diff options
Diffstat (limited to '42995-8.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | 42995-8.txt | 14862 |
1 files changed, 0 insertions, 14862 deletions
diff --git a/42995-8.txt b/42995-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 3dc60f7..0000000 --- a/42995-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,14862 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's Castes and Tribes of Southern India, by Edgar Thurston - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: Castes and Tribes of Southern India - Vol. 5 of 7 - -Author: Edgar Thurston - -Contributor: K. Rangachari - -Release Date: June 21, 2013 [EBook #42995] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA *** - - - - -Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project -Gutenberg. - - - - - - - - - CASTES AND TRIBES - OF - SOUTHERN INDIA - - By - - EDGAR THURSTON, C.I.E., - - Superintendent, Madras Government Museum; Correspondant Étranger, - Société d'Anthropologie de Paris; Socio Corrispondante, Societa, - Romana di Anthropologia. - - Assisted by - - K. Rangachari, M.A., - of the Madras Government Museum. - - - - Volume V--M to P - - Government Press, Madras - - 1909. - - - - - - - - - - - CASTES AND TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA. - - VOLUME V. - - -MARAKKAYAR.--The Marakkayars are described, in the Madras Census -Report, 1901, as "a Tamil-speaking Musalman tribe of mixed Hindu and -Musalman origin, the people of which are usually traders. They seem -to be distinct from the Labbais (q.v.) in several respects, but the -statistics of the two have apparently been confused, as the numbers -of the Marakkayars are smaller than they should be." Concerning -the Marakkayars of the South Arcot district, Mr. Francis writes as -follows. [1] "The Marakkayars are largely big traders with other -countries such as Ceylon and the Straits Settlements, and own most -of the native coasting craft. They are particularly numerous in -Porto Novo. The word Marakkayar is usually derived from the Arabic -markab, a boat. The story goes that, when the first immigrants of this -class (who, like the Labbais, were driven from their own country by -persecutions) landed on the Indian shore, they were naturally asked -who they were, and whence they came. In answer they pointed to their -boats, and pronounced the word markab, and they became in consequence -known to the Hindus as Marakkayars, or the people of markab. The -Musalmans of pure descent hold themselves to be socially superior to -the Marakkaayars, and the Marakkayars consider themselves better than -the Labbais. There is, of course, no religious bar to intermarriages -between these different sub-divisions, but such unions are rare, -and are usually only brought about by the offer of strong financial -inducements to the socially superior party. Generally speaking, the -pure-bred Musalmans differ from those of mixed descent by dressing -themselves and their women in the strict Musalman fashion, and by -speaking Hindustani at home among themselves. Some of the Marakkayars -are now following their example in both these matters, but most of -them affect the high hat of plaited coloured grass and the tartan -(kambayam) waist-cloth. The Labbais also very generally wear these, -and so are not always readily distinguishable from the Marakkayars, -but some of them use the Hindu turban and waist-cloth, and let their -womankind dress almost exactly like Hindu women. In the same way, some -Labbais insist on the use of Hindustani in their houses, while others -speak Tamil. There seems to be a growing dislike to the introduction of -Hindu rites into domestic ceremonies, and the processions and music, -which were once common at marriages, are slowly giving place to a -simpler ritual more in resemblance with the nikka ceremony of the -Musalman faith." - -Of 13,712 inhabitants of Porto Novo returned at the census, 1901, -as many as 3,805 were Muhammadans. "The ordinary vernacular name -of the town is Farangipettai or European town, but the Musalmans -call it Muhammad Bandar (Port). The interest of the majority of -the inhabitants centres in matters connected with the sea. A large -proportion of them earn their living either as owners of, or sailors -in, the boats which ply between the place and Ceylon and other parts, -and it is significant that the most popular of the unusually large -number of Musalman saints who are buried in the town is one Malumiyar, -who was apparently in his lifetime a notable sea-captain. His fame as -a sailor has been magnified into the miraculous, and it is declared -that he owned ten or a dozen ships, and used to appear in command of -all of them simultaneously. He has now the reputation of being able to -deliver from danger those who go down to the sea in ships, and sailors -setting out on a voyage or returning from one in safety usually put -an offering in the little box kept at his darga, and these sums are -expended in keeping that building lighted and whitewashed. Another -curious darga in the town is that of Araikasu Nachiyar, or the one -pie lady. Offerings to her must on no account be worth more than -one pie (1/192 of a rupee); tributes in excess of that value are -of no effect. If sugar for so small an amount cannot be procured, -the devotee spends the money on chunam (lime) for her tomb, and this -is consequently covered with a superabundance of whitewash. Stories -are told of the way in which the valuable offerings of rich men have -altogether failed to obtain her favour, and have had to be replaced -by others of the regulation diminutive dimensions. The chief mosque -is well kept. Behind it are two tombs, which stand at an odd angle -with one another, instead of being parallel as usual. The legend goes -that once upon a time there was a great saint called Hafiz Mir Sahib, -who had an even more devout disciple called Saiyad Shah. The latter -died and was duly buried, and not long after the saint died also. The -disciple had always asked to be buried at the feet of his master, -and so the grave of this latter was so placed that his feet were -opposite the head of his late pupil. But his spirit recognised that -the pupil was really greater than the master, and when men came later -to see the two graves they found that the saint had turned his tomb -round so that his feet no longer pointed with such lack of respect -towards the head of his disciple." [2] - -In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the Jonagans are separated from -the Marakkayars, and are described as Musalman traders of partly -Hindu parentage. And, in the Gazetteer of South Arcot, Mr. Francis -says that "the term Jonagan or Sonagan, meaning a native of Sonagan -or Arabia, is applied by Hindus to both Labbais and Marakkayars, but -it is usually held to have a contemptuous flavour about it." There -is some little confusion concerning the exact application of the name -Jonagan, but I gather that it is applied to sea-fishermen and boatmen, -while the more prosperous traders are called Marakkayars. A point, -in which the Labbais are said to differ from the Marakkayars, is that -the former are Hanafis, and the latter Shafis. - -The Marakkayars are said to admit converts from various Hindu classes, -who are called Pulukkais, and may not intermarry with the Marakkayars -for several generations, or until they have become prosperous. - -In one form of the marriage rites, the ceremonial extends over four -days. The most important items on the first day are fixing the mehr -(bride-price) in the presence of the vakils (representatives), and -the performance of the nikka rite by the Kazi. The nikka kudbha is -read, and the hands of the contracting couple are united by male -elders, the bride standing within a screen. During the reading of -the kudbha, a sister of the bridegroom ties a string of black beads -round the bride's neck. All the women present set up a roar, called -kulavi-idal. On the following day, the couple sit among women, and -the bridegroom ties a golden tali on the bride's neck. On the third -or fourth day a ceremony called paparakkolam, or Brahman disguise, -is performed. The bride is dressed like a Brahman woman, and holds -a brass vessel in one hand, and a stick in the other. Approaching -the bridegroom, she strikes him gently, and says "Did not I give you -buttermilk and curds? Pay me for them." The bridegroom then places -a few tamarind seeds in the brass vessel, but the bride objects to -this, and demands money, accompanying the demand with strokes of -the stick. The man then places copper, silver, and gold coins in the -vessel, and the bride retires in triumph to her chamber. - -Like the Labbais, the Marakkayars write Tamil in Arabic characters, -and speak a language called Arab-Tamil, in which the Kuran and other -books have been published. (See Labbai.) - -Maralu (sand).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Maran or Marayan.--The Marayans are summed up, in the Madras Census -Report, 1901, as being "temple servants and drummers in Malabar. Like -many of the Malabar castes, they must have come from the east coast, -as their name frequently occurs in the Tanjore inscriptions of 1013 -A.D. They followed then the same occupation as that by which they live -to-day, and appear to have held a tolerably high social position. In -parts of North Malabar they are called Oc'chan." - -"The development of this caste," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [3] -"is interesting. In Chirakkal, the northernmost taluk of the Malabar -district, and in the adjoining Kasargod taluk of South Canara, Marayans -are barbers, serving Nayars and higher castes; in the Kottayam and -Kurumbranad taluks they are barbers and drummers, and also officiate -as purohits (priests) at the funeral ceremonies of Nayars. In the -latter capacity they are known in those parts also as Attikurissi -Marayan. Going still further south, we find the Nayar purohit called -simply Attikurissi, omitting the Marayan, and he considers it beneath -his dignity to shave. Nevertheless, he betrays his kinship with the -Marayan of the north by the privilege which he claims of cutting -the first hair when a Nayar is shaved after funeral obsequies. On -the other hand, the drummer, who is called Marayan, or honorifically -Marar, poses as a temple servant, and would be insulted if it were -said that he was akin to the shaving Marayan of the north. He is -considered next in rank only to Brahmans, and would be polluted by -the touch of Nayars. He loses caste by eating the food of Nayars, -but the Nayars also lose caste by eating his food. A proverb says -that a Marayan has four privileges:-- - - - 1. Pani, or drum, beaten with the hand. - 2. Koni, or bier, i.e., the making of the bier. - 3. Natumittam, or shaving. - 4. Tirumittam, or sweeping the temple courts. - - -"In North Malabar a Marayan performs all the above duties even -now. In the south there appears to have been a division of labour, -and there a Marayan is in these days only a drummer and temple -servant. Funeral rites are conducted by an Attikurissi Marayan, -otherwise known as simply Attikurissi, and shaving is the duty of -the Velakattalavan. This appears to have been the case for many -generations, but I have not attempted to distinguish between the -two sections, and have classed all as barbers. Moreover, it is only -in parts of South Malabar that the caste has entirely given up the -profession of barber; and, curiously enough, these are the localities -where Nambudiri influence is supreme. The Marayans there appear -to have confined themselves to officiating as drummers in temples, -and to have obtained the title of Ambalavasi; and, in course of time, -they were even honoured with sambandham of Nambudiris. In some places -an attempt is made to draw a distinction between Marayan and Marayar, -the former denoting the barber, and the latter, which is merely the -honorific plural, the temple servant. There can, however, be little -doubt that this is merely an ex post facto argument in support of the -alleged superiority of those Marayans who have abandoned the barber's -brush. It may be here noted that it is common to find barbers acting -as musicians throughout the Madras Presidency, and that there are -several other castes in Malabar, such as the Tiyyans, Mukkuvans, -etc., who employ barbers as purohits at their funeral ceremonies." - -In the Cochin Census Report, 1901, Mr. M. Sankara Menon writes -that the Marars are "Sudras, and, properly speaking, they ought -to be classed along with Nayars. Owing, however, to their close -connection with services in temples, and the absence of free -interdining or intermarriage with Nayars, they are classed along -with Ambalavasis. They are drummers, musicians, and storekeepers in -temples. Like Tiyattu Nambiyars, some sections among them also draw -figures of the goddess in Bhagavati temples, and chant songs. In -some places they are also known as Kuruppus. Some sub-castes among -them do not dine, or intermarry. As they have generally to serve in -temples, they bathe if they touch Nayars. In the matter of marriage -(tali-kettu and sambandham), inheritance, period of pollution, etc., -they follow customs exactly like those of Nayars. In the southern -taluks Elayads officiate as purohits, but, in the northern taluks, -their own castemen take the part of the Elayads in their sradha -ceremonies. The tali-kettu is likewise performed by Tirumalpads in -the southern taluks, but by their own castemen, called Enangan, in -the northern taluks. Their castemen or Brahmans unite themselves with -their women in sambandham. As among Nayars, purificatory ceremonies -after funerals, etc., are performed by Cheethiyans or Nayar priests." - -For the following detailed note on the Marans of Travancore I am -indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Iyer, The name Maran has nothing to do -with maranam or death, as has been supposed, but is derived from the -Tamil root mar, to beat. In the Tanjore inscriptions of the eleventh -century, the caste on the Coromandel coast appears to have been -known by this name. The Marans correspond to the Occhans of the Tamil -country, and a class of Marans in North Malabar are sometimes called by -this designation. In the old revenue records of the Travancore State, -Mangalyam appears to be the term made use of. The two well-known -titles of the caste are Kuruppu and Panikkar, both conveying the idea -of a person who has some allotted work to perform. In modern days, -English-educated men appear to have given these up for Pillai, the -titular affix added to the name of the Sudra population generally. - -Marans may be divided into two main divisions, viz., Marans who -called themselves Marars in North Travancore, and who now hesitate to -assist other castes in the performance of their funeral rites; and -Marans who do not convert their caste designation into an honorific -plural, and act as priests for other castes. This distinction is most -clearly marked in North Travancore, while to the south of Alleppey -the boundary line may be said to remain only dim. In this part of -the country, therefore, a fourfold division of the caste is the -one best known to the people, namely Orunul, Irunul, Cheppat, and -Kulanji. The Orunuls look upon themselves as higher than the Irunuls, -basing their superiority on the custom obtaining among them of marrying -only once in their lifetime, and contracting no second alliance after -the first husband's death. Living, however, with a Brahman, or one -of a distinctly higher caste, is tolerated among them in the event -of that calamity. The word Orunul means one string, and signifies -the absence of widow marriage, Among the Irunuls (two strings) the -tali-tier is not necessarily the husband, nor is a second husband -forbidden after the death of the first. Cheppat and Kulanji were once -mere local varieties, but have now become separate sub-divisions. The -males of the four sections, but not the females, interdine. With what -rapidity castes sub-divide and ramify in Travancore may be seen from -the fact of the existence of a local variety of Marans called Muttal, -meaning substitute or emergency employée, in the Kalkulam taluk, -who are believed to represent an elevation from a lower to a higher -class of Marans, rendered necessary by a temple exigency. The Marans -are also known as Asupanis, as they alone are entitled to sound the -two characteristic musical instruments, of Malabar temples, called -asu and pani. In the south they are called Chitikans, a corruption -of the Sanskrit chaitika, meaning one whose occupation relates to the -funeral pile, and in the north Asthikkurichis (asthi, a bone), as they -help the relations of the dead in the collection of the bones after -cremation. The Marans are, further, in some places known as Potuvans, -as their services are engaged at the funerals of many castes. - -Before the days of Sankaracharya, the sole occupation of the Marans -is said to have been beating the drum in Brahmanical temples. When -Sankaracharya was refused assistance in the cremation of his dead -mother by the Nambutiri Brahmans, he is believed to have sought in -despair the help of one of these temple servants, with whose aid the -corpse was divided into eight parts, and deposited in the pit. For -undertaking this duty, which the Nambutiris repudiated from a sense of -offended religious feeling, the particular Maran was thrown out of his -caste by the general community, and a compromise had to be effected -by the sage with the rest of the caste, who returned in a body on -the day of purification along with the excommunicated man, and helped -Sankaracharya to bring to a close his mother's death ceremonies. In -recognition of this timely help, Sankara is believed to have declared -the Maran to be an indispensable functionary at the death ceremonies -of Nambutiris and Ambalavasis. It has even been suggested that the -original form of Maran was Muran, derived from mur (to chop off), -in reference to the manner in which the remains of Sankara's mother -were disposed of. - -The traditional occupation of the Marans is sounding or playing on the -panchavadya or five musical instruments used in temples. These are the -sankh or conch-shell, timila, chendu, kaimani, and maddalam. The conch, -which is necessary in every Hindu temple, is loudly sounded in the -early morning, primarily to wake the deity, and secondarily to rouse -the villagers. Again, when the temple service commences, and when the -nivedya or offering is carried, the music of the conch is heard from -the northern side of the temple. On this account, many Marans call -themselves Vadakkupurattu, or belonging to the northern side. The -asu and pani are sounded by the highest dignitaries among them. The -beating of the pani is the accompaniment of expiatory offerings to the -Saptamata, or seven mothers of Hindu religious writings, viz., Brahmi, -Mahesvari, Kaumari, Vaishnavi, Varahi, Indrani, and Chamunda. Offerings -are made to these divine mothers during the daily sribali procession, -and in important temples also during the sribhutabali hours, and on the -occasion of the utsavabali at the annual utsava of the temple. There -are certain well-established rules prescribing the hymns to be -recited, and the music to be played. So religiously have these rules -to be observed during the utsavabali, that the priest who makes the -offering, the Variyar who carries the light before him and the Marans -who perform the music all have to fast, and to dress themselves in -orthodox Brahmanical fashion, with the uttariya or upper garment -worn in the manner of the sacred thread. It is sincerely believed -that the smallest violation of the rules would be visited with dire -consequences to the delinquents before the next utsava ceremony. - -In connection with the musical instrument called the timila, the -following legend is current. There was a timila in the Sri Padmanabha -temple made of kuruntotti, and there was a Maran attached to the -temple, who was such an expert musician that the priest was unable to -adjust his hymn recitation to the music of the Maran's drum, and was -in consequence the recipient of the divine wrath. It was contrived -to get a Brahman youth to officiate as priest, and, as he could not -recite the hymns in consonance with the sounds produced by the drum, -a hungry spirit lifted him up from the ground to a height of ten -feet. The father of the youth, hearing what had occurred, hastened to -the temple, and cut one of his fingers, the blood of which he offered -to the spirit. The boy was then set free, and the old man, who was more -than a match for the Maran, began to recite the hymns. The spirits, -raising the Maran on high, sucked away his blood, and vanished. The -particular timila has since this event never been used by any Maran. - -The higher classes of Marans claim six privileges, called pano, koni, -tirumuttam, natumuttam, velichchor, and puchchor. Koni means literally -a ladder, and refers to the stretcher, made of bamboo and kusa grass or -straw, on which the corpses of high caste Hindus are laid. Tirumuttam -is sweeping the temple courtyard, and natumuttam the erection of a -small pandal (booth) in the courtyard of a Nambutiri's house, where -oblations are offered to the departed spirit on the tenth day after -death. Velichchor, or sacrificial rice, is the right to retain the -remains of the food offered to the manes, and puchchor the offering -made to the deity, on whom the priest throws a few flowers as part -of the consecration ceremony. - -A large portion of the time of a Maran is spent within the temple, -and all through the night some watch over it. Many functions are -attended to by them in the houses of Nambutiris. Not only at the -tonsure ceremony, and samavartana or closing of the Brahmacharya stage, -but also on the occasion of sacrificial rites, the Maran acts as the -barber. At the funeral ceremony, the preparation of the last bed, -and handing the til (Sesamum) seeds, have to be done by him. The -Chitikkans perform only the functions of shaving and attendance at -funerals, and, though they may beat drums in temples, they are not -privileged to touch the asu and pani. At Vechur there is a class -of potters called Kusa Maran, who should be distinguished from the -Marans proper, with whom they have absolutely nothing in common. - -Many families of the higher division of the Marans regard themselves -as Ambalavasis, though of the lowest type, and abstain from flesh -and liquor. Some Marans are engaged in the practice of sorcery, while -others are agriculturists. Drinking is a common vice, sanctioned by -popular opinion owing to the notion that it is good for persons with -overworked lungs. - -In their ceremonies the Marans resemble the Nayars, as they do also -in their caste government and religious worship. The annaprasana, -or first food-giving ceremony, is the only important one before -marriage, and the child is taken to the temple, where it partakes of -the consecrated food. The Nayars, on the contrary, generally perform -the ceremony at home. Purification by a Brahman is necessary to -release the Maran from death pollution, which is not the case with -the Nayars. In Travancore, at any rate, the Nayars are considered to -be higher in the social scale than the Marans. - -In connection with asu and pani, which have been referred to in -this note, I gather that, in Malabar, the instruments called maram -(wood), timila, shanku, chengulam, and chenda, if played together, -constitute pani kottugu, or playing pani. Asu and maram are the -names of an instrument, which is included in pani kottugu. Among the -occasions when this is indispensable, are the dedication of the idol -at a newly built temple, the udsavam puram and Sriveli festivals, -and the carrying of the tadambu, or shield-like structure, on which -a miniature idol (vigraham) is borne outside the temple, - -Marasari.--Marasari or Marapanikkan, meaning carpenter or worker in -wood, is an occupational sub-division of Malayalam Kammalas. - -Maratha.--Marathas are found in every district of the Madras -Presidency, but are, according to the latest census returns, most -numerous in the following districts:-- - - - South Canara 31,351 - Salem 7,314 - Tanjore 7,156 - Bellary 6,311 - - -It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "the term -Marathi denotes the various Marathi non-Brahman castes, who came -to the south either as soldiers or camp followers in the armies of -the Marathi invaders; but in South Canara, in which district the -caste is most numerous, it appears to be the same as Are, a class of -Marathi cultivators. Of the total number of 65,961, as many as 40,871 -have returned Marathi as both caste and sub-division. The number of -sub-divisions returned by the rest is no less than 305, of which the -majority are the names of other castes. Some of these castes are purely -Dravidian, and the names have evidently been used in their occupational -sense. For example, we have Bogam, Gandla, Mangala, etc." Mr. H. A, -Stuart writes further, in the South Canara Manual, that "Marathi, as a -caste name, is somewhat open to confusion, and it is probable that many -people of various castes, who speak Marathi, are shown as being of that -caste. The true Marathi caste is said to have come from Goa, and that -place is the head-quarters. The caste is divided into twelve wargs or -balis, which are exogamous sub-divisions. Caste disputes are settled -by headmen called Hontagaru, and allegiance is paid to the head of the -Sringeri math. The favourite deity is the goddess Mahadevi. Brahmans, -usually Karadis, officiate at their ceremonies. Marriage is both infant -and adult. The dhare form of marriage is used (see Bant). Widows may -remarry, but they cannot marry again into the family of the deceased -husband--a rule which is just the reverse of the Levirate. In some -parts, however, the remarriage of widows is prohibited. A husband -or a wife can divorce each other at will, and both parties may marry -again. Marathis are either farmers, labourers, or hunters. They eat -fish and flesh (except that of cattle and animals generally regarded -as unclean) and they use alcoholic liquors. They speak either the -ordinary Marathi or the Konkami dialect of it." The Marathis of South -Canara call themselves Are and Are Kshatri. - -In the North Arcot Manual, Mr, Stuart records that the term Marathi is -"usually applied to the various Maratha Sudra castes, which have come -south. Their caste affix is always Rao. It is impossible to discover -to what particular Sudra division each belongs, for they do not seem -to know, and take advantage of being away from their own country to -assert that they are Kshatriyas--a claim which is ridiculed by other -castes. In marriage they are particular to take a bride only from -within the circle of their own family, so that an admixture of the -original castes is thus avoided. Their language is Marathi, but they -speak Telugu or Tamil as well, and engage in many professions. Many -are tailors. [4] Others enlist in the army, in the police, or as peons -(orderlies or messengers), and some take to agriculture or trading." - -Of the history of Marathas in those districts in which they are most -prevalent, an account will be found in the Manuals and Gazetteers. - -The last Maratha King of Tanjore, Maharaja Sivaji, died in 1855. It -is noted by Mr. M. J. Walhouse [5] that "an eye-witness has recorded -the stately and solemn spectacle of his funeral, when, magnificently -arranged, and loaded with the costliest jewels, his body, placed in -an ivory palanquin, was borne by night through the torchlit streets -of his royal city amid the wail of vast multitudes lamenting the -last of their ruling race. The nearest descendant, a boy of twelve, -was carried thrice round the pile, and at the last circuit a pot of -water was dashed to pieces on the ground. The boy then lit the pile, -and loud long-sustained lament of a nation filled the air as the -flames rose." Upon the death of Sivaji, the Raj became, under the -decision of the Court of Directors, extinct. His private estate was -placed under the charge of the Collector of the district. In addition -to three wives whom he had already married, Sivaji, three years before -his death, married in a body seventeen girls. In 1907, three of the -Ranis were still living in the palace at Tanjore. It is recorded [6] -by the Marchioness of Dufferin that, when the Viceroy visited the -Tanjore palace in 1886 to speak with the Ranis, he was admitted behind -the purdah, "The ladies had not expected him, and were not dressed -out in their best, and no one could speak any intelligible language, -However, a sort of chattering went on, and they made signs towards -a chair, which, being covered with crimson cloth, Dufferin thought -he was to sit down on. He turned and was just about to do so, when -he thought he saw a slight movement, and he fancied there might be -a little dog there, when two women pulled the cloth open, and there -was the principal Rani--a little old woman who reached half way up -the back of the chair, and whom the Viceroy had been within an act -of squashing. He said it gave him such a turn!" - -A classified index to the Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Tanjore palace -was published by Mr. A. C. Burnell in 1880. In the introduction -thereto, he states that "the library was first brought to the -notice of European scholars by H.S.H. Count Noer, Prince Frederic of -Schleswig-Holstein, who brought an account of it to the late Professor -Goldstücker. But its full importance was not known till I was deputed, -in 1871, to examine it by the then Governor of Madras, Lord Napier -and Ettrick. The manuscripts are the result of perhaps 300 years' -collections; firstly, by the Nayaks of Tanjore; secondly, after about -1675, by the Mahratha princes. Some of the palm-leaf manuscripts -belong to the earlier period, but the greater part were collected -in the last and present centuries. All the Nagari Manuscripts belong -to the Mahratha times, and a large number of these were collected at -Benares by the Raja Serfojee (Carabhoji) about fifty years ago." - -In the Maratha Darbar Hall of the Tanjore palace are large pictures, -of little artistic merit, of all the Maratha kings, and the palace -also contains a fine statue of Sarabhoji by Chantrey. The small but -splendid series of Maratha arms from this palace constitutes one -of the most valuable assets of the Madras Museum. "The armoury," -Mr. Walhouse writes, [7] "consisted of great heaps of old weapons -of all conceivable descriptions, lying piled upon the floor of the -Sangita Mahal (music-hall), which had long been occupied by many -tons of rusty arms and weapons, in confused heaps, coated and caked -together with thick rust. Hundreds of swords, straight, curved and -ripple-edged, many beautifully damascened and inlaid with hunting -or battle scenes in gold; many broad blades with long inscriptions -in Marathi or Kanarese characters, and some so finely tempered as -to bend and quiver like whalebone. There were long gauntlet-hilts, -brass or steel, in endless devices, hilts inlaid with gold, and hilts -and guards of the most tasteful and elaborate steel-work. There were -long-bladed swords and executioners' swords, two-handed, thick-backed, -and immensely heavy. Daggers, knives, and poniards by scores, of all -imaginable and almost unimaginable shapes, double and triple-bladed; -some with pistols or spring-blades concealed in their handles, and -the hilts of many of the kuttars of the most beautiful and elaborate -pierced steel-work, in endless devices, rivalling the best medieval -European metal-work, There was a profusion of long narrow thin-bladed -knives, mostly with bone or ivory handles very prettily carved, ending -in parrot-heads and the like, or the whole handle forming a bird or -monster, with legs and wings pressed close to the body, all exquisitely -carved. The use of these seemed problematical; some said they were -used to cut fruit, others that they had been poisoned and struck about -the roofs and walls of the women's quarters, to serve the purpose -of spikes or broken glass! A curious point was the extraordinary -number of old European blades, often graven with letters and symbols -of Christian meaning, attached to hilts and handles most distinctly -Hindu, adorned with figures of gods and idolatrous emblems. There -was an extraordinary number of long straight cut-and-thrust blades -termed Phirangis, which Mr. Sinclair, in his interesting list of -Dakhani weapons, [8] says means the Portuguese, or else made in -imitation of such imported swords. A kuttar, with a handsome steel -hilt, disclosed the well-known name ANDREA FERARA (sic.). Sir Walter -Elliot has informed me that, when a notorious freebooter was captured -in the Southern Marâthâ country many years ago, his sword was found -to be an 'Andrea Ferrara.' Mr. Sinclair adds that both Grant Duff -and Meadows Taylor have mentioned that Râja Sivâji's favourite sword -Bhavânî was a Genoa blade [9].... Eventually the whole array (of arms) -was removed to Trichinapalli and deposited in the Arsenal there, and, -after a Committee of officers had sat upon the multifarious collection, -and solemnly reported the ancient arms unfit for use in modern warfare, -the Government, after selecting the best for the Museum, ordered the -residue to be broken up and sold as old iron. This was in 1863." - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that -"in 1790 Lord Cornwallis, then Governor-General of India, entered -into an alliance with the Marathas and the Nizam to reduce Tipu to -order, and it was agreed that whatever territories should be acquired -by them from Tipu should be equally divided between them. Certain -specified poligars, among whom were the chiefs of Bellary, Rayadrug -and Harpanahalli, were, however, to be left in possession of their -districts. Tipu was reduced to submission in 1792, and by the treaty -of that year he ceded half his territories to the allies. [10] Sandur -was allotted to the Marathas, and a part of the Bellary district to -the Nizam." The present Maratha chief of the little hill-locked Sandur -State is a minor, whose name and titles are Raja Venkata Rao Rao Sahib -Hindu Rao Ghorpade Senapati Mamalikat Madar. Of the eleven thousand -inhabitants of the State, the various castes of Marathas number over a -thousand. "Three families of them are Brahmans, who came to Sandur as -officials with Siddoji Rao when he took the State from the Jaramali -poligar. Except for two short intervals, Siddoji's descendants have -held the State ever since. The others are grouped into three local -divisions, namely, Khasgi, Kumbi, and Lekavali. The first of these -consists of only some eight families, and constitutes the aristocracy -of the State. Some of them came to Sandur from the Maratha country with -Siva Rao and other rulers of the State, and they take the chief seats -at Darbars and on other public occasions, and are permitted to dine -and intermarry with the Raja's family. They wear the sacred thread -of the Kshatriyas, belong to the orthodox Brahmanical gotras, have -Brahmans as their purohits, observe many of the Brahmanical ceremonies, -burn their dead, forbid widow re-marriage, and keep their womankind -gosha. On the other hand, they do not object to drinking alcohol or -to smoking, and they eat meat, though not beef. Their family god is -the same as that of the Raja's family, namely, Martanda Manimallari, -and they worship him in the temple in his honour which is in the Raja's -palace, and make pilgrimages to his shrine at Jejuri near Poona. [It -is noted by Monier-Williams [11] that 'a deification, Khando-ba (also -called Khande-Rao), was a personage who lived in the neighbourhood of -the hill Jejuri, thirty miles from Poona. He is probably a deification -of some powerful Raja or aboriginal chieftain, who made himself useful -to the Brahmans. He is now regarded as an incarnation of Siva in his -form Mallari. The legend is that the god Siva descended in this form -to destroy a powerful demon named Mallasura, who lived on the hill, -and was a terror to the neighbourhood. Parvati descended at the same -time to become Khando-ba's wife. His worship is very popular among the -people of low caste in the Maratha country. Sheep are sacrificed at -the principal temple on the Jejuri hill, and a bad custom prevails of -dedicating young girls to the god's service. Khando-ba is sometimes -represented with his wife on horseback, attended by a dog. A sect -existed in Sankara's time, who worshipped Mallari as lord of dogs.'] At -the marriages of the Khasgis, an unusual custom, called Vira Puja, -or the worship of warriors, is observed. Before the ceremony, the men -form themselves into two parties, each under a leader, and march to -the banks of the Narihalla river, engaging in mock combat as they -go. At the river an offering is made to Siva in his form as the -warrior Martanda, and his blessing is invoked. The goddess Ganga is -also worshipped, and then both parties march back, indulging on the -way in more pretended fighting. The second division of the Marathas, -the Kunbis, are generally agriculturists, though some are servants to -the first division. They cannot intermarry with the Khasgis, or dine -with them except in separate rows, and their womanfolk are not gosha; -but they have Brahmanical gotras and Brahman purohits. Some of them -use the Raja's name of Ghorpade, but this is only because they are -servants in his household. The third division, the Lekavalis, are -said to be the offspring of irregular unions among other Marathas, and -are many of them servants in the Raja's palace. Whence they are also -called Manimakkalu. They all call themselves Ghorpades, and members -of the Raja's (the Kansika) gotra. They thus cannot intermarry among -themselves, but occasionally their girls are married to Kunbis. Their -women are in no way gosha." [12] - -The cranial type of the Marathas is, as shown by the following table, -like that of the Canarese, mesaticephalic or sub-brachycephalic:-- - - - Cephalic Index - Av. Max. - - Canarese 50 Holeyas 79.1 87.4 - Marathi 30 Rangaris 79.8 92.2 - Canarese 50 Vakkaligas 81.7 93.8 - Marathi 30 Suka Sales 81.8 88.2 - Marathi 30 Sukun Sales 82.2 84.4 - - -Maravan.