back with
tamarind switches. If she confesses her guilt, and promises not to
misconduct herself again, the V&#257;riyan cuts the waist-thread of her
paramour, who ties it round her neck as if it was a t&#257;li (marriage
badge). On the following day, the man and <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb478" href="#pb478" name="pb478">478</a>]</span>woman are taken early
in the morning to a tank (pond) or well, near which seven small pits
are made, and filled with water. The V&#257;riyan sprinkles some of the
water over their heads, and has subsequently to be fed at their
expense. If the pair are in prosperous circumstances, a general feast
is insisted on.</p>
<p>At Coimbatore, the headman is called Pattak&#257;ran, and he is
assisted by various subordinate officers and a caste messenger called
&#332;dumpillai. In cases of theft, the guilty person has to carry a
man on his back round the assembly, while two persons hang on to his
back-hair. He is beaten on the cheeks, and the &#332;dumpillai may be
ordered to spit in his face. A somewhat similar form of punishment is
inflicted on a man proved guilty of having intercourse with a married
woman.</p>
<p>In connection with the caste organisation of the Pallans in the
Trichinopoly district, Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes as follows.
&ldquo;They generally have three or more headmen for each village, over
whom is the N&#257;ttu M&#363;ppan. Each village also has a peon called
&#332;dumpillai (the runner). The main body of the caste, when
attending council-meetings, is called ilam katchi (the inexperienced).
The village councils are attended by the M&#363;ppans and the
N&#257;ttu M&#363;ppan. Between the N&#257;ttu M&#363;ppan and the
ordinary M&#363;ppans, there is, in the Kar&#363;r t&#257;luk, a Pulli
M&#363;ppan. All these offices are hereditary. In this t&#257;luk a
rather different organisation is in force, to regulate the supply of
labour to the landholders. Each of the village M&#363;ppans has a
number of karais or sections of the wet-land of the village under him,
and he is bound to supply labourers for all the land in his karai, and
is remunerated by the landowner with 1&frac14; marakk&#257;ls of grain
for every 20 kalams harvested. The M&#363;ppans do not work themselves,
but maintain discipline among their <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb479" href="#pb479" name="pb479">479</a>]</span>men by flogging or
expulsion from the caste. In the Kar&#363;r t&#257;luk, the ordinary
Pallans are called Manvettaik&#257;rans (mamoty or digging-tool
men).&rdquo;</p>
<p>The Pallans have their own washermen and barbers, who are said to be
mainly recruited from the S&#333;zhia section, which, in consequence,
holds an inferior position; and a Pallan belonging to another section
would feel insulted if he was called a S&#333;zhian.</p>
<p>When a Pallan girl, at Coimbatore, attains puberty, she is bathed,
dressed in a cloth brought by a washerwoman, and presented with flowers
and fruits by her relations. She occupies a hut constructed of cocoanut
leaves, branches of <i>Pongamia glabra,</i> and wild sugarcane
(<i>Saccharum arundinaceum</i>). Her dietary includes jaggery (crude
sugar) and milk and plantains. On the seventh day she is again bathed,
and presented with another cloth. The hut is burnt down, and for three
days she occupies a corner of the pial of her home. On the eleventh day
she is once more bathed, presented with new cloths by her relations,
and permitted to enter the house.</p>
<p>It is stated by Dr. G. Oppert<a class="noteref" id="xd21e6886src"
href="#xd21e6886" name="xd21e6886src">16</a> that &ldquo;at a
<span class="corr" id="xd21e6889" title="Source: Pallar">Pallan</span>
wedding, before the wedding is actually performed, the bridegroom
suddenly leaves his house and starts for some distant place, as if he
had suddenly abandoned his intention of marrying, in spite of the
preparations that had been made for the wedding. His intended
father-in-law intercepts the young man on his way, and persuades him to
return, promising to give his daughter as a wife. To this the
bridegroom consents.&rdquo; I have not met with this custom in the
localities in which the Pallans have been examined. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb480" href="#pb480" name="pb480">480</a>]</span></p>
<p>In one form of marriage among the Pallans of the Madura district,
the bridegroom&rsquo;s sister goes to the house of the bride on an
auspicious day, taking with her the t&#257;li string, a new cloth,
betel, fruits and flowers. She ties the t&#257;li round the neck of the
bride, who, if a milk-post has been set up, goes round it. The bride is
then conducted to the house of the bridegroom, where the couple sit
together on the marriage dais, and coloured water, or coloured rice
balls with lighted wicks, are waved round them. They then go, with
linked fingers, thrice round the dais. In a more complicated form of
marriage ceremonial, the parents and maternal uncle of the bridegroom,
proceed, on the occasion of the betrothal, to the bride&rsquo;s house
with rice, fruit, plantains, a cocoanut, sandal paste, and turmeric.