--"The Maravans," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [13] "are found -chiefly in Madura and Tinnevelly, where they occupy the tracts -bordering on the coast from Cape Comorin to the northern limits of -the Ramnad zemindari. The proprietors of that estate, and of the -great Sivaganga zemindari, are both of this caste. The Maravars must -have been one of the first of the Dravidian tribes that penetrated -to the south of the peninsula, and, like the Kallans, they have been -but little affected by Brahmanical influence. There exists among -them a picturesque tradition to the effect that, in consequence of -their assisting Rama in his war against the demon Ravana, that deity -gratefully exclaimed in good Tamil Maraven, or I will never forget, -and that they have ever since been called Maravans. But, with more -probability, the name may be connected with the word maram, which -means killing, ferocity, bravery and the like, as pointing clearly -to their unpleasant profession, that of robbing and slaying their -neighbours. In former days they were a fierce and turbulent race, -famous for their military prowess. At one time they temporarily -held possession of the Pandya kingdom, and, at a later date, their -armies gave valuable assistance to Tirumala Nayakkan. They gave the -British much trouble at the end of last (eighteenth) century and the -beginning of this (nineteenth) century, but they are now much the -same as other ryots (cultivators), though perhaps somewhat more bold -and lawless. Agamudaiyan and Kallan are returned as sub-divisions -by a comparatively large number of persons. Maravan is also found -among the sub-divisions of Kallan, and there can be little doubt -that there is a very close connection between Kallans, Maravans, -and Agamudaiyans." This connection is dealt with in the article -on the Kallans. But I may here quote the following legend relating -thereto. "Once upon a time, Rishi Gautama left his house to go abroad -on business. Devendra, taking advantage of his absence, debauched his -wife, and three children were the result. When the Rishi returned, -one of the three hid himself behind a door, and, as he thus acted -like a thief, he was henceforward called Kallan. Another got up a -tree, and was therefore called Maravan from maram, a tree, whilst -the third brazened it out, and stood his ground, thus earning for -himself the name of Ahamudeiyan, or the possessor of pride. This name -was corrupted into Ahambadiyan." [14] - -"Some say the word Maravan is derived from marani, sin; a Maravan being -one who commits sin by killing living creatures without feeling pity, -and without fear of god." [15] - -The Maravans claim descent from Guha or Kuha, Rama's boatman, who -rowed him across to Ceylon. According to the legend, Rama promised -Guha that he would come back at a fixed time. When he failed to return, -Guha made a fire, whereon to burn himself to death. Hanuman, however, -prevented him from committing suicide, and assured him that Rama would -shortly return. This came to pass, and Rama, on learning what Guha had -done, called him Maravan, a brave or reckless fellow. According to -another legend, the god Indra, having become enamoured of Ahalya, -set out one night to visit her in the form of a crow, and, seating -himself outside the dwelling of the Rishi her husband, cawed -loudly. The Rishi believing that it was dawn, went off to bathe, -while Indra, assuming the form of her husband, went in to the woman, -and satisfied his desire. When her husband reached the river, there -were no signs of dawn, and he was much perturbed, but not for long, as -his supernatural knowledge revealed to him how he had been beguiled, -and he proceeded to curse Indra and his innocent wife. Indra was -condemned to have a thousand female organs of generation all over his -body, and the woman was turned into a stone. Indra repented, and the -Rishi modified his disfigurement by arranging that, to the onlooker, -he would seem to be clothed or covered with eyes, and the woman was -allowed to resume her feminine form when Rama, in the course of his -wanderings, should tread on her. The result of Indra's escapade was -a son, who was stowed away in a secret place (maravuidam). Hence his -descendants are known as Maravan. [16] - -The head of the Maravans is the Setupati (lord of the bridge), or -Raja of Ramnad. "The Sethupati line, or Marava dynasty of Ramnad," -the Rev. J. E. Tracy writes, [17] "claims great antiquity. According -to popular legendary accounts, it had its rise in the time of the -great Rama himself, who is said to have appointed, on his victorious -return from Lanka (Ceylon), seven guardians of the passage or bridge -connecting Ceylon with the mainland.... Another supposition places -the rise of the family in the second or third century B.C. It rests -its case principally upon a statement in the Mahawanso, according -to which the last of the three Tamil invasions of Ceylon, which took -place in the second or third century B.C., was under the leadership -of seven chieftains, who are supposed, owing to the silence of the -Pandyan records on the subject of South Indian dealings with Ceylon, -to have been neither Cheras, Cholas, or Pandyans, but mere local -adventurers, whose territorial proximity and marauding ambition had -tempted them to the undertaking.... Another supposition places the rise -of the family in the eleventh or twelfth century A.D. There are two -statements of this case, differing according to the source from which -they come. According to the one, which has its source in South India, -the rise of the family took place in or about 1059 A.D., when Raja -Raja, the Chola king, upon his invasion of Ceylon, appointed princes -whom he knew to be loyal to himself, and who, according to some, had -aided him in his conquest of all Pandya, to act as guardians of the -passage by which his armies must cross to and fro, and supplies be -received from the mainland. According to the other statement, which -has its source in Sinhalese records, the family took its rise from the -appointment of Parakrama Bahu's General Lankapura, who, according to a -very trustworthy Sinhalese epitome of the Mahawanso, after conquering -Pandya, remained some time at Ramespuram, building a temple there, -and, while on the island, struck kahapanas (coins similar to those of -the Sinhalese series). Whichever of those statements we may accept, -the facts seem to point to the rise of the family in the eleventh -or twelfth century A.D., and inscriptions quoted from Dr. Burgess by -Mr. Robert Sewell [18] show that grants were made by Sethupati princes -in 1414, again in 1489, still again in 1500, and finally as late as -1540. These bring the line down to within two generations of the time -when Muttu Krishnappa Nayakka is said, in 1604, to have found affairs -sadly disordered in the Marava country, and to have re-established the -old family in the person of Sadaiyaka Tevar Udaiyar Sethupati. The -coins of the Sethupatis divide themselves into an earlier and later -series. The earlier series present specimens which are usually larger -and better executed, and correspond in weight and appearance very -nearly to the well-known coins of the Sinhalese series, together -with which they are often found, 'These coins' Rhys Davids writes, -[19] 'are probably, the very ones referred to as having been struck -by Parakrama's General Lankapura.' The coins of the later series are -very rude in device and execution. The one face shows only the Tamil -legend of the word Sethupati, while the other side is taken up with -various devices." - -A poet, in days of old, refers to "the wrathful and furious Maravar, -whose curled beards resemble the twisted horns of the stag, the -loud twang of whose powerful bowstrings, and the stirring sound -of whose double-headed drums, compel even kings at the head of -large armies to turn their back and fly." [20] The Maravans are -further described as follows. "Of strong limbs and hardy frames, and -fierce looking as tigers, wearing long and curled locks of hair, the -blood-thirsty Maravans, armed with the bow bound with leather, ever -ready to injure others, shoot their arrows at poor and defenceless -travellers, from whom they can steal nothing, only to feast their -eyes on the quivering limbs of their victims." [21] In a note on -the Maravans of the Tinnevelly district, it is recorded [22] that -"to this class belonged most of the Poligars, or feudal chieftains, -who disputed with the English the possession of Tinnevelly during -the last, and first years of the present (nineteenth) century. As -feudal chiefs and heads of a numerous class of the population, -and one whose characteristics were eminently adapted for the roll -of followers of a turbulent chieftain, bold, active, enterprising, -cunning and capricious, this class constituted themselves, or were -constituted by the peaceful cultivators, their protectors in time of -bloodshed and rapine, when no central authority, capable of keeping -the peace, existed. Hence arose the systems of Desha and Stalum -Kaval, or the guard of a tract of country comprising a number of -villages against open marauders in armed bands, and the guard of -separate villages, their houses and crops, against secret theft. The -feudal chief received a contribution from the area around his fort -in consideration of protection afforded against armed invasion. The -Maravars are chiefly the agricultural servants or sub-tenants of the -wealthier ryots, under whom they cultivate, receiving a share of the -crop. An increasing proportion of this caste are becoming the ryotwari -owners of land by purchase from the original holders." - -Though the Maravans, Mr, Francis writes, [23] "are usually -cultivators, they are some of them the most expert cattle-lifters in -the Presidency. In Madura, they have a particularly ingenious method -of removing cattle. The actual thief steals the bullocks at night, and -drives them at a gallop for half a dozen miles, hands them over to a -confederate, and then returns and establishes an alibi. The confederate -takes them on another stage, and does the same. A third and a fourth -man keep them moving all that night. The next day they are hidden and -rested, and thereafter they are driven by easier stages to the hills -north of Madura, where their horns are cut and their brands altered, -to prevent them from being recognised. They are then often sold at the -great Chittrai cattle fair in Madura town. In some papers read in G.O., -No. 535, Judicial, dated 29th March 1899, it was shown that, though, -according to the 1891 census, the Maravans formed only 10 per cent. of -the population of the district of Tinnevelly, yet they had committed -70 per cent. of the dacoities which have occurred in that district in -the previous five years. They have recently (1899) figured prominently -in the anti-Shanar riots in the same district." (See Shanan.) - -"The Maravans", Mr. F. S. Mullaly writes, [24] "furnish nearly the -whole of the village police (kavilgars, watchmen), robbers and thieves -of the Tinnevelly district. Very often the thief and the watchman -are one and the same individual. The Maravans of the present time, of -course, retain only a shadow of the power which their ancestors wielded -under the poligars, who commenced the kavil system. Still the Marava -of to-day, as a member of a caste which is numerous and influential, -as a man of superior physique and bold independent spirit, thief and -robber, village policeman and detective combined--is an immense power -in the land." - -It is noted, in the Madras Police Report, 1903, that "a large -section of the population in Tinnevelly--the Maravans--are criminal by -predilection and training. Mr. Longden's efforts have been directed to -the suppression of a bad old custom, by which the police were in the -habit of engaging the help of the Maravans themselves in the detection -of crime. The natural result was a mass of false evidence and false -charges, and, worst of all, a police indebted to the Maravan, who was -certain to have his quid pro quo. This method being discountenanced, -and the station-house officer being deprived of the aid of his tuppans -(men who provide a clue), the former has found himself very much at -sea, and, until sounder methods can be inculcated, will fail to show -successful results. Still, even a failure to detect is better than a -police in the hands of the Maravans." Further information concerning -tuppukuli, or clue hire, will be found in the note on Kallans. - -From a very interesting note on the Maravans of the Tinnevelly -district, the following extract is taken. [25] "On the principle of -setting a thief, to catch a thief, Maravars are paid blackmail to -keep their hands from picking and stealing, and to make restitution -for any thefts that may possibly take place, notwithstanding the -vigilance of the watchmen. (A suit has been known to be instituted, -in a Munsiff's Court, for failure to make restitution for theft after -receipt of the kudikaval money.) As a matter of fact, no robberies -on a large scale can possibly take place without the knowledge, -connivance, or actual co-operation of the Kavalgars. People living in -country places, remote from towns, are entirely at the mercy of the -Maravars, and every householder or occupier of a mud hut, which is -dignified by being called a house, must pay the Maravars half a fanam, -which is equal to one anna eight pies, yearly. Those who own cattle, -and there are few who do not, must pay one fanam a year. At the time -of the harvest, it is the custom in Southern India for an enemy to go -and reap his antagonist's crops as they are growing in the fields. He -does this to bring matters to a climax, and to get the right side of -his enemy, so that he may be forced to come to terms, reasonable or -otherwise. Possession is nine points of the law. On occasions such -as these, which are frequent, the advantage of the employment of -Kavalgars can readily be understood. The Maravars are often true to -their salt, though sometimes their services can be obtained by the -highest bidder. The plan of keeping kaval, or going the rounds like -a policeman on duty, is, for a village of, say, a hundred Maravars, -to divide into ten sections. Each section takes a particular duty, -and they are paid by the people living within their range. If a robbery -takes place, and the value of the property does not exceed ten rupees, -then this section of ten men will each subscribe one rupee, and pay -up ten rupees. If, however, the property lost exceeds the sum of ten -rupees, then all the ten sections of Maravars, the hundred men, will -join together, and make restitution for the robbery. How they are -able to do this, and to recoup themselves, can be imagined. Various -attempts for many years have been made to put a stop to this system of -kudi-kaval. At one time the village (Nunguneri) of the chief Maravar -was burnt down, and for many years the police have been on their -track, and numerous convictions are constantly taking place. Out -of 150,000 Maravars in the whole district, 10,000 are professional -thieves, and of these 4,000 have been convicted, and are living at -the present time. The question arises whether some plan could not -be devised to make honest men of these rogues. It has been suggested -that their occupation as watchmen should be recognised by Government, -and that they should be enlisted as subordinate officials, just as -some of them are now employed as Talayaris and Vettiyans.... The -villages of the Maravars exist side by side with the other castes, -and, as boys and girls, all the different classes grow up together, -so that there is a bond of sympathy and regard between them all. The -Maravans, therefore, are not regarded as marauding thieves by the other -classes. Their position in the community as Kavalgars is recognised, -and no one actually fears them. From time immemorial it has been the -mamool (custom) to pay them certain dues, and, although illegal, who -in India is prepared to act contrary to custom? The small sum paid -annually by the villagers is insignificant, and no one considers it a -hardship to pay it, when he knows that his goods are in safety; and, -if the Maravars did not steal, there are plenty of other roving castes -(e.g., the Kuluvars, Kuravars, and Kambalatars) who would, so that, -on the whole, ordinary unsophisticated natives, who dwell in the -country side, rather like the Maravar than otherwise. When, however, -these watchmen undertake torchlight dacoities, and attack travellers on -the high-road, then they are no better than the professional thieves -of other countries, and they deserve as little consideration. It must -be borne in mind that, while robbery is the hereditary occupation of -the Maravars, there are thousands of them who lead strictly honest, -upright lives as husbandmen, and who receive no benefit whatever from -the kudi-kaval system. Some of the most noted and earnest Native -Christians have been, and still are, men and women of this caste, -and the reason seems to be that they never do things by halves. If -they are murderers and robbers, nothing daunts them, and, on the other -hand, if they are honest men, they are the salt of the earth." I am -informed that, when a Maravan takes food in the house of a stranger, -he will sometimes take a pinch of earth, and put it on the food before -he commences his meal. This act frees him from the obligation not to -injure the family which has entertained him. - -In a note entitled Marava jati vernanam, [26] from the Mackenzie -Manuscripts, it is recorded that "there are seven sub-divisions in the -tribe of the Maravas, respectively denominated Sembunattu, Agattha, -Oru-nattu, Upukatti, and Kurichikattu. Among these sub-divisions, -that of the Sembunattu Maravas is the principal one." In the Madras -Census Report, 1891, the following are returned as the most important -sub-divisions:--Agamudaiyan, Kallan, Karana, Kondaikatti, Kottani, -Sembanattu, and Vannikutti, Among the Sembanattus (or Sembanadus), -the following septs or khilais have been recorded:-- - - - Marikka. - Piccha. - Tondaman. - Sitrama. - Thanicha. - Karuputhra. - Katra. - - -"The Kondayamkottai Maravars," Mr. F. Fawcett writes, [27] "are -divided into six sub-tribes, or, as they call them, trees. Each tree, -or kothu, is divided into three khilais or branches. These I call -septs. Those of the khilais belonging to the same tree or kothu are -never allowed to intermarry. A man or woman must marry with one of a -khilai belonging to another tree than his own, his or her own being -that of his or her mother, and not of the father. But marriage is -not permissible between those of any two trees or kothus: there are -some restrictions. For instance, a branch of betel vine or leaves may -marry with a branch of cocoanut, but not with areca nuts or dates. I -am not positive what all the restrictions are, but restrictions of -some kind, by which marriage between persons of all trees may not -be made indiscriminately, certainly exist. The names of the trees -or kothus and of the khilais or branches, as given to me from the -Maraver Padel, a book considered to be authoritative, are these-- - - - ======================================================= - Tree. | Kothu. | Khilai. - ===============+====================+================== - | { |Viramudithanginan. - Milaku | Pepper vine { |Sedhar. - | { |Semanda. - | { |Agastyar. - Vettile | Betel vine { |Maruvidu. - | { |Alakhiya Pandiyan. - | { |Vaniyan. - Thennang | Cocoanut { |Vettuvan. - | { |Nataivendar. - | { |Kelnambhi. - Komukham | Areca nut { |Anbutran. - | { |Gautaman. - | { |Sadachi. - Ichang | Dates { |Sangaran. - | { |Pichipillai. - | { |Akhili. - Panang | Palmyra { |Lokhamurti - | { |Jambhuvar. - ======================================================= - - -"Unfortunately I am unable to trace out the meanings of all -these khilais. Agastya and Gautamar are, of course, sages of -old. Viramudithanginan seems to mean a king's crown-bearer. Alakhiya -Pandiyan seems to be one of the old Pandiyan kings of Madura (alakhiya -means beautiful). Akhili is perhaps intended to mean the wife of -Gautama, Lokamurti, the one being of the world, and Jambhuvar, a -monkey king with a bear's face, who lived long, long ago. The common -rule regulating marriages among Brahmans, and indeed people of almost -every caste in Southern India, is that the proper husband for the -girl is her mother's brother or his son. But this is not so among the -Kondayamkottai Maravars. A girl can never marry her mother's brother, -because they are of the same khilai. On the other hand, the children -of a brother and sister may marry, and should do so, if this can be -arranged, as, though the brother and sister are of the same khilai, -their children are not, because the children of the brother belong -perforce to that of their mother, who is of a different khilai. It -very often happens that a man marries into his father's khilai; indeed -there seems to be some idea that he should do so if possible. The -children of brothers may not marry with each other, although they -are of different khilais, for two brothers may not marry into the -same khilai. One of the first things to be done in connection with a -marriage is that the female relations of the bridegroom must go and -examine the intended bride, to test her physical suitability. She -should not, as it was explained to me, have a flat foot; the calf -of her leg should be slender, not so thick as the thigh; the skin on -the throat should not form more than two wrinkles; the hair over the -temple should grow crossways. The last is very important." A curl on -the forehead resembling the head of a snake is of evil omen. - -In one form of the marriage rites as carried out by the Maravans, the -bridegroom's party proceed, on an auspicious day which has been fixed -beforehand, to the home of the bride, taking with them five cocoanuts, -five bunches of plantains, five pieces of turmeric, betel, and flowers, -and the tali strung on a thread dyed with turmeric. At the auspicious -hour, the bride is seated within the house on a plank, facing east. The -bridegroom's sister removes the string of black beads from her neck, -and ties the tali thereon. While this is being done, the conch-shell -is blown, and women indulge in what Mr. Fawcett describes as a shrill -kind of keening (kulavi idal). The bride is taken to the house of the -bridegroom, where they sit side by side on a plank, and the ceremony -of warding off the evil eye is performed. Further, milk is poured -by people with crossed hands over the heads of the couple. A feast -is held, in which meat takes a prominent part. A Maravan, who was -asked to describe the marriage ceremony, replied that it consists -in killing a sheep or fowl, and the bringing of the bride by the -bridegroom's sister to her brother's house after the tali has been -tied. The Kondaikatti Maravans, in some places, substitute for the -usual golden tali a token representing "the head of Indra fastened to -a bunch of human hair, or silken strings representing his hair." [28] - -In another form of the marriage ceremony, the father of the bridegroom -goes to the bride's house, accompanied by his relations, with the -following articles in a box made of plaited palmyra leaves:-- - - - 5 bundles of betel. - 21 measures of rice. - 7 cocoanuts. - 70 plantains. - 7 lumps of jaggery (crude sugar). - 21 pieces of turmeric. - Flowers, sandal paste, etc. - - -At the bride's house, these presents are touched by those assembled -there, and the box is handed over to the bride's father. On the -wedding day (which is four days afterwards), pongal (cooked rice) is -offered to the house god early in the morning. Later in the day, the -bridegroom is taken in a palanquin to the house of the bride. Betel is -presented to him by her father or brother. The bride generally remains -within the house till the time for tying the tali has arrived. The -maternal uncle then blindfolds her with his hand, lifts her up, and -carries her to the bridegroom, Four women stand round the contracting -couple, and pass round a dish containing a broken cocoanut and a -cake three times. The bride and bridegroom then spit into the dish, -and the females set up their shrill keening. The maternal uncles join -their hands together, and, on receiving the assent of those present, -the bridegroom's sister ties the tali on the bride's neck. The tali -consists of a ring attached to a black silk thread. After marriage, -the "silk tali" is, for every day purposes, replaced by golden beads -strung on a string, and the tali used at the wedding is often borrowed -for the occasion. The tali having been tied, the pair are blessed, -and, in some places, their knees, shoulders, heads, and backs are -touched with a betel leaf dipped in milk, and blessed with the words -"May the pair be prosperous, giving rise to leaves like a banyan -tree, roots like the thurvi (Cynodon Dactylon) grass, and like the -bamboo." Of the thurvi grass it is said in the Atharwana Veda "May -this grass, which rose from the water of life, which has a hundred -roots and a hundred stems, efface a hundred of my sins, and prolong -my existence on earth for a hundred years." - -Still further variants of the marriage ceremonial are described by -Mr. Fawcett, in one of which "the Brahman priest (purohit) hands -the tali to the bridegroom's sister, who in turn hands it to the -bridegroom, who ties a knot in it. The sister then ties two more -knots in it, and puts it round the bride's neck. After this has -been done, and while the pair are still seated, the Brahman ties -together the little fingers of the right hands of the pair, which -are interlocked, with a silken thread. The pair then rise, walk -thrice round the marriage seat (manavanai), and enter the house, -where they sit, and the bridegroom receives present from the bride's -father. The fingers are then untied. While undergoing the ceremony, -the bridegroom wears a thread smeared with turmeric tied round the -right wrist. It is called kappu." - -In the manuscript already quoted, [29] it is noted that "should it so -happen, either in the case of wealthy rulers of districts or of poorer -common people, that any impediment arises to prevent the complete -celebration of the marriage with all attendant ceremonies according to -the sacred books and customs of the tribe, then the tali only is sent, -and the female is brought to the house of her husband. At a subsequent -period, even after two or three children have been born, the husband -sends the usual summons to a marriage of areca nut and betel leaf; and, -when the relatives are assembled, the bride and bridegroom are publicly -seated in state under the marriage pandal; the want of completeness -in the former contract is made up; and, all needful ceremonies being -gone through, they perform the public procession through the streets of -the town, when they break the cocoanut in the presence of Vignesvara -(Ganesa), and, according to the means possessed by the parties, the -celebration of the marriage is concluded in one day, or prolonged -to two, three or four days. The tali, being tied on, has the name of -katu tali, and the name of the last ceremony is called the removal of -the former deficiency. If it so happen that, after the first ceremony, -the second be not performed, then the children of such an alliance are -lightly regarded among the Maravas. Should the husband die during the -continuance of the first relation, and before the second ceremony be -performed, then the body of the man, and also the woman are placed upon -the same seat, and the ceremonies of the second marriage, according -to the customs of the tribe, being gone through, the tali is taken -off; the woman is considered to be a widow, and can marry with some -other man." It is further recorded [30] of the Orunattu Maravans that -"the elder or younger sister of the bridegroom goes to the house of -the bride, and, to the sound of the conch-shell, ties on the tali; -and, early on the following morning, brings her to the house of the -bridegroom. After some time, occasionally three or four years, when -there are indications of offspring, in the fourth or fifth month, the -relatives of the pair assemble, and perform the ceremony of removing -the deficiency; placing the man and his wife on a seat in public, -and having the sacrifice by fire and other matters conducted by the -Prohitan (or Brahman); after which the relatives sprinkle seshai -rice (or rice beaten out without any application of water) over the -heads of the pair. The relatives are feasted and otherwise hospitably -entertained; and these in return bestow donations on the pair, from -one fanam to one pagoda. The marriage is then finished. Sometimes, when -money for expenses is wanting, this wedding ceremony is postponed till -after the birth of two or three children. If the first husband dies, -another marriage is customary. Should it so happen that the husband, -after the tying on of the tali in the first instance, dislikes the -object of his former choice, then the people of their tribe are -assembled; she is conducted back to her mother's house; sheep, oxen, -eating-plate, with brass cup, jewels, ornaments, and whatever else she -may have brought with her from her mother's house, are returned; and -the tali, which was put on, is broken off and taken away. If the wife -dislikes the husband, then the money he paid, the expenses which he -incurred in the wedding, the tali which he caused to be bound on her, -are restored to him, and the woman, taking whatsoever she brought with -her, returns to her mother's house, and marries again at her pleasure." - -It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "a special -custom obtaining among the Marava zemindars of Tinnevelly is mentioned -by the Registrar of that district. It is the celebration of marriage -by means of a proxy for the bridegroom in the shape of a stick, -which is sent by the bridegroom, and is set up in the marriage booth -in his place. The tali is tied by some one representative of the -bridegroom, and the marriage ceremony then becomes complete.... Widow -re-marriage is freely allowed and practiced, except in the Sembunattu -sub-division." "A widow," Mr. Fawcett writes, "may marry her deceased -husband's elder brother, but not a younger brother. If she does not -like him, she may marry some one else." - -When a girl reaches puberty, news of the event is conveyed by a -washerman. On the sixteenth day she comes out of seclusion, bathes, -and returns home. At the threshold, her future husband's sister is -standing, and averts the evil eye by waving betel leaves, plantains, -cocoanuts, cooked flour paste (puttu), a vessel filled with water, -and an iron measure containing rice with a style (ambu) stuck in -it. The style is removed by the girl's prospective sister-in-law, -who beats her with it as she enters the house. A feast is held at the -expense of the girl's maternal uncle, who brings a goat, and ties it -to a pole at her house. - -Both burial and cremation are practiced by the Maravans. The Sembunattu -Maravans of Ramnad regard the Agamudaiyans as their servants, and the -water, with which the corpse is washed, is brought by them. Further, -it is an Agamudaiyan, and not the son of the deceased, who carries -the fire-pot to the burial-ground. The corpse is carried thither on -a bier or palanquin. The grave is dug by an Andi, never by a Pallan -or Paraiyan. Salt, powdered brick, and sacred ashes are placed on the -floor thereof and the corpse is placed in it in a sitting posture. The -Kondaiyamkottai Maravans of Ramnad, who are stone and brick masons, -burn their dead, and, on their way to the burning-ground, the bearers -of the corpse walk over cloths spread on the ground. On the second or -third day, lingams are made out of the ashes, or of mud from the grave -if the corpse has been buried. To these, as well as to the soul of the -deceased, and to the crows, offerings are made. On the sixteenth day, -nine kinds of seed-grain are placed over the grave, or the spot where -the corpse was burnt. A Pandaram sets up five kalasams (brass vessels), -and does puja (worship). The son of the deceased, who officiated as -chief mourner, goes to a Pillayar (Ganesa) shrine, carrying on his -head a pot containing a lighted lamp made of flour. As he draws near -the god, a screen is stretched in front thereof. He then takes a few -steps backwards, the screen is removed, and he worships the god. He -then retires, walking backwards. The flour is distributed among those -present. Presents of new cloths are made to the sons and daughters -of the deceased. In his account of the Kondaiyamkottai Maravans, -Mr. Fawcett gives the following account of the funeral rites. "Sandals -having been fastened on the feet, the corpse is carried in a recumbent -position, legs first, to the place of cremation. A little rice is -placed in the mouth, and the relatives put a little money into a small -vessel which is kept beside the chest. The karma karta (chief mourner) -walks thrice round the corpse, carrying an earthen vessel filled with -water, in which two or three holes are pierced. He allows some water -to fall on the corpse, and breaks the pot near the head, which lies -to the south. No Brahman attends this part of the ceremony. When he -has broken the pot, the karma karta must not see the corpse again; -he goes away at once, and is completely shaved. The barber takes the -cash which has been collected, and lights the pyre. When he returns to -the house, the karma karta prostrates himself before a lighted lamp; -he partakes of no food, except a little grain and boiled pulse and -water, boiled with coarse palm sugar and ginger. Next day he goes to -the place of cremation, picks up such calcined bones as he finds, -and places them in a basket, so that he may some day throw them in -water which is considered to be sacred. On the eleventh or twelfth day, -some grain is sown in two new earthen vessels which have been broken, -and there is continued weeping around these. On the sixteenth day, -the young plants, which have sprouted, are removed, and put into -water, weeping going on all the while; and, after this has been -done, the relatives bathe and enjoy a festive meal, after which the -karma karta is seated on a white cloth, and is presented with a new -cloth and some money by his father-in-law and other relatives who -are present. On the seventeenth day takes place the punyagavachanam -or purification, at which the Brahman priest presides, and the karma -karta takes an oil bath. The wood of the pipal tree (Ficus religiosa) -is never used for purposes of cremation." - -Concerning the death ceremonies in the Trichinopoly district, -Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes as follows. "Before the corpse is removed, -the chief mourner and his wife take two balls of cow-dung, in which -the barber has mixed various kinds of grain, and stick them on to the -wall of the house. These are thrown into water on the eighth day. The -ceremonial is called pattam kattugiradu, or investing with the title, -and indicates the succession to the dead man's estate. A rocket is -fired when the corpse is taken out of the house. On the sixth day, -a pandal (booth) of naval (Eugenia, Jambolana) leaves is prepared, -and offerings are made in it to the manes of the ancestors of the -family. It is removed on the eighth day, and the chief mourner puts -a turban on, and merry-making and dances are indulged in. There -are ordinarily no karumantaram ceremonies, but they are sometimes -performed on the sixteenth day, a Brahman being called in. On the -return home from these ceremonies, each member of the party has to -dip his toe into a mortar full of cow-dung water, and the last man -has to knock it down." - -Among some Kondaiyamkottai Maravans, a ceremony called palaya -karmandhiram, or old death ceremony, is performed. Some months -after the death of one who has died an unnatural death, the skull is -exhumed, and placed beneath a pandal (booth) in an open space near -the village. Libations of toddy are indulged in, and the villagers -dance wildly round the head. The ceremony lasts over three days, -and the final death ceremonies are then performed. - -For the following account of the jellikattu or bull-baiting, -which is practiced by the Maravans, I am indebted to a note by -Mr. J. H. Nelson. [31] "This," he writes, "is a game worthy of a bold -and free people, and it is to be regretted that certain Collectors -(District Magistrates) should have discouraged it under the idea that -it was somewhat dangerous. The jellikattu is conducted in the following -manner. On a certain day in the year, large crowds of people, chiefly -males, assemble together in the morning in some extensive open space, -the dry bed of a river perhaps, or of a tank (pond), and many of them -may be seen leading ploughing bullocks, of which the sleek bodies and -rather wicked eyes afford clear evidence of the extra diet they have -received for some days in anticipation of the great event. The owners -of these animals soon begin to brag of their strength and speed, and -to challenge all and any to catch and hold them; and in a short time -one of the best beasts is selected to open the day's proceedings. A -new cloth is made fast round his horns, to be the prize of his captor, -and he is then led out into the midst of the arena by his owner, and -there left to himself surrounded by a throng of shouting and excited -strangers. Unaccustomed to this sort of treatment, and excited by -the gestures of those who have undertaken to catch him, the bullock -usually lowers his head at once, and charges wildly into the midst of -the crowd, who nimbly run off on either side to make way for him. His -speed being much greater than that of the men, he soon overtakes one -of his enemies and makes at him to toss him savagely. Upon this the -man drops on the sand like a stone, and the bullock, instead of goring -him, leaps over his body, and rushes after another. The second man -drops in his turn, and is passed like the first; and, after repeating -this operation several times, the beast either succeeds in breaking -the ring, and galloping off to his village, charging every person he -meets on the way, or is at last caught and held by the most vigorous -of his pursuers. Strange as it may seem, the bullocks never by any -chance toss or gore any one who throws himself down on their approach; -and the only danger arises from their accidentally reaching unseen -and unheard some one who remains standing. After the first two or -three animals have been let loose one after the other, two or three, -or even half a dozen are let loose at a time, and the scene quickly -becomes most exciting. The crowd sways violently to and fro in various -directions in frantic efforts to escape being knocked over; the air is -filled with shouts, screams, and laughter; and the bullocks thunder -over the plain as fiercely as if blood and slaughter were their sole -occupation. In this way perhaps two or three hundred animals are -run in the course of a day, and, when all go home towards evening, -a few cuts and bruises, borne with the utmost cheerfulness, are the -only results of an amusement which requires great courage and agility -on the part of the competitors for the prizes--that is for the cloths -and other things tied to the bullocks' horns--and not a little on the -part of the mere bystanders. The only time I saw this sport (from a -place of safety) I was highly delighted with the entertainment, and -no accident occurred to mar my pleasure. One man indeed was slightly -wounded in the buttock, but he was quite able to walk, and seemed to -be as happy as his friends." - -A further account of the jallikat or jellicut is given in the -Gazetteer of the Madura district. "The word jallikattu literally -means tying of ornaments. On a day fixed and advertised by beat of -drums at the adjacent weekly markets, a number of cattle, to the -horns of which cloths and handkerchiefs have been tied, are loosed -one after the other, in quick succession, from a large pen or other -enclosure, amid a furious tom-tomming and loud shouts from the crowd -of assembled spectators. The animals have first to run the gauntlet -down a long lane formed of country carts, and then gallop off wildly -in every direction. The game consists in endeavouring to capture the -cloths tied to their horns. To do this requires fleetness of foot -and considerable pluck, and those who are successful are the heroes -of the hour. Cuts and bruises are the reward of those who are less -skilful, and now and again some of the excited cattle charge into -the on-lookers, and send a few of them flying. The sport has been -prohibited on more than one occasion. But, seeing that no one need -run any risks unless he chooses, existing official opinion inclines -to the view that it is a pity to discourage a manly amusement which -is not really more dangerous than football, steeple-chasing, or -fox-hunting. The keenness of the more virile sections of the community, -especially the Kallans (q.v.), in this game is extraordinary, and, -in many villages, cattle are bred and reared specially for it. The -best jallikats are to be seen in the Kallan country in Tirumangalam, -and next come those in Melur and Madura taluks." - -"Boomerangs," Dr. G. Oppert writes, [32] "are used by the Maravans and -Kallans when hunting deer. The Madras Museum collection contains three -(two ivory, one wooden) from the Tanjore armoury. In the arsenal of -the Pudukottai Raja a stock of wooden boomerangs is always kept. Their -name in Tamil is valai tade (bent stick)." To Mr. R. Bruce Foote, -I am indebted for the following note on the use of the boomerang in -the Madura district. "A very favourite weapon of the Madura country -is a kind of curved throwing-stick, having a general likeness to the -boomerang of the Australian aborigines. I have in my collection two -of these Maravar weapons obtained from near Sivaganga. The larger -measures 24 1/8'' along the outer curve, and the chord of the arc -17 5/8''. At the handle end is a rather ovate knob 2 1/4'' long and -1 1/4'' in its maximum thickness. The thinnest and smallest part of -the weapon is just beyond the knob, and measures 11/16'' in diameter -by 1 1/8'' in width. From that point onwards its width increases -very gradually to the distal end, where it measures 2 3/8'' across -and is squarely truncated. The lateral diameter is greatest three -or four inches before the truncated end, where it measures 1''. My -second specimen is a little smaller than the above, and is also rather -less curved. Both are made of hard heavy wood, dark reddish brown in -colour as seen through the varnish covering the surface. The wood is -said to be tamarind root. The workmanship is rather rude. I had an -opportunity of seeing these boomerangs in use near Sivaganga in March, -1883. In the morning I came across many parties, small and large, -of men and big boys who were out hare-hunting with a few dogs. The -parties straggled over the ground, which was sparsely covered with -low scrub jungle. And, whenever an unlucky hare started out near -to the hunters, it was greeted with a volley of the boomerangs, so -strongly and dexterously thrown that poor puss had little chance of -escape. I saw several knocked out of time. On making enquiries as -to these hunting parties, I was told that they were in observance -of a semi-religious duty, in which every Maravar male, not unfitted -by age or ill-health, is bound to participate on a particular day in -the year. Whether a dexterous Maravar thrower could make his weapon -return to him I could not find out. Certainly in none of the throws -observed by me was any tendency to a return perceptible. But for -simple straight shots these boomerangs answer admirably." - -The Maravans bear Saivite sectarian marks, but also worship various -minor deities, among whom are included Kali, Karuppan, Muthu Karuppan, -Periya Karuppan, Mathurai Viran, Aiyanar, and Munuswami. - -The lobes of the ears of Marava females are very elongated as the -result of boring and gradual dilatation during childhood. Mr. (now -Sir) F. A. Nicholson, who was some years ago stationed at Ramnad, -tells me that the young Maravan princesses used to come and play in -his garden, and, as they ran races, hung on to their ears, lest the -heavy ornaments should rend asunder the filamentous ear lobes. - -It was recorded, in 1902, that a young Maravan, who was a member of -the family of the Zemindar of Chokampatti, was the first non-Christian -Maravan to pass the B.A. degree examination at the Madras University. - -The general title of the Maravans is Tevan (god), but some style -themselves Talaivan (chief), Servaikkaran (captain), Karaiyalan -(ruler of the coast), or Rayarvamsam (Raja's clan). - -Marayan.--A synonym of Maran. - -Mari.--Mari or Marimanisaru is a sub-division of Holeya. - -Mariyan.--Said to be a sub-division of Kolayan. - -Markandeya.--A gotra of Padma Sale and Seniyan (Devanga), named after -the rishi or sage Markandeya, who was remarkable for his austerities -and great age, and is also known as Dirghayus (the long-lived). Some -Devangas and the Salapus claim him as their ancestor. - -Marri. (Ficus bengalensis).--An exogamous sept of Mala and -Mutracha. Marri-gunta (pond near a fig tree) occurs as an exogamous -sept of Yanadi. - -Marumakkathayam.--The Malayalam name for the law of inheritance -through the female line. - -Marvari.--A territorial name, meaning a native of Marwar. At times of -census, Marvari has been returned as a caste of Jains, i.e., Marvaris, -who are Jains by religion. The Marvaris are enterprising traders, -who have settled in various parts of Southern India, and are, in the -city of Madras, money-lenders. - -Masadika.--A synonym for Nadava Bant. - -Masila (masi, dirt).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Masthan.--A Muhammadan title, meaning a saint, returned at times -of census. - -Mastiga.--The Mastigas are described by the Rev. J. Cain [33] as -mendicants and bards, who beg from Gollas, Malas, and Madigas. I -am informed that they are also known as Mala Mastigas, as they are -supposed to be illegitimate descendants of the Malas, and usually beg -from them. When engaged in begging, they perform various contortionist -and acrobatic feats. - -Matam (monastery, or religious institution).--An exogamous sept -of Devanga. - -Matanga.--Matanga or Matangi is a synonym of Madiga. The Madigas -sometimes call themselves Matangi Makkalu, or children of Matangi, -who is their favourite goddess. Matangi is further the name of certain -dedicated prostitutes, who are respected by the Madiga community. - -Matavan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a name -for the Pulikkapanikkan sub-division of Nayar. - -Matsya (fish).--A sept of Domb. - -Mattiya.--The Mattiyas are summed up as follows in the Madras -Census Report, 1901. "In Vizagapatam these are hill cultivators -from the Central Provinces, who are stated in one account to be -a sub-division of the Gonds. Some of them wear the sacred thread, -because the privilege was conferred upon their families by former -Rajas of Malkanagiri, where they reside. They are said to eat with -Ronas, drink with Porojas, but smoke only with their own people. The -name is said to denote workers in mud (matti), and in Ganjam they are -apparently earth-workers and labourers. In the Census Report, 1871, -it is noted that the Matiyas are 'altogether superior to the Kois -and to the Parjas (Porojas). They say they sprang from the soil, -and go so far as to point out a hole, out of which their ancestor -came. They talk Uriya, and farm their lands well'" - -For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The -caste is divided into at least four septs, named Bhag (tiger), Nag -(cobra), Cheli (goat), and Kochchimo (tortoise). A man may claim -his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. Girls are, as a rule, -married after puberty. When a match is contemplated, the would-be -husband presents a pot of liquor to the girl's parents. If this is -accepted, a further present of liquor, rice, and a pair of cloths, -is made later on. The liquor is distributed among the villagers, -who, by accepting it, indicate their consent to the transfer of the -girl to the man. A procession, with Dombs acting as musicians, is -formed, and the girl is taken to the bridegroom's village. A pandal -(booth) has been erected in front of the bridegroom's house, which -the contracting couple enter on the following morning. Their hands are -joined together by the presiding Desari, they bathe in turmeric water, -and new cloths are given to them. Wearing these, they enter the house, -the bridegroom leading the bride. Their relations then exhort them -to be constant to each other, and behave well towards them. A feast -follows, and the night is spent in dancing and drinking. Next day, the -bride's parents are sent away with a present of a pair of cows or bulls -as jholla tonka. The remarriage of widows is allowed, and a younger -brother usually marries the widow of his elder brother. Divorce is -permitted, and, when a husband separates from his wife, he gives her a -new cloth and a bullock as compensation. A divorced woman may remarry. - -By the Mattiyas, and other Oriya castes, the ghorojavai (house -son-in-law) custom is practiced. According to this custom, the poorer -folk, in search of a wife, work, according to a contract, for their -future father-in-law for a specified time, at the expiration of -which they set up a separate establishment with his daughter. To -begin married life with, presents are made to the couple by the -father-in-law. - -The dead are burnt, and the spot where cremation takes place is marked -by setting up in the ground a bamboo pole, to which one of the dead -man's rags is attached. The domestic pots, which were used during his -last illness, are broken there. Death pollution is observed for eight -days. On the ninth day, the ashes, mixed with water, are cleared up, -and milk is poured over the spot. The ashes are sometimes buried -in a square hole, which is dug to a depth of about three feet, and -filled in. Over it a small hut-like structure is raised. A few of these -sepulchral monuments may be seen on the south side of the Pangam stream -on the Jeypore-Malkangiri road. The personal names of the Mattiyas -are often taken from the day of the week on which they are born. - -Mavilan.--Described, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small -tribe of shikaris (hunters) and herbalists, who follow makkathayam -(inheritance from father to son), and speak corrupt Tulu. Tulumar -(native of the Tulu country), and Chingattan (lion-hearted people) -were returned as sub-divisions. "The name," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, -[34] "is said to be derived from mavilavu, a medicinal herb. I think, -however, the real derivation must be sought in Tulu or Canarese, -as it seems to be a Canarese caste. These people are found only -in the Chirakkal taluk of Malabar. Their present occupation is -basket-making. Succession is from father to son, but among some it -is also said to be in the female line." - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that the Mavilons are -"divided into Tulu Mavilons and Eda Mavilons, and sub-divided into -thirty illams. They are employed as mahouts (drivers of elephants), -and collect honey and other forest produce. Their headmen are called -Chingam (simham, lion), and their huts Mapura." - -Mayalotilu (rascal).--Mayalotilu or Manjulotilu is said by the -Rev. J. Cain to be a name given by the hill Koyis to the Koyis who -live near the Godavari river. - -Mayan.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, as a synonym of -Kammalan. The Kamsali goldsmiths claim descent from Maya. - -Meda, Medara, Medarlu, or Medarakaran.--The Medaras are workers in -bamboo in the Telugu, Canarese, Oriya and Tamil countries, making -sieves, baskets, cradles, mats, fans, boxes, umbrellas, and tatties -(screens). Occasionally they receive orders for waste-paper baskets, -coffins for Native Christian children, or cages for pigeons and -parrots. In former days they made basket-caps for sepoys. They are -said to cut the bamboos in the forest on dark nights, in the belief -that they would be damaged if cut at any other time. They do not, like -the Korachas, make articles from the leaf of the date-palm (Phoenix). - -They believe that they came from Mahendrachala mountain, the mountain -of Indra, and the following legend is current among them. Dakshudu, the -father-in-law of Siva, went to invite his son-in-law to a devotional -sacrifice, which he was about to perform. Siva was in a state of -meditation, and did not visibly return the obeisance which Dakshudu -made by raising his hands to his forehead. Dakshudu became angry, -and told his people not to receive Siva or his wife, or show them any -mark of respect. Parvati, Siva's wife, went with her son Ganapati, -against her husband's order, to the sacrifice, and received no sign -of recognition. Thereat she shed tears, and the earth opened, and -she disappeared. She was again born of Himavant (Himalayas), and -Siva, telling her who she was, remarried her. Siva, in reply to her -enquiries, told her that she could avoid a further separation from -him if she performed a religious vow, and gave cakes to Brahmans in -a chata, or winnowing basket. She accordingly made a basket of gold, -which was not efficacious, because, as Siva explained to her, it was -not plaited, as bamboo baskets are. Taking his serpent, Siva turned -it into a bamboo. He ordered Ganapati, and others, to become men, and -gave them his trisula and ghada to work with on bamboo, from which they -plaited a basket for the completion of Parvati's vow. Ganapati and the -Ganas remained on the Mahendrachala mountain, and married Gandarva -women, who bore children to them. Eventually they were ordered by -Siva to return, and, as they could not take their wives and families -with them, they told them to earn their livelihood by plaiting bamboo -articles. Hence they were called Mahendrulu or Medarlu. According to -another legend, [35] Parvati once wanted to perform the ceremony called -gaurinomu, and, wanting a winnow, was at a loss to know how to secure -one. She asked Siva to produce a man who could make one, and he ordered -his riding-ox Vrishaban to produce such a person by chewing. Vrishaban -complied, and the ancestor of the Medaras, being informed of the wish -of the goddess, took the snake which formed Siva's necklace, and, -going to a hill, planted its head in the ground. A bamboo at once -sprang up on the spot, which, after returning the snake to its owner, -the man used for making a winnow. The snake-like root of the bamboo -is regarded as a proof of the truth of the story. - -As among many other castes, opprobrious names are given to -children. For example, a boy, whose elder brother has died, -may be called Pentayya (dung-heap). As a symbol of his being a -dung-heap child, the infant, as soon as it is born, is placed on -a leaf-platter. Other names are Thavvayya, or boy bought for bran, -and Pakiru, mendicant. In a case where a male child had been ill for -some months, a woman, under the influence of the deity, announced -that he was possessed by the goddess Ankamma. The boy accordingly -had the name of the goddess conferred on him. - -The following are some of the gotras and exogamous septs of the -Medaras:-- - - -(a) Gotras. - - Hanumanta (monkey-god). Bombadai (a fish). - Puli (tiger). Vinayaka (Ganesa). - Thagenilu (drinking water). Kasi (Benares). - Avisa (Sesbania grandiflora). Moduga (Butea frondosa). - Rela (Ficus). Kovila (koel or cuckoo). - Seshai (snake?). - - -(b) Exogamous septs. - - Pilli (cat). Nuvvulu (gingelly). - Parvatham (mountain). Senagapapu (Bengal gram). - Putta (ant-hill). Tsanda (subscription). - Konda (mountain). Nila (blue). - Javadi (civet-cat). Sirigiri (a hill). - Nandikattu (bull's mouth). Kanigiri (a hill). - Kandikattu (dhal soup). Pothu (male). - Kottakunda (new pot). Naginidu (snake). - Pooreti (a bird). Kola (ear of corn). - Kalluri (stone village). - - -A man most frequently marries his maternal uncle's daughter, less -frequently the daughter of his paternal aunt. Marriage with a deceased -wife's sister is regarded with special favour. Marriage with two -living sisters, if one of them is suffering from disease, is common. - -In a note on the Medaras of the Vizagapatam district, Mr. C. Hayavadana -Rao writes that girls are married before or after puberty. A Brahman -officiates at the marriage ceremonies. Widows are allowed to remarry -once, and the sathamanam (marriage badge) is tied by the new husband -on the neck of the bride, who has, as in the Gudala caste, to sit -near a mortar. - -Formerly all the Medaras were Saivites, but many are at the present -day Vaishnavites, and even the Vaishnavites worship Siva. Every family -has some special person or persons whom they worship, for example, -Virullu, or boys who have died unmarried. A silver image is made, -and kept in a basket. It is taken out on festive occasions, as before -a marriage in a family, and offerings of milk and rice gruel are -made to it. Bala Perantalu, or girls who have died before marriage, -and Perantalu, or women who have died before their husbands, are -worshipped with fruits, turmeric, rice, cocoanuts, etc. - -Some of the Saivites bury their dead in a sitting posture, while -others resort to cremation. All the Vaishnavites burn the dead, -and, like the Saivites, throw the ashes into a river. The place of -burning or burial is not as a rule marked by any stone or mound. But, -if the family can afford it, a tulsi fort is built, and the tulsi -(Ocimum sanctum) planted therein. In the Vizagapatam district, death -pollution is said to last for three days, during which the caste -occupation is not carried out. On the third day, a fowl is killed, -and food cooked. It is taken to the spot where the corpse was burnt, -on which a portion is thrown, and the remainder eaten. - -The potency of charms in warding off evil spirits is believed in. For -example, a figure of Hanuman the monkey-god, on a thin plate of gold, -with cabalistic letters inscribed on it, is worn on the neck. And, -on eclipse days, the root of the madar or arka plant (Calotropis -gigantea), enclosed in a gold casket, is worn on the neck of females, -and on the waist or arms of males. Some members of this, as of other -castes, may be seen with cicatrices on the forehead, chest, back, -or neck. These are the scars resulting from branding during infancy -with lighted turmeric or cheroot, to cure infantile convulsions, -resulting, it is believed, from inhaling tobacco smoke in small, -ill-ventilated rooms. - -Various legends are current in connection with tribal heroes. One -Medara Chennayya is said to have fed some thousands of people -with a potful of rice. His grandson, Medara Thodayya, used to do -basket-making, and bathed three times daily. A Brahman, afflicted with -leprosy, lost a calf. In searching for it, he fell into a ditch filled -with water, in which the Medara had bathed, and was cured. One Medara -Kethayya and his wife were very poor, but charitable. In order to test -him, the god Iswara made grains of gold appear in large quantities in -the hollow of a bamboo, which he cut. He avoided the bamboos as being -full of vermin, and useless. At some distance, he found an ant-hill -with a bamboo growing in it, and, knowing that bamboos growing on such -a hill will not be attacked by vermin, cut it. In so doing, he cut -off the head of a Rishi, who was doing penance. Detecting the crime -of which he had been guilty, he cried "Siva, Siva." His wife, who was -miles away, heard him, and, knowing that he must be in some trouble, -went to the spot. He asked her how he was to expiate his sin, and she -replied. "You have taken a life, and must give one in return." He -thereon prepared to commit suicide, but his wife, taking the knife -from him, was about to sacrifice herself when Iswara appeared, restored -the Rishi to life, and took Medara Kethayya and his wife to heaven. - -As among many other castes, the sthambamuhurtham (putting up the post) -ceremony is performed when the building of a new house is commenced, -and the deeparathana (lamp-worship) before it is occupied. In every -settlement there is a Kulapedda, or hereditary caste headman, who -has, among other things, the power of inflicting fines, sentencing to -excommunication, and inflicting punishments for adultery, eating with -members of lower castes, etc. Excommunication is a real punishment, -as the culprit is not allowed to take bamboo, or mess with his former -castemen. In the Kistna and Godavari districts, serious disputes, -which the local panchayat (council) cannot decide, are referred to -the headman at Masulipatam, who at present is a native doctor. There -are no trials by ordeal. The usual form of oath is "Where ten are, -there God is. In his presence I say." - -When a girl reaches puberty, she has to sit in a room on five fresh -palmyra palm leaves, bathes in turmeric water, and may not eat salt. If -there is "leg's presentation" at childbirth, the infant's maternal -uncle should not hear the infant cry until the shanti ceremony has -been performed. A Brahman recites some mantrams, and the reflection -of the infant's face is first seen by the uncle from the surface -of oil in a plate. Widow remarriage is permitted. A widow can be -recognised by her not wearing the tali, gazulu (glass bangles), -and mettu (silver ring on the second toe). - -The lowest castes with which the Medaras will eat are, they say, -Komatis and Velamas. Some say that they will eat with Satanis, - -In the Coorg country, the Medaras are said to subsist by -umbrella-making. They are the drummers at Coorg festivals, and it -is their privilege to receive annually at harvest-time from each -Coorg house of their district as much reaped paddy as they can bind -up with a rope twelve cubits in length. They dress like the Coorgs, -but in poorer style. [36] - -It is recorded by Bishop Whitehead [37] that, "in Mercara taluk, in -Ippanivolavade, and in Kadikeri in Halerinad, the villagers sacrifice -a kona or male buffalo. Tied to a tree in a gloomy grove near the -temple, the beast is killed by a Meda, who cuts off its head with -a large knife, but no Coorgs are present at the time. The blood is -spilled on a stone under a tree, and the flesh eaten by Medas." - -At the Census, 1901, Gauriga was returned as a sub-caste by some -Medaras, The better classes are taking to call themselves Balijas, -and affix the title Chetti to their names. The Godagula workers in -split bamboo sometimes call themselves Odde (Oriya) Medara. [38] - -Meda (raised mound).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale. - -Medam (fight).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Mehtar.--A few Mehtars are returned, in the Madras Census Report, -1901, as a Central Provinces caste of scavengers. "This name," -Yule and Burnell write, [39] "is usual in Bengal, especially for -the domestic servant of this class. The word is Pers., comp. mihtar -(Lat. major), a great personage, a prince, and has been applied to -the class in question in irony, or rather in consolation. But the -name has so completely adhered in this application, that all sense -of either irony or consolation has perished. Mehtar is a sweeper, -and nought else. His wife is the Matranee. It is not unusual to hear -two Mehtars hailing each other as Maharaj!" - -Meikaval (body-guard of the god).--A name for Pandarams. - -Mekala (goats).--Recorded as an exogamous sept of Boya, Chenchu, -Golla, Kamma, Kapu, Togata, and Yanadi. Nerigi Mekala (a kind of goat) -is a further sept of Yanadi. - -Mekhri.--A sub-division of Navayat Muhammadans. - -Melachcheri.--A class of Muhammadans in the Laccadive islands (see -Mappilla). - -Meladava.--Dancing-girls in South Canara. - -Melakkaran.--Concerning the Melakkarans, Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes -as follows. [40] "The name means musicians, and, as far as Tanjore is -concerned, is applied to two absolutely distinct castes, the Tamil and -Telugu Melakkarans (of whom the latter are barber musicians). These -two will not eat in each other's houses, and their views about dining -with other castes are similar. They say they would mess (in a separate -room) in a Vellalan's house, and would dine with a Kallan, but it is -doubtful whether any but the lower non-Brahman communities would eat -with them. In other respects the two castes are quite different. The -former speak Tamil, and, in most of their customs, resemble generally -the Vellalans and other higher Tamil castes, while the latter speak -Telugu, and follow domestic practices similar to those of the Telugu -Brahmans. Both are musicians. The Telugus practice only the musician's -art or periyamelam (band composed of clarionet or nagasaram, pipe, -drum, and cymbals), having nothing to do with dancing or dancing-girls, -to whom the chinnamelam or nautch music is appropriate. The Tamil caste -provides, or has adopted all the dancing-girls in the district. The -daughters of these women are generally brought up to their mother's -profession, but the daughters of the men of the community rarely -nowadays become dancing-girls, but are ordinarily married to members -of the caste. The Tamil Melakkarans perform both the periyamelam -and the nautch music. The latter consists of vocal music performed -by a chorus of both sexes to the accompaniment of the pipe and -cymbals. The class who perform it are called Nattuvans, and they are -the instructors of the dancing-women. The periyamelam always finds -a place at weddings, but the nautch is a luxury. Nowadays the better -musicians hold themselves aloof from the dancing-women. Both castes -have a high opinion of their own social standing. Indeed the Tamil -section say they are really Kallans, Vellalans, Agamudaiyans, and so -on, and that their profession is merely an accident." The Vairavi, -or temple servant of Nattukottai Chettis, must be a Melakkaran. - -Mellikallu.--Under the name Mellikallu or Mallekalu, seventy-six -individuals are returned, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "hill -cultivators in Pedakota village of Viravalli taluk of the Vizagapatam -Agency, who are reported to constitute a caste by themselves. They -pollute by touch, have their own priests, and eat pork but not beef." - -Melnadu.--Melnadu, or Melnatar, meaning western country, is the name -of a territorial sub-division of Kallan and Shanan. - -Melu Sakkare.--A name, meaning western Sakkare, by which Upparas in -Mysore style themselves. They claim descent from a mythical individual, -named Sagara, who dug the Bay of Bengal. Some Upparas explain that -they work in salt, which is more essential than sugar, and that Mel -Sakkara means superior sugar. - -Meman.--More than three hundred members of this Muhammadan class -of Bombay traders were returned at the Madras Census, 1901. It is -recorded, in the Bombay Gazetteer, that many Cutch, Memans are -prospering as traders in Kurrachee, Bombay, the Malabar coast, -Hyderabad, Madras, Calcutta, and Zanzibar. - -Menasu (pepper or chillies).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba, and gotra -of Kurni. - -Menokki (overseer).--Menokki and Menoki have been returned, in the -Travancore and Cochin Census Reports, as a sub-division of Nayars, -who are employed as accountants in temples. The name is derived from -mel, above, nokki, from nokkunnu to look after. - -Menon.--By Wigram, [41] Menon is defined as "a title originally -conferred by the Zamorin on his agents and writers. It is now used by -all classes of Nayars. In Malabar, the village karnam (accountant) -is called Menon." In the Travancore Census Report, 1901, Menon -is said to be "a contraction of Menavan (a superior person). The -title was conferred upon several families by the Raja of Cochin, -and corresponds to Pillai down south. As soon as a person was made -a Menon, he was presented with an ola (palmyra leaf for writing on) -and an iron style, as symbolical of the office he was expected to -fill, i.e., of an accountant. Even now, in British Malabar, each -amsham or revenue village has a writer or accountant, who is called -Menon." Mr. F. Fawcett writes [42] that "to those of the sub-clan -attached to the Zamorin who were sufficiently capable to earn it, -he gave the titular honour Menon, to be used as an affix to the -name. The title Menon is in general hereditary, but, be it remarked, -many who now use it are not entitled to do so. Properly speaking, -only those whose investiture by the Zamorin or some other recognized -chief is undisputed, and their descendants (in the female line) may -use it. A man known to me was invested with the title Menon in 1895 by -the Karimpuzha chief, who, in the presence of a large assembly, said -thrice 'From this day forward I confer on Krishnan Nayar the title of -Krishna Menon.' Nowadays be it said, the title Menon is used by Nayars -of clans other than the Akattu Charna." Indian undergraduates at the -English Universities, with names such as Krishna Menon, Raman Menon, -Ramunni Menon, are known as Mr. Menon. In the same way, Maratha -students are called by their titular name Mr. Rao. - -Mera.--A sub-division of Holeya. - -Meria.--At the Madras Census, 1901, twenty-five individuals returned -themselves as Meria or Merakaya. They were descendants of persons who -were reserved for human (Meriah) sacrifice, but rescued by Government -officials in the middle of the last century. - -Mesta.--A name taken by some Chaptegaras (carpenters) in South Canara. - -Mestri.--A title of Semmans and other Tamil classes. The Panan tailors -are said to be also called Mestris. Concerning the word mestri, -or maistry, Yule and Burnell write as follows. [43] "This word, a -corruption of the Portuguese Mestre, has spread into the vernaculars -all over India, and is in constant Anglo-Indian use. Properly a -foreman, a master-worker. In W. and S. India maistry, as used in the -household, generally means the cook or the tailor." - -Mettu Kamsali.--A synonym of Ojali blacksmith, Mettu means shoes -or sandals. - -Mhallo.--A name for Konkani barbers. - -Midathala (locust).--An exogamous sept of Boya and Madiga. - -Middala or Meddala (storeyed house).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale. - -Midichi (locust).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Mila.--The Milas are a fishing caste in Ganjam and Vizagapatam, for the -following note on whom I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The name -Milavandlu, by which they are commonly known, means fishermen. They -also call themselves Odavandlu, because they go out to sea, fishing -from boats (oda). When they become wealthy, they style themselves Oda -Balijas. The caste is divided into numerous exogamous septs, among -which are dhoni (boat), and tota (garden). The custom of menarikam, -according to which a man should marry his maternal uncle's daughter, -is in force, and a man may also marry his sister's daughter. Girls are -generally married after puberty. Gold jewellery is presented in lieu -of money as the bride-price (voli). On the occasion of a marriage, -half a dozen males and females go to the house of the bride, where -they are entertained at a feast. She is conducted to the home of -the bridegroom. A plank is placed at the entrance to the house, on -which the bride and bridegroom take their seats. After they have -bathed, new cloths are presented to them, and the old ones given -to the barber. They then sit once more on the plank, and the caste -headman, called the Ejaman, takes up the sathamanam (marriage badge), -which is passed round among those assembled. It is finally tied -by the bridegroom on the bride's neck. The remarriage of widows is -recognised. Each village has an Ejaman, who, in addition to officiating -at weddings, presides over council meetings, collects fines, etc. The -caste goddess is Polamma, to whom animal sacrifices are offered, -and in whose honour an annual festival is held. The expenses thereof -are met by public subscription and private donations. The dead are -burnt, and a Satani officiates at funerals. Death pollution is not -observed. On the twelfth day after death, the pedda rozu (big day) -ceremony is performed. The caste titles are Anna and Ayya. - -Milaku (pepper: Piper nigrum).--A tree or kothu of Kondaiyamkotti -Maravans. - -Milikhan.--A class of Muhammadan pilots and sailors in the Laccadive -Islands (see Mappilla). - -Minalavaru (fish people).--An exogamous sept of Bedar or Boya. Min -(fish) Palli occurs as a name for Pallis who have settled in the -Telugu country, and adopted fishing as their profession. - -Minchu (metal toe-ring).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Mini (leather rope).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Minpidi (fish-catching).--A sub-division of Panan. - -Mirapakaya (Capsicum frutescens).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Mirigani.--A sub-division of Domb. - -Miriyala (pepper).--An exogamous sept of Balija. - -Mir Shikari.--A synonym of Kurivikkaran. - -Misala (whiskers).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Mise (moustache).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Mochi.--See Mucchi. - -Modikaran.--The name sometimes applied to Nokkan mendicants, who dabble -in jugglery. Modi is a trial of magical powers between two persons, -in which the hiding of money is the essential thing. - -Moduga (Butea frondosa).--A gotra of Medara. - -Moger.--The Mogers are the Tulu-speaking fishermen of the South -Canara district, who, for the most part, follow the aliya santana -law of inheritance (in the female line), though some who are settled -in the northern part of the district speak Canarese, and follow the -makkala santana law (inheritance from father to son). - -The Mogers are largely engaged in sea-fishing, and are also employed -in the Government fish-curing yards. On the occasion of an inspection -of one of these yards at Mangalore, my eye caught sight of the saw -of a sawfish (Pristis) hanging on the wall of the office. Enquiry -elicited that it was used as a "threatening instrument" in the -yard. The ticket-holders were Mappillas and Mogers. I was informed -that some of the Mogers used the hated thattu vala or achi vala -(tapping net), in using which the sides of the boats are beaten -with sticks, to drive the fish into the net. Those who object to -this method of fishing maintain that the noise made with the sticks -frightens away the shoals of mackerel and sardines. A few years ago, -the nets were cut to pieces, and thrown into the sea, as a protest -against their employment. A free fight ensued, with the result that -nineteen individuals were sentenced to a fine of fifty rupees, and -three months' imprisonment. In connection with my inspections of -fisheries, the following quaint official report was submitted. "The -Mogers about the town of Udipi are bound to supply the revenue and -magisterial establishment of the town early in the morning every -day a number of fishes strung to a piece of rope. The custom was -originated by a Tahsildar (Native revenue officer) about twenty years -ago, when the Tahsildar wielded the powers of the magistrate and the -revenue officer, and was more than a tyrant, if he so liked--when rich -and poor would tremble at the name of an unscrupulous Tahsildar. The -Tahsildar is divested of his magisterial powers, and to the law-abiding -and punctual is not more harmful than the dormouse. But the custom -continues, and the official, who, of all men, can afford to pay for -what he eats, enjoys the privileges akin to those of the time of Louis -XIV's court, and the poor fisherman has to toil by night to supply -the rich official's table with a delicious dish about gratis." A -curious custom at Cannanore in Malabar may be incidentally referred -to. Writing in 1873, Dr. Francis Day states [44] that "at Cannanore, -the Rajah's cat appears to be exercising a deleterious influence -on one branch at least of the fishing, viz., that for sharks. It -appears that, in olden times, one fish daily was taken from each boat -as a perquisite for the Rajah's cat, or the poocha meen (cat fish) -collection. The cats apparently have not augmented so much as the -fishing boats, so this has been commuted into a money payment of two -pies a day on each successful boat. In addition to this, the Rajah -annually levies a tax of Rs. 2-4-0 on every boat. Half of the sharks' -fins are also claimed by the Rajah's poocha meen contractor." - -Writing concerning the Mogers, Buchanan [45] states that "these -fishermen are called Mogayer, and are a caste of Tulava origin. They -resemble the Mucuas (Mukkuvans) of Malayala, but the one caste will -have no communion with the other. The Mogayer are boatmen, fishermen, -porters, and palanquin-bearers, They pretend to be Sudras of a pure -descent, and assume a superiority over the Halepecas (Halepaiks), -one of the most common castes of cultivators in Tulava; but they -acknowledge themselves greatly inferior to the Bunts." Some Mogers -have abandoned their hereditary profession of fishing, and taken to -agriculture, oil-pressing, and playing on musical instruments. Some -are still employed as palanquin-bearers. The oil-pressers call -themselves Ganigas, the musicians Sappaligas, and the palanquin-bearers -Bovis. These are all occupational names. Some Bestha immigrants from -Mysore have settled in the Pattur taluk, and are also known as Bovis, -The word Bovi is a form of the Telugu Boyi (bearer). - -The Mogers manufacture the caps made from the spathe of the areca palm, -which are worn by Koragas and Holeyas. - -The settlements of the Moger fishing community are called pattana, -e.g., Odorottu pattana, Manampade pattana. For this reason, Pattanadava -is sometimes given as a synonym for the caste name. The Tamil fishermen -of the City of Madras are, in like manner, called Pattanavan, because -they live in pattanams or maritime villages. - -Like other Tulu castes, the Mogers worship bhuthas (devils). The -principal bhutha of the fishing community is Bobbariya, in whose honour -the kola festival is held periodically. Every settlement, or group of -settlements, has a Bobbariya bhuthasthana (devil shrine). The Matti -Brahmans, who, according to local tradition, are Mogers raised to -the rank of Brahmans by one Vathiraja Swami, a Sanyasi, also have -a Bobbariya bhuthasthana in the village of Matti. The Mogers who -have ceased to be fishermen, and dwell in land, worship the bhuthas -Panjurli and Baikadthi. There is a caste priest, called Mangala pujari, -whose head-quarters are at Bannekuduru near Barkur. Every family has to -pay eight annas annually to the priest, to enable him to maintain the -temple dedicated to Ammanoru or Mastiamma at Bannekuduru. According to -some, Mastiamma is Mari, the goddess of small-pox, while others say -that she is the same as Mohini, a female devil, who possesses men, -and kills them. - -For every settlement, there must be at least two Gurikaras (headmen), -and, in some settlements, there are as many as four. All the Gurikaras -wear, as an emblem of their office, a gold bracelet on the left -wrist. Some wear, in addition, a bracelet presented by the members of -the caste for some signal service. The office of headman is hereditary, -and follows the aliya santana law of succession (in the female line). - -The ordinary Tulu barber (Kelasi) does not shave the Mogers, who have -their own caste barber, called Melantavam, who is entitled to receive -a definite share of a catch of fish. The Konkani barbers (Mholla) -do not object to shave Mogers, and, in some places where Mhollas are -not available, the Billava barber is called in. - -Like other Tulu castes, the Mogers have exogamous septs, or balis, -of which the following are examples:-- - - - Ane, elephant. - Bali, a fish. - Deva, god. - Dyava, tortoise. - Honne, Pterocarpus Marsupium. - Shetti, a fish. - Tolana, wolf. - - -The marriage ceremonial of the Mogers conforms to the customary -Tulu type. A betrothal ceremony is gone through, and the sirdochi, -or bride-price, varying from six to eight rupees, paid. The marriage -rites last over two days. On the first day, the bride is seated -on a plank or cot, and five women throw rice over her head, and -retire. The bridegroom and his party come to the home of the bride, -and are accommodated at her house, or elsewhere. On the following -day, the contracting couple are seated together, and the bride's -father, or the Gurikara, pours the dhare water over their united -hands. It is customary to place a cocoanut on a heap of rice, with -some betel leaves and areca nuts at the side thereof. The dhare water -(milk and water) is poured thrice over the cocoanut. Then all those -assembled throw rice over the heads of the bride and bridegroom, -and make presents of money. Divorce can be easily effected, after -information of the intention has been given to the Gurikara. In the -Udipi taluk, a man who wishes to divorce his wife goes to a certain -tree with two or three men, and makes three cuts in the trunk with a -bill-hook. This is called barahakodu, and is apparently observed by -other castes. The Mogers largely adopt girls in preference to boys, -and they need not be of the same sept as the adopter. - -On the seventh day after the birth of a child a Madivali (washerwoman) -ties a waist-thread on it, and gives it a name. This name is usually -dropped after a time, and another name substituted for it. - -The dead are either buried or cremated. If the corpse is burnt, the -ashes are thrown into a tank (pond) or river on the third or fifth -day. The final death ceremonies (bojja or savu) are performed on the -seventh, ninth, eleventh, or thirteenth day, with details similar to -those of the Billavas. Like other Tulu castes, some Mogers perform -a propitiatory ceremony on the fortieth day. - -The ordinary caste title of the Mogers is Marakaleru, and Gurikara -that of members of the families to which the headmen belong. In the -Kundapur taluk, the title Naicker is preferred to Marakaleru. - -The cephalic index of the Mogers is, as shown by the following table, -slightly less than that of the Tulu Bants and Billavas:-- - - - Av. Max. Min. No. of times - index 80 or over. - - 50 Billavas 80.1 91.5 71. 28 - 40 Bants 78. 91.2 70.8 13 - 40 Mogers 77.1 84.9 71.8 9 - - -Mogili (Pandanus fascicularis).--An exogamous sept of Kapu and -Yerukala. - -Mogotho.--A sub-division of Gaudo, the members of which are considered -inferior because they eat fowls. - -Mohiro (peacock).--An exogamous sept or gotra of Bhondari and Gaudo, - -Moksham (heaven).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Moktessor or Mukhtesar.--See Stanika. - -Mola (hare).--An exogamous sept of Gangadikara Holeya and Gangadikara -Vakkaliga. - -Molaya Devan.--A title of Kallan and Nokkan. - -Moliko.--A title of Doluva and Kondra. - -Monathinni.--The name, meaning those who eat the vermin of the earth, -of a sub-division of Valaiyan. - -Mondi.--For the following note I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana -Rao. Mondi, Landa, Kalladi-siddhan (q.v.), and Kalladi-mangam, are -different names for one and the same class of mendicants. The first -two names denote a troublesome fellow, and the last two one who -beats himself with a stone. The Mondis speak Tamil, and correspond -to the Bandas of the Telugu country, banda meaning an obstinate -person or tricksy knave. [The name Banda is sometimes explained as -meaning stone, in reference to these mendicants carrying about a -stone, and threatening to beat out their brains, if alms are not -forthcoming.] They are as a rule tall, robust individuals, who go -about all but naked, with a jingling chain tied to the right wrist, -their hair long and matted, a knife in the hand, and a big stone -on the left shoulder. When engaged in begging, they cut the skin -of the thighs with the knife, lie down and beat their chests with -the stone, vomit, roll in the dust or mud, and throw dirt at those -who will not contribute alms. In a note on the Mondis or Bandas, -[46] Mr. H. A. Stuart writes that these beggars "lay no claim to a -religious character. Though regarded as Sudras, it is difficult to -think them such, as they are black and filthy in their appearance, -and disgusting in their habits. Happily their numbers are few. They -wander about singing, or rather warbling, for they utter no articulate -words, and, if money or grain be not given to them, they have -recourse to compulsion. The implements of their trade are knives and -ordure. With the former they cut themselves until they draw blood, -and the latter they throw into the house or shop of the person who -proves uncharitable. They appear to possess the power of vomiting -at pleasure, and use it to disgust people into a compliance with -their demands. Sometimes they lie in the street, covering the entire -face with dust, keeping, it is said, their eyes open the while, and -breathing through the dust. Eventually they always succeed by some -of these means in extorting what they consider their dues." Boys -are regularly trained to vomit at will. They are made to drink as -much hot water or conji (gruel) as they can, and taught how to bring -it up. At first, they are made to put several fingers in the mouth, -and tickle the base of the tongue, so as to give rise to vomiting. By -constant practice, they learn how to vomit at any time. Just before -they start on a begging round, they drink some fluid, which is brought -up while they are engaged in their professional calling. - -There are several proverbs relating to this class of mendicants, one -of which is to the effect that the rough and rugged ground traversed -by the Kalladi-siddhan is powdered to dust. Another gives the advice -that, whichever way the Kalladi-mangam goes, you should dole out a -measure of grain for him. Otherwise he will defile the road owing -to his disgusting habits. A song, which the Mondi may often be heard -warbling, runs as follows:-- - - - Mother, mother, Oh! grandmother, - Grandmother, who gave birth. - Dole out my measure. - - -Their original ancestor is said to have been a shepherd, who had both -his legs cut off by robbers in a jungle. The king of the country in -compassion directed that every one should pay him and his descendants, -called mondi or lame, a small amount of money or grain. - -The caste is divided into a series of bands, each of which has the -right to collect alms within a particular area. The merchants and ryots -are expected to pay them once a year, the former in money, and the -latter in grain at harvest time. Each band recognises a headman, who, -with the aid of the caste elders, settles marital and other disputes. - -Marriage is usually celebrated after puberty. In the North Arcot -district, it is customary for a man to marry his maternal uncle's -daughter, and in the Madura district a man can claim his paternal -aunt's daughter in marriage. The caste is considered so low in the -social scale that Brahmans will not officiate at marriages. Divorce -is easy, and adultery with a man of higher caste is condoned more -readily than a similar offence within the caste. - -Mondolo.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as an Oriya -title given by Zamindars to the headmen of villages. It is also a -title of various Oriya castes. - -Mora Buvva.--A sub-division of Madigas, who offer food (buvva) to -the god in a winnowing basket (mora) at marriage. - -Morasu.--The following legendary account of the origin of the "Morsu -Vellallu" is given in the Baramahal Records. [47] "In the kingdom -of Conjiveram, there was a village named Paluru, the residence of a -chieftain, who ruled over a small district inhabited by the Morsu -Vellallu. It so happened that one of them had a handsome daughter -with whom the chieftain fell in love, and demanded her in marriage -of her parents. But they would not comply with his demand, urging -as an excuse the difference of caste, on which the inflamed lover -determined on using force to obtain the object of his desires. This -resolution coming to the knowledge of the parents of the girl, they -held a consultation with the rest of the sect, and it was determined -that for the present they should feign a compliance with his order, -until they could meet with a favourable opportunity of quitting the -country. They accordingly signified their consent to the matter, -and fixed upon the nuptial day, and erected a pandal or temporary -building in front of their house for the performance of the wedding -ceremonies. At the proper time, the enamoured and enraptured chief -sent in great state to the bride's house the wedding ornaments and -clothes of considerable value, with grain and every other delicacy -for the entertainment of the guests, The parents, having in concert -with the other people of the sect prepared everything for flight, -they put the ornaments and clothes on the body of a dog, which they -tied to the centre pillar of the pandal, threw all the delicacies on -the ground before him, and, taking their daughter, fled. Their flight -soon came to the ears of the chief, who, being vexed and mortified -at the trick they had played him, set out with his attendants like a -raging lion in quest of his prey. The fugitives at length came to the -banks of the Tungabhadra river, which they found full and impassable, -and their cruel pursuer nigh at hand. In the dreadful dilemma, they -addressed to the God Vishnu the following prayer. 