These articles are handed over, with the bride&rsquo;s money, to the
Kudumban or K&#257;l&#257;di of her village. Early in the morning of
the wedding day, a pandal (booth) is erected, and the milk-post, made
of <i>Thespesia populnea</i> or <i>Mimusops hexandra</i>, is set up by
the maternal uncles of the contracting couple. The bride and bridegroom
bring some earth,with which the marriage dais is made. These
preliminaries concluded, they are anointed by their maternal uncles,
and, after bathing, the wrist-threads (kankanam) are tied to the
bridegroom&rsquo;s wrist by his brother-in-law, and to that of the
bride by her sister-in-law. Four betel leaves and areca nuts are placed
at each corner of the dais, and the pair go round it three times,
saluting the betel as they pass. They then take their place on the
dais, and two men stretch a cloth over their heads. They hold out their
hands, into the palms of which the Kudumban or K&#257;l&#257;di pours a
little water from a vessel, some of which is sprinkled over their
heads. The vessel is then waved before them, and they <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb481" href="#pb481" name="pb481">481</a>]</span>are
garlanded by the maternal uncles, headmen, and others. The bride is
taken into the house, and her maternal uncle sits at the entrance, and
measures a new cloth, which he gives to her. She clads herself in it,
and her uncle, lifting her in his arms, carries her to the dais, where
she is placed by the side of the bridegroom. The fingers of the
contracting couple are linked together beneath a cloth held by the
maternal uncles. The t&#257;li is taken up by the bridegroom, and
placed by him round the bride&rsquo;s neck, to be tightly tied thereon
by his sister. Just before the t&#257;li is tied, the headman bawls out
&ldquo;May I look into the bride&rsquo;s money and presents&rdquo;?
and, on receiving permission to do so, says thrice &ldquo;Seven bags of
nuts, seven bags of rice, etc., have been brought.&rdquo;</p>
<p>At a marriage among the Konga Pallans of Coimbatore, the
bridegroom&rsquo;s wrist-thread is tied on at his home, after a lamp
has been worshipped. He and his party proceed to the house of the
bride, taking with them a new cloth, a garland of flowers, and the
t&#257;li. The milk-post of the pandal is made of milk-hedge
(<i>Euphorbia Tirucalli</i>). The bride and bridegroom sit side by side
and close together on planks within the pandal. The bridegroom ties the
wrist-thread on the bride&rsquo;s wrist, and the caste barber receives
betel from their mouths in a metal vessel. In front of them are placed
a Pillayar (figure of Gan&#275;sa) made of cow-dung, two plantains,
seven cocoanuts, a measure of paddy, a stalk of <i>Andropogen
Sorghum</i>, with a betel leaf stuck on it, and seven sets of betel
leaves and areca nuts. Camphor is burnt, and two cocoanuts are broken,
and placed before the Pillayar. The t&#257;li is taken round to be
blessed in a piece of one of the cocoanuts. The Mann&#257;di (assistant
headman) hands over the t&#257;li to the bridegroom, who ties it round
the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb482" href="#pb482" name=
"pb482">482</a>]</span>bride&rsquo;s neck. Another cocoanut is then
broken. Three vessels containing, respectively, raw rice, turmeric
water and milk, each with pieces of betel leaf, are brought. The hands
of the contracting couple are then linked together beneath a cloth, and
the fourth cocoanut is broken. The Mann&#257;di, taking up a little of
the rice, turmeric water, milk, and betel leaves, waves them before the
bride and bridegroom, and throws them over their heads. This is
likewise done by five other individuals, and the fifth cocoanut is
broken. The bride and bridegroom go round the plank, and again seat
themselves. Their hands are unlinked, the wrist-threads are untied, and
thrown into a vessel of milk. The sixth cocoanut is then broken. Cooked
rice with plantains and gh&#299; (clarified butter) is offered to Alli
Arasani, the wife of Arjuna, who was famed for her virtue. The rice is
offered three times to the contracting couple, who do not eat it. The
caste barber brings water, with which they cleanse their mouths. They
exchange garlands, and the seventh cocoanut is broken. They are then
taken within the house, and sit on a new mat. The bridegroom is again
conducted to the pandal, where cooked rice and other articles are
served to him on a tripod stool. They are handed over to the
&#332;dumpillai as a perquisite, and all the guests are fed. In the
evening a single cloth is tied to the newly married couple, who bathe,
and pour water over each other&rsquo;s heads. The Pillayar, lamp,
paddy, <i>Andropogon</i> stalk, and two trays with betel, are placed
before the guests. The Mann&#257;di receives four annas from the
bridegroom&rsquo;s father, and, after mentioning the names of the
bridegroom, his father and grandfather, places it in one of the trays,
which belongs to the bride&rsquo;s party. He then receives four annas
from the bride&rsquo;s father, and mentions the names of the bride, her
father <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb483" href="#pb483" name=
"pb483">483</a>]</span>and grandfather, before placing the money in the
tray which belongs to the bridegroom&rsquo;s party. The relations then
make presents of money to the bride and bridegroom. When a widow
remarries, her new husband gives her a white cloth, and ties a yellow
string round her neck in the presence of some of the castemen.</p>
<p>At a marriage among the Kadaiya Pallans of Coimbatore, the
wrist-thread of the bride is tied on by the Mann&#257;di. She goes to a
Pillayar shrine, and brings back three trays full of sand from the
courtyard thereof, which is heaped up in the marriage pandal. Three
painted earthen pots, and seven small earthen trays, are brought in
procession from the Mann&#257;di&rsquo;s house by the bridegroom, and
placed in the pandal. To each of the two larger pots a piece of
turmeric and betel leaf are tied, and nine kinds of grain are placed in
them. The bridegroom has brought with him the t&#257;li tied to a
cocoanut, seven rolls of betel, seven plantains, seven pieces of
turmeric, a garland, a new cloth for the bride, etc. The linked fingers
of the contracting couple are placed on a tray containing salt and a
ring. They go thrice round a lamp and the plank within the pandal, and
retire within the house where the bridegroom is served with food on a
leaf. What remains after he has partaken thereof is given to the bride
on the same leaf. The wrist-threads are untied on the third day, and a
Pillayar made of cow-dung is carried to a river, whence the bride
brings back a pot of water.</p>
<p>In some places, the bridegroom is required to steal something from
the bride&rsquo;s house when they return home after the marriage, and
the other party has to repay the compliment on some future
occasion.</p>
<p>When a death occurs among the Konga Pallans of Coimbatore, the big
toes and thumbs of the corpse are <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb484"
href="#pb484" name="pb484">484</a>]</span>tied together. A lighted
lamp, a metal vessel with raw rice, jaggery, and a broken cocoanut are
placed near its head. Three pieces of firewood, arranged in the form of
a triangle, are lighted, and a small pot is placed on them, wherein
some rice is cooked in turmeric water. The corpse is bathed, and placed
in a pandal made of four plantain trees, and four green leafy branches.