'O! Venkatrama -(a title of Vishnu), if thou wilt graciously deign to enable us to -ford this river, and wilt condescend to assist us in crossing the -water, as thou didst Hanumant in passing over the vast ocean, we -from henceforth will adopt thee and thy ally Hanumant our tutelary -deities.' Vishnu was pleased to grant their prayer, and by his -command the water in an instant divided, and left a dry space, -over which they passed. The moment they reached the opposite bank, -the waters closed and prevented their adversary from pursuing them, -who returned to his own country. The sect settled in the provinces -near the Tungabhadra river, and in course of time spread over the -districts which now form the eastern part of the kingdom of Mysore -then called Morsu, and from thence arose their surname." - -As in Africa, and among the American Indians, Australians, and -Polynesians, so in Southern India artificial deformity of the hand -is produced by chopping off some of the fingers. Writing in 1815, -Buchanan (Hamilton) [48] says that "near Deonella or Deonhully, -a town in Mysore, is a sect or sub-division of the Murressoo Wocal -caste, every woman of which, previous to piercing the ears of her -eldest daughter, preparatory to her being betrothed in marriage, must -undergo the amputation of the first joints of third and fourth fingers -of her right hand. The amputation is performed by the blacksmith of -the village, who, having placed the finger in a block, performs the -operation with a chisel. If the girl to be betrothed is motherless, and -the mother of the boy has not before been subjected to the amputation, -it is incumbent on her to suffer the operation." Of the same ceremony -among the "Morsa-Okkala-Makkalu" of Mysore the Abbé Dubois [49] -says that, if the bride's mother be dead, the bridegroom's mother, -or in default of her the mother of the nearest relative, must submit -to the cruel ordeal. In an editorial foot-note it is stated that -this custom is no longer observed. Instead of the two fingers being -amputated, they are now merely bound together, and thus rendered -unfit for use. In the Census Report, 1891, it is recorded that this -type of deformity is found among the Morasus, chiefly in Cuddapah, -North Arcot, and Salem. "There is a sub-section of them called Veralu -Icche Kapulu, or Kapulu who give the fingers, from a curious custom -which requires that, when a grandchild is born in a family, the wife -of the eldest son of the grandfather must have the last two joints of -the third and fourth fingers of her right hand amputated at a temple of -Bhairava." Further, it is stated in the Manual of the Salem district -(1883) that "the practice now observed in this district is that, when -a grandchild is born in a family, the eldest son of the grandfather, -with his wife, appears at the temple for the ceremony of boring -the child's ear, and there the woman has the last two joints of the -third and fourth fingers chopped off. It does not signify whether -the father of the first grandchild born be the eldest son or not, as -in any case it is the wife of the eldest son who has to undergo the -mutilation. After this, when children are born to other sons, their -wives in succession undergo the operation. When a child is adopted, -the same course is pursued." - -The origin of the custom is narrated by Wilks, [50] and is -briefly this. Mahadeo or Siva, who was in great peril, after hiding -successively in a castor-oil and jawari plantation, concealed himself -in a linga-tonde shrub from a rakshasa who was pursuing him, to whom -a Marasa Vakkaliga cultivator indicated, with the little finger of -his right hand, the hiding-place of Siva, The god was only rescued -from his peril by the interposition of Vishnu in the form of a lovely -maiden meretriciously dressed, whom the lusty rakshasa, forgetting -all about Siva, attempted to ravish, and was consumed to ashes. On -emerging from his hiding-place, Siva decreed that the cultivator -should forfeit the offending finger. The culprit's wife, who had just -arrived at the field with food for her husband, hearing this dreadful -sentence, threw herself at Siva's feet, and represented the certain -ruin of her family if her husband should be disabled for some months -from performing the labours of the farm, and besought the deity to -accept two of her fingers instead of one from her husband. Siva, -pleased with so sincere a proof of conjugal affection, accepted -the exchange, and ordered that her family posterity in all future -generations should sacrifice two fingers at his temple as a memorial -of the transaction, and of their exclusive devotion to the god of the -lingam. For the following account of the performance of the rite, -as carried out by the Morasa Vakkaligaru of Mysore, I am indebted -to an article by Mr. V. N. Narasimmiyengar. [51] "These people are -roughly classed under three heads, viz.: (1) those whose women offer -the sacrifice; (2) those who substitute for the fingers a piece of -gold wire, twisted round fingers in the shape of rings. Instead of -cutting the fingers off, the carpenter removes and appropriates the -rings; (3) those who do not perform the rite. The modus operandi is -as nearly as possible the following. About the time of the new moon -in Chaitra, a propitious day is fixed by the village astrologer, and -the woman who is to offer the sacrifice performs certain ceremonies -or puje in honour of Siva, taking food only once a day. For three -days before the operation, she has to support herself with milk, -sugar, fruits, etc., all substantial food being eschewed. On the day -appointed, a common cart is brought out, painted in alternate strips -with white and red ochre, and adorned with gay flags, flowers, etc., -in imitation of a car. Sheep or pigs are slaughtered before it, their -number being generally governed by the number of children borne by -the sacrificing woman. The cart is then dragged by bullocks, preceded -by music, the woman and her husband following, with new pots filled -with water and small pieces of silver money, borne on their heads, -and accompanied by a retinue of friends and relatives. The village -washerman has to spread clean cloths along the path of the procession, -which stops near the boundary of the village, where a leafy bower is -prepared, with three pieces of stone installed in it, symbolising -the god Siva. Flowers, fruits, cocoanuts, incense, etc., are then -offered, varied occasionally by an additional sheep or pig. A wooden -seat is placed before the image, and the sacrificing woman places -upon it her right hand with the fingers spread out. A man holds her -hand firmly, and the village carpenter, placing his chisel on the -first joints of her ring and little fingers, chops them off with a -single stroke. The pieces lopped off are thrown into an ant-hill, -and the tips of the mutilated fingers, round which rags are bound, -are dipped into a vessel containing boiling gingily (Sesamum indicum) -oil. A good skin eventually forms over the stump, which looks like a -congenital malformation. The fee of the carpenter is one kanthiraya -fanam (four annas eight pies) for each maimed finger, besides presents -in kind. The woman undergoes the barbarous and painful ceremony without -a murmur, and it is an article of the popular belief that, were it -neglected, or if nails grow on the stump, dire ruin and misfortune -will overtake the recusant family. Staid matrons, who have had their -fingers maimed for life in the above manner, exhibit their stumps with -a pride worthy of a better cause. At the termination of the sacrifice, -the woman is presented with cloths, flowers, etc., by her friends -and relations, to whom a feast is given, Her children are placed on -an adorned seat, and, after receiving presents of flowers, fruits, -etc., their ears are pierced in the usual way. It is said that to do -so before would be sacrilege." In a very full account of deformation -of the hand by the Berulu Kodo sub-sect of the Vakaliga or ryat caste -in Mysore, Mr. F. Fawcett says that it was regularly practiced until -the Commissioner of Mysore put a stop to it about twenty years ago. "At -present some take gold or silver pieces, stick them on to the finger's -ends with flour paste, and either cut or pull them off. Others simply -substitute an offering of small pieces of gold or silver for the -amputation. Others, again, tie flowers round the fingers that used to -be cut, and go through a pantomime of cutting by putting the chisel -on the joint and taking it away again. All the rest of the ceremony -is just as it used to be." The introduction of the decorated cart, -which has been referred to, is connected by Mr. Fawcett with a legend -concerning a zemindar, who sought the daughters of seven brothers in -marriage with three youths of his family. As carts were used in the -flight from the zemindar, the ceremony is, to commemorate the event, -called Bandi Devuru, or god of cars. As by throwing ear-rings into a -river the fugitives passed through it, while the zemindar was drowned, -the caste people insist on their women's ears being bored for -ear-rings. And, in honour of the girls who cared more for the honour -of their caste than for the distinction of marriage into a great -family, the amputation of part of two fingers of women of the caste -was instituted. - -"Since the prohibition of cutting off the fingers," Mr. L. Rice writes, -[52] "the women content themselves with putting on a gold or silver -finger-stall or thimble, which is pulled off instead of the finger -itself." - -Morasa Kapulu women never touch the new grain of the year without -worshipping the sun (Surya), and may not eat food prepared from -this grain before this act of worship has been performed. They -wrap themselves in a kambli (blanket) after a purificatory bath, -prostrate themselves on the ground, raise their hands to the forehead -in salutation, and make the usual offering of cocoanuts, etc. They -are said, in times gone by, to have been lax in their morals and to -have prayed to the sun to forgive them. - -Morasu has further been returned as a sub-division of Holeya, Mala and -Odde. The name Morasu Paraiyan probably indicates Holeyas who have -migrated from the Canarese to the Tamil country, and whose women, -like the Kallans, wear a horse-shoe thread round the neck. - -Motati.--A sub-division of Kapu. - -Moyili.--The Moyilis or Moilis of South Canara are said [53] by -Mr. H. A. Stuart to be "admittedly the descendants of the children of -women attached to the temples, and their ranks are even now swelled -in this manner. Their duties are similar to those of the Stanikas" -(q.v.). In the Madras Census report, 1901, Golaka (a bastard) is -clubbed with Moili. In the Mysore Census Report, this term is said -to be applied to children of Brahmans by Malerus (temple servants -in Mysore). - -The following account of the origin of the Moylars was given by -Buchanan at the beginning of the nineteenth century. [54] "In the -temples of Tuluva there prevails a very singular custom, which has -given origin to a caste named Moylar. Any woman of the four pure -castes--Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaisya or Sudra--who is tired of her -husband, or who (being a widow, and consequently incapable of marriage) -is tired of a life of celibacy, goes to a temple, and eats some of the -rice that is offered to the idol. She is then taken before the officers -of Government, who assemble some people of her caste to inquire into -the cause of her resolution; and, if she be of the Brahman caste, to -give her an option of living in the temple or out of its precincts. If -she chooses the former, she gets a daily allowance of rice, and -annually a piece of cloth. She must sweep the temple, fan the idol -with a Tibet cow's tail and confine her amours to the Brahmans. In -fact she generally becomes a concubine to some officer of revenue who -gives her a trifle in addition to her public allowance, and who will -flog her severely if she grants favours to any other person. The male -children of these women are called Moylar, but are fond of assuming -the title of Stanika, and wear the Brahmanical thread. As many of them -as can procure employment live about the temples, sweep the areas, -sprinkle them with an infusion of cow-dung, carry flambeaus before -the gods, and perform other similar low offices." - -The Moyilis are also called Devadigas, and should not be mixed with -the Malerus (or Maleyavaru). Both do temple service, but the Maleru -females are mostly prostitutes, whereas Moyili women are not. Malerus -are dancing-girls attached to the temples in South Canara, and their -ranks are swelled by Konkani, Shivalli, and other Brahman women of -bad character. - -The Moyilis have adopted the manners and customs of the Bants, and -have the same balis (septs) as the Bants and Billavas. - -Mucchi.--The Mucchis or Mochis are summed up, in the Madras -Census Report, 1901, as being a Marathi caste of painters and -leather-workers. In the Mysore Census Report it is noted that "to the -leather-working caste may be added a small body of Mochis, shoemakers -and saddlers. They are immigrant Mahratas, who, it is said, came -into Mysore with Khasim Khan, the general of Aurangzib. They claim -to be Kshatriyas and Rajputs--pretensions which are not generally -admitted. They are shoemakers and saddlers by trade, and are all -Saivas by faith." "The Mucchi," Mr. A. Chatterton writes [55] "is -not a tanner, and as a leather-worker only engages in the higher -branches of the trade. Some of them make shoes, but draw the line -at sandals. A considerable number are engaged as menial servants in -Government offices. Throughout the country, nearly every office has -its own Mucchi, whose principal duty is to keep in order the supplies -of stationery, and from raw materials manufacture ink, envelopes -and covers, and generally make himself useful. A good many of the -so-called Mucchis, however, do not belong to the caste, as very few -have wandered south of Madras, and they are mostly to be found in -Ganjam and the Ceded Districts." The duties of the office Mucchi have -further been summed up as "to mend pencils, prepare ink from powders, -clean ink-bottles, stitch note-books, paste covers, rule forms, -and affix stamps to covers and aid the despatch of tappals" (postal -correspondence). In the Moochee's Hand-book [56] by the head Mucchi -in the office of the Inspector-General of Ordnance, and contractor -for black ink powder, it is stated that "the Rev. J. P. Rottler, -in his Tamil and English dictionary, defines the word Mucchi as -signifying trunk-maker, stationer, painter. Mucchi's work comprises -the following duties:-- - -To make black, red, and blue writing ink, also ink of other colours -as may seem requisite. - -To mend quills, rule lines, make envelopes, mount or paste maps or -plans on cloth with ribbon edges, pack parcels in wax-cloth, waterproof -or common paper, seal letters and open boxes or trunk parcels. - -To take charge of boxes, issue stationery for current use, and supply -petty articles. - -To file printed forms, etc., and bind books." - -In the Fort St. George Gazette, 1906, applications were invited from -persons who have passed the Matriculation examination of the Madras -University for the post of Mucchi on Rs. 8 per mensem in the office -of a Deputy Superintendent of Police. - -In the District Manuals, the various occupations of the Mucchis are -summed up as book-binding, working in leather, making saddles and -trunks, painting, making toys, and pen-making. At the present day, -Mucchis (designers) are employed by piece-goods merchants in Madras -in devising and painting new patterns for despatch to Europe, where -they are engraved on copper cylinders. When, as at the present day, -the bazars of Southern India are flooded with imported piece-goods -of British manufacture, it is curious to look back and reflect that -the term piece-goods was originally applied in trade to the Indian -cotton fabrics exported to England. - -The term Mucchi is applied to two entirely different sets of people. In -Mysore and parts of the Ceded Districts, it refers to Marathi-speaking -workers in leather. But it is further applied to Telugu-speaking -people, called Raju, Jinigara, or Chitrakara, who are mainly engaged in -painting, making toys, etc., and not in leather-work. (See Rachevar.) - -Mucherikala.--Recorded by Mr. F. S. Mullaly [57] as a synonym of a -thief class in the Telugu country. - -Mudali.--The title Mudali is used chiefly by the offspring of -Deva-dasis (dancing-girls), Kaikolans, and Vellalas. The Vellalas -generally take the title Mudali in the northern, and Pillai in -the southern districts. By some Vellalas, Mudali is considered -discourteous, as it is also the title of weavers. [58] Mudali further -occurs as a title of some Jains, Gadabas, Occhans, Pallis or Vanniyans, -and Panisavans. Some Pattanavans style themselves Varunakula Mudali. - -Mudavandi.--The Mudavandis are said [59] to be "a special begging -class, descended from Vellala Goundans, since they had the immemorial -privilege of taking possession, as of right, of any Vellala child that -was infirm or maimed. The Modivandi made his claim by spitting into the -child's face, and the parents were then obliged, even against their -will, to give it up. Thenceforward it was a Modivandi, and married -among them. The custom has fallen into desuetude for the last forty -or fifty years, as a complaint of abduction would entail serious -consequences. Their special village is Modivandi Satyamangalam near -Erode. The chief Modivandi, in 1887, applied for sanction to employ -peons (orderlies) with belts and badges upon their begging tours, -probably because contributions are less willingly made nowadays to -idle men. They claim to be entitled to sheep and grain from the ryats." - -In a note on the Mudavandis, Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes that it is -stated to be the custom that children born blind or lame in the Konga -Vellala caste are handed over by their parents to become Mudavandis. If -the parents hesitate to comply with the custom, the Mudavandis tie a -red cloth round the head of the child, and the parents can then no -longer withhold their consent. They have to give the boy a bullock -to ride on if he is lame, or a stick if he is blind. - -A Revenue Officer writes (1902) that, at the village of Andipalayam -in the Salem district, there is a class of people called Modavandi, -whose profession is the adoption of the infirm members of the Konga -Vellalas. Andis are professional beggars. They go about among the -Konga Vellalas, and all the blind and maimed children are pounced -upon by them, and carried to their village. While parting with their -children, the parents, always at the request of the children, give a -few, sometimes rising to a hundred, rupees. The infirm never loses -his status. He becomes the adopted child of the Andi, and inherits -half of his property invariably. They are married among the Andis, -and are well looked after. In return for their services, the Andis -receive four annas a head from the Konga Vellala community annually, -and the income from this source alone amounts to Rs. 6,400. A -forty-first part share is given to the temple of Arthanariswara at -Trichengodu. None of the Vellalas can refuse the annual subscription, -on pain of being placed under the ban of social excommunication, and -the Andi will not leave the Vellala's house until the infirm child is -handed over to him. One Tahsildar (revenue officer) asked himself why -the Andi's income should not be liable to income-tax, and the Andis -were collectively assessed. Of course, it was cancelled on appeal. - -Mudi (knot).--An exogamous sept of Mala. - -Mudiya.--The name, derived from mudi, a preparation of fried rice, -of a sub-division of Chuditiya. - -Muduvar.--The Muduvars or Mudugars are a tribe of hill cultivators in -Coimbatore, Madura, Malabar, and Travancore. For the following note -on those who inhabit the Cardamom hills, I am indebted to Mr. Aylmer -Ff. Martin. - -The name of the tribe is usually spelt Muduvar in English, and in -Tamil pronounced Muthuvar, or Muthuvanal. Outsiders sometimes call the -tribe Thagappanmargal (a title sometimes used by low-caste people in -addressing their masters). The Muduvars have a dialect of their own, -closely allied to Tamil, with a few Malayalam words. Their names for -males are mostly those of Hindu gods and heroes, but Kanjan (dry or -stingy), Karupu Kunji (black chick), Kunjita (chicken) and Kar Megam -(black cloud) are distinctive and common. For females, the names of -goddesses and heroines, Karapayi (black), Koopi (sweepings), and Paychi -(she-devil) are common. Boy twins are invariably Lutchuman and Raman, -girl twins Lutchmi and Ramayi. Boy and girl twins are named Lutchman -and Ramayi, or Lutchmi and Raman. - -The Muduvars do not believe themselves to be indigenous to the hills; -the legend, handed down from father to son, is that they originally -lived in Madura. Owing to troubles, or a war in which the Pandyan -Raja of the times was engaged, they fled to the hills. When at -Bodinayakanur, the pregnant women (or, as some say, a pregnant -woman) were left behind, and eventually went with the offspring to -the Nilgiris, while the bulk of the tribe came to the High Range -of North Travancore. There is supposed to be enmity between these -rather vague Nilgiri people and the Muduvars. The Nilgiri people -are said occasionally to visit Bodinayakanur, but, if by chance they -are met by Muduvars, there is no speech between them, though each is -supposed instinctively or intuitively to recognise the presence of -the other. Those that came to the High Range carried their children -up the ghats on their backs, and it was thereupon decided to name -the tribe Muduvar, or back people. According to another tradition, -when they left Madura, they carried with them on their back the -image of the goddess Minakshi, and brought it to Neriyamangalam. It -is stated by Mr. P. E. Conner [60] that the Muduvars "rank high -in point of precedency among the hill tribes. They were originally -Vellalas, tradition representing them as having accompanied some of -the Madura princes to the Travancore hills." The approximate time of -the exodus from Madura cannot even be guessed by any of the tribe, -but it was possibly at the time when the Pandyan Rajas entered the -south, or more probably when the Telugu Naickers took possession of -Bodinayakanur in the fourteenth century. It has also been suggested -that the Muduvars were driven to the hills by the Muhammadan invaders -in the latter part of the eighteenth century. Judging from the two -distinct types of countenance, their language, and their curious -mixture of customs, I hazard the conjecture that, when they arrived -on the hills, they found a small tribe in possession, with whom they -subsequently intermarried, this tribe having affinities with the west -coast, while the new arrivals were connected with the east. - -The tribe is settled on the northern and western portion of the -Cardamom Hills, and the High Range of Travancore, known as the Kanan -Devan hills, and there is, I believe, one village on the Anaimalai -hills. They wander to some extent, less so now than formerly, owing -to the establishment of the planting community in their midst. The -head-quarters at present may be said to be on the western slopes of -the High Range. The present Mel Vaken or headman lives in a village -on the western slope of the High Range at about 2,000 feet elevation, -but villages occur up to 6,000 feet above sea level, the majority of -villages being about 4,000 feet above the sea. The wandering takes -place between the reaping of the final crop on one piece of land, -and the sowing of the next. About November sees the breaking up of -the old village, and February the establishment of the new. On the -plateau of the High Range their dwellings are small rectangular, -rather flat-roofed huts, made of jungle sticks or grass (both walls -and root), and are very neat in appearance. On the western slopes, -although the materials lend themselves to even neater building, their -houses are usually of a rougher type. The materials used are the stems -and leaves of the large-leaved ita (bamboo: Ochlandra travancorica) -owing to the absence of grass-land country. The back of the house has -no wall, the roof sloping on to the hillside behind, and the other -walls are generally made of a rough sort of matting made by plaiting -split ita stems. - -Outsiders are theoretically not received into the caste, but a weaver -caste boy and girl who were starving (in the famine of 1877, as far as -I can make out), and deserted on the hills, were adopted, and, when -they grew up, were allowed the full privileges of the caste. Since -then, a 'Thotiya Naicker' child was similarly adopted, and is now a -full-blown Muduvar with a Muduvar wife. On similar occasions, adoptions -from similar or higher castes might take place, but the adoption of -Pariahs or low-caste people would be quite impossible. In a lecture -delivered some years ago by Mr. O. H. Bensley, it was stated that -the Muduvars permit the entry of members of the Vellala caste into -their community, but insist upon a considerable period of probation -before finally admitting the would-be Muduvar into their ranks. - -If any dispute arises in the community, it is referred to the men of -the village, who form an informal panchayat (council), with the eldest -or most influential man at its head. References are sometimes, but -only seldom, made to the Muppen, a sort of sub-headman of the tribe, -except, perhaps, in the particular village in which he resides. The -office of both Muppen and Mel Vaken is hereditary, and follows -the marumakkatayam custom, i.e., descent to the eldest son of the -eldest sister. The orders of the panchayat, or of the headman, -are not enforceable by any specified means. A sort of sending a -delinquent to Coventry exists, but falls through when the matter has -blown over. Adjudications only occur at the request of the parties -concerned, or in the case of cohabitation between the prohibited -degrees of consanguinity, when, on it becoming known, the guilty -pair are banished to the jungle, but seem nevertheless to be able to -visit the village at will. When disputes between parties are settled -against any one, he may be fined, generally in kind--a calf, a cow, -a bull, or grain. There is no trial by ordeal. Oaths by the accuser, -the accused, and partisans of both, are freely taken. The form of oath -is to call upon God that the person swearing, or his child, may die -within so many days if the oath is untrue, at the same time stepping -over the Rama kodu, which consists of lines drawn on the ground, one -line for each day. It may consist of any number of lines, but three, -five, or seven are usual. Increasing the number of lines indefinitely -would be considered to be trifling with the subject. - -There do not seem to be any good omens, but evil omens are -numerous. The barking of 'jungle sheep' (barking deer) or sambar, -the hill robin crossing the path when shifting the village, are -examples. Oracles, magic, sorcery, witchcraft, and especially the -evil eye, are believed in very firmly, but are not practiced by -Muduvars. I was myself supposed to have exercised the evil eye at -one time. It once became my duty to apportion to Muduvars land for -their next year's cultivation, and I went round with some of them for -this purpose, visiting the jungle they wished to clear. A particular -friend of mine, called Kanjan, asked for a bit of secondary growth -very close to a cinchona estate; it was, in fact, situated between -Lower Nettigudy and Upper Nettigudy, and the main road passed quite -close. I told him that there was no objection, except that it was most -unusual, and that probably the estate coolies would rob the place; -and I warned him very distinctly that, if evil came of his choice, -he was not to put the blame on me. Shortly afterwards I left India, -and was absent about three months, and, when I returned, I found that -small-pox had practically wiped out that village, thirty-seven out of -forty inhabitants having died, including Kanjan. I was, of course, -very sorry; but, as I found a small bit of the land in question -had been felled, and there being no claimants, I planted it up with -cinchona. As the smallpox had visited all the Muduvar villages, and -had spread great havoc among them, I was not surprised at their being -scarce, but I noticed, on the few occasions when I did see them, that -they were always running away. When I got the opportunity, I cornered -a man by practically riding him down, and asked for an explanation. He -then told me that, of course, the tribe had been sorely troubled, -because I told Kanjan in so many words that evil would come. I had -then disappeared (to work my magic, no doubt), and returned just in -time to take that very bit of land for myself. That was nearly five -years ago, and confidence in me is only now being gradually restored. - -The Muduvans have lucky days for starting on a journey-- - - - Monday, start before sunrise. - Tuesday, start in the forenoon. - Wednesday start before 7 A.M. - Thursday, start after eating the morning meal. - Friday, never make a start; it is a bad day. - Saturday and Sunday, start as soon as the sun has risen. - - -When boys reach puberty, the parents give a feast to the village. In -the case of a girl, a feast is likewise given, and she occupies, for -the duration of the menstrual period, a hut set apart for all the women -in the village to occupy during their uncleanness. When it is over, she -washes her clothes, and takes a bath, washing her head. This is just -what every woman of the village always does. There is no mutilation, -and the girl just changes her child's dress for that of a woman. The -married women of the village assist at confinements. Twins bring good -luck. Monsters are said to be sometimes born, bearing the form of -little tigers, cows, monkeys, etc. On these occasions, the mother is -said generally to die, but, when she does not die, she is said to eat -the monster. Monstrosities must anyway be killed. Childless couples -are dieted to make them fruitful, the principal diet for a man being -plenty of black monkey, and for a woman a compound of various herbs -and spices. - -A man may not marry the daughter of his brother or sister; he ought to -marry his uncle's daughter, and he may have two or three wives, who -may or may not be sisters. Among the plateau Muduvars, both polygamy -and polyandry are permitted, the former being common, and the latter -occasional. In the case of the latter, brothers are prohibited from -having a common wife, as also are cousins on the father's side. In -the case of polygamy, the first married is the head wife, and the -others take orders from her, but she has no other privileges. If the -wives are amicably disposed, they live together, but, when inclined -to disagree, they are given separate houses for the sake of peace -and harmony. With quarrelsome women, one wife may be in one village, -and the others in another. A man may be polygamous in one village, -and be one of a polyandrous lot of men a few miles off. On the Cardamom -Hills, and on the western slopes, where the majority of the tribe live, -they are monogamous, and express abhorrence of both the polygamous and -polyandrous condition, though they admit, with an affectation of amused -disgust, that both are practiced by their brethren on the high lands. - -Marriages are arranged by the friends, and more often by the cousins -on the mother's side of the bridegroom, who request the hand of a -girl or woman from her parents. If they agree, the consent of the most -remote relatives has also to be obtained, and, if everyone is amicable, -a day is fixed, and the happy couple leave the village to live a few -days in a cave by themselves. On their return, they announce whether -they would like to go on with it, or not. In the former case, the man -publicly gives ear-rings, a metal (generally brass) bangle, a cloth, -and a comb to the woman, and takes her to his hut. The comb is a poor -affair made of split ita or perhaps of bamboo, but it is the essential -part of the ceremony. If the probationary period in the cave has not -proved quite satisfactory to both parties, the marriage is put off, -and the man and the woman are both at liberty to try again with some -one else. Betrothal does not exist as a ceremony, though families -often agree together to marry their children together, but this is not -binding in any way. The tying of the tali (marriage badge) is said to -have been tried in former days as part of the marriage ceremony, but, -as the bride always died, the practice was discontinued. Remarriage of -widows is permitted, and the widow by right belongs to, or should be -taken over by her deceased husband's maternal aunt's son, and not, -under any circumstances, by any of his brothers. In practice she -marries almost any one but one of the brothers. No man should visit the -house of his younger brother's wife, or even look at that lady. This -prohibition does not extend to the wives of his elder brothers, but -sexual intercourse even here would be incest. The same ceremonies are -gone through at the remarriage of a widow as in an ordinary marriage, -the ear-rings and bangles, which she discarded on the death of the -previous husband, being replaced. Widows do not wear a special dress, -but are known by the absence of jewelry. Elopements occur. When a -man and woman do not obtain the consent of the proper parties, they -run away into the jungle or a cave, visiting the village frequently, -and getting grain, etc., from sympathisers. The anger aroused by -their disgraceful conduct having subsided, they quietly return to the -village, and live as man and wife. [It is noted, in the Travancore -Census Report, 1901, that, after a marriage is settled, the bridegroom -forcibly takes away the maiden from her mother's house when she goes -out for water or firewood, and lives with her separately for a few -days or weeks in some secluded part of the forest. They then return, -unless in the meantime they are searched for, and brought back by -their relations.] In theory, a man may divorce his wife at will, -but it is scarcely etiquette to do so, except for infidelity, or in -the case of incompatibility of temper. If he wants to get rid of her -for less horrible crimes, he can palm her off on a friend. A woman -cannot divorce her husband at all in theory, but she can make his -life so unbearable that he gladly allows her to palm herself off on -somebody else. Wives who have been divorced marry again freely. - -The tribe follow the west coast or marumakkatayam law of inheritance -with a slight difference, the property descending to an elder or -younger sister's son. Property, which seldom consists of more than -a bill-hook, a blanket, and a few cattle, always goes to a nephew, -and is not divided in any way. - -The tribe professes to be Hindu, and the chief gods are Panaliandavar -(a corruption of Palaniandi) and Kadavallu, who are supposed to live -in the Madura temple with Minakshiammal and her husband Sokuru. They -are also said to worship Chantiattu Bhagavati and Neriyamangalam -Sasta. Suryan (the sun) is a beneficent deity. The deities which are -considered maleficent are numerous, and all require propitiation. This -is not very taxing, as a respectful attitude when passing their -reputed haunts seems to suffice. They are alluded to as Karapu (black -ones). One in particular is Nyamaru, who lives on Nyamamallai, the -jungles round which were said to be badly haunted. At present they -are flourishing tea estates, so Nyamaru has retired to the scrub -at the top of the mountain. Certain caves are regarded as shrines, -where spear-heads, a trident or two, and copper coins are placed, -partly to mark them as holy places, and partly as offerings to bring -good luck, good health, or good fortune. They occur in the most remote -spots. The only important festival is Thai Pongal, when all who visit -the village, be they who they may, must be fed. It occurs about the -middle of January, and is a time of feasting and rejoicing. - -The tribe does not employ priests of other castes to perform religious -ceremonies. Muduvars who are half-witted, or it may be eccentric, -are recognised as Swamyars or priests. If one desires to get rid -of a headache or illness, the Swamyar is told that he will get four -annas or so if the complaint is soon removed, but he is not expected -to perform miracles, or to make any active demonstration over the -matter. Swamyars who spend their time in talking to the sun and moon -as their brethren, and in supplications to mysterious and unknown -beings, are the usual sort, and, if they live a celibate life, -they are greatly esteemed. For those who live principally on milk, -in addition to practicing the other virtue, the greatest reverence -is felt. Such an one occurs only once or twice in a century. - -The dead are buried lying down, face upwards, and placed north and -south. The grave has a little thatched roof, about six feet by two, -put over it. A stone, weighing twenty or thirty pounds, is put at the -head, and a similar stone at the feet. These serve to mark the spot -when the roof perishes, or is burnt during the next grass fire. The -depth of the grave is, for a man, judged sufficient if the gravedigger, -standing on the bottom, finds the level of the ground up to his waist, -but, for a woman, it must be up to his armpits. The reason is that -the surviving women do not like to think that they will be very near -the surface, but the men are brave, and know that, if they lie north -and south, nothing can harm them, and no evil approach. The ghosts of -those killed by accident or dying a violent death, haunt the spot till -the memory of the occurrence fades from the minds of the survivors and -of succeeding generations. These ghosts are not propitiated, but the -haunted spots are avoided as much as possible. The Muduvars share with -many other jungle-folk the idea that, if any animal killed by a tiger -or leopard falls so as to lie north and south, it will not be eaten by -the beast of prey. Nor will it be re-visited, so that sitting over a -"kill" which has fallen north and south, in the hopes of getting a -shot at the returning tiger or leopard, is a useless proceeding. - -Totemism does not exist, but, in common with other jungle tribes, -the tiger is often alluded to as jackal. - -Fire is still often made by means of the flint and steel, though -match-boxes are common enough. Some dry cotton (generally in a dirty -condition) is placed along the flint, the edge of which is struck with -the steel. The spark generated ignites the cotton, and is carefully -nursed into flame in dead and dry grass. The Muduvars also know how -to make fire by friction, but nowadays this is very seldom resorted -to. A rotten log of a particular kind of tree has first to be found, -the inside of which is in an extremely dry and powdery condition, -while the outside is still fairly hard. Some of the top of the topmost -side of the recumbent log having been cut away at a suitable place, -and most of the inside removed, a very hard and pointed bit of wood is -rapidly rotated against the inner shell of the log where the powdery -stuff is likely to ignite, and this soon begins to smoke, the fire -being then nursed much in the same way as with the fire generated by -the flint and steel. - -By the men, the languti and leg cloth of the Tamils are worn. A turban -is also worn, and a cumbly or blanket is invariably carried, and put -on when it rains. [It is noted, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, -that males dress themselves like the Maravans of the low country. A -huge turban is almost an invariable portion of the toilette. The chief -of the Mudavars is known as Vakka, without whose consent the head-dress -is not to be worn.] I have seen a Muduvar with an umbrella. Nowadays, -the discarded coats of planters, and even trousers and tattered -riding-breeches are common, and a Muduvar has been seen wearing a -blazer. The men wear ear-rings, supposed to be, and sometimes in -reality, of gold, with bits of glass of different colours in them, -and also silver or brass finger and toe rings, and sometimes a bangle -on each arm or on one leg. The women go in very largely for beads, -strings of them adorning their necks, white and blue being favourite -colours. Rings for the ears, fingers and toes, and sometimes many glass -bangles on the arms, and an anklet on each leg, are the usual things, -the pattern of the metal jewelry being often the same as seen on the -women of the plains. The cloth, after being brought round the waist, -and tucked in there, is carried over the body, and two corners are -knotted on the right shoulder. Unmarried girls wear less jewelry than -the married women, and widows wear no jewelry till they are remarried, -when they can in no way be distinguished from their sisters. Tattooing -is not practiced. Sometimes a stout thread is worn on the arm, with -a metal cylinder containing some charm against illness or the evil -eye, but only the wise men or elders of the caste lay much store on, -or have knowledge of these things. - -The Muduvars believe that they were originally cultivators of the soil, -and their surroundings and tastes have made them become hunters and -trappers, since coming to the hills. At the present day, they cut down -a bit of secondary jungle or cheppukad, and, after burning it off, -sow ragi (millet), or, where the rainfall is sufficient, hill-rice, -which is weeded and tended by the women, the men contenting themselves -by trying to keep out the enemies to their crops. After harvest there -is not much to be done, except building a new village perhaps, making -traps, and shooting. All they catch is game to them, though we should -describe some of the animals as vermin. They catch rats, squirrels, -quail, jungle fowl, porcupines, mouse-deer, and fish. They kill, with -a blowpipe and dart, many small birds. The traps in use are varied, -but there are three principal ones, one of which looks like a big -bow. It is fixed upright in the ground as a spring to close with a -snap a small upright triangle of sharp-edged bamboo, to which it is -connected, and into which any luckless small game may have intruded -its head, induced to do so by finding all other roads closed with -a cunningly made fence. Another is a bent sapling, from which a -loop of twine or fibre hangs on what appears to be the ground, -but is really a little platform on which the jungle fowl treads, -and immediately finds itself caught by both legs, and hanging in -mid-air. The third is very much the same, but of stouter build. The -loop is upright, and set in a hedge constructed for the purpose of -keeping the fretful porcupine in the path, passing along which the -beast unconsciously releases a pin, back flies the sapling, and the -porcupine is hung. If fouled in any way, he generally uses his teeth to -advantage, and escapes. The Muduvars are also adepts at catching 'ibex' -(wild goat), which are driven towards a fence with nooses set in it -at proper points, which cause the beasts to break their necks. Fish -are caught in very beautifully constructed cruives, and also on -the hook, while, on the larger rivers below the plateau, the use of -the night-line is understood. With the gun, sambar, 'ibex,' barking -deer, mungooses, monkeys, squirrels, and martens are killed. Besides -being a good shot, the Muduvar, when using his own powder, takes no -risks. The stalk is continued until game is approached, sometimes -to within a few yards, when a charge of slugs from the antiquated -match-lock has the same effect as the most up-to-date bullet from -the most modern weapon. Mr. Bensley records how, on one occasion, -two English planters went out with two Muduvars after 'bison.' One -of the Muduvars, carrying a rifle, tripped, and the weapon exploded, -killing one of the planters on the spot. The two Muduvars immediately -took to their heels. The other planter covered them with his rifle, -and threatened to shoot them if they did not return, which they at -last did. Mr. Bensley held the magisterial enquiry, and the Muduvars -were amazed at escaping capital punishment. - -In their agricultural operations, the Muduvars are very -happy-go-lucky. They have no scare-crows to avert injury to crops or -frighten away demons, but they employ many devices for keeping off -pigs, sambar, and barking deer from their crops, none of which appear -to be efficacious for long. The implement par excellence of the Muduvar -is the bill-hook, from which he never parts company, and with which -he can do almost anything, from building a house to skinning a rat, -or from hammering sheet-lead into bullets to planting maize. - -The bulk of the tribe live on ragi or hill-rice, and whatever -vegetables they can grow, and whatever meat they trap or shoot. They -esteem the flesh of the black monkey (Semnopithecus johni) above -everything, and lust after it. I have seen a Muduvar much pulled down -by illness seize an expiring monkey, and suck the blood from its -jugular vein. Muduvars will not eat beef, dog, jackals, or snakes, -but will eat several sorts of lizards, and rats, 'ibex,' and all the -deer tribe, fish, fowl, and other birds, except kites and vultures, -are put into the pot. The plateau Muduvars, and those on the eastern -slopes, will not eat pig in any shape or form. Those on the western -slopes are very keen on wild pig, and this fact causes them to be -somewhat looked down upon by the others. I think this pork-eating -habit is due to the absence of sambar or other deer in the heart of -the forests. Muduvars are fond of alcohol in any shape or form. They -take a liquor from a wild palm which grows on the western slopes, and, -after allowing it to become fermented, drink it freely. Some members of -the tribe, living in the vicinity of these palms, are more or less in -a state of intoxication during the whole time it is in season. Their -name for the drink is tippily-kal, and the palm resembles the kittul -(Caryota urens). The western slope Muduvars are acquainted with opium -from the west coast, and some of them are slaves to the habit. The -Muduvars do not admit that any other caste is good enough to eat, -drink, or smoke with them. They say that, once upon a time, they -permitted these privileges to Vellalans, but this fact induced so -many visitors to arrive that they really could not afford it any more, -so they eat, drink, and smoke with no one now, but will give uncooked -food to passing strangers. - -I have never heard any proverb, song, or folk-tale of the Muduvars, -and believe the story of their arrival on the hills to be their -stock tale. They have a story, which is more a statement of belief -than anything else, that, when a certain bamboo below Pallivasal -flowers, a son of the Maharaja of Travancore turns into a tiger or -puli-manisan, and devours people. Men often turn into puli-manisan -owing chiefly to witchcraft on the part of others, and stories of -such happenings are often told. The nearest approach to a proverb I -have heard is Tingakilamei nalla tingalam, which sounds rather tame -and meaningless in English, "On Monday you can eat well"--the play -on the words being quite lost. - -The Muduvars make a miniature tom-tom by stretching monkey skin over -a firm frame of split bamboo or ita, on which the maker thereof will -strum by the hour much to his own enjoyment. - -In former days, the whole tribe were very shy of strangers, and it is -only within the last thirty years that they have become used to having -dealings with outsiders. Old men still tell of the days when robbers -from the Coimbatore side used to come up, burn the Muduvar villages, -and carry off what cattle or fowls they could find. Even now, there -are some of the men in whom this fear of strangers seems to be innate, -and who have never spoken to Europeans. In the women this feeling is -accentuated, for, when suddenly met with, they make themselves scarce -in the most surprising way, and find cover as instinctively as a quail -chick. There are now and again men in the tribe who aspire to read, -but I do not know how far any of them succeed. - -The Muduvars are becoming accustomed to quite wonderful things--the -harnessing of water which generates electricity to work machinery, -the mono-rail tram which now runs through their country, and, most -wonderful of all, the telephone. An old man described how he would -raise envy and wonder in the hearts of his tribe by relating his -experience. "I am the first of my caste to speak and hear over five -miles," said he, with evident delight. - -I have alluded to the two different types of countenance; perhaps -there is a third resulting from a mixture of the other two. The first -is distinctly aquiline-nosed and thin-lipped, and to this type the -men generally belong. The second is flat-nosed, wide-nostrilled, -and thick-lipped, and this fairly represents the women, who compare -most unfavourably with the men in face. I have never seen men of the -second type, but of an intermediate type they are not uncommon. On -the Cardamom Hills there may still exist a tribe of dwarfs, of -which very little is known. The late Mr. J. D. Munro had collected -a little information about them. Mr. A. W. Turner had the luck -to come across one, who was caught eating part of a barking deer -raw. Mr. Turner managed to do a little conversation with the man by -signs, and afterwards he related the incident to Srirangam, a good -old Muduvar shikari (sportsman), who listened thoughtfully, and then -asked "Did you not shoot him?" The question put a new complexion on -to the character of the usually peaceful and timid Muduvar. - -I know the Muduvars to be capable of real affection. Kanjan was very -proud of his little son, and used to make plans for wounding an ibex, -so that his boy might finish it off, and thus become accustomed -to shooting. - -In South Coimbatore, "honey-combs are collected by Irulas, Muduvars, -and Kadirs. The collection is a dangerous occupation. A hill-man, -with a torch in his hand and a number of bamboo tubes suspended -from his shoulders, descends by means of ropes or creepers to the -vicinity of the comb. The sight of the torch drives away the bees, -and he proceeds to fill the bamboos with the comb, and then ascends -to the top of the rock." [61] - -Mugi (dumb).