The nearest relations place a new cloth over it. If the deceased has
left a widow, she is presented with a new cloth by her brother. The
corpse is laid on a bier, the widow washes its feet, and drinks some of
the water. She then throws her t&#257;li-string on the corpse. Her face
is covered with a cloth, and she is taken into the house. The corpse is
then removed to the burial-ground, where the son is shaved, and the
relations place rice and water in the mouth of the corpse. It is then
laid in the grave, which is filled in, and a stone and some thorny
twigs are placed over it. An earthen pot full of water is placed on the
right shoulder of the son, who carries it three times round the grave.
Each time that he reaches the head end thereof, a hole is made in the
pot with a knife by one of the elders. The pot is then thrown down, and
broken near the spot beneath which the head lies. Near this spot the
son places a lighted firebrand, and goes away without looking back. He
bathes and returns to the house, where he touches a little cow-dung
placed at the entrance with his right foot, and worships a lamp. On the
third day, three handfuls of rice, a brinjal (<i>Solanum Melongena</i>)
fruit cut into three pieces, and leaves of <i>Sesbania grandiflora</i>
are cooked in a pot, and carried to the grave together with a tender
cocoanut, cigar, betel, and other things. The son places three leaves
on the grave, and spreads the various articles thereon. Crows are
attracted by clapping the hands, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb485"
href="#pb485" name="pb485">485</a>]</span>and it is considered a good
omen if they come and eat. On the fourth day the son bathes, and sits
on a mat. He then bites, and spits out some roasted salt fish three
times into a pot of water. This is supposed to show that mourning has
been cast away, or at the end. He is then presented with new cloths by
his uncle and other relations. On the ninth or eleventh day, cooked
rice, betel, etc., are placed near a b&#257;b&#363;l (<i>Acacia
arabica</i>) or other thorny tree, which is made to represent the
deceased. Seven small stones, representing the seven Hindu sages, are
set up. A cocoanut is broken, and p&#363;ja performed. The rice is
served on a leaf, and eaten by the son and other near relations.</p>
<p>The Pallans are nominally Saivites, but in reality devil
worshippers, and do p&#363;ja to the Gr&#257;ma D&#275;v&#257;ta
(village deities), especially those whose worship requires the
consumption of flesh and liquor.</p>
<p>It is recorded,<a class="noteref" id="xd21e6942src" href=
"#xd21e6942" name="xd21e6942src">17</a> in connection with a biennial
festival in honour of the local goddess at &#256;tt&#363;r in the
Madura district, that &ldquo;some time before the feast begins, the
Pallans of the place go round to the adjoining villages, and collect
the many buffaloes, which have been dedicated to the goddess during the
last two years, and have been allowed to graze unmolested, and where
they willed, in the fields. These are brought in to &#256;ttur, and one
of them is selected, garlanded, and placed in the temple. On the day of
the festival, this animal is brought out, led round the village in
state, and then, in front of the temple, is given three cuts with a
knife by a Chakkiliyan, who has fasted that day, to purify himself for
the rite. The privilege of actually killing the animal belongs by
immemorial usage to the head of the family <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb486" href="#pb486" name="pb486">486</a>]</span>of
the former poligar of Nilakk&#333;ttai, but he deputes certain Pallans
to take his place, and they fall upon the animal and slay
it.&rdquo;</p>
<p>It is noted by Mr. Hemingway<a class="noteref" id="xd21e6949src"
href="#xd21e6949" name="xd21e6949src">18</a> that the Valaiyans and the
class of Pallans known as K&#257;l&#257;dis who live in the
south-western portion of the Pudukk&#333;ttai State are professional
cattle-lifters. They occasionally take to burglary for a change.</p>
<p>The common titles of the Pallans are said<a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6955src" href="#xd21e6955" name="xd21e6955src">19</a> to be
&ldquo;M&#363;ppan and Kudumban, and some style themselves
Mann&#257;di. Kudumban is probably a form of Kurumban, and Mann&#257;di
is a corruption of Manr&#257;di, a title borne by the Pallava
(Kurumban) people. It thus seems not improbable that the Pallas are
representatives of the old Pallavas or Kurumbas.&rdquo;</p>
<p><b>Pallavar&#257;yan</b>.&mdash;The title, meaning chief of the
Pallavas, of the leader of the Krishnavakakkar in Travancore. Also a
sub-division of &#332;cchans.</p>
<p><b>Palle</b>.&mdash;In the Telugu country, there are two classes of
Palles, which are employed respectively in sea-fishing and agriculture.
The former, who are the M&#299;n (fish) Palles of previous writers, are
also known as Palle Kariyalu, and do not mingle or intermarry with the
latter. They claim for themselves a higher position than that which is
accorded to them by other castes, and call themselves Agnikula
Kshatriyas. Their title is, in some places, Reddi. All belong to one
g&#333;tra called Ravikula.</p>
<p>The caste headman is entitled Pedda K&#257;pu,&rsquo; and he is
assisted by an Oomadi.</p>
<p>In puberty, marriage, and death ceremonies, the Palles follow the
Telugu form of ceremonial. There is, however, one rite in the marriage
ceremonies, which <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb487" href="#pb487"
name="pb487">487</a>]</span>is said to be peculiar to the fishing
section. On the fifth day after marriage, a Golla p&#275;rant&#257;lu
(married woman) is brought to the house in procession, walking on
cloths spread on the ground (nadap&#257;vada). She anoints the bridal
couple with gh&#299; (clarified butter), and after receiving a cloth as
a present, goes away.</p>
<p>The fishing class worship the Akka D&#275;vatalu (sister gods)
periodically by floating on the surface of the water a flat framework
made of sticks tied together, on which the various articles used in the
worship are placed. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb488" href="#pb488"
name="pb488">488</a>]</span></p>
</div>
<div class="footnotes">
<hr class="fnsep">
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6509" href="#xd21e6509src" name="xd21e6509">1</a></span> Journey
through Mysore, Canara and Malabar, 1807.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6518" href="#xd21e6518src" name="xd21e6518">2</a></span> Section
III. Inhabitants. Madras Government Press, 1907.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6547" href="#xd21e6547src" name="xd21e6547">3</a></span> Madras
Census Report, 1901.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6550" href="#xd21e6550src" name="xd21e6550">4</a></span>
<i>See</i> Manual of the North Arcot district, 1, 187.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6597" href="#xd21e6597src" name="xd21e6597">5</a></span>
Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6604" href="#xd21e6604src" name="xd21e6604">6</a></span>
Hobson-Jobson.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6625" href="#xd21e6625src" name="xd21e6625">7</a></span> Madras
Census Report, 1901.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6645" href="#xd21e6645src" name="xd21e6645">8</a></span> Ind.
Ant., VIII, 1879.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6707" href="#xd21e6707src" name="xd21e6707">9</a></span> An
Indian Olio.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6725" href="#xd21e6725src" name="xd21e6725">10</a></span>
Anthropos, III, 1908.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6744" href="#xd21e6744src" name="xd21e6744">11</a></span> Ind.