--An exogamous sept of Golla. - -Muka.--A sub-division of Konda Razu. - -Muka Dora.--Muka is recorded, in the Madras Census Reports, 1891 and -1901, as a sub-division and synonym of Konda Dora, and I am informed -that the Muka Doras, in Vizagapatam, hold a high position, and most of -the chiefs among the Konda Doras are Muka Doras. Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, -to whom I am indebted to the following note, inclines to the opinion -that the Muka Doras form a caste distinct from the Konda Doras. They -are traditionally regarded as one of the primitive hill tribes, but -their customs at the present day exhibit a great deal of low-country -influence. They speak Telugu, their personal names are pure Telugu, -and their titles are Anna and Ayya as well as Dora. They recognize -one Vantari Dora of Padmapuram as their head. - -The Muka Doras are agriculturists and pushing petty traders. They -may be seen travelling about the country with pack bullocks at the -rice harvest season. They irrigate their lands with liquid manure in -a manner similar to the Kunnuvans of the Palni hills in the Madura -country. - -They are divided into two sections, viz., Kora-vamsam, which reveres -the sun, and Naga-vamsam, which reveres the cobra, and have further -various exogamous septs or intiperulu, such as vemu or nim tree -(Melia Azadirachta), chikkudi (Dolickos Lablab), velanga (Feronia -elephantum), kakara (Momordica Charantia). - -Girls are married either before or after puberty. The menarikam system -is in force, according to which a man should marry his maternal -uncle's daughter. On an auspicious day, some of the elders of the -future bridegroom's family take a cock or goat, a new cloth for the -girl's mother, rice and liquor to the girl's house. The presents are -usually accepted, and the pasupu (turmeric) ceremony, practiced by many -Telugu castes, is performed. On an appointed day, the bridegroom's -party repair to the house of the bride, and bring her in procession -to the house of the bridegroom. Early next morning, the contracting -couple enter a pandal (booth), the two central pillars of which are -made of the neredi (Eugenia Jambolana) and relli (Cassia Fistula) -trees. The maternal uncle, who officiates, links their little fingers -together. Their bodies are anointed with castor-oil mixed with turmeric -powder, and they bathe. New cloths are then given to them by their -fathers-in-law. Some rice is poured over the floor of the house, and -the bride and bridegroom measure this three times. The ends of their -cloths are tied together, and a procession is formed, which proceeds -to the bank of a stream, where the bride fetches tooth-cleaning -sticks three times, and gives them to the bridegroom, who repeats the -process. They then sit down together, and clean their teeth. After -a bath in the stream, the ends of their clothes are once more tied -together, and the procession returns to the bridegroom's house. The -bride cooks some of the rice which has already been measured with water -brought from the stream, and the pair partake thereof. A caste feast, -with much drinking, is held on this and the two following days. The -newly-married couple then proceed, in the company of an old man, -to the bride's house, and remain there from three to five days. If -the girl is adult, she then goes to the home of her husband. - -When a girl reaches puberty, she is placed apart in a room, and sits -within a triangular enclosure made by means of three arrows stuck in -the ground, and connected together by three rounds of thread. From -the roof a cradle, containing a stone, is placed. On the last day, a -twig of the neredi tree is plucked, planted on the way to the village -stream, and watered. As she passes the spot, the girl pulls it out of -the ground, and takes it to the stream, into which she throws it. She -then bathes therein. - -The dead are, as a rule, burnt, and death pollution is observed for -three days, during which the caste occupation is not carried out. On -the fourth day, a ceremony, called pasupu muttukovadam, or touching -turmeric, is performed. The relations of the deceased repair to the -spot where the corpse was burnt, collect the ashes, and sprinkle -cow-dung, neredi and tamarind water over the spot. Some food is -cooked, and three handfuls are thrown to the crows. They then perform -a ceremonial ablution. The ceremony corresponds to the chinnarozu, -or little day ceremony, of the low-country castes. The more well-to-do -Muka Doras perform the peddarozu, or big day ceremony, on the twelfth -day, or later on. The relations of the deceased then plant a plantain -on the spot where he was burnt, and throw turmeric, castor-oil, and -money according to their means. The coins are collected, and used -for the purchase of materials for a feast. - -Mukkara (nose or ear ornament).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Mukkuvan.--The Mukkuvans are the sea fishermen of the Malabar coast, -who are described as follows by Buchanan. [62] "The Mucua, or in the -plural Mucuar, are a tribe who live near the sea-coast of Malayala, -to the inland parts of which they seldom go, and beyond its limits -any way they rarely venture. Their proper business is that of -fishermen, as palanquin-bearers for persons of low birth, or of no -caste; but they serve also as boatmen. The utmost distance to which -they will venture on a voyage is to Mangalore. In some places they -cultivate the cocoanut. In the southern parts of the province most -of them have become Mussulmans, but continue to follow their usual -occupations. These are held in the utmost contempt by those of the -north, who have given up all communication with the apostates. Those -here do not pretend to be Sudras, and readily acknowledge the -superior dignity of the Tiars. They have hereditary chiefs called -Arayan, who settle disputes, and, with the assistance of a council, -punish by fine or excommunication those who transgress the rules of -the caste. The deity of the caste is the goddess Bhadra-Kali, who is -represented by a log of wood, which is placed in a hut that is called -a temple. Four times a year the Mucuas assemble, sacrifice a cock, -and make offerings of fruit to the log of wood. One of the caste -acts as priest (pujari). They are not admitted to enter within the -precincts of any of the temples of the great gods who are worshipped -by the Brahmans; but they sometimes stand at a distance, and send -their offerings by more pure hands." - -It is recorded by Captain Hamilton [63] that he saw "at many Muchwa -Houses, a square Stake of Wood, with a few Notches cut about it, -and that Stake drove into the Ground, about two Foot of it being -left above, and that is covered with Cadjans or Cocoanut Tree Leaves, -and is a Temple and a God to that Family." - -In the Gazetteer of Malabar (1908), the following account of the -Mukkuvans is given. "A caste, which according to a probably erroneous -tradition came originally from Ceylon, is that of the Mukkuvans, a -caste of fishermen following marumakkatayam (inheritance through the -female line) in the north, and makkattayam (inheritance from father to -son) in the south. Their traditional occupations also include chunam -(lime) making, and manchal-bearing (a manchal is a kind of hammock -slung on a pole, and carried by four men, two at each end). In the -extreme south of the district they are called Arayans, [64] a term -elsewhere used as a title of their headmen. North of Cannanore there -are some fishermen, known as Mugavars or Mugayans, who are presumably -the same as the Mugayars of South Canara. Another account is that the -Mugayans are properly river-fishers, and the Mukkuvans sea-fishers; -but the distinction does not seem to hold good in fact. The Mukkuvans -rank below the Tiyans and the artisan classes; and it is creditable to -the community that some of its members have recently risen to occupy -such offices as that of Sub-magistrate and Sub-registrar. The caste has -supplied many converts to the ranks of Muhammadanism. In North Malabar -the Mukkuvans are divided into four exogamous illams, called Ponillam -(pon, gold), Chembillam (chembu, copper), Karillam, and Kachillam, -and are hence called Nalillakkar, or people of the four illams; while -the South Malabar Mukkuvans and Arayans have only the three latter -illams, and are therefore called Munillakkar, or people of the three -illams. There is also a section of the caste called Kavuthiyans, who -act as barbers to the others, and are sometimes called Panimagans -(work-children). The Nalillakkar are regarded as superior to the -Munillakkar and the Kavuthiyans, and exact various signs of respect -from them. The Kavuthiyans, like other barber castes, have special -functions to perform in connection with the removal of ceremonial -pollution; and it is interesting to note that sea-water is used in the -ritual sprinklings for this purpose. The old caste organisation seems -to have persisted to the present day among the Mukkuvans to an extent -which can be paralleled amongst few other castes. They have assemblies -(rajiams) of elders called Kadavans, or Kadakkodis, presided over -by presidents called Arayans or Karnavans, who settle questions of -caste etiquette, and also constitute a divorce court. The position -of the Arayans, like that of the Kadavans, is hereditary. It is said -to have been conferred by the different Rajas in their respective -territories, with certain insignia, a painted cadjan (palm leaf) -umbrella, a stick, and a red silk sash. The Arayans are also entitled -to the heads of porpoises captured in their jurisdictions, and to -presents of tobacco and pan supari when a girl attains puberty or -is married. Their consent is necessary to all regular marriages. The -Mukkuvans have their oracles or seers called Ayittans or Attans; and, -when an Arayan dies, these select his successor from his Anandravans, -while under the influence of the divine afflatus, and also choose -from among the younger members of the Kadavan families priests called -Manakkans or Banakkans, to perform puja in their temples. - -"Fishing is the hereditary occupation of the Mukkuvans. Their boats, -made of aini (Artocarpus hirsuta) or mango wood, and fitted with a -mat sail, cost from Rs. 200 to Rs. 500, and carry a crew of 5 or -8 men according to size. Their nets are of all shapes and sizes, -ranging from a fine net with a 3/8'' mesh for sardines and such -small fry to a stout valiya sravuvala or shark net with a 6 1/2'' -or 7'' mesh; and for a big Badagara boat a complete equipment is -said to cost Rs. 1,000. The nets are generally made of fibre, cotton -thread being used only for nets with the finest mesh. Salt is not -usually carried in the boats, and the fish decompose so rapidly in -the tropical sun that the usual fishing grounds are comparatively -close to the shore; but boats sometimes venture out ten, fifteen, -or even twenty miles. Shoals of the migratory sardine, which are -pursued by predaceous sharks, kora, and cat-fish, yield the richest -harvest of fishes great and small to the Mukkuvan. Huge quantities of -mackerel or aila are also caught, and seir, white and black pomfret, -prawns, whiting, and soles are common. The arrival of the boats is the -great event of the day in a fishing village. Willing hands help to -drag them up the beach, and an eager crowd gathers round each boat, -discussing the catch and haggling over the price. The pile of fish -soon melts away, and a string of coolies, each with a basket of fish -on his head, starts off at a sling trot into the interior, and soon -distributes the catch over a large area. Relays of runners convey fresh -fish from Badagara and Tellicherry even as far as the Wynaad. All that -is left unsold is taken from the boats to the yards to be cured under -the supervision of the Salt Department with Tuticorin salt supplied -at the rate of 10 annas per maund. The fisherman is sometimes also -the curer, but usually the two are distinct, and the former disposes -of the fish to the latter 'on fixed terms to a fixed customer,' and -'looks to him for support during the slack season, the rainy and stormy -south-west monsoon.' The salt fish is conveyed by coasting steamers -to Ceylon, and by the Madras Railway to Coimbatore, Salem, and other -places. Sardines are the most popular fish, and are known as kudumbam -pulartti, or the family blessing. In a good year, 200 sardines can be -had for a single pie. Sun-dried, they form valuable manure for the -coffee planter and the cocoanut grower, and are exported to Ceylon, -the Straits Settlements, and occasionally to China and Japan; and, -boiled with a little water, they yield quantities of fish oil for -export to Europe and Indian ports. Salted shark is esteemed a delicacy, -particularly for a nursing woman. Sharks' fins find a ready sale, -and are exported to China by way of Bombay. The maws or sounds of -kora and cat-fishes are dried, and shipped to China and Europe for -the preparation of isinglass." [65] It will be interesting to watch -the effect of the recently instituted Fishery Bureau in developing -the fishing industry and system of fish-curing in Southern India. - -Mukkuvans work side by side with Mappillas both at the fishing grounds -and in the curing yards, and the two classes will eat together. It -is said that, in former times, Mappillas were allowed to contract -alliances with Mukkuva women, and that male children born as a result -thereof on Friday were handed over to the Mappilla community. It is -recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "conversion to -Islam is common among this caste. The converts are called Puislam -or Putiya Islam [66] (new Islam). All Puislams follow the occupation -of fishing. In the northernmost taluks there is a rule that Mukkuva -females during their periods cannot remain in the house, but must -occupy the house of a Mappilla, which shows that the two castes live -on very close terms." The fishermen at Tanur are for the most part -Puislamites, and will not go out fishing on Fridays. - -From a recent note (1908), I gather that the Mukkuvas and Puislams of -Tanur have been prospering of late years and would appear to be going -in for a display of their prosperity by moving about arrayed in showy -shirts, watch-chains, shoes of the kind known as Arabi cherippu, -etc. This sort of ostentation has evidently not been appreciated -by the Moplahs, who, it is said sent round the Mukkuva village, -known as Mukkadi some Cherumas, numbering over sixty, to notify by -beat of kerosene tins that any Mukkuva or Puislam who went into the -Moplah bazaar wearing a shirt or coat or shoes would go in peril of -his life. Some days after this alleged notification, two Mukkuvas -and a Mukkuva woman complained to the Tirur Sub-Magistrate that they -had been waylaid by several Moplahs on the public road in the Tanur -bazaar, and had been severely beaten, the accused also robbing the -woman of some gold ornaments which were on her person. I am informed -that Tanur is the only place where this feeling exists. Puislams and -Mappillas settle down together peacefully enough elsewhere. - -There are two titles in vogue among the Mukkuvans, viz., Arayan -and Marakkan. Of these, the former is the title of the headmen and -members of their families, and the latter a title of ordinary members -of the community. The caste deity is said to be Bhadrakali, and the -Mukkuvans have temples of their own, whereat worship is performed by -Yogi Gurukkals, or, it is said, by the Karanavans of certain families -who have been initiated by a Yogi Gurukkal. - -At Tellicherry there are two headmen, called Arayanmar belonging to -the Kachillam and Ponillam sections. In addition to the headmen, there -are caste servants called Manakkan. It is stated, in the Manual of the -South Canara district, that "there is an hereditary headman of the -caste called the Ayathen, who settles disputes. For trifling faults -the ordinary punishment is to direct the culprit to supply so much -oil for lights to be burnt before the caste demon." The Velichapads, -or oracles who become possessed by the spirit of the deity among the -Mukkuvans, are called Ayathen, which is probably an abbreviation of -Ayuthathan, meaning a sword or weapon-bearer, as the oracle, when -under the influence of the deity, carries a sword or knife. - -As among other Malayalam castes, Mukkuva girls must go through -a ceremony before they attain puberty. This is called pandal -kizhikkal, and corresponds to the tali-kettu kalyanam of the other -castes. The consent of the Arayan is necessary for the performance -of this ceremony. On the night previous thereto, the girl is smeared -with turmeric paste and oil. Early on the following morning, she -is brought to the pandal (booth), which is erected in front of the -house, and supported by four bamboo posts. She is bathed by having -water poured over her by girls of septs other than her own. After the -bath, she stands at the entrance to the house, and a Kavuthiyachi -(barber woman) sprinkles sea-water over her with a tuft of grass -(Cynodon Dactylon). A cloth is thrown over her, and she is led into -the house. The barber woman receives as her fee a cocoanut, some rice, -and condiments. A tali (marriage badge) is tied on the girl's neck by -her prospective husband's sister if a husband has been selected for -her, or by a woman of a sept other than her own. The girl must fast -until the conclusion of the ceremony, and should remain indoors for -seven days afterwards. At the time of ceremony, she receives presents -of money at the rate of two vellis per family. The Arayan receives -two vellis, a bundle of betel leaves, areca nuts, and tobacco. - -Girls are married after puberty according to one of two forms of rite, -called kodi-udukkal (tying the cloth) and vittil-kudal. The former -is resorted to by the more prosperous members of the community, and -lasts over two days. On the first day, the bridegroom goes to the home -of the bride, accompanied by his relations and friends, and sweets, -betel leaves and areca nuts, etc., are given to them. They then -take their departure, and return later in the day, accompanied by -musicians, in procession. At the entrance to the bride's house they -stand while someone calls out the names of the eleven Arayans of the -caste, who, if they are present, come forward without a body-cloth -or coat. Betel leaves and areca nuts are presented to the Arayans or -their representatives, and afterwards to the Rajyakkar, or chief men -of the village. The bridegroom then goes inside, conducted by two men -belonging to the septs of the contracting parties, to the bride's -room. The bridegroom sits down to a meal with nine or eleven young -men in a line, or in the same room. On the second day, the bride is -brought to the pandal. Two persons are selected as representatives -of the bridegroom and bride, and the representative of the former -gives thirty-nine vellis to the representative of the latter. Some -sweetened water is given to the bridegroom's relations. A woman -who has been married according to the kodi-udukkal rite ties a -new cloth round the waist of the bride, after asking her if she is -willing to marry the bridegroom, and obtaining the consent of those -assembled. Sometimes a necklace, composed of twenty-one gold coins, -is also tied on the bride's neck. At night, the bridal couple take -their departure for the home of the bridegroom. In South Canara, -the ceremonial is spread over three days, and varies from the above -in some points of detail. The bridegroom goes in procession to the -bride's house, accompanied by a Sangayi or Munan (best or third man) -belonging to a sept other than that of the bridal couple. The bride -is seated in a room, with a lamp and a tray containing betel leaves, -areca nuts, and flowers. The Sangayi takes a female cloth in which -some money is tied, and throws it on a rope within the room. On the -third day, the bride puts on this cloth, and, seated within the pandal, -receives presents. - -The vittil-kudal marriage rite is completed in a single day. The -bridegroom comes to the home of the bride, and goes into her room, -conducted thither by two men belonging to the septs of the contracting -couple. The newly-married couple may not leave the bride's house -until the seventh day after the marriage ceremony, and the wife is -not obliged to live at her husband's house. - -There is yet another form of alliance called vechchirukkal, which is -an informal union with the consent of the parents and the Arayans. It -is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that "amongst Mukkuvas the -vidaram marriage obtains, but for this no ceremony is performed. The -vidaram wife is not taken to her husbands house, and her family -pay no stridhanam. A vidaram marriage can at any time be completed, -as it were, by the performance of the kalyanam ceremonies. Even if -this be not done, however, a child by a vidaram wife has a claim to -inherit to his father in South Malabar, if the latter recognises him -by paying to the mother directly after her delivery a fee of three -fanams called mukkapanam. A curious custom is that which prescribes -that, if a girl be married after attaining puberty, she must remain -for a period in the status of a vidaram wife, which may subsequently -be raised by the performance of the regular kalyanam." - -Divorce is easily effected by payment of a fine, the money being -divided between the husband or wife as the case may be, the temple, -the Arayans, and charity. - -A pregnant woman has to go through a ceremony called puli or ney-kudi -in the fifth or seventh month. A ripe cocoanut, which has lost its -water, is selected, and heated over a fire. Oil is then expressed -from it, and five or seven women smear the tongue and abdomen of the -pregnant woman with it. A barber woman is present throughout the -ceremony. The husband lets his hair grow until his wife has been -delivered, and is shaved on the third day after the birth of the -child. At the place where he sits for the operation, a cocoanut, -betel leaves and areca nuts are placed. The cocoanut is broken in -pieces by some one belonging to the same sept as the father of the -child. Pollution is got rid of on this day by a barber woman sprinkling -water at the houses of the Mukkuvans. A barber should also sprinkle -water at the temple on the same day. - -The dead are, as a rule, buried. Soon after death has taken place, the -widow of the deceased purchases twenty-eight cubits of white cloth. A -gold ring is put into the hand of the corpse, and given to the widow -or her relations, to be returned to the relations of the dead man. The -corpse is bathed in fresh water, decorated, and placed on a bier. The -widow then approaches, and, with a cloth over her head, cuts her tali -off, and places it by the side of the corpse. Sometimes the tali is -cut off by a barber woman, if the widow has been married according to -the kodi-udukkal rite. In some places, the bier is kept in the custody -of the barber, who brings it whenever it is required. In this case, -the articles requisite for decorating the corpse, e.g., sandal paste -and flowers, are brought by the barber, and given to the son of the -deceased. Some four or five women belonging to the Kadavar families are -engaged for mourning. The corpse is carried to the burial-ground, where -a barber tears a piece of cloth from the winding-sheet, and gives it -to the son. The bearers anoint themselves, bathe in the sea, and, with -wet cloths, go three times round the corpse, and put a bit of gold, -flowers, and rice, in its nose. The relations then pour water over the -corpse, which is lowered into the grave. Once more the bearers, and -the son, bathe in the sea, and go three times round the grave. The -son carries a pot of water, and, at the end of the third round, -throws it down, so that it is broken. On their return home, the son -and bearers are met by a barber woman, who sprinkles them with rice -and water. Death pollution is observed for seven days, during which -the son abstains from salt and tamarind. A barber woman sprinkles -water over those under pollution. On the eighth, or sometimes the -fourteenth day, the final death ceremony is performed. Nine or eleven -boys bathe in the sea, and offer food near it. They then come to the -house of the deceased, and, with lamps on their heads, go round seven -or nine small heaps of raw rice or paddy (unhusked rice), and place -the lamps on the heaps. The eldest son is expected to abstain from -shaving his head for six months or a year. At the end of this time, -he is shaved on an auspicious day. The hair, plantains, and rice, -are placed in a small new pot, which is thrown into the sea. After -a bath, rice is spread on the floor of the house so as to resemble -the figure of a man, over which a green cloth is thrown. At one end -of the figure, a light in a measure is placed. Seven or nine heaps -of rice or paddy are made, on which lights are put, and the son goes -three times round, throwing rice at the north, south, east, and west -corners. This brings the ceremonial to a close. - -Mulaka (Solanum xanthocarpum).--A sept of Balija. The fruit of this -plant is tied to the big toe of Brahman corpses. - -Muli.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a class of -blacksmiths in Ganjam, and stone-cutters in Vizagapatam. It is said -to be a sub-division of Lohara. Muli also occurs as an occupational -sub-division of Savara. - -Muli Kurava.--A name for Kuravas in Travancore. - -Mullangi(radish).--An exogamous sept of Komati. - -Mullu (thorn).--A gotra of Kurni. Mullu also occurs as a sub-division -of Kurumba. - -Multani.--A territorial name, meaning a native of Multan in the -Punjab. They are described, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, as -immigrant traders, found in the large towns, whose business consists -chiefly of banking and money-lending. - -Mundala,--A sub-division of Holeya. - -Mundapotho.--Mundapotho (mundo, head; potho, bury) is the name of a -class of mendicants who wander about Ganjam, and frequent the streets -of Jagannath (Puri). They try to arouse the sympathy of pilgrims by -burying their head in the sand or dust, and exposing the rest of the -body. They generally speak Telugu. - -Mungaru (woman's skirt).--An exogamous sept of Kapu. - -Muni.--See Ravulo. - -Munillakkar (people of the three illams).--A section of Mukkuvans, -which is divided into three illams. - -Munnuti Gumpu.--Recorded, in the Kurnool Manual, as "a mixed caste, -comprising the illegitimate descendants of Balijas, and the male -children of dancing-girls." It is not a caste name, but an insulting -name for those of mixed origin. - -Munnuttan (men of the three hundred).--Recorded, at times of census, -as a synonym of Velan, and sub-caste of Panan, among the latter of -whom Anjuttan (men of five hundred) also occurs. In the Gazetteer of -Malabar, Munnuttan appears as a class of Mannans, who are closely akin -to the Velans. In Travancore, Munnutilkar is a name for Kumbakonam -Vellalas, who have settled there. - -Muppan.--Muppan has been defined as "an elder, the headman of a class -or business, one who presides over ploughmen and shepherds, etc. The -word literally means an elder: mukkiradu, to grow old, and muppu, -seniority." At recent times of census, Muppan has been returned as -a title by many classes, which include Alavan, Ambalakaran, Kudumi, -Pallan, Paraiyan and Tandan in Travancore, Senaikkudaiyan, Saliyan, -Shanan, Sudarman and Valaiyan. It has further been returned as a -division of Konkana Sudras in Travancore. - -During my wanderings in the Malabar Wynad, I came across a gang -of coolies, working on a planter's estate, who called themselves -Muppans. They were interesting owing to the frequent occurrence among -them of a very simple type of finger-print impression (arches). - -Muppil (chief).--A sub-division of Nayar. - -Murikinadu.--Murikinadu or Murikinati is a territorial name, which -occurs as a division of Telugu Brahmans, and of various Telugu classes, -e.g., Kamsala, Mala, Mangala, Razu, and Tsakala. - -Muriya.--A small class in Ganjam, who are engaged in making a -preparation of fried rice (muri) and in cultivation. - -Muru Balayanoru (three-bangle people).--A sub-division of Kappiliyan. - -Musaliar.--An occupational term, denoting a Muhammadan priest, -returned at times of census in the Tamil country. - -Musari.--A division of Malayalam Kammalans, whose occupation is that -of brass and copper smiths. The equivalent Musarlu occurs among the -Telugu Kamsalas. - -Mushika (rat).--A gotra of Nagaralu. The rat is the vehicle of the -Elephant God, Vignesvara or Ganesa. - -Mushtiga.--An exogamous sept of the Gollas, who may not use the -mushtiga tree (Strychnos Nux-vomica). It also occurs as a synonym -of Jetti. - -Mushti Golla.--A class of mendicants, usually of mixed -extraction. Mushti means alms. - -Mussad.--For the following note on the Mussads or Muttatus of -Travancore, I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. They are known -as Muttatus or Mussatus in Travancore and Cochin, and Potuvals (or -Poduvals) or Akapotuvals in North Malabar. The word Muttatu means -elder, and is generally taken to indicate a community, which is higher -than the Ambalavasi castes, as Ilayatu (or Elayad), or younger, denotes -a sub-caste slightly lower than the Brahmans. In early records, the -word Mupputayor, which has an identical meaning, is met with. Potuval -means a common person, i.e., the representative of a committee, and -a Muttatu's right to this name is from the fact that, in the absence -of the Nambutiri managers of a temple, he becomes their agent, and -is invested with authority to exercise all their functions. The work -of an Akapotuval always lies within the inner wall of the shrine, -while that of the Purapotuval or Potuval proper lies outside. The -castemen themselves prefer the name Sivadvija or Saivite Brahman. A -few families possess special titles, such as Nambi and Nambiyar. Their -women are generally known as Manayammamar, mana meaning the house of -a Brahman. There are no divisions or septs among the Muttatus. - -The origin of the Muttatus, and their place in Malabar society, -are questions on which a good deal of discussion has been of late -expended. In the Jatinirnaya, an old Sanskrit work on the castes of -Kerala attributed to Sankaracharya, it is said that the four kinds -of Ambalavasis, Tantri, Bharatabhattaraka, Agrima, and Slaghyavakku, -are Brahmans degraded in the Krita, Treta, Dvapara, and Kali ages, -respectively, and that those who were so degraded in the Dvapara -Yuga--the Agrimas or Muttatus--and whose occupation is to cleanse the -stone steps of shrines--are found in large numbers in Kerala. According -to Kerala Mahatmya, another Sanskrit work on Malabar history and -customs, these Muttatus are also known as Sivadvijas, or Brahmans -dedicated to the worship of Siva, occupying a lower position in -Malabar society than that of the Brahmans. One of them, disguised -as a Nambutiri, married a Nambutiri's daughter, but his real status -became known before the marriage was consummated, and the pair were -degraded, and allotted a separate place in society. This tradition is -not necessary to account for the present position of the Muttatus in -Kerala, as, all over India, worship of fixed images was viewed with -disfavour even in the days of Manu. Worship in Saivite temples was -not sought by Brahmans, and was even considered as despiritualising -on account of the divine displeasure which may be expected as the -result of misfeasance. It was for a similar reason that the Nambiyans -of even Vaishnavite temples on the east coast became degraded in -society. The Illayatus and Muttatus have been long known in Malabar -as Nyunas or castes slightly lower than the Brahmans, and Avantaras -or castes intermediate between Brahmans and Ambalavasis. As, in -subsequent days, the Brahmans themselves undertook with impunity the -priestly profession in Hindu temples, Saivite as well as Vaishnavite, -the Muttatus had to be content with a more lowly occupation, viz., -that of guarding the temples and images. According to Suchindra -Mahatmyam, eleven Brahmans were ordered by Parasu Rama to partake -of the remnants of the food offered to Siva, and to bear the Saivite -image in procession round the shrine on occasions of festivals; and, -according to the Vaikam Sthalapuranam, three families of Sivadvijas -were brought over by the same sage from eastern districts for service -at that temple. Whatever may be said in regard to the antiquity or -authenticity of many of these Sthalapuranams, corroborative evidence -of the Brahmanical origin of the Muttatus may be amply found in -their manners and customs. A fresh colony of Sivadvijas is believed -to have been invited to settle at Tiruvanchikkulam in Cranganore from -Chidambaram by one of the Perumals of Kerala, in connection with the -establishment of Saivite temples there. They have preserved their -original occupation faithfully enough down to the present day. - -The houses of Muttatus are known as illams and mattams, the former -being the name of all Nambutiri houses. They are generally built beside -some well-known shrine, with which the inmates are professionally -connected. The dress of both men and women resembles that of the -Nambutiri Brahmans, the injunction to cover the whole of the body when -they go out of doors being applicable also to the Manayammamar. Girls -before marriage wear a ring and kuzal on the neck, and, on festive -occasions, a palakka ring. The chuttu in the ears, and pozhutu tali -on the neck are worn only after marriage, the latter being the symbol -which distinguishes married women from widows and maidens. Widows -are prohibited from wearing any ornament except the chuttu. In food -and drink the Muttatus are quite like the Nambutiris. - -The Muttatus are the custodians of the images, which they take -in procession, and wash the stone steps leading to the inner -sanctuary. They live by the naivedya or cooked food offering which -they receive from the temple, and various other emoluments. It may be -noted that one of the causes of their degradation was the partaking -of this food, which Brahmans took care not to do. The Muttatus are -generally well-read in Sanskrit, and study astrology, medicine, and -sorcery. The social government of the Muttatus rests wholly with the -Nambutiris, who enforce the smartavicharam or enquiry into a suspected -case of adultery, as in the case of a Nambutiri woman. When Nambutiri -priests are not available, Muttatus, if learned in the Vedas, may be -employed, but punyaham, or purification after pollution, can only be -done by a Nambutiri. - -Like the Nambutiris, the Muttatus strictly observe the rule that only -the eldest male member in a family can marry. The rest form casual -connections with women of most of the Ambalavasi classes. They are, -like the Brahmans, divided into exogamous septs or gotras. A girl is -married before or after puberty. Polygamy is not uncommon, though the -number of wives is never more than four. Widows do not remarry. In -their marriage ceremonies, the Muttatus resemble the Nambutiris, -with some minor points of difference. They follow two sutras, those -of Asvalayana and Baudhayana, the former being members of the Rig Veda -and the latter of the Yajur Veda. The former omit a number of details, -such as the panchamehani and dasamehani, which are observed by the -latter. According to a territorial distinction, Mussad girls of North -Malabar cannot become the daughters-in-law of South Malabar families, -but girls of South Malabar can become the daughters-in-law of North -Malabar families. - -The Muttatus observe all the religious rites of the Nambutiris. The -rule is that the eldest son should be named after the paternal -grandfather, the second after the maternal grandfather, and the third -after that of the father. The upanayana ceremony is celebrated between -the ages of seven and eleven, and the Gayatri hymn may only be repeated -ten times thrice daily. In the funeral rites, the help of the Maran -called Chitikan (a corruption of Chaitika, meaning one who is connected -with the funeral pyre) is sought. Pollution lasts only ten days. - -The Muttatus stand above all sections of the Ambalavasi group, -and below every recognised section of the Brahman and Kshatriya -communities, with whom they do not hold commensal relations in -any part of Kerala. They are thus on a par with the Illayatus, -but the latter have their own hierarchy, and lead a social life -almost independent of the Brahmans. The Muttatus seek their help -and advice in all important matters. The Muttatus are, however, -privileged to take their food within the nalampalam (temple courts), -and the leaf-plates are afterwards removed by temple servants. The -Ambalavasis do not possess a right of this kind. At Suchindram, the -Nambutiri by whom the chief image is served is not privileged to give -prasada (remains of offerings) to any worshipper, this privilege being -confined to the Muttatus engaged to serve the minor deities of the -shrine. The washing of the stone steps leading to the inner sanctuary, -the mandapa, kitchen, feeding rooms, and bali stones, both inside -and outside the shrine, are done by Muttatus at temples with which -they are connected. All Ambalavasis freely receive food from Muttatus. - -It is further noted, in the Cochin Census Report, 1901, that "there -is a pithy saying in Malayalam, according to which the Muthads are -to be regarded as the highest of Ambalavasis, and the Elayads as the -lowest of Brahmans. Considerable difference of opinion exists as to -the exact social status of Muthads. For, while some hold that they -are to be regarded as degraded Brahmans, others maintain that they -are only the highest class of Ambalavasis. In the opinion, however, -of the most learned Vydikan who was consulted on the subject, the -Muthads are to be classed as degraded Brahmans. They are supposed -to have suffered social degradation by their having tattooed their -bodies with figures representing the weapons of the god Siva, and -partaking of the offerings made to that god." - -A correspondent, who has made enquiry into caste questions in Malabar, -writes to me as follows. There are several ways of spelling the name, -e.g., Mussu, Mussad, and Muttatu. Some people tried to discriminate -between these, but I could not work out any distinctions. In practice, -I think, all the classes noted below are called by either name -indifferently, and most commonly Mussad. There are several classes, -viz.:-- - - - -(1) BRAHMAN OR QUASI-BRAHMAN. - -(a) Ashtavaidyanmar, or eight physicians, are eight families -of hereditary physicians. They are called Jatimatrakaras (barely -caste people), and it is supposed that they are Nambudiris slightly -degraded by the necessity they may, as surgeons, be under of shedding -blood. Most of them are called Mussad, but one at least is called -Nambi. - -(b) Urili Parisha Mussad, or assembly in the village Mussad, who are -said to be degraded because they accepted gifts of land from Parasu -Rama, and agreed to take on themselves the sin he had contracted -by slaying the Kshetriyas. This class, as a whole, is called Sapta -or Saptagrastan. - - - -(2) AMBALAVASI. - -(c) Mussad or Muttatu.--They appear to be identical with the -Agapothuvals, or inside Pothuvals, as distinguished from the Pura, -or outside Pothuvals, in North Malabar. They are said to be the -descendants of a Sivadvija man and pure Brahman girl. According -to another account, they lost caste because they ate rice offered -to Siva, which is prohibited by one of the anacharams, or rules of -conduct peculiar to Kerala. They perform various duties in temples, -and escort the idol when it is carried in procession on an arrangement -called tadambu, which is like an inverted shield with a shelf across -it, on which the idol is placed. They wear the punul, or sacred thread. - -(d) Karuga Mussad.--So called from the karuga grass (Cynodon Dactylon), -which is used in ceremonies. Their exact position is disputed. They -wear the sacred thread (cf. Karuga Nambudiris in North Malabar), -who cook rice for the sradh (memorial ceremony) of Sudras, - -(e) Tiruvalayanath or Kovil (temple) Mussad.--They also wear the -sacred thread, but perform puja in Bhadrakali temples, incidents of -which are the shedding of blood and use of liquor. They seem to be -almost identical with the caste called elsewhere Adigal or Pidaran, -but, I think, Adigals are a little higher, and do not touch liquor, -while Pidarans are divided into two classes, the lower of which does -not wear the thread or perform the actual puja, but only attends to -various matters subsidiary thereto. - -In an account of the annual ceremony at the Pishari temple near -Quilandy in Malabar in honour of Bhagavati, Mr. F. Fawcett informs -[67] that the Mussad priests repeat mantrams (prayers) over the goats -for an hour as a preliminary to the sacrifice. Then the chief priest, -with a chopper-like sword, decapitates the goats, and sacrifices -several cocks. The Mussads cook some of the flesh of the goats, and -one or two of the cocks with rice. This rice, when cooked, is taken -to the kavu (grove) to the north of the temple, and there the Mussads -again ply their mantrams. - -Musu Kamma.--The name of a special ear ornament worn by the Musu -Kamma sub-division of Balijas. In the Salem District Manual, Musuku -is recorded as a sub-division of this caste. - -Mutalpattukar.--A synonym of Tandan in Travancore, indicating those -who received an allowance for the assistance they were called on to -render to carpenters. - -Mutracha.--Mutracha appears, in published records, in a variety of -forms, such as Muttaracha, Muttirajulu, Muttarasan, and Mutratcha. The -caste is known by one of these names in the Telugu country, and in -the Tamil country as Muttiriyan or Palaiyakkaran. - -Concerning the Mutrachas, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes as follows. [68] -"This is a Telugu caste most numerous in the Kistna, Nellore, -Cuddapah, and North Arcot districts. The Mutrachas were employed by -the Vijayanagar kings to defend the frontiers of their dominions, -and were honoured with the title of paligars (cf. Palaiyakkaran). The -word Mutracha is derived from the Dravidian roots mudi, old, and racha, -a king; but another derivation is from Mutu Raja, a sovereign of some -part of the Telugu country. They eat flesh, and drink liquor. Their -titles are Dora and Naidu." Mr. Stuart writes further [69] that in -the North Arcot district they are "most numerous in the Chendragiri -taluk, but found all over the district in the person of the village -taliari or watchman, for which reason it is often called the taliari -caste. They proudly call themselves paligars, and in Chendragiri doralu -or lords, because several of the Chittoor palaiyams (villages governed -by paligars) were in possession of members of their caste. They seem -to have entered the country in the time of the Vijayanagar kings, -and to have been appointed as its kavilgars (watchmen). The caste -is usually esteemed by others as a low one. Most of its members -are poor, even when they have left the profession of taliari, and -taken to agriculture. They eat in the houses of most other castes, -and are not trammelled by many restrictions. In Chendragiri they -rarely marry, but form connections with women of their caste, which -are often permanent, though not sanctioned by the marriage ceremony, -and the offspring of such associations are regarded as legitimate." - -In the Nellore Manual, the Mutrachas are summed up as being hunters, -fishermen, bearers, palanquin-bearers, and hereditary watchmen in the -villages. At times of census, Mutracha or Mutarasan has been recorded -as a sub-division of Urali, and a title of Ambalakkaran. Muttiriyan, -which is simply a Tamil form of Mutracha, appears as a title and -sub-division of Ambalakkaran (q.v.). Further, Tolagari is recorded -as a sub-division of Mutracha. The Tolagaris are stated [70] to -be a small cultivating caste, who were formerly hunters, like the -Palayakkarans. Most of the Mutrachas are engaged in agriculture. At -Paniyam, in the Kurnool district, I found some employed in collecting -winged white-ants (Termites), which they sun-dry, and store in large -pots as an article of food. They are said to make use of some special -powder as a means of attracting the insects, in catching which they -are very expert. - -In some places, the relations between the Mutrachas and Gollas, both -of which castes belong to the left-hand section, are strained. On -occasions of marriage among the Madigas, some pan-supari (betel leaves -and areca nuts), is set apart for the Mutrachas, as a mark of respect. - -In consequence of the fact that some Mutrachas have been petty -chieftains, they claim to be Kshatriyas, and to be descended from -Yayathi of the Mahabaratha. According to the legend, Devayana, the -daughter of Sukracharya, the priest of the Daityas (demons and giants), -went to a well with Charmanishta, the daughter of the Daitya king. A -quarrel arose between them, and Charmanishta pushed Devayana into a -dry well, from which she was rescued by king Yayathi. Sukracharya -complained to the Daitya king, who made his daughter become a -servant to Yayathi's wife, Devayana. By her marriage Devayana bore -two sons. Subsequently, Yayathi became enamoured of Charmanishta, by -whom he had an illegitimate son. Hearing of this, Sukracharya cursed -Yayathi that he should be subject to old age and infirmity. This curse -he asked his children to take on themselves, but all refused except -his illegitimate child Puru. He accordingly cursed his legitimate sons, -that they should only rule over barren land overrun by Kiratas. One of -them, Durvasa by name, had seven children, who were specially favoured -by the goddess Ankamma. After a time, however, they were persuaded -to worship Maheswara or Virabhadra instead of Ankamma. This made -the goddess angry, and she caused all flower gardens to disappear, -except her own. Flowers being necessary for the purpose of worship, -the perverts stole them from Ankamma's garden, and were caught in the -act by the goddess. As a punishment for their sin, they had to lose -their lives by killing themselves on a stake. One of the seven sons had -a child named Ravideviraju, which was thrown into a well as soon as it -was born. The Naga Kannikas of the nether regions rescued the infant, -and tended it with care. One day, while Ankamma was traversing the -Naga lokam (country), she heard a child crying, and sent her vehicle, a -jackal (nakka), to bring the child, which, however, would not allow the -animal to take it The goddess accordingly herself carried it off. The -child grew up under her care, and eventually had three sons, named -Karnam Raju, Gangi Raju, and Bhupathi Raju, from whom the Mutrachas -are descended. In return for the goddess protecting and bringing up -the child, she is regarded as the special tutelary deity of the caste. - -There is a saying current among the Mutrachas that the Mutracha -caste is as good as a pearl, but became degraded as its members -began to catch fish. According to a legend, the Mutrachas, being -Kshatriyas, wore the sacred thread. Some of them, on their way home -after a hunting expedition, halted by a pond, and were tempted by the -enormous number of fish therein to fish for them, using their sacred -threads as lines. They were seen by some Brahmans while thus engaged, -and their degradation followed. - -In the Telugu country, two divisions, called Paligiri and Oruganti, -are recognised by the Mutrachas, who further have exogamous septs or -intiperulu, of which the following are examples:-- - - - Avula, cow. - Arigala, a dish carried in processions. - Busi, dirt. - Ella, boundary. - Guvvala, doves. - Indla, house. - Iga, fly. - Koppula, hair-knot. - Katari, dagger. - Marri, Ficus bengalensis. - Nakka, jackal. - Puli, tiger. - Talari, watchman. - Tota, garden. - Uyyala, a swing. - Thumu, iron measure for measuring grain. - - -During the first menstrual seclusion of a girl, she may not have -her meals served on a metal plate, but uses an earthen cup, which is -eventually thrown away. When she reaches puberty, a girl does up her -hair in a knot called koppu. - -In the case of confinement, pollution ends on the tenth day. But, -if a woman loses her infant, especially a first-born, the pollution -period is shortened, and, at every subsequent time of delivery, the -woman bathes on the seventh or ninth day. Every woman who visits her on -the bathing day brings a pot of warm water, and pours it over her head. - -Muttal (substitute).--A sub-division of Maran. - -Muttan.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the Muttans are summed -up as "a trading caste in Malabar. The better educated members of it -have begun to claim a higher social status than that usually accorded -them. Formerly they claimed to be Nayars, but recently they have -gone further, and, in the census schedules, some of them returned -themselves as Vaisyas, and added the Vaisya title Gupta to their -names. They do not, however, wear the sacred thread, or perform any -Vedic rites, and Nayars consider themselves polluted by their touch." - -It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, under the conjoint -heading Muttan and Tarakan, that "these two are allied castes, but -the latter would consider it a disgrace to acknowledge any affinity -with the former. Tarakan literally means a broker. Dr. Gundert says -that these were originally warehouse-keepers at Palghat. Muttan is -probably from Muttavan, an elder, Tarakans have returned Muttan as -a sub-division, and vice versâ, and both appear as sub-divisions of -Nayar. We have in our schedules instances of persons who have returned -their caste as Tarakan, but with their names Krishna Muttan (male) -and Lakshmi Chettichiar (female). A Muttan may, in course of time, -become a Tarakan, and then a Nayar. Both these castes follow closely -the customs and manners of Nayars, but there are some differences. I -have not, however, been able to get at the real state of affairs, as -the members of the caste are very reticent on the subject, and simply -assert that they are in all respects the same as Nayars. One difference -is that a Brahmani does not sing at their tali-kettu marriages. Again, -instead of having a Marayan, Attikurissi, or Elayad as their priest, -they employ a man of their own caste, called Choratton. This man -assists at their funeral ceremonies, and purifies them at the end -of pollution, just as the Attikurissi does for Nayars. Kali temples -seem to be specially affected by this caste, and these Chorattons -are also priests in these temples. The Muttan and Tarakan castes are -practically confined to Palghat and Walluvanad taluks." - -In a note on some castes in Malabar which are most likely of -foreign origin, it is stated, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that -"this is certainly true of the Muttans, who are found only in the -Palghat taluk and in the parts of Walavanad bordering on it, a part -of the country where there is a large admixture of Tamils in the -population. They are now advancing a claim to be Vaisyas, and some -of them have adopted the title Gupta which is proper to that caste, -while a few have the title Ezhutacchan. Some Muttans in Palghat are -called Mannadiars, a title also apparently borne by some Taragans. The -Muttans follow makkattayam (inheritance from father to son), and do -not enter into the loose connections known as sambandhams; their women -are called Chettichiars, clearly indicating their eastern origin; -and their period of pollution is ten days, according to which test -they would rank as a high caste. On the other hand, they may eat meat -and drink liquor. Their purificatory ceremonies are performed by a -class known as Chorttavans (literally, sprinklers), who are said to -be identical with Kulangara Nayars, and not by Attikurrissi Nayars -as in the case with Nambudris, Ambalavasis, and Nayars. There is -considerable antagonism between the Palghat and Walavanad sections of -the caste. Another caste of traders, which has now been practically -incorporated in the Nayar body, is the class known as Taragans -(literally, brokers) found in Palghat and Walavanad, some of whom -have considerable wealth and high social position. The Taragans of -Angadippuram and the surrounding neighbourhood claim to be immigrants -from Travancore, and to be descendants of Ettuvittil Pillamar of -Quilon, who are high caste Nayars. They can marry Kiriyattil women, -and their women occasionally have sambandham with Samantan Rajas. The -Palghat Taragans on the other hand can marry only in their caste." - -Muttasari.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -name by which Kammalans are addressed. - -Muttiriyan.--See Mutracha. - -Mutyala (pearl).--An exogamous sept, and name of a sub-division of -Balijas who deal in pearls. The Ambalakarans say that they were born -of the sweat (muttu, a pearl or bead of perspiration) of Paramasiva. - -Muvvari.--Recorded [71] as "a North Malabar caste of domestic servants -under the Embrantiri Brahmans. Their customs resemble those of the -Nayars, but the Elayads and the Marayans will not serve them." - -Myasa.--Myasa, meaning grass-land or forest, is one of the two main -divisions, Uru (village) and Myasa, of the Bedars and Boyas. Among the -Myasa Bedars, the rite of circumcision is practiced, and is said to -be the survival of a custom which originated when they were included -in the army of Haidar Ali - - - - - - - -N - - -Nadan.--Nadan, meaning ruler of a country or village, or one who -lives in the country, is a title of the Shanans, who, further, call -themselves Nadans in preference to Shanans. - -Nadava.--" This, "Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [72] "is a caste of Canarese -farmers found only in South Canara. The Nadavas have returned four -sub-divisions, one of which is Bant, and two of the other three -are sub-divisions of Bants, the most important being Masadi. In the -case of 33,212 individuals, Nadava has been returned as sub-division -also. I have no information regarding the caste, but they seem to -be closely allied to the Bant caste, of which Nadava is one of the -sub-divisions." The name Nadava or Nadavaru means people of the nadu -or country. It is one of the sub-divisions of the Bants. - -Naga (cobra: Naia tripudians).--Nag, Naga, Nagasa, or Nageswara, -occurs in the name of a sept or gotra of various classes in Ganjam -and Vizagapatam, e.g., Aiyarakulu, Bhondari, Bhumia, Bottada, Domb, -Gadaba, Konda Dora, Medara, Muka Dora, Nagaralu, Omanaito, Poroja, -Rona, and Samantiya. Members of the Nagabonso sept of Odiya claim -to be descendants of Nagamuni, the serpent rishi. Naga is further a -gotra or sept of Kurnis and Toreyas, of whom the latter, at their -weddings, worship at 'ant' (Termites) hills, which are often the -home of cobras. It is also a sub-division of Gazula Kapus and Koppala -Velamas. Nagavadam (cobra's hood) is the name of a sub-division of the -Pallis, who wear an ornament, called nagavadam, shaped like a cobra's -head, in the dilated lobes of the ears. Among the Viramushtis there -is a sept named Naga Mallika (Rhinacanthus communis), the roots of -which shrub are believed to be an antidote to the bite of poisonous -snakes. The flowers of Couroupita guianensis, which has been introduced -as a garden tree in Southern India, are known as naga linga pu, from -the staminal portion of the flower which curves over the ovary being -likened to a cobra's hood, and the ovary to a lingam. - -Nagali (plough).--An exogamous sept of Kapu. - -Nagalika (of the plough).--A name for Lingayats engaged in cultivation. - -Nagaralu.--The Nagaralu are a cultivating caste in Vizagapatam, -concerning whom it is recorded [73] that "Nagaralu means the dwellers -in a nagaram or city, and apparently this caste was originally a -section of the Kapus, which took to town life, and separated itself -off from the parent stock. They say their original occupation was -medicine, and a number of them are still physicians and druggists, -though the greater part are agriculturists." - -For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana -Rao. Viziaram Raz, the friend of Bussy, conferred mokhasas (grants -of land) on some of the most important members of the caste, whose -descendants are to be found in various places. The caste is divided -into three sections or gotras, viz., Nagesvara (cobra) Kurmesa -(tortoise), and Vignesvara or Mushika (rat). The rat is the vehicle -of the elephant god Ganesa or Vignesvara. It is further divided into -exogamous septs or intiperulu, such as sampathi (riches), chakravarthi -(king or ruler), majji, etc. - -The menarikam system, according to which a man should marry his -maternal uncle's daughter, is in force. Girls are usually married -before puberty, and a Brahman officiates at marriages. The marriage -of widows and divorce are not permitted. - -The dead are burnt, and the chinna (little) and pedda rozu (big day) -death ceremonies, whereat a Brahman officiates, are celebrated. - -Some members of the caste have acquired a great reputation as -medicine-men and druggists. - -The usual caste title is Pathrulu, indicating those who are fit to -receive a gift - -Nagartha.--Nagarata, Nagarattar, or Nagarakulam is returned, in -the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a sub-caste of Chetti. In the -Census Report, 1891, it is recorded that the Nagarattu "hail from -Kanchipuram (Conjeeveram), where, it is said, a thousand families of -this caste formerly lived. Their name (nagaram, a city) refers to their -original home. They wear the sacred thread, and worship both Vishnu and -Siva. They take neither flesh nor alcohol. As they maintain that they -are true Vaisyas, they closely imitate the Brahmanical ceremonies of -marriage and death. This sub-division has a dancing-girl and a servant -attached to it, whose duties are to dance, and to do miscellaneous -work during marriages. The caste servant is called Jatipillai (child -of the caste). - -Concerning the Nagarthas, who are settled in the Mysore Province, -I gather [74] that "the account locally obtained connects them with -the Ganigas, and the two castes are said to have been co-emigrants to -Bangalore where one Mallaraje Ars made headmen of the principal members -of the two castes, and exempted them from the house-tax. Certain -gotras are said to be common to both castes, but they never eat -together or intermarry. Both call themselves Dharmasivachar Vaisyas, -and the feuds between them are said to have often culminated in much -unpleasantness. The Nagarthas are principally found in towns and large -trade centres. Some are worshippers of Vishnu, and others of Siva. Of -the latter, some wear the linga. They are dealers in bullion, cloth, -cotton, drugs and grain. A curious mode of carrying the dead among -the Namadari or Vaishnavite Nagarthas is that the dead body is rolled -up in a blanket, instead of a bier or vimana as among others. These -cremate their dead, whereas the others bury them. Marriage must be -performed before a girl reaches puberty, and widows are not allowed -to remarry. Polygamy is allowed, and divorce can be for adultery -alone. It is recorded by Mr. L. Rice [75] that "cases sometimes occur -of a Sivachar marrying a Namadari woman, and, when this happens, -her tongue is burned with the linga, after which she forsakes her -parents' house and religion. It is stated that the Sivachar Nagarthas -never give their daughters in marriage to the Namadari sect." Among -the gotras returned by the Nagarthas are Kasyapa, Chandramauleswara, -and Cholendra. - -Naga-sreni.--A fanciful name, meaning those who live in the Naga -street, used as a caste name by the Patramela dancing-girl caste. - -Nagavasulu.--The Nagavasulu are described, in the Vizagapatam -Manual, as "cultivators in the Vizagapatam district. Women who have -not entered into matrimony earn money by prostitution, and acting -as dancers at feasts. Some of the caste lead a bad life, and are -excluded from the body of the caste." In the Madras Census Report, -1891, it is stated that "Nagavasamu means a company of dancing-girls, -and the sons of women of this profession frequently call themselves -Nagavasulu. The bulk of the caste in Vizagapatam, however, are said -to be respectable farmers." It is noted, in the Census Report, 1901, -that "most of the Nagavasulu are cultivators, but some of the women, -are prostitutes by profession, and outsiders are consequently admitted -to the caste. Their title is Naidu." - -Nagellu (plough).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Nagna (naked).--A name for Sanyasis, who go about naked. - -Naidu.--Naidu or Nayudu is a title, returned at times of census by -many Telugu classes, e.g., Balija, Bestha, Boya, Ekari, Gavara, Golla, -Kalingi, Kapu, Mutracha, and Velama. A Tamilian, when speaking of a -Telugu person bearing this title, would call him Naicker or Naickan -instead of Naidu. - -Naik.--The word Naik (Nayaka, a leader or chief) is used, by the older -writers on Southern India, in several senses, of which the following -examples, given by Yule and Burnell, [76] may be cited:-- - -(a) Native captain or headman. "Il s'appelle Naique, qui signifie -Capitaine." Barretto, Rel du Prov de Malabar. - -(b) A title of honour among Hindus in the Deccan. "The kings of Deccan -also have a custome when they will honour a man or recompence their -service done, and rayse him to dignitie and honour. They give him -the title of Naygue".--Linschoten. - -(c) The general name of the kings of Vijayanagara, and of the Lords -of Madura and other places. "Il y a plusieurs Naiques au Sud de Saint -Thomé, qui sont Souverains: Le Naigue de Madure on est un".--Thevenot. - -Naik, Naickan, Naicker, Nayak or Nayakkan has been returned, at -recent times of census, by the Tamil Pallis, Irulas, and Vedans, -and also by various Telugu and Canarese classes, e.g.:-- - -Telugu--Balija, Boya, Ekari, Golla, Kavarai, Muttiriyan, Odde, -Tottiyan, and Uppiliyan. - -Canarese--Bedar, Cheptegara, Charodi, Kannadiyan, Servegara, Siviyar, -and Toreya. Some Jen Kurumbas (a jungle folk) in the Wynad are also -locally known as Naikers. - -Tulu--The Mogers, in some parts of South Canara, prefer the title -Naiker to the ordinary caste title Marakaleru, and some Bants have -the same title. - -The headman among the Lambadis or Brinjaris is called Naik. Naicker -further occurs as a hereditary title in some Brahman families. I have, -for example, heard of a Desastha Brahman bearing the name Nyna Naicker. - -Naik, Naiko, or Nayako appears as the title of various Oriya classes, -e.g., Alia, Aruva, Bagata, Gaudo, Jatapu, Odia, Pentiya, Rona, and -Teli. It is noted by Mr. S. P. Rice that "the Uriya Korono, or head -of the village, appropriates to himself as his caste distinction the -title Potonaiko signifying the Naik or head of the town." - -The name Nayar or Nair is, it may be noted, akin to Naik and Naidu, -and signifies a leader or soldier. [77] In this connection, Mr. Lewis -Moore writes [78] that "almost every page of Mr. Sewell's interesting -book on Vijayanagar [79] bears testimony to the close connection -between Vijayanagar and the west coast. It is remarkable that Colonel -(afterwards Sir Thomas) Munro, in the memorandum written by him -in 1802 on the poligars (feudal chiefs) of the Ceded Districts, -when dealing with the cases of a number of poligars who were direct -descendants of men who had been chiefs under the kings of Vijayanagar, -calls them throughout his report Naigue or Nair, using the two names -as if they were identical." [80] - -It is noted by Mr. Talboys Wheeler [81] that, in the city of Madras in -former days, "police duties were entrusted to a Hindu official, known -as the Pedda Naik or 'elder chief,' who kept a staff of peons, and -was bound to make good all stolen articles that were not recovered." - -In the South Canara district, the name Naikini (Naik females) is -taken by temple dancing-girls. - -Nainar.--See Nayinar. - -Nakash.--A name, denoting exquisite workmanship, by which Rachevars -or Chitrakaras are known in some places. - -Nakkala.--Nakkala or Nakka, meaning jackal, has been recorded as an -exogamous sept of Boya, Gudala, Golla, and Mutracha. The jackal is -the vehicle of the goddess Ankamma, who is the tutelary deity of the -Mutrachas. The name occurs further as a name for the Kuruvikkarans, -who manufacture spurious jackal horns as charms. - -Nali (bamboo tube).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Nalillakkar (people of the four illams).--A section of Mukkuvans, -which is divided into four illams. - -Nalke.--The Nalkes or Nalakeyavas are described by Mr. H. A. Stuart -[82] as "a caste of mat, basket, and umbrella makers, who furnish -the devil-dancers, who play such an important part in the worship of -the Tulu people. They have the usual Tulu exogamous sub-divisions or -balis. They are generally held to be Holeyas or Pariahs. In Canarese -they are called Panaras," - -"Every village in Canara," Mr. Stuart writes further, [83] "has its -Bhutasthanam or demon temple, in which the officiating priest or -pujari is usually a man of the Billava caste, and shrines innumerable -are scattered throughout the length and breadth of the land for the -propitiation of the malevolent spirits of deceased celebrities, who, -in their lifetime, had acquired a more than usual local reputation -whether for good or evil, or had met with a sudden or violent death. In -addition to these there are demons of the jungle and demons of the -waste, demons who guard the village boundaries, and demons whose only -apparent vocation is that of playing tricks, such as throwing stones -on houses, and causing mischief generally. The demons who guard the -village boundaries seem to be the only ones who are credited with even -indirectly exercising a useful function. The others merely inspire -terror by causing sickness and misfortune, and have to be propitiated -by offerings, which often involve the shedding of blood, that of a -fowl being most common. There are also family Bhutas, and in every -non-Brahman house a room, or sometimes only a corner, is set apart for -the Bhuta, and called the Bhutakotya. The Bhutasthanam is generally a -small, plain structure, 4 or 5 yards deep by 2 or 3 yards wide, with -a door at one end covered by a portico supported on two pillars. The -roof is of thatch, and the building is without windows. In front -of it there are usually three or four T-shaped pillars. Flowers are -placed, and cocoanuts broken on them at ceremonies. The temples of the -more popular Bhutas are often substantial buildings of considerable -size. Inside the Bhutasthanam there are usually a number of images, -roughly made in brass, in human shape, or resembling animals, such -as pigs, tigers, fowls, etc. These are brought out and worshipped as -symbols of the Bhutas on various ceremonial occasions. [84] A peculiar -small goglet or vase, made of bell-metal, into which from time to time -water is poured, is kept before the Bhutas, and, on special occasions, -kepula (Ixora coccinea) flowers, and lights are placed before them. In -the larger sthanas a sword is always kept near the Bhuta, to be held -by the officiating priest when he stands possessed and trembling -with excitement before the people assembled for worship. [85] A bell -or gong is also found in all Bhutasthanams. In the case of Bhutas -connected with temples, there is a place set apart for them, called -a gudi. The Bhutasthanam of the Baiderlu is called a garudi. - -"The names of the Bhutas are legion. One of the most dreaded is -named Kalkuti. Two others commonly worshipped by the Bants and the -Billavas are Koti Baidya and Chennaya Baidya, who always have Billava -pujaris. These two Bhutas are the departed spirits of two Billava -heroes. The spirit of Kujumba Kanje, a Bant of renown, belongs to -this class of Bhutas. Amongst the most well known of the others, -may be mentioned Kodamanitaya and Mundaltaya, and the jungle demons -Hakkerlu and Brahmerlu. The Holeyas worship a Bhuta of their own, -who is not recognised by any other class of the people. He goes by -the name of Kumberlu, and the place where he is said to reside is -called Kumberlu-kotya. Very often a stone of any shape, or a small -plank is placed on the ground, or fixed in a wall, and the name of a -Bhuta given to it. Other representations of Bhutas are in the shape -of an ox (Mahisandaya), a horse (Jarandaya), a pig (Panjurli), or a -giant (Baiderlu). - -"The Bhuta worship of South Canara is of four kinds, viz., kola, -bandi, nema, and agelu-tambila. Kola, or devil dancing, is offered to -the Bhutas in the sthana of the village in which they are supposed -to reside. The Sudras of the village, and of those adjacent to it, -assemble near the sthana, and witness the kola ceremony in public, -sharing the cost of it by subscriptions raised among all the Sudra -families in the village in which the ceremony is held. Bandi is the -same as kola, with the addition of dragging about a clumsy kind of car, -on which the Pompada priest representing the Bhuta is seated. Nema -is a private ceremony in honour of the Bhutas, held in the house of -anyone who is so inclined. It is performed once in ten, fifteen, -or twenty years by well-to-do Billavas or Bants. The expenses of -the nema amount to about Rs. 600 or Rs. 700, and are borne by the -master of the house in which the nema takes place. During the nema, -the Bhutas, i.e., the things representing them, are brought from the -sthana to the house of the man giving the feast, and remain there -till it is over. Agelu-tambila is a kind of worship offered only to -the Baiderlu, and that annually by the Billavas only. It will be -seen that kola, bandi, and nema are applicable to all the Bhutas, -including the Baiderlu, but that the agelu-tambila is applicable only -to the Baiderlu." - -The following account of Canara devil-dancers and exorcists is given -in Mr. Lavie's Manuscript History of Canara. "It is their duty to -carry a beautiful sword with a handsomely curved handle, and polished -blade of the finest steel. These they shake and flourish about in -all directions, jumping, dancing, and trembling in a most frightful -manner. Their hair is loose and flowing, and, by their inflamed eyes -and general appearance, I should suppose that they are prepared for -the occasion by intoxicating liquids or drugs.... Their power as -exorcists is exercised on any person supposed to be possessed with -the devil. I have passed by a house in which an exorcist has been -exercising his powers. He began with groans, sighs, and mutterings, -and broke forth into low mournings. Afterwards he raised his voice, -and uttered with rapidity and in a peculiar tone of voice certain -mantrams or charms, all the while trembling violently, and moving -his body backwards and forwards." The performance (of devil dances) -always takes place at night, commencing about nine o'clock. At first -the pujari, with the Bhuta sword and bell in his hands, whirls round -and round, imitating the supposed mien and gestures of the demon. But -he does not aspire to full possession; that is reserved for a Pombada -or a Nalke, a man of the lowest class, who comes forward when the -Billava pujari has exhibited himself for about half an hour. He is -naked save for a waist-band, his face is painted with ochre, and he -wears a sort of arch made of cocoanut leaves, and a metal mask. After -pacing up and down slowly for some time, he gradually works himself -up to a pitch of hysterical frenzy, while the tom-toms are beaten -furiously, and the spectators join in raising a long, monotonous -howling cry, with a peculiar vibration. At length he stops, and every -one is addressed according to his rank; if the Pombada offends a rich -Bant by omitting any of his numerous titles, he is made to suffer for -it. Matters regarding which there is any dispute are then submitted for -the decision of the Bhuta, and his award is generally accepted. Either -at this stage or earlier, the demon is fed, rice and food being offered -to the Pombada, while, if the Bhuta is of low degree, flesh and arrack -(liquor) are also presented. These festivals last for several nights, -and Dr. Burnell states that the devil-dancer receives a fee of eight -rupees for his frantic labours." - -Of the three devil-dancing castes found in South Canara (Nalke, -Parava, and Pompada), the Nalkes are apparently the lowest. Even a -Koraga considers a Nalke or a Parava inferior to him. It is said that, -when a Parava meets a Koraga, he is expected to raise his hand to -his forehead. This practice does not, however, seem to be observed -at the present day. The Nalkes, though living amidst castes which -follow the aliyasantana law of inheritance (in the female line), -follow the makkalakattu law of Inheritance from father to son. The -caste has numerous balis (septs), which are evidently borrowed from -the Bants and Billavas. As examples of these, Salannaya, Bangerannaya, -Kundarannaya, and Uppenannayya may be cited. The Nalkes have a headman -called Gurikara, who settles disputes and other matters affecting -the community, and acts as the priest at marriages, death ceremonies, -and other ceremonials. - -Girls are married after puberty, and a woman may marry any number -of times. The marriage ceremony is concluded in a single day. The -contracting couple are seated on planks, and the Gurikara throws -coloured rice over their heads, and ties a turmeric-dyed string with -beads strung on it round their necks. Those assembled then throw rice -over them, their hands are joined by the Gurikara or their fathers, -and the dhare water is poured thereon. - -The dead are either buried or cremated. After burial or cremation, -a mound (dhupe) is, as among other castes in Canara, made over the -spot. Round it, four posts are stuck in the ground, and decorated so -as to resemble a small car (cf. Billava). The final death ceremonies -(uttarakriya) are generally performed on the fifth or seventh day. On -this day, cooked food is offered to the deceased by placing it near -the dhupe, or on the spot where he breathed his last. This is followed -by a feast. If the ceremony is not performed on one of the recognised -days, the permission of some Bants or Billavas must be obtained before -it can be carried out. - -All castes in South Canara have great faith in Bhutas, and, when -any calamity or misfortune overtakes a family, the Bhutas must be -propitiated. The worship of Bhutas is a mixture of ancestor and -devil propitiation. In the Bhuta cult, the most important personage -is Brahmeru, to whom the other Bhutas are subordinate. Owing to the -influence of Brahman Tantris, Brahmeru is regarded as another name for -Brahma, and the various Bhutas are regarded as ganas or attendants on -Siva. Brahmanical influence is clearly to be traced in the various -Bhuta songs, and all Bhutas are in some manner connected with Siva -and Parvati. - -Whenever people want to propitiate the Bhutas, a Nalke or Parava is -engaged. In some places, the Nalke disguises himself as any Bhuta, -but, where Paravas are also to be found, the Nalke may not dress up -as the Baiderkulu, Kodamanitaya, or Rakteswari. The propitiation of -the Bhuta takes the form of a ceremony called Kola, Nema, or Agelu -Tambila. Of these, Kola is a periodical ceremony, in which various -castes take part, and is always performed near a Bhutasthana. Nema -is usually undertaken by a single family, and is performed at the -house. Agelu Tambila is celebrated by Billavas at their homes. The -Kola ceremony is usually performed for the propitiation of Bhutas other -than the Baiderkulu. The Muktesar or chief man, with the assistance of -a Brahman, fixes an auspicious day for its celebration. The jewels, -and votive offerings made to the Bhutas, are kept in the custody of -the Muktesar. On the Kola day, the people go in procession from the -sthana to the Muktesar's house, and return to the sthana with the -jewels and other articles. These are arranged on cots, and a Billava -pujari places seven plantain leaves in a row on a cot, and heaps rice -thereon. On each heap, a cocoanut is placed for the propitiation -of the most important Bhuta. To the minor Bhutas, these things are -offered on three or five leaves placed on cots, or on the floor of the -sthana, according to the importance of the Bhuta. A seven-branched -torch must be kept burning near the cot of the principal Bhuta. The -pujari goes to the courtyard of the sthana, and piles up a conical -mass of cooked rice on a stool. Over this pieces of plantain fruits -are scattered. Round the mass several sheaths of plantain leaves are -arranged, and on them tender cocoanut leaves, cut in various ways, -are stuck. The pujari, who wears a metal belt and other jewelry, does -puja to the Bhutas, and retires. The Nalkes or Paravas then advance -dressed up as Bhutas, and request permission to put on their canopy -(ani) and brass anklet (guggire). They then dance, and sing songs -connected with the Bhutas which are being propitiated. When they are -exhausted and retire, the pujari steps forwards, and addresses the -assembly in the following terms:-- "Oh! great men who are assembled, -with your permission I salute you all. Oh! Brahmans who are assembled, -I salute you. Oh! priest, I salute you." In this manner, he is -expected to run through the names of all important personages who -are present. When he has finished, the devil-dancers do the same, -and the ceremony is at an end. - -Of the Bhutas, the best known are Brahmeru, Kodamanitaya, Kukkintaya, -Jumadi, Sarlu Jumadi, Pancha Jumadi, Rakteswari, Panjurli, -Kuppe Panjurli, Rakta Panjurli, Urundarayya, Hosadevata (or Hosa -Bhuta), Devanajiri, Kalkutta, Ukkatiri, Gulige, Bobbariya, Nicha, -Duggalaya, Mahisandaya, Varte, Chamundi, Baiderukulu, Okkuballala, and -Oditaya. According to some, Jumadi is the small-pox goddess Mari. There -are only two female Bhutas--Ukkatiri and Kallurti. The Bhutas are -supposed to belong to different castes. For example, Okkuballala -and Devanajiri are Jains, Kodamanitaya and Kukkinataya are Bants, -Kalkutta is a smith, Bobbariya is a Mappilla, and Nicha a Koraga. - -In some temples dedicated to Siva, the Tantris offer food, etc., -to the various Bhutas on special occasions, such as Dipavali and -Sankaranthi. At Udipi, the Sanyasis of the various mutts (religious -institutions) seem to believe in some of the Bhutas, as they give money -for the performance of Kola to Panjurli, Sarla Jumadi, and Chamundi. - -At Hiriadkap in South Canara, where the Nalkes performed before me, -the dancers wore spathes of the areca palm, forming spats to prevent -the skin from being injured by the metal bells round their ankles as -they danced. - -The songs sung by the devil dancers are very numerous, and vary in -different localities. Of the stories relating to Bhutas, a very full -account has been given by Mr. A. C. Burnell. [86] - -A collection of stories (padanollu) belonging to the demon-worshippers -of the Tulu country, and recited at their annual festivals, was -published at the Mangalore Basel Mission Press in 1886. - -Nalla (black).--An exogamous sept of Koppala Velama. - -Nallur.--Nallur and Naluvitan are recorded, in the Travancore Census -Report, 1901, as sub-divisions of Nayar. - -Namadari.--A name, indicating one who wears the Vaishnava sectarian -mark (namam). The equivalent Namala occurs as an exogamous sept -of Boya. - -Nambidi.--A class, included among the Ambalavasis. It is recorded, -in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, that "Nampitis are of two -classes, the thread-wearing and the threadless. The former have -their own priests, while the Ilayatus perform the required sacerdotal -functions for the latter. Their ceremonies are very much like those -of the Kshatriyas. Tradition connects them with royalty acquired under -rather unenviable circumstances. They are, therefore, called Tampurans -(lords) by the Sudras, and also Muppinnu (elder) or Karanavappat -(uncle) head of a matriarchal family. They observe twelve days' -pollution, and inherit in the female line. Their women are called -Mantalu. The chief man among the Nampitis is the Karanavappat of -Kakkat in British Malabar." In the Cochin Census Report, 1901, it -is noted that of the Nampidis "the Aiynikoor Nampidis, or the five -families of Nampidis, are historically and socially the most important; -the eldest male member possesses the honorific title of Karanavarpad, -enjoying special privileges at the hands of the rulers of Cochin, as -the members of the family once held responsible posts in the militia -of the State. According to tradition, they were Nambudris. One of -the Perumals or Viceroys of Kerala having proved troublesome, the -Brahmans resolved upon his removal. In the struggle that followed, -the Perumal was killed by the Brahmans. When those who had slain him -returned to the place where the Brahmans had met in solemn conclave, -they were gladly welcomed, and asked to sit in their midst; but, -feeling that they had committed a heinous crime and thus disqualified -themselves from sitting along with the Brahmans, they volunteered to -sit apart on the threshold of the council room by saying nam padimel -(we on the threshold), which fact is supposed to account for the -origin of their name Nampadi. They and their companions have since -been regarded as having almost lost their social status as Brahmans, -and they are now classed along with the intermediate castes, having -but a few privileges other than those enjoyed by the group. They -wear the sacred thread, and have Gayatri. Nambudri Brahmans officiate -as priests at marriage ceremonies, sradhas, and purification at the -end of birth or death pollution, which lasts only for ten days. They -follow the marumakkatayam law of inheritance (in the female line). The -tali (marriage badge) is tied by their own caste men. Nambudris, -or their own caste men, unite themselves in sambandham with Nampidi -females. Nampidis are allowed to consort with Nayar women. At public -feasts they are not privileged to sit and eat with Nambudris. Their -women are called Manolpads." - -Nambiyassan.--A division of the Ambalavasis. It is noted, in the -Travancore Census Report, 1901, that "the Nampiassans, otherwise -called Nampiyars or Nampis, have at present no temple service of -any kind. They keep gymnasia or schools of training suited to the -Indian system of warfare. They were the gurus (preceptors) of the -fighting Nayars. They seem, however, at one time to have followed the -profession of garland-making in temples. It is still the occupation of -many Nampiassans in Cochin and British Malabar." In the Cochin Census -Report, 1901, it is stated that Nambiyar is rather a misleading title, -as it is applied to more than one class of people. Some Nayars are -known by that title. In some places, Muthads and Elayads are also -called Nambiyars. Chakkiyar Nambiyars beat a drum of a peculiar shape -at intervals during the discourses or acting of the Chakkiyars, while -their females, called Nangiyars, keep time. The Nangiyars also assume -the figure of mythical characters, and perform a sort of pantomime -on the Chakkiyar's stage. (See Unni.) - -Nambiyatiri (a person worthy of worship).--A synonym of Elayad. - -Nambutiri Brahman. [87]--The name Nambutiri has been variously -derived. The least objectionable origin seems to be nambu (sacred or -trustworthy) and tiri (a light). The latter occurs as an honorific -suffix among Malabar Brahmans, and other castes above the Nayars. The -Nambutiris form the socio-spiritual aristocracy of Malabar, and, as -the traditional landlords of Parasu Rama's land, they are everywhere -held in great reverence. - -A Nambutiri, when questioned about the past, refers to the -Keralolpatti. The Nambutiris and their organization according to -gramams owe their origin in legend, so far as Malabar is concerned, to -Parasu Rama. Parasu Rama (Rama of the axe), an incarnation of Vishnu, -had, according to the puranic story, slain his mother in a fit of -wrath, and was advised by the sages to expiate his sin by extirpating -the Kshatriyas twenty-one times. He did so, and handed over the land -to the sages. But this annoyed the Brahmans exceedingly, for they got -no share in the arrangement; so they banished Parasu Rama from the -land. By the performance of austerities he gained from the gods the -boon to reclaim some land from Varuna, the sea god. Malabar was then -non-existent. He was allowed to throw his axe from Cape Comorin, and -possess all the land within the distance of his throw. So he threw his -axe as far as Gokarnam in the South Canara district, and immediately -there was land between these two places, within the direct line and -the western ghats, now consisting of Travancore and Cochin, Malabar, -and part of South Canara. To this land he gave the name Karma Bhumi, -or the country in which salvation or the reverse depends altogether on -man's individual actions, and blessed it that there be plenty of rain -and no famine in it. But he was alone. To relieve his loneliness, he -brought some Brahmans from the banks of the Krishna river, but they -did not remain long, for they were frightened by the snakes. Then -he brought some Brahmans from the north, and, lest they too should -flee, gave them peculiar customs, and located them in sixty-four -gramams. He told them also to follow the marumakkattayam law of -succession (in the female line), but only a few, the Nambutiris of -Payyanur, obeyed him. The Brahmans ruled the land with severity, -so that the people (who had somehow come into existence) resolved -to have a king under whom they could live in peace. And, as it was -impossible to choose one among themselves, they chose Keya Perumal, -who was the first king of Malabar, and Malabar was called Keralam -after him. The truths underlying this legend are that the littoral -strip between the western ghats and the sea is certainly of recent -formation geologically. It is not very long, geologically, since it -was under the sea, and it is certain that the Nambutiris came from -the north. The capital of the Chera kingdom was very probably on the -west coast not far from Cranganore in the Travancore State, the site -of it being now called Tiruvanjikkulam. There is still a Siva temple -there, and about a quarter of a mile to the south-west of it are the -foundations of the old palace. The rainfall of Malabar is very high, -ranging from 300 inches in the hills to about 120 inches on the coast. - -"It is said that Parasu Rama ruled that all Nambudri women should carry -with them an umbrella whenever they go out, to prevent their being -seen by those of the male sex, that a Nayar woman called a Vrishali -should invariably precede them, that they should be covered with a -cloth from neck to foot, and that they should not wear jewels. These -women are therefore always attended by a Nayar woman in their outdoor -movements, and they go sheltering their faces from public gaze with -a cadjan (palm leaf) umbrella." [88] - -The Keralolpatti relates the story of the exclusion of the Panniyur -Brahmans from the Vedas. There were in the beginning two religious -factions among the Nambutiris, the Vaishnavas or worshippers of Vishnu -in his incarnation as a boar, and the Saivas; the former residing in -Panniyur (boar village), and the latter in Chovur (Siva's village). The -Saivas gained the upper hand, and, completely dominating the others, -excluded them altogether from the Vedas. So now the Nambutiris of -Panniyur are said to be prohibited from studying the Vedas. It is said, -however, that this prohibition is not observed, and that, as a matter -of fact, the Panniyur Nambutiris perform all the Vedic ceremonies. - -"Tradition," Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar writes, "as recorded in the -Keralamahatmiya, traces the Nambutiris to Ahikshetra, whence Parasu -Rama invited Brahmans to settle in his newly reclaimed territory. In -view to preventing the invited settlers from relinquishing it, he is -said to have introduced, on the advice of the sage Narada, certain -deep and distinctive changes in their personal, domestic, and communal -institutions. The banks of the Nerbudda, the Krishna, and the Kaveri -are believed to have given Brahmans to Malabar. I have come across -Nambutiris who have referred to traditions in their families regarding -villages on the east coast whence their ancestors originally came, -and the sub-divisions of the Smarta caste, Vadama, Brihatcharanam, -Ashtasahasram, Sanketi, etc., to which they belonged. Even to this -day, an east coast Brahman of the Vadadesattu Vadama caste has to -pour water into the hands of a Nambutiri Sanyasi as part of the -latter's breakfast ritual. Broach in Kathiwar, one of the greatest -emporiums of trade in the middle ages, is also mentioned as one of -the ancient recruiting districts of the Nambutiri Brahmans. Broach was -the ancient Bhrigucachchha, where Parasu Rama made his avabhritasnana -(final bathing) after his great triumph over the Kshatriyas, and where -to this day a set of people called Bhargava Brahmans live. Their -comparatively low social status is ascribed to the original sin of -their Brahman progenitor or founder having taken to the profession -of arms. The date of the first settlement of the Nambutiris is not -known. Orthodox tradition would place it in the Tretayuga, or the -second great Hindu cycle. The reference to the gramams of Chovvur -and Panniyur contained in the Manigramam Syrian Christian grant of -the eighth century, and its absence in the Jewish, have suggested to -antiquarians some time between the seventh and eighth centuries as -the probable period. The writings of Ptolemy and the Periplus furnish -evidence of Brahman settlements on the Malabar coast as early as the -first century, and it is probable that immigrant Brahman families -began to pour in with the ascendancy of the Western Chalukya kings -in the fourth and fifth centuries, and became gradually welded with -the pre-existing Nambutiris. All these Nambutiris were grouped under -two great sections:--(a) the Vaishnavites or Panniyur Gramakkar, who -came with the patronage of the Vaishnavites of the Chalukya dynasty -with the boar as their royal emblem; (b) the Saivites or Chovvur -Gramakkar, who readily accepted the Saivite teachings from the Chera, -Chola, and Pandya kings who followed the Chalukyans. They included in -all sixty-four gramams, which, in many cases, were only families. Of -these, not more than ten belong to modern Travancore. These gramams -constituted a regular autocracy, with four talis or administrative -bodies having their head-quarters at Cranganore. It appears that a -Raja or Perumal, as he was called, from the adjoining Chera kingdom, -including the present districts of Salem and Coimbatore, was, as -an improved arrangement, invited to rule for a duodecennial period, -and was afterwards confirmed, whether by the lapse of time or by a -formal act of the Brahman owners it is not known. The Chera Viceroys, -by virtue of their isolation from their own fatherland, had then to -arrange for marital alliances being made, as best they could, with -the highest indigenous caste, the Nambutiris, the males consorting -with Sudra women. The matriarchal form of inheritance was thus a -necessary consequence. Certain tracts of Kerala, however, continued -under direct Brahman sovereignty, of which the Ettappalli chief is -almost the only surviving representative." - -Writing in the eighteenth century, Hamilton observes [89] that "the -Nambouries are the first in both capacities of Church and State, and -some of them are Popes, being Sovereign Princes in both." Unlike the -Brahmans of the remainder of the Madras Presidency, who so largely -absorb all appointments worth having under Government, who engage in -trade, in, one may say, every profitable profession and business, -the Nambutiris hold almost entirely aloof from what the poet Gray -calls "the busy world's ignoble strife," and, more than any class of -Brahmans, retain their sacerdotal position, which is of course the -highest. They are for the most part landholders. A very large portion -of Malabar is owned by Nambutiris, especially in Walluvanad, most of -which taluk is the property of Nambutiris. They are the aristocracy -of the land, marked most impressively by two characteristics, -exclusiveness and simplicity. Now and then a Nambutiri journeys to -Benares, but, as a rule, he stays at home. Their simplicity is really -proverbial, [90] and they have not been influenced by contact with -the English. This contact, which has influenced every other caste or -race, has left the Nambutiri just where he was before the English knew -India. He is perhaps, as his measurements seem to prove, the truest -Aryan in Southern India, and not only physically, but in his customs, -habits, and ceremonies, which are so welded into him that forsake them -he cannot if he would. It is noted, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that -"as a class, the Nambudiris may be described as less affected than -any other caste, except the very lowest, by western influences of -whatever nature. One Nambudiri is known to have accepted a clerical -post in Government service; a good many are Adhigaris (village -headmen), and one member of the caste possesses a Tile-works and is -partner in a Cotton-mill. The bicycle now claims several votaries -among the caste, and photography at least one other. But these are -exceptions, and exceptions which, unimportant as they may seem to -any one unacquainted with the remarkable conservatism of the caste, -would certainly have caused considerable surprise to the author of -the first Malabar Manual." - -Concerning the occupations of the Nambutiris, Mr. Subramani Aiyar -writes that "service in temples, unless very remunerative, does not -attract them. Teaching as a means of living is rank heterodoxy. And, -if anywhere Manu's dictum to the Brahman 'Never serve' is strictly -observed, it is in Malabar. Judging from the records left by -travellers, the Nambutiris used to be selected by kings as messengers -during times of war. Writing concerning them, Barbosa states that -"these are the messengers who go on the road from one kingdom to -another with letters and money and merchandise, because they pass in -safety without any one molesting them, even though the king may be -at war. These Brahmans are well read ... and possess many books, and -are learned and masters of many arts; and so the kings honour them -as such." As the pre-historic heirs to the entire land of Kerala, -the Nambutiris live on agriculture. But inefficiency in adaptation -to changing environments operates as a severe handicap in the race -for progressive affluence, for which the initial equipment was -exceptionally favourable. The difficulties incidental to an effete -landlordism have contributed to making the Nambutiris a litigious -population, and the ruinous scale of expenditure necessary for the -disposal of a girl, be it of the most plebeian kind, has brought their -general prosperity to a very low level. The feeling of responsible -co-operation on the part of the unmarried males of a Nambutiri -household in the interests of the family is fast decreasing; old -maids are increasing; and the lot of the average Nambutiri man, and -more especially woman, is very hard indeed. As matters now stand, -the traditional hospitality of the Hindu kings of Malabar, which, -fortunately for them, has not yet relaxed, is the only sustenance and -support of the ordinary Nambutiri. The characteristic features of the -Nambutiri are his faith in God and resignation to his will, hospitality -to strangers, scrupulous veracity, punctiliousness as regards the -ordinances prescribed, and extreme gentility in manners. The sustaining -power of his belief in divine providence is so great, that calamities -of whatsoever kind do not exasperate him unduly. The story is told -with great admiration of a Nambutiri who, with his large ancestral -house on fire, his only son just tumbled into a deep disused well, -while his wife was expiring undelivered, quietly called out to his -servant for his betel-box. Evening baths, and daily prayers at sunrise, -noon and sunset, are strictly observed. A tradition, illustrative -of the miracles which spiritual power can work, is often told of -the islet in the Vempanat lake known as Patiramanal (midnight sand) -having been conjured into existence by the Tarananallur Nambutiripad, -when, during a journey to Trivandrum, it was past evening, and the -prayers to Sandhya had to be made after the usual ablutions. To the -lower animals, the attitude of the Nambutiri is one of child-like -innocence. In his relation to man, his guilelessness is a remarkable -feature. Harshness of language is unknown to the Nambutiris, and -it is commonly said that the severest expression of his resentment -at an insult offered is generally that he (the Nambutiri) expects -the adversary to take back the insult a hundred times over. Of -course, the modern Nambutiri is not the unadulterated specimen of -goodness, purity, and piety that he once was. But, on the whole, the -Nambutiris form an interesting community, whose existence is indeed -a treasure untold to all lovers of antiquity. Their present economic -condition is, however, far from re-assuring. They are no doubt the -traditional owners of Kerala, and hold in their hands the janmom or -proprietary interest in a large portion of Malabar. But their woeful -want of accommodativeness to the altered conditions of present day -life threatens to be their ruin. Their simplicity and absence of -business-like habits have made them a prey to intrigue, fraudulence, -and grievous neglect, and an unencumbered and well ordered estate is -a rarity among Malabar Brahmans, at least in Travancore." - -The orthodox view of the Nambutiri is thus stated in an official -document of Travancore. "His person is holy; his directions are -commands; his movements are a procession; his meal is nectar; he -is the holiest of human beings; he is the representative of god on -earth." It may be noted that the priest at the temple of Badrinath in -Gurhwal, which is said to have been established by Sankaracharya, and -at the temple at Tiruvettiyur, eight miles north of Madras, must be -a Nambutiri. The birth-place of Sankara has been located in a small -village named Kaladi in Travancore. It is stated by Mr. Subramani -Aiyar that "at some part of his eventful life, Sankara is believed -to have returned to his native village, to do the last offices to his -mother. Every assistance was withdrawn, and he became so helpless that -he had to throw aside the orthodox ceremonials of cremation, which he -could not get his relations to help him in, made a sacrificial pit -in his garden, and there consigned his mother's mortal remains. The -compound (garden) can still be seen on the banks of the Periyar river -on the Travancore side, with a masonry wall enclosing the crematorium, -and embowered by a thick grove of trees." - -Every Nambutiri is, theoretically, a life-long student of the -Vedas. Some admit that religious study or exercise occupies a bare -half hour in the day; others devote to these a couple of hours or -more. It is certain that every Nambutiri is under close study between -the ages of seven and fifteen, or for about eight years of his life, -and nothing whatsoever is allowed to interfere with this. Should -circumstances compel interruption of Vedic study, the whole course is, -I believe, re-commenced and gone through da capo. A few years ago, -a Nambutiri boy was wanted, to be informally examined in the matter -of a dacoity in his father's illam; but he had to be left alone, as, -among other unpleasant consequences of being treated as a witness, -he would have had to begin again his whole course of Vedic study. The -Nambutiris are probably more familiar with Sanskrit than any other -Brahmans, even though their scholarship may not be of a high order, -and certainly none other is to the same extent governed by the letter -of the law handed down in Sanskrit. - -As already said, the Nambutiris are for the most part landholders, -or of that class. They are also temple priests. The rich have their -own temples, on which they spend much money. All over Malabar there -are to be seen Pattar Brahmans, wandering here and there, fed free -at the illams of rich Nambutiris, or at the various kovilakams and -temples. And they are always to be found at important ceremonial -functions, marriage or the like, which they attend uninvited, and -receive a small money present (dakshina). But the Nambutiri never -goes anywhere, unless invited. From what I have seen, the presents -to Brahmans on these occasions are usually given on the following -scale:--eight annas to each Nambutiri, six annas to each Embrantiri, -four annas to each Pattar Brahman. The Nambutiri is sometimes a -money-lender. - -Of the two divisions, Nambutiri and Nambutiripad, the latter are -supposed to be stricter, and to rank higher than the former. Pad, -meaning power or authority, is often used to all Nambutiris when -addressing them. Thus, some who are called Nambutiripads may -really be Nambutiris. It may not be strictly correct to divide the -Nambutiris thus, for neither so-called division is separated from -the other by interdiction of marriage. The class distinctions are -more properly denoted the Adhyan and Asyan, of which the former is -the higher. An Adhyan is never a priest; he is a being above even -such functions as are sacerdotal in the temple. But there are also -divisions according to the number of yagams or sacrifices performed -by individuals, thus:--Somatiri or Somayaji, Akkitiri or Agnihotri, -and Adittiri. A man may reach the first stage of these three, and -become an Addittiripad by going through a certain ceremony. At this, -three Nambutiri Vaidikars, or men well versed in the Vedas, must -officiate. A square pit is made. Fire raised by friction between -two pieces of pipal (Ficus religiosa) wood with a little cotton is -placed in it. This fire is called aupasana. The ceremony cannot -be performed until after marriage. It is only those belonging to -certain gotras who may perform yagams, and, by so doing, acquire the -three personal distinctions already named. Again, there are other -divisions according to professions. Thus it is noted, in the Cochin -Census Report, 1901, that "the Adhyans are to study the Vedas and -Sastras; they are prohibited from taking parannam (literally meals -belonging to another), from taking part in the funeral ceremonies of -others, and from receiving presents. Those who perform the sacrifice -of adhana are known as Aditiris, those who perform some yaga are -called Somayagis or Chomatiris, while those who perform agni are -called Agnihotris or Akkitiris. Only married men are qualified to -perform the sacrifices. The Nayar is an indispensable factor in -the performance of these sacrifices. The Bhattatiris are to study -and teach the Sastras; the Orthikans are to teach the Vedas, and to -officiate as family priests. The Vadhyans are to teach the Vedas, and -to supervise the moral conduct of their pupils. The Vydikans are the -highest authority to decide what does or does not constitute violation -of caste rules, and to prescribe expiatory ceremonies. The Smarthas -are to study the Smritis and other Sastras relating to customs, -with the special object of qualifying themselves to preside over -caste panchayats, or courts, and to investigate, under the orders -of the sovereign, cases of conjugal infidelity arising among the -Nambutiris. The rulers of Cochin and Travancore issue the writs -convening the committee in the case of offences committed within -their territory. The Zamorin of Calicut, and other Chiefs or Rajas, -also continue to exercise the privilege of issuing such orders in -regard to cases occurring in Malabar. The Tantris officiate as high -priests in temples. They also practice exorcism. There are Adhyans -among this class also. Having received weapons from Parasu Rama and -practiced the art of war, the Sastrangakars are treated as somewhat -degraded Brahmans. They are prohibited from studying the Vedas, but -are entitled to muthalmura, that is, reading the Vedas, or hearing -them recited once. Having had to devote their time and energy to -the practice of the art of war, they could not possibly spend their -time in the study of the Vedas. The Vaidyans or physicians, known -as Mussads, are to study the medical science, and to practice the -same. As the profession of a doctor necessitates the performance of -surgical operations entailing the shedding of blood, the Mussads are -also considered as slightly degraded. They too are entitled only -to muthalmura. Of these, there are eight families, known as Ashta -Vaidyans. The Gramanis are alleged to have suffered degradation by -reason of their having, at the command of Parasu Rama, undertaken the -onerous duties of protecting the Brahman villages, and having had, -as Rakshapurushas or protectors, to discharge the functions assigned -to Kshatriyas. Ooril Parisha Mussads are supposed to have undergone -degradation on account of their having accepted from Parasu Rama the -accumulated sin of having killed the warrior Kshatriyas thrice seven -times, along with immense gifts in the shape of landed estates. They -are not allowed to read the Vedas even once." - -"There are," Mr. Subramani Aiyar writes, "five sub-divisions among -the Nambutiris, which may be referred to:-- - -(1) Tampurakkal.--This is a corruption of the Sanskrit name Samrat, -and has probable reference to temporal as much as to secular -sovereignty. Of the two Tampurakkal families in South Malabar, -Kalpancheri and Azhvancheri, the latter alone now remains. As spiritual -Samrats (sovereigns) they are entitled to (1) bhadrasanam, or the -highest position in an assembly, (2) brahmavarchasa, or authority in -Vedic lore, and consequent sanctity, (3) brahmasamragyam, or lordship -over Brahmans, (4) sarvamanyam, or universal acknowledgment of -reverence. Once in six years, the Azhvancheri Tampurakkal is invited -by the Maharaja of Travancore, who accords him the highest honours, -and pays him the homage of a sashtanganamaskaram, or prostration -obeisance. Even now, the Samrats form a saintly class in all -Malabar. Though considered higher than all other sub-divisions of -Nambutiris, they form, with the Adhyas, an endogamous community. - -(2) Adhyas.--They form eight families, called Ashtadhyas, and are -said by tradition to be descended from the eight sons of a great -Brahman sage, who lived on the banks of the river Krishna. The fund of -accumulated spirituality inherited from remote ancestors is considered -to be so large that sacrifices (yagas), as well as vanaprastha and -sanyasa (the two last stages of the Brahman's life), are reckoned as -being supererogatory for even the last in descent. They are, however, -very strict in the observance of religious ordinances, and constantly -engage themselves in the reverent study of Hindu scriptures. The -Tantris are Adhyas with temple administration as their specialised -function. They are the constituted gurus of the temple priests, -and are the final authorities in all matters of temple ritual. - -(3) Visishta.--These are of two classes, Agnihotris and -Bhattatiris. The former are the ritualists, and are of three -kinds:--(1) Akkittiris, who have performed the agnichayanayaga, (2) -Adittiris, who have done the ceremony of agniadhana, (3) Chomatiris, -who have performed the soma sacrifice. The Bhattatiris are the -philosophers, and are, in a spirit of judicious economy, which is the -characteristic feature of all early caste proscriptions, actually -prohibited from trenching on the province of the Agnihotris. They -study tarkka (logic), vedanta (religious philosophy or theology), -vyakarana (grammar), mimamsa (ritualism), bhatta, from which they -receive their name, and prabhakara, which are the six sciences of the -early Nambutiris. They were the great religious teachers of Malabar, -and always had a large number of disciples about them. Under this -head come the Vadyars or heads of Vedic schools, of which there are -two, one at Trichur in Cochin, and the other at Tirunavai in British -Malabar; the six Vaidikas or expounders of the caste canons, and the -Smartas, who preside at the smartavicharams or socio-moral tribunals -of Brahmanical Malabar. - -(4) Samanyas.--They form the Nambutiri proletariat, from whom the -study of the Vedas is all that is expected. They take up the study of -mantravada (mystic enchantment), puja (temple ritual), and reciting -the sacred accounts of the Avatara and astrology. - -(5) Jatimatras.--The eight leading physician families of Malabar, -or Ashta Vaidyas, are, by an inexcusable misuse of language, called -Gatimatras or nominal Nambutiris. The class of Nambutiris called -Yatrakalikkar (a corruption of Sastrakalikkar) also comes under -this head. They are believed to be the Brahmans, who accepted the -profession of arms from their great founder. Those that actually -received the territory from the hands of Parasu Rama, called Gramani -Nambutiris or Gramani Adhyas, are also Gatimatras. They were the -virtual sovereigns of their respective lands. The physicians, the -soldiers, and the landed kings, having other duties to perform, -were not able to devote all their time to Vedic recitations. The -mutalmura or first study was, of course, gone through. In course of -time, this fact was unfortunately taken by the religious conscience -of the people to lower the Brahmans who were deputed under the scheme -of Parasu Rama for special functions in the service of the nation in -the scale of Nambutiri society, and to mean a formal prohibition as -of men unworthy to be engaged in Vedic study. - -Papagrastas are Nambutiris, who are supposed to have questioned the -divine nature of Parasu Rama, The Urilparisha Mussus, who too are -Brahmans who received gifts of land from Parasu Rama, the Nambitis, -the Panniyur Gramakkar, and the Payyanur Gramakkar or the Ammuvans -(uncles), so called from their matriarchal system of inheritance, -form other sections of Nambutiris." - -It is recorded, in the Cochin Census Report, 1901, that "certain -special privileges in regard to the performance of religious rites and -other matters of a purely social nature serve as the best basis for -a sub-division of the Nambutiris in the order of social precedence -as recognised amongst themselves. For this purpose, the privileges -may be grouped under two main classes, as given in the following -mnemonic formula:-- - - -A - -1. Edu (the leaf of a cadjan grandha or book): the right of studying - and teaching the Vedas and Sastras. -2. Piccha (mendicancy symbolic of family priests): the right of - officiating as family priests. -3. Othu (Vedas): the right of studying the Vedas. -4. Adukala (kitchen): the right of cooking for all classes of - Brahmans. -5. Katavu (bathing place or ghat): the right of bathing in the - same bathing place with other Brahmans, or the right of - touching after bathing, without thereby disqualifying the - person touched for performing religious services. - - -B - -1. Adu (sheep): the right of performing holy sacrifices. -2. Bhiksha (receiving alms): the right of becoming a Sanyasi. -3. Santhi (officiating as temple priests): the right of performing - priestly functions in temples. -4. Arangu (stage): the right of taking part in the performance of - Sastrangam Nambudris. -5. Panthi (row of eaters): the right of messing in the same row with - other Brahmans. - - -Those who enjoy the privilege of No. 1 in A are entitled to all -the privileges in A and B; those enjoying No. 2 in A have all the -privileges from No. 2 downwards in A and B; those having No. 3 in A -have similarly all the privileges from No. 3 downwards in A and B, and -so on. Those entitled to No.1 in B have all the privileges except No. 1 -in A; similarly those entitled to No. 2 in B have all the privileges -from No. 2 downwards in B, but only from No. 3 downwards in A, and -so on." - -Among the people of good caste in Malabar, to speak of one as a hairy -man is to speak of him reproachfully. Yet, putting aside Muhammadans, -the highest of all, the Nambutiris are certainly the most hairy. In -the young Nambutiri, the hair on the head is plentiful, glossy, -and wavy. The hair is allowed to grow over an oval patch from the -vertex or a little behind it to a little back from the forehead. This -is the regular Malabar fashion. The hair thus grown is done into a -knot hanging over the forehead or at one side according to fancy, -never hanging behind. The rest of the head, and also the face is -shaved. The whole body, excepting this knot and the back, is shaved -periodically. Karkkadakam, Kanni, Kumbham and Dhanu are months in which -shaving should be avoided as far as possible. An auspicious day is -always selected by the Nambutiri for being shaved. Gingelly oil (enna) -is commonly used for the hair. When a Nambutiri's wife is pregnant, -he refrains from the barber, letting his hair grow as it will. And, -as he may have as many as four wives, and he does not shave when -any of them is in an interesting condition, he sometimes has a long -beard. A marked difference observed between the Nambutiri and those -allied to him, and the lower races, is this. The former have whiskers -in the shape of a full growth of hair on the cheeks, while in the -latter this is scanty or entirely absent. Also, while the Nambutiris -have very commonly a hairy chest, the others have little or no hair -on the chest. So, too, in the case of hair on the arms and legs. One -Nambutiri examined had hair all over the body, except over the ribs. - -In connection with a hypothesis that the Todas of the Nilgiris -are an offshoot of one of the races now existing in Malabar, -Dr. W. H. R. Rivers writes as follows. [91] "Of all the castes or -tribes of Malabar, the Nambutiris perhaps show the greatest number -of resemblances to the customs of the Todas, and it is therefore -interesting to note that Mr. Fawcett describes these people as the -hairiest of all the races of Malabar, and especially notes that one -individual he examined was like a Toda." - -It is noted by Mr. Subramani Aiyar that "the Nambutiris are passionate -growers of finger-nails, which are sometimes more than a foot long, -and serve several useful purposes. As in everything else, the Nambutiri -is orthodox even in the matter of dress. Locally-manufactured cloths -are alone purchased, and Indian publicists who deplore the crushing -of indigenous industries by the importation of foreign goods may -congratulate the Kerala Brahmans on their protectionist habits. Silk -and coloured cloths are not worn by either sex. The style of dress is -peculiar. That of the males is known as tattutukkuka. Unlike the Nayar -dress, which the Nambutiris wear during other than religious hours, -the cloth worn has a portion passing between the thighs and tucked in -at the front and behind, with the front portion arranged in a number -of characteristic reduplications. The Nambutiri wears wooden shoes, -but never shoes made of leather. Nambutiri women have two styles -of dress, viz., okkum koluttum vachchutukkuka for the Adhyans, and -ngoringutukkuka for ordinary Nambutiris. Undyed cloths constitute -the daily wearing apparel of Nambutiri women. It is interesting to -notice that all Brahman women, during a yagnam (sacrifice), when, -as at other ceremonials, all recent introductions are given up in -favour of the old, wear undyed cloths. Beyond plain finger-rings and -a golden amulet (elassu) attached to the waist-string, the Nambutiri -wears no ornaments. His ears are bored, but no ear-rings are worn -unless he is an Agnihotri, when ear-pendants of an elongated pattern -(kundalam) are used. The ornaments of the Nambutiri women have -several peculiarities. Gold bracelets are, as it were, proscribed -even for the most wealthy. Hollow bangles of brass or bell-metal for -ordinary Nambutiris, and of solid silver for the Adhyas, are the ones -in use. The chuttu is their ear ornament. A peculiar necklace called -cheru-tali is also worn, and beneath this Adhya women wear three -garlands of manis or gold pieces, along with other jewels called -kasumala, puttali, and kazhuttila. The Nambutiris do not bore their -noses or wear nose-rings, and, in this respect, present a striking -contrast to the Nayar women. No restriction, except the removal of the -tali, is placed on the use of ornaments by Nambutiri women. Tattooing -is taboo to Nambutiri women. They put on three horizontal lines of -sandal paste after bathing. These marks have, in the case of Adhya -women, a crescentic shape (ampilikkuri). Kunkuma, or red powder, is -never applied by Nambutiri women to the forehead. Turmeric powder -as a cosmetic wash for the face is also not in vogue. Mr. Fawcett -states that, on festive occasions, turmeric is used by the -Brahmans of Malabar. But this is not borne out by the usage in -Travancore. Eye-salves are applied, and may be seen extending as dark -lines up to the ears on either side." - -The ornaments and marks worn by individual Nambutiri males are thus -recorded by Mr. Fawcett:-- - -(1) Left hand: gold ring with large green stone on first finger; -four plain gold rings on third finger; a ring, in which an anavarahan -coin is set, on little finger. This is a very lucky ring. Spurious -imitations are often set in rings, but it is the genuine coin which -brings good luck. Right hand: two plain gold rings, and a pavitram -on the third finger. The pavitram is of about the thickness of an -ordinary English wedding ring, shaped like a figure of eight, with a -dotted pattern at each side, and the rest plain. It is made of gold, -but, as every Nambutiri must wear a pavitram while performing or -undergoing certain ceremonies, those who do not possess one of gold -wear one made of darbha grass. They do not say so, but I think the -ring of darbha grass is orthodox. - -(2) Golden amulet-case fastened to a string round the waist, and -containing a figure (yantram) written or marked on a silver plate. He -had worn it three years, having put it on because he used to feel -hot during the cool season, and attributed the circumstance to the -influence of an evil spirit. - -(3) Youth, aged 12. Wears a yak skin sash, an inch wide, over the -left shoulder, fastened at the ends by a thong of the same skin. He -put it on when he was seven, and will wear it till he is fifteen, -when he will have completed his course of Vedic study. A ring, -hanging to a string in front of his throat, called modiram, was put -on in the sixth month when he was named, and will be worn until he is -fifteen. The ears are pierced. He wears two amulets at the back, one -of gold, the other of silver. In each are some chakrams (Travancore -silver coins), and a gold leaf, on which a charm is inscribed. One -of the charms was prepared by a Mappilla, the other by a Nambutiri. - -(4) Black spot edged with yellow in the centre of the forehead. Three -horizontal white stripes on the forehead. A dab on each arm, and a -stripe across the chest. - -(5) Black spot near glabella, and two yellow horizontal stripes near -it. The same on the chest, with the spot between the lines. - -(6) Red spot and white stripe on the forehead. A red dab over the -sternum, and on each arm in front of the deltoid. - -(7) An oval, cream-coloured spot with red centre, an inch in greatest -length, over the glabella. - -The stripes on the forehead and chest are generally made with sandal -paste. Rudraksha (nuts of Eloeocarpus Ganitrus) necklaces, mounted -in gold, are sometimes worn. - -The thread worn by men over the left shoulder is made of a triple -string of country-grown cotton, and, unlike other Brahmans of Southern -India, no change is made after marriage. It may be changed on any -auspicious day. Brahmans of Southern India outside Malabar change -their thread once a year. - -Concerning the habitations of the Nambutiris, Mr. Subramani Aiyar -writes as follows. "A Nambutiri's house stands within a compound -(grounds) of its own. Each house has its own name, by which the -members are known, and is called by the generic title of illam, the -term used by Brahmans, or mana, which is the reverential expression -of Sudras and others. Sometimes the two words are found combined, -e.g., Itamana illam. In the compound surrounding the house, trees -such as the tamarind, mango, and jak, grow in shady luxuriance. The -area of the compound is very extensive; in fact, no house in Malabar -is surrounded by a more picturesque or more spacious garden than that -of the Nambutiri. Plantains of all varieties are cultivated, and yams -of various kinds and peas in their respective seasons. A tank (pond) -is an inseparable accompaniment, and, in most Nambutiri houses, there -are three or four of them, the largest being used for bathing, and the -others for general and kitchen purposes. Whenever there is a temple -of any importance near at hand, the Nambutiri may prefer to bathe in -the tank attached to it, but his favourite ghat is always the tank -near his home, and owned by him. Wells are never used for bathing, -and a hot-water bath is avoided as far as possible, as plunging -in a natural reservoir would alone confer the requisite ablutional -purity. Towards the north-west corner of the house is located the -sarpakkavu or snake abode, one of the indispensables of a Malabar -house. The kavu is either an artificial jungle grown on purpose in -the compound, or a relic of the unreclaimed primeval jungle, which -every part of Malabar once was. Right in the centre of the kavu is -the carved granite image of the cobra, and several flesh-and-blood -representatives of the figure haunt the house, as if in recognition -of the memorial raised. In the centre of the compound is situated -the illam or mana, which is in most cases a costly habitat. All the -houses used until recently to be thatched as a protection against -the scorching heat of the tropical sun, which a tiled house would -only aggravate. In form the house is essentially a square building, -consisting of several courtyards in the centre, with rooms on all -sides. On the east or west of the courtyard, a room having the space -of two ordinary rooms serves as a drawing room and the dormitory of -the unmarried members of the house. The rest of the house is zenana -to the stranger. Right on the opposite side of the visitor's room, -beyond the central courtyard, is the arappura, of massive wood-work, -where the valuables are preserved. On either side of this are two -rooms, one of which serves as a storehouse, and the other as a -bed-room. The kitchen adjoins the visitor's room, and is tolerably -spacious. In the front, which is generally the east of the house, -is a spacious yard, square and flat, and leading to it is a flight of -steps, generally made of granite. These steps lead to a gate-house, -where the servants of the house keep watch at night. The whole house -is built of wood, and substantially constructed. Though the houses -look antiquated, they have a classical appearance all their own. To -the north-east is the gosala, where large numbers of oxen and cows -are housed. The furniture of a Nambutiri is extremely scanty. There -are several cots, some made of coir (cocoanut fibre), and others of -wooden planks. The kurmasana is the Nambutiri's devotional seat, -and consists of a jak (Artocarpus integrifolia) plank carved in -the form of a tortoise. Other seats, of a round or oblong shape, -are also used, and no Brahman addresses himself to his meal without -being seated on one of them. Every Brahman visitor is offered one, -and is even pressed to sit on it. When the writer went to a Brahman -house at Kalati, the native village of Sankaracharya, and wished the -hosts not to trouble themselves about a seat for him, he was told -that the contact of a Brahman's nates with the floor was harmful -to the house. Hanging cots, attached to the ceiling by chains of -iron, are common things in a Nambutiri's house, especially in the -bed-rooms. Skins of spotted deer, used to sit on during prayers, -also form part of the Nambutiri's furniture." - -The Nambutiris follow the makkatayam law of inheritance from father -to son; not, however, precisely as do the other people who do so. Nor -is their system of inheritance the same as that of Brahmans to the -eastward (i.e., of Southern India generally), with whom the family -property may be divided up amongst the male members at the instance of -any one of them. The Nambutiri household is described by Mr. Subramani -Aiyar as representing a condition intermediate between the impartible -matriarchal form of the Nayars and the divided patriarchal form of the -other coast. Among the Nambutiris, the eldest male member of the family -is the Karanavan or manager of it, and has complete control over all -the property. The younger members of the family are entitled to nothing -but maintenance. The head of the family may be a female, provided there -is none of the other sex. The eldest son alone marries. The accepted -practice, as well as the recognised principle among the Nambutiris, -seems to be in consonance with the directions expounded by Manu, viz.-- - -Immediately on the birth of his first-born, a man is the father of a -son, and is free from the debt to the manes. That son is, therefore, -worthy to receive the whole estate. - -That son alone, on whom he throws his debt, is begotten for (the -fulfilment of) the law. All the rest they consider the offspring -of desire. - -As a father supports his sons, so let the eldest support his younger -brothers, and so let them, in accordance with the law, behave towards -their eldest brother as sons behave towards their father. - -Should a Nambutiri eldest son die, the next marries, and so on. Women -join the family of their husband, and to this too her children -belong. Self-acquired property, that is property acquired by any junior -member of the family through his own efforts outside the taravad, -[92] lapses to the taravad at his death, unless he has disposed of -it in his lifetime. This is the custom, which our law has not yet -infringed. The taravad is the unit, and, as the senior male succeeds -to the management, it may happen that a man's sons do not succeed -directly as his heirs. The arrangement is an excellent one for the -material prosperity of the family, for there is no dispersion. Every -circumstance tends towards aggrandizement, and the family is restricted -to no more than a requisite number by one member only marrying, and -producing children. Impartibility is the fundamental principle. It -is seldom that a Nambutiri family comes to an end; and such a thing -as a Nambutiri's estate escheating to Government has been said on -eminent authority never to have been known. It happens sometimes -that there is no male member to produce progeny, and in such a case -the sarvasvadanam marriage is performed, by which a man of another -family is brought into the family and married to a daughter of it, -who, after the manner of the "appointed daughter" of old Hindu law, -hands on the property through her children. The man so brought in is -henceforth a member of the family which he has joined, and as such he -performs the sraddha or ceremonies to the dead. An exception to the -general rule of inheritance is that seventeen families of Payannur -in North Malabar follow the marumakkattayam system of inheritance, -through the female line. The other Nambutiris look askance at these, -and neither marry nor dine with them. It is supposed that they are -not pure bred, having Kshatriya blood in their veins. - -Adoption among the Nambutiris is stated by Mr. Subramani Aiyar to be -of three kinds, called Pattu kaiyyal dattu, Chanchamata dattu, and -Kutivazhichcha dattu. "The first is the orthodox form. Pattukai means -ten hands, and indicates that five persons take part in the ceremony, -the two natural parents, the two adopted parents, and the son to be -adopted. The gotra and sutra of the natural family have to be the -same as those of the adoptive family. The son adopted may have had -his upanayanam already performed by his natural parents. An adoption -of this kind cannot be made without the permission of all the male -members of the family, of the Sapindas or Samanodakas who are distinct -blood relations, though some degrees removed. In the second form, the -adoption relieves the adopted son of all ceremonial duties towards -the natural parents. Involving, as it does, a position contrary to -the established ordinances of Sankaracharya, this kind of adoption is -not in favour. The third form is still less orthodox. The adoption is -made by a surviving widow, and mainly serves to keep up the lineage." - -Liquor and flesh are strictly forbidden to the Nambutiris. Their staple -food is rice and curry. Upperi is a curry of chopped vegetables fried -in ghi (clarified butter), cocoanut or gingelly oil, seasoned with -gingelly (Sesamum indicum), salt, and jaggery (crude sugar). Aviyal -is another, composed of jak fruit mixed with some vegetables. Sweets -are sometimes eaten. Candied cakes of wheat or rice, and rice boiled -in milk with sugar and spices, are delicacies. Papadams (wafer-like -cakes) are eaten at almost every meal. The Nambutiri must bathe, -and pray to the deity before partaking of any meal. An offering of -rice is then made to the household fire, some rice is thrown to the -crows, and he sits down to eat. The food is served on a plantain -leaf or a bell-metal plate. It should be served by the wife; but, -if a man has other Nambutiris dining with him, it is served by men -or children. The sexes feed separately. Before a man rises from his -meal, his wife must touch the leaf or plate on which the food has -been served. The reason may lie in this. The remains of the food are -called echchil, and cannot be eaten by any one. Just before finishing -his meal and rising, the Nambutiri touches the plate or leaf with his -left hand, and at the same time his wife touches it with her right -hand. The food is then no longer echchil, and she may eat it. The -Nambutiri householder is said to be allowed by the Sastras, which -rule his life in every detail, to eat but one meal of rice a day--at -midday. He should not, strictly speaking, eat rice in the evening, but -he may do so without sinning heinously, and usually does. Fruit only -should be eaten in the evening. Women and children eat two or three -times in a day. A widow, however, is supposed to lead the life of a -Sanyasi, and eats only once a day. A Nambutiri may eat food prepared -by an east country Brahman (Pattar), or by an Embrantiri. In fact, -in the large illams, where many people are fed every day, the cooks -are generally Pattars in South Malabar. The Nambutiri woman is more -scrupulous, and will not touch food prepared by any one of a caste -inferior to her own, as the Pattar is considered to be. Tea and -coffee are objected to. The Sastras do not permit their use. At the -same time, they do not prohibit them, and some Nambutiris drink both, -but not openly. Persons observing vows are not allowed an oil bath, -to eat off bell-metal plates, or to eat certain articles of food. The -gourd called churakhai, palmyra fruit, and palmyra jaggery are taboo -to the Nambutiri at all times. Water-melons are eaten regularly during -the month Karkkataka, to promote health and prolong life. - -In connection with the Nambutiri's dietary, Mr. Subramani Aiyar states -that "their food is extremely simple. As Camöens writes: [93] - - - To crown their meal no meanest life expires. - Pulse, fruit, and herb alone their food requires. - - -"Ghi is not in a great requisition. Gingelly oil never enters the -kitchen. Milk is not taken except as porridge, which goes by the name -of prathaman (first). A bolus-like preparation of boiled rice-flour -with cocoanut scrapings, called kozhakkatta, is in great favour, -and is known as Parasu Rama's palaharam, or the light refreshment -originally prescribed by Parasu Rama. Conji, or rice gruel, served up -with the usual accessories, is the Nambutiri's favourite luncheon. Cold -drinks are rarely taken. The drinking water is boiled, and flavoured -with coriander, cummin seeds, etc., to form a pleasant beverage." - -The horse is a sacred animal, and cannot be kept. The cow, buffalo, -dog, and cat are the animals ordinarily kept in domestication; and -it is said that a parrot is sometimes taught to repeat Sanskrit slokas. - -There are families, in which the business of the magician and -sorcerer is hereditary, chiefly in South Malabar and among the Chela -[94] Nambutiris, as those are termed who, in the turbulent period of -Tippu's invasion, were made Muhammadans by force. True, these returned -almost at once to their own religion, but a stigma attaches to them, -and they are not looked on as true Nambutiris. - -It is extremely difficult to obtain reliable information regarding -magic or anything allied to it among any people, and most difficult -of all among the Nambutiris. They possess magic books, but they will -neither produce nor expound them. Hara Mekhala is the name of one -of these, which is most used. It is said that the sorcerer aims at -the following:-- - - - (1) Destruction (marana). - (2) Subjection of the will of another (vasikarana). - (3) Exorcism (uchchatana). - (4) Stupefaction (stambhana). - (5) Separation of friends (vidveshana). - (6) Enticement as for love (mohana). - - -Of these, the first may be carried out in the following manner. A -figure representing the enemy to be destroyed is drawn on a small -sheet of metal (gold by preference), and to it some mystic diagrams -are added. It is then addressed with a statement that bodily injury -or the death of the person shall take place at a certain time. This -little sheet is wrapped up in another metal sheet or leaf (of gold if -possible), and buried in some place which the person to be injured or -destroyed is in the habit of passing. Should he pass over the place, it -is supposed that the charm will take effect at the time named. Instead -of the sheet of metal, a live frog or lizard is sometimes buried -within a cocoanut shell, after nails have been stuck into its eyes -and stomach. The deaths of the animal and the person are supposed to -take place simultaneously. For carrying out vasikarana, vidveshana, -and mohana, betel leaves, such as are ordinarily used for chewing, or -vegetables are somehow or other given to the victim, who unknowingly -takes them into his mouth. Exorcism may be treated as follows. If -a young woman is suffering from hysteria, and is supposed to be -possessed by an evil spirit, or by the discontented spirit of some -deceased ancestor, nervousness is excited by beating drums, blowing -conch-shells, and otherwise making a horrible noise close to her. When -the supreme moment is believed to have arrived, water is sprinkled -over the wretched woman, who is required to throw rice repeatedly on -certain diagrams on the ground, woven into which is a representation -of the goddess Durga, the ruler of evil spirits. An effigy of the evil -spirit is then buried in a copper vessel. By means of certain mantrams, -Hanuman or Kali is propitiated, and, with their aid, in some occult -manner, the position of buried treasure may be found. It is said -that the bones of a woman who has died immediately after childbirth, -and the fur of a black cat, are useful to the magician. - -There are said to be two Nambutiris of good family, well known in -South Malabar, who are expert mantravadis or dealers in magic, and -who have complete control over Kuttichchattan, an evil mischievous -spirit, whose name is a household word in Malabar. He it is who sets -fire to houses, damages cattle, and teases interminably. Concerning -Kuttichchattan, Mr. Subramani Aiyar writes as follows. "The most -mischievous imp of Malabar demonology is an annoying, quip-loving -little spirit, as black as night, and about the size and nature of -a well-nourished twelve-year old boy. Some people say that they have -seen him, vis-à-vis, having a forelock. The nature and extent of its -capacity for evil almost beggar description. There are Nambutiris, -to whom these are so many missiles, which they throw at anybody they -choose. They are, like Ariel, little active things, and most willing -slaves of the master under whom they happen to be placed. Their -victim suffers from unbearable agony. His clothes take fire, his -food turns into ordure, his beverages become urine, stones fall in -showers on all sides of him, but curiously not on him, and his bed -becomes a literal bed of thorns. He feels like a lost man. In this -way, with grim delight, the spirit continues to torment his victim -by day as well as by night. But, with all this annoying mischief, -Kuttichchattan, or Boy Satan, does no serious harm. He oppresses and -harasses, but never injures. A celebrated Brahman of Changanacheri -is said to own more than a hundred of these Chattans. Household -articles and jewelry of value can be left on the premises of the homes -guarded by Chattan, and no thief dares to lay his hands on them. The -invisible sentry keeps diligent watch over his master's property, -and has unchecked powers of movement in any medium. As remuneration -for all these services, the Chattan demands nothing but food, but -that on a large scale. If starved, the Chattans would not hesitate to -remind the master of their power; but, if ordinarily cared for, they -would be his most willing drudges. By nature Chattan is more than a -malevolent spirit. As a safeguard against the infinite power secured -for the master by the Kuttichchattan, it is laid down that malign -acts committed through his instrumentality recoil on the prompter, -who either dies childless, or after frightful physical and mental -agony. Another method of oppressing humanity, believed to be in the -power of sorcerers, is to make men and women possessed by spirits; -women being more subject to their evil influence than men. Delayed -puberty, sterility, and still-births are not uncommon ills of a woman -possessed by a devil. Sometimes the spirits sought to be exorcised -refuse to leave the body of the victim, unless the sorcerer promises -them a habitation in the compound of his own house, and arranges -for daily offerings being given. This is agreed to as a matter of -unavoidable necessity, and money and lands are conferred upon the -Nambutiri mantravadi, to enable him to fulfil his promise." - -A Nambutiri is not permitted to swear, or take oath in any way. He may, -however, declare so and so, holding the while his sacred thread between -the thumb and forefinger of the right hand, by way of invoking the -Gayatri in token of his sincerity. And he may call on the earth mother -to bear witness to his words, for she may, should he speak falsely, -relieve herself of him. The name of the Supreme Being is not used in -oath. Nambutiris have been known to take oath before a shrine, in order -to settle a point in a Civil Court, but it is not orthodox to do so. - -Something has been said already concerning vows. Those who desire -offspring perform the vow called payasahavanam. Sacrifice is made -through fire (homam) to the Supreme Being. Homam is also vowed to -be done on a child's birthday, to ensure its longevity. Here we may -observe a contrast between the Nambutiri and a man of one of the -inferior castes. For, while the vow of the Nambutiri has assumed to -some extent the nature of propitiatory prayer, of which those low down -really know nothing, the other gives nothing until he has had the full -satisfaction of his vow. Mrityunjayam, or that which conquers death, -is another kind of homam in performance of a vow. A further one is -concerned with cleansing from any specific sin. Liberal presents -are made to Brahmans, when the vow is completed. In the vow called -rudrabhisheka the god Siva is bathed in consecrated water. It is -performed by way of averting misfortune. Monday is the day for it, -as it is supposed that on that day Siva amuses himself with Parvati -by dancing on Kailasa. - -The custom observed by Nambutiris of letting the hair grow on the -head, face, and body, untouched by the razor, when a wife is enceinte -has been noticed already. A Nambutiri who has no male issue also -lets his hair grow in the same way for a year after the death of his -wife. Should there, however, be male issue, on the eldest son devolves -the duty of performing the ceremonies connected with the funeral of his -mother (or father), and it is he who remains unshaven for a year. In -such a case, the husband of a woman remains unshaven for twelve days -(and this seems to be usual), or until after the ceremony on the -forty-first day after death. The period during which the hair is -allowed to grow, whether for a death, a pregnant wife, or by reason -of a vow, is called diksha. During diksha, as well as during the -Brahmachari period, certain articles of food, such as the drumstick -vegetable, milk, chillies, gram, dhal, papadams, etc., are prohibited. - -"Bathing," Mr.Subramani Aiyar writes, "is one of the most important -religious duties of all Hindus, and of Brahmans in particular. A -Nambutiri only wants an excuse for bathing. Every Nambutiri bathes -twice a day at least, and sometimes oftener. It is prohibited to do -so before sunrise, after which a bath ceases to be a religious rite -on the other coast. The use of a waist-cloth, the languti excepted, -during a bath in private or in public, is also prohibited. This -injunction runs counter to that of the Sutrakaras, who say 'Na -vivasanah snayat,' i.e., bathe not without clothing. The fastidious -sense of bath purity occasionally takes the form of a regular mania, -and receives the not inapt description of galappisachu or possession -by a water-devil. Never, except under extreme physical incapacity, -does a Nambutiri fail to bathe at least once a day." Before concluding -the bath, the cloth worn when it was begun, and for which another -has been substituted, is wrung out in the water. From this practice, -a patch of indurated skin between the thumb and first finger of the -right hand, where the cloth is held while wringing it, is commonly to -be seen. Almost every Nambutiri examined in North Malabar was marked -in this way. - -The Nambutiris observe sixty-four anacharams, or irregular customs, -which are said to have been promulgated by the great reformer -Sankaracharya. These are as follows:-- - - - (1) You must not clean your teeth with sticks. - (2) You must not bathe with cloths worn on your person. - (3) You must not rub your body with the cloths worn on your - person. - (4) You must not bathe before sunrise. - (5) You must not cook your food before you bathe. - (6) Avoid the water kept aside during the night. - (7) You must not have one particular object in view while you - bathe. - (8) The remainder of the water taken for one purpose must not be - used for another ceremony. - (9) You must bathe if you touch another, i.e., a Sudra. - (10) You must bathe if you happen to be near another, i.e., - a Chandala. - (11) You must bathe if you touch polluted wells or tanks. - (12) You must not tread over a place that has been cleaned with - a broom, unless it is sprinkled with water. - (13) A particular mode of marking the forehead with ashes - (otherwise described as putting three horizontal lines on the - forehead with pure burnt cow-dung). - (14) You must repeat charms yourself. (You must not allow someone - else to do it.) - (15) You must avoid cold rice, etc. (food cooked on the previous - day). - (16) You must avoid leavings of meals by children. - (17) You must not eat anything that has been offered to Siva. - (18) You must not serve out food with your hands. - (19) You must not use the ghi of buffalo cows for burnt offerings. - (20) You must not use buffalo milk or ghi for funeral offerings. - (21) A particular mode of taking food (not to put too much in - the mouth, because none must be taken back). - (22) You must not chew betel while you are polluted. - (23) You must observe the conclusion of the Brahmachari period - (the samavarttanam ceremony). This should be done before - consorting with Nayar women. - (24) You must give presents to your guru or preceptor. (The - Brahmachari must do so.) - (25) You must not read the Vedas on the road. - (26) You must not sell women (receive money for girls given - in marriage). - (27) You must not fast in order to obtain fulfilment of your - desires. - (28) Bathing is all that a woman should observe if she touches - another in her menses. (A woman touching another who is in - this state should, it is said, purify herself by bathing. - A man should change his thread, and undergo sacred ablution. - Women, during their periods, are not required to keep aloof, - as is the custom among non-Malabar Brahmans.) - (29) Brahmans should not spin cotton. - (30) Brahmans should not wash cloths for themselves. - (31) Kshatriyas should avoid worshipping the lingam. - (32) Brahmans should not accept funeral gifts from Sudras. - (33) Perform the anniversary ceremony of your father (father's - father, mother's father and both grandmothers). - (34) Anniversary ceremonies should be performed on the day of the - new moon (for the gratification of the spirits of the - deceased). - (35) The death ceremony should be performed at the end of the year, - counting from the day of death. - (36) The ceremony to be performed till the end of the year after - death (Diksha is apparently referred to). - (37) Sraddhas should be performed with regard to the stars - (according to the astronomical, not the lunar year). - (38) The death ceremony should not be performed until after the - pollution caused by childbirth has been removed. - (39) A particular mode of performing sraddha by an adopted son - (who should do the ceremony for his adopted parents as well - as for his natural parents. Among non-Malabar Brahmans, an - adopted son has nothing to do with the ceremonies for his - natural father, from whose family he has become entirely - disconnected). - (40) The corpse of a man should be burnt in his own compound. - (41) Sanyasis should not look at (see) women. - (42) Sanyasis should renounce all worldly pleasures. - (43) Sraddha should not be performed for deceased Sanyasis. - (44) Brahman women must not look at any other persons besides - their own husbands. - (45) Brahman women must not go out, unless accompanied by women - servants. - (46) They should wear only white clothing. - (47) Noses should not be pierced. - (48) Brahmans should be put out of their caste if they drink - any liquor. - (49) Brahmans should forfeit their caste, if they have intercourse - with other Brahman women besides their wives. - (50) The consecration of evil spirits should be avoided. (Otherwise - said to be that worship of ancestors should not be done in - temples.) - (51) Sudras and others are not to touch an idol. - (52) Anything offered to one god should not be offered to another. - (53) Marriage etc., should not be done without a burnt offering - (homam). - (54) Brahmans should not give blessings to each other. - (55) They should not bow down to one another. (Among non-Malabar - Brahmans, juniors receive benediction from seniors. The - Nambutiris do not allow this.) - (56) Cows should not be killed in sacrifice. - (57) Do not cause distraction, some by observing the religious - rites of Siva, and others those of Vishnu. - (58) Brahmans should wear only one sacred thread. - (59) The eldest son only is entitled to marriage. - (60) The ceremony in honour of a deceased ancestor should be - performed with boiled rice. - (61) Kshatriyas, and those of other castes, should perform funeral - ceremonies to their uncles. - (62) The right of inheritance among Kshatriyas, etc., goes - towards nephews. - (63) Sati should be avoided. (This also includes directions to - widows not to shave the head, as is the custom among - non-Malabar Brahmans.) - - -In connection with the foregoing, Mr. Subramani Aiyar writes that -the manners and customs of the Nambutiris differ from those of the -other communities in several marked particulars. They go by the -specific name of Keralacharas, which, to the casual observer, are -so many anacharas or mal-observances, but to the sympathetic student -are not more perhaps than unique acharas. A verse runs to the effect -that they are anacharas, because they are not acharas (observances) -elsewhere. (Anyatracharanabhavat anacharaitismritah.) Of these -sixty-four acharas, about sixty will be found to be peculiar to -Malabar. These may be grouped into the following six main classes:-- - - - (1) Personal hygiene.--Bathing. - (2) Eating.--The rules about food, either regarding the cooking - or eating of it are very religiously observed. Absolute fasting - is unknown in Malabar. - (3) Worship of the Gods and manes.--The anniversary of a person's - death is regulated not by the age of the moon at the time, but - by the star, unlike on the other coast. Again, a birth pollution - has priority over other observances, even death ceremonies. A - son who has to perform the funeral ceremonies of his father - is rendered unfit for that solemn function by an intervening - birth pollution. An adopted son is not, as in other parts - of India, relieved of the sraddha obligations to his natural - parents. Sectarian controversies in regard to Siva and Vishnu are - strictly tabooed. The establishment of Hinduism on a non-sectarian - basis was the sacred mission of Sankaracharya's life. A single - triple string (sacred thread) is worn irrespective of civil - condition. This is contrary to the usage of the other coast, where - married Brahmans wear two or three triplets. Sprinkling water is an - essential purificatory act after the use of the broom. An isolated - rule requires dead bodies to be burnt in private compounds, and - not in consecrated communal sites, as among the east coast people. - (4) Conduct in society.--Chastity is jealously guarded by the - imposition of severe ostracism on adulterers. Formal salutation, - and even namaskaras and anugrahas, or prostration before and - blessing by seniors, are prescribed. This is a striking point of - difference between Malabar and the rest of India, and is probably - based on the esoteric teaching of universal oneness. - (5) Asramas or stages of life.--It is distinctly prescribed that - a Brahman should formally conclude the Brahmachari asrama, and - that presents or dakshina to the gurus should be the crowning - act. The asura or bride-sale form of marriage is prohibited--a - prohibition which, in the case of the Nambutiris, is absolutely - unnecessary as matters now stand. An injunction in the reverse - direction against the ruinous tyranny of a bride-penalty would - be an anxiously sought relief to the strugglings of many an - indigent bride's father. The special law of Malabar, under which - the eldest son is alone entitled to be married, has already been - referred to. The anchorite stage comes in for regulation by the - Manu of Kerala. The eyes of a Sanyasin should never rest on a - woman even for a second. This rule, which, if it errs at all, - only does so on the side of safety, is not observed elsewhere, - as the stage of a Sanyasin is expected to be entered only after - the complete subjugation of the passions. No aradhana (worship) - sraddhas are performed for them, as is done in other parts. The - soul of the Sanyasin is freed from the bondage of Karma and the - chance of recurring birth, and has only to be remembered and - worshipped, unlike the ordinary Jivan or still enslaved soul, - whose salvation interests have to be furthered by propitiatory - Karmas on the part of its earthly beneficiaries. - (6) Regulation of women's conduct.--Women are not to gaze - on any face but that of their wedded lord, and never go out - unattended. They are to wear only white clothes, and are never - to pierce their noses for the wearing of jewelry. Death on - the husband's funeral pyre is not to be the sacred duty of - the Nambutiri widow, who is advised to seek in the life of a - self-sacrificing Sanyasi a sure means of salvation. - - -In affairs of the world, time is reckoned by the ordinary Malabar -kollam or solar year, the era beginning from the date of the departure -of the last Perumal, a sovereign of the western coast, to Arabia -in 825. The months of the kollam year are Mesha (Metam), Vrishabha -(Itavam), Mithuna, Karkkataka, Sihma (Chingga), Kanya (Kanni), Tula, -Vrischika, Dhanu, Makara, Kumbha, Mina. In affairs of religion, time -is reckoned by the salivahana saka, or lunar year, the months of -which are Chaitra, Vaisakha, Jeshta, Ashadha, Sravana, Bhadrapata, -Asvavuja, Margasirsha, Paushya, Magha, Phalguna. Every three years -or thereabouts, there is added another month, called Adhika. - -Some of the festivals kept by the Nambutiris are as follows: -- - - - (1) Sivaratri.--Worship of Siva on the last day of Magha. Fast - and vigil at night, and puja. - (2) Upakarma.--The regular day for putting on a new sacred - thread, after having cleansed away the sins of the year through - the prayaschittam, in which ceremony the five sacred products of - the cow (milk, curds, ghi, urine, and dung) are partaken of. It - is done on the 15th of Sravana. - (3) Nagara panchimi.--The serpent god is worshipped, and bathed - in milk. On the 5th of Sravana. This festival is common in - Southern India. - (4) Gokulashtami.--Fast and vigil at night, to celebrate the birth - of Krishna. Puja at night, on the eighth day of the latter half - of Sravana. - (5) Navaratri.--The first nine days of Asvayuja are devoted to - this festival in honour of Durga. - (6) Dipavali.--Observed more particularly in North Malabar on - the anniversary of the day on which Krishna slew the rakshasa - Naraka. Everyone takes an oil bath. On the last day of Asvayuja. - (7) Ashtkalam.--The pitris (ancestors) of the family are - propitiated by offerings of pinda (balls of rice) and tarpana - (libations of water). On the new moon day of Dhanu. - (8) Vinayaka Chaturthi.--The elephant-headed god of learning is - worshipped. At the end of the ceremony, the idol is dropped into - a well. On the 4th of Bhadrapada. - (9) Puram.--The god of love, represented by a clay image, is - propitiated by unmarried girls with offerings of flowers seven - days successively. The image is finally given, together with some - money, to a Brahman, who drops it into a well. The flowers which - have been used to decorate the image are placed by the girls at - the foot of a jak tree. Contrary to the custom of other Brahmans, - Nambutiri girls are under no disgrace, should they attain puberty - while unmarried. In the month of Mina. - (10) Onam.--The great festival of Malabar, kept by everyone, high - and low, with rejoicing. It is the time of general good-will, of - games peculiar to the festival, and of distribution of new yellow - cloths to relations and dependants. It is supposed to commemorate - the descent of Maha Bali, or Mabali, to see his people happy. - (11) Tiruvadira.--Fast and vigil in honour of Siva, observed by - women only. In the month of Dhanu. - (12) Vishu.--The solar new year's day. A very important festival in - Malabar. It is the occasion for gifts, chiefly to superiors. The - first thing seen by a Nambutiri on this day should be something - auspicious. His fate during the year depends on whether the first - object seen is auspicious, or the reverse. - - -The following festivals are referred to by Mr. Subramani Aiyar:-- - - - (1) Trikkatta or Jyeshta star.--In the month of Chingam. Food is - cooked, and eaten before sunrise by all the married male members, - as well as by every female member of a family. Though not of the - previous day, the food goes by the name of Trikkatta pazhayatu, - or the old food of the Trikkatta day. The import of this festival, - when the specific ordinance of Sankara against food cooked before - sunrise is contravened, is not known. - (2) Makam or Magha star.--In the month of Kanni. On this day, the - cows of the house are decorated with sandal paste and flowers, - and given various kinds of sweetmeats. The ladies of the house - take ten or twelve grains of paddy (rice), anoint them with oil, - and, after bathing in turmeric-water, consecrate the grains by the - recitation of certain hymns, and deposit them in the ara or safe - room of the house. If there are in the house any female members - born under the Makam star, the duty of performing the ceremony - devolves on them in particular. This is really a harvest festival, - and has the securing of food-grains in abundance (dhanyasamriddhi) - for its temporal object. - (3) All the days in the month of Thulam.--In this month, young - unmarried girls bathe every day before 4 A.M., and worship - Ganapathi (Vignesvara), the elephant god. - (4) Gauri puja.--In the month of Vrischigam. This is done on - any selected Monday in the month. The ceremony is known as - ammiyum vilakkaum toduka, or touching the grinding-stone and - lamp. The married women of the house clean the grinder and the - grinding-stone, and place a bronze mirror by its side. They then - proceed to worship Gauri, whose relation to Siva represents to - the Hindu the ideal sweetness of wedded life. - (5) Tiruvatira or Ardra star.--In the month of Dhanu. This is a - day of universal festivity and rejoicing. For seven days previous - to it, all the members of the house bathe in the early morning, - and worship Siva. This bathing is generally called tutichchukuli - or shivering bath, as the mornings are usually cold and intensely - dewy. On the day previous to Tiruvatira, ettangnati, or eight - articles of food purchased in the bazar, are partaken of. Such a - repast is never indulged in on any other day. The Tiruvatira day is - spent in the adoration of Siva, and the votaries take only a single - meal (orikkal). Night vigils are kept both by the wife and husband - seated before a lighted fire, which represents the sakshi (witness) - of Karmas and contracts. (Hence the common term agnisakshi.) They - then chew a bundle of betel leaves, not less than a hundred in - number. This is called kettuvettila tinnuka. As the chewing of - betel is taboo except in the married state, this function is - believed to attest and seal their irrefragable mutual fidelity. - (6) The new moon day in the month of Karkatakam.--On the evening - of this day, various kinds of sweetmeats are cooked, and, before - the family partakes of them, a portion of each is placed in the - upper storey as an offering to rats, by which their divine master, - Ganapathi, is believed to be propitiated. - - -The Nambutiri's business, which he has in hand, will be concluded -to his satisfaction, should he on starting hear or see vocal or -instrumental music, a harlot, a dancing-girl, a virgin, a litter, -an elephant, a horse, a bull or cow tethered, curds, raw rice of a -reddish colour, sugar-cane, a water-pot, flowers, fruits, honey, or two -Brahmans. Bad omens, which, if seen by a householder the first thing -in the morning, mean trouble of some kind for the rest of the day, -are a crow seen on the left hand, a kite on the right, a snake, a cat, -a jackal, a hare, an empty vessel, a smoky fire, a bundle of sticks, -a widow, a man with one eye, or a man with a big nose. A Nambutiri, -seeing any of these things, when setting out on a journey, will turn -back. Should he, however, at once see a lizard on the eastern wall of -a house, he may proceed. To sneeze once is a good omen for the day; to -sneeze twice is a bad one. An evil spirit may enter the mouth while one -is yawning, so, to avert such a catastrophe, the fingers are snapped, -and kept snapping until the yawn is over, or the hand is held in front -of the mouth. But this idea, and the custom of snapping the fingers, -are by no means peculiar to the Nambutiris. - -The Nambutiris look on a voyage across the sea with horror, and no -Nambutiri has ever yet visited England. - -A Nayar should not come nearer than six paces to a Nambutiri, a man of -the barber caste nearer than twelve paces, a Tiyan than thirty-six, -a Malayan than sixty-four, and a Pulaiyan than ninety-six. Malabar -is, indeed, the most conservative part of Southern India. The man -of high caste shouts occasionally as he goes along, so that the low -caste man may go off the road, and allow him to pass unpolluted. And -those of the lowest castes shout as they go, to give notice of their -pollution-bearing presence, and, learning the command of the man of -high caste, move away from the road. It is common to see people of -the inferior castes travelling parallel to the road, but not daring -to go along it. They do not want to. It is not because they are -forced off the road. Custom clings to them as to the Nayar or to the -Nambutiri. But even this is undergoing modification. - -In connection with marriage, three chief rules are observed. The -contracting parties must not be of the same gotra; they must not be -related to each other through father or mother; and the bridegroom -must be the eldest son of the family. It is said that there are seven -original gotras, called after the sages Kamsha, Kasyapa, Bharadvaja, -Vatsya, Kaundinya, Atri, and Tatri; and that other gotras have -grown out of these. Relationship is said by some to cease after -the fourth generation, but this is disputed. The bride's dowry is -always heavy. The wife joins her husband's gotra, forsaking her own -altogether. Women may remain unmarried without prejudice. Needless to -say, this has the reverse of favour with Brahmans outside Malabar. But -the Nambutiri girl or woman, who has not been married, is not allowed -to disappear altogether from the world without at least the semblance -of marriage, for, at her death, some part of the marriage ceremony is -performed on her person. The tali is tied. In like manner, a dead Toda -girl is not allowed to go to her last rest unmarried. Infant marriage, -which is the rule with other Brahmans, is said to be unknown among -the Nambutiris. Mr. Justice K. Narayana Marar, however, writes [95] -that he is "not prepared to assert that infant marriage is unknown -among Nambudris, and that marriages are always celebrated before -puberty. There are instances, though rare, of infant marriages among -them." When a girl is ten years old, or a little more, her father -thinks of finding a husband for her. Property alone is the real thing -to be considered. Every detail bearing on advantage to the family -through the alliance is carefully thought out. Among the Malayalis -generally, the young man with University degrees has command of the -marriage market, but to the Nambutiri these are of no account. When the -girl's father has fixed on a likely young man, he gets his horoscope, -and confers with a Vadhyar concerning the suitability or agreement -of the young man's horoscope with that of his daughter. Should the -decision of the Vadhyar be favourable, the young man's father is -invited to the house on an auspicious day, and the two fathers, -together with some friends, talk the matter over. In the presence -of all, the Vadhyar announces the agreement of the horoscopes of -the pair whose marriage is in prospect. The dowry of the bride is -then fixed. Probably many days have been occupied already, before the -fathers can agree as to the settlement of the dowry. When this has been -done, the Vadhyar consults the heavenly bodies, and appoints the day on -which the marriage ceremonies should be begun. There is then a feast -for all present. A Nambutiri would be in very bad circumstances if he -did not give at least a thousand rupees with his daughter. He should -give much more, and does, if he possibly can. The ceremonies connected -with marriage are supposed to occupy a year, but they are practically -completed within ten days. They open with a party leaving the bride's -illam, to invite the bridegroom and his party to the wedding. At the -house of the bridegroom, the Vadhyar is given about eight fanams [96] -(money) by both parties. The return to the bride's illam is a sort -of noisy procession composed of the bridegroom with his friends, -Nayar women under big cadjan (palm leaf) umbrellas, a number of -Nayars, some of whom indulge in sword play with swords and shields, -and Nambutiris versed in the Sastras. The bridegroom, who is the chief -figure in the crowd, has a string (the usual kankanam) tied round his -right wrist to protect him from evil spirits, and carries a bamboo with -sixteen joints symbolic of the married state, a mirror for good luck, -an arrow to guard the bride against evil spirits, four cloths, and a -tali. At the gate of the bride's illam, the procession is met by some -Nayar women dressed as Nambutiri women, who, being unable to come out -and welcome the bridegroom, do so by proxy. These women wave a light -in front of his face, and offer ashtamangalyam--a plate on which are -plantain, betel leaves, a cocoanut, and other articles. On this day, -the aupasana agni, or sacred fire, is prepared in the courtyard of the -bride's illam. A square pit is made, and fire is made with a piece of -wood of the jak tree and of the pipal. This fire is rendered sacred -by some mystic rites. It is kept burning throughout the marriage, -and is preserved until the death of the future husband and wife in -one of two ways:-- - - - (1) keeping a lamp lighted at the fire burning perpetually; - (2) heating in the fire a piece of wood (plasa or palasa) or dharba - grass. The wood or grass is put away, and, when the aupasana agni - is to be revived, is lighted in a fire of jak and pipal wood, - while certain mantrams (consecrated formulæ) are repeated. - - -The body of the bridegroom (and, I think, of the bride should she die -first) should be burnt in the aupasana agni prepared on the first -day of the wedding. The aupasana agni is, as it were, a witness -to the marriage. In the courtyard, the nandimukham ceremony is -performed for propitiation of the minor deities and the pitris -(spirits of deceased ancestors). A pot containing sacred or -consecrated water, a piece of sandalwood, a piece of gold, flowers, -raw rice, and some fruits are the apparent object of adoration. It -is called kalas--the kalasam of the Tamil and Telugu countries--and -is a common symbol of the deity. According to Monier Williams, [97] -it should be worshipped thus. "In the mouth of the water-vessel -abideth Vishnu, in its neck is Rudra, in its lower part is Brahma, -while the whole company of the mothers are congregated in its -middle part. O! Ganges, Yamuna, Godavari, Saraswati, Narmada, -Sindhu and Kaveri, be present in this water." A part of the -aforesaid ceremony (nandimukham) is called the punyahavachana, -for which the bridegroom repeats certain hymns after the Vadhyar, -and is sprinkled