Ant., XXX, 1902.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6797" href="#xd21e6797src" name="xd21e6797">12</a></span> Madras
Census Report, 1891.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6811" href="#xd21e6811src" name="xd21e6811">13</a></span>
Christianity in Travancore, 1901.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6816" href="#xd21e6816src" name="xd21e6816">14</a></span>
Gazetteer of the Trichinopoly district.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6821" href="#xd21e6821src" name="xd21e6821">15</a></span>
<i>See</i> Nelson, the Madura Country, II, 4&mdash;7, and Coimbatore
District Manual, 477.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6886" href="#xd21e6886src" name="xd21e6886">16</a></span>
Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsa or India.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6942" href="#xd21e6942src" name="xd21e6942">17</a></span>
Gazetteer of the Madura district.</p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6949" href="#xd21e6949src" name="xd21e6949">18</a></span> <i>Op
Cit.</i></p>
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd21e6955" href="#xd21e6955src" name="xd21e6955">19</a></span> Madras
Census Report, 1891.</p>
</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
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<div class="divBody">
<p class="first xd21e206">Printed by the Superintendent, Government
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<h2 class="main">Colophon</h2>
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<div class="table">
<table>
<tr>
<td class="xd21e56 cellLeft cellTop">Volume</td>
<td class="xd21e56 cellTop">Contents</td>
<td class="xd21e56 cellRight cellTop">First Article</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">I</td>
<td><a class="pglink xd21e43" title="Link to Project Gutenberg ebook"
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/42991">A and B</a></td>
<td class="cellRight">Abhish&#275;ka</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">II</td>
<td><a class="pglink xd21e43" title="Link to Project Gutenberg ebook"
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/42992">C to J</a></td>
<td class="cellRight">Canji</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">III</td>
<td><a class="pglink xd21e43" title="Link to Project Gutenberg ebook"
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/42993">K</a></td>
<td class="cellRight">Kabb&#275;ra</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">VI</td>
<td><a class="pglink xd21e43" title="Link to Project Gutenberg ebook"
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/42994">K to M</a></td>
<td class="cellRight">K&#333;ri</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">V</td>
<td><a class="pglink xd21e43" title="Link to Project Gutenberg ebook"
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/42995">M to P</a></td>
<td class="cellRight">Marakk&#257;yar</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft">VI</td>
<td><a class="pglink xd21e43" title="Link to Project Gutenberg ebook"
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/42996">P to S</a></td>
<td class="cellRight">Palli</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cellLeft cellBottom">VII</td>
<td class="cellBottom"><a class="pglink xd21e43" title=
"Link to Project Gutenberg ebook" href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/42997">T to Z</a></td>
<td class="cellRight cellBottom">T&#257;b&#275;lu</td>
</tr>
</table>
</div>
<p>Scans of this book are available from the Internet Archive (copy
<a class="exlink xd21e43" title="External link" href=
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<h3 class="main">Encoding</h3>
<p class="first"></p>
<h3 class="main">Revision History</h3>
<ul>
<li>2012-06-29 Started.</li>
</ul>
<h3 class="main">External References</h3>
<p>This Project Gutenberg eBook contains external references. These
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<h3 class="main">Corrections</h3>
<p>The following corrections have been applied to the text:</p>
<table class="correctiontable" summary=
"Overview of corrections applied to the text.">
<tr>
<th>Page</th>
<th>Source</th>
<th>Correction</th>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e1919">86</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">Muthuvar, Muthuvar</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">Muthuvar,</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e2470">130</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">earthern</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">earthen</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e2578">136</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e2741">142</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">Bhutasth&#257;nam</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">Bh&#363;tasth&#257;nam</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e3322">188</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">wordly</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">worldly</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e3569">202</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">Vadhyar</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">V&#257;dhyar</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e3589">205</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">puja</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">p&#363;ja</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e3615">208</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">pradhakshinam</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">pradakshinam</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e3698">220</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">smartavich&#257;ram</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">sm&#257;rtavich&#257;ram</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e3841">228</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">Nambutiri</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">Namb&#363;tiri</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e3860">231</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">Numb&#363;tiri</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">Namb&#363;tiri</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e4106">251</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">,</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e4137">255</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">&ldquo;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e4564">272</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">D&#275;va-dasis</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">D&#275;va-d&#257;sis</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e4876">297</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">.</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">,</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e5009">306</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">kuttams</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">k&#363;ttams</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e5071">313</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">,</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Deleted</i>]</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e5121">321</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">tali-kettu</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">t&#257;li-kettu</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e5494">372</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">reconcileable</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">reconcilable</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e5603">396</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">acompany</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">accompany</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e5651">406</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">swordmanship</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">swordsmanship</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e5808">416</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">Vellala</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">Vell&#257;la</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e6228">439</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">largerly</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">largely</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e6304">443</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">a</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">an</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd21e6889">479</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">Pallar</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">Pallan</td>
</tr>
</table>
</div>
</div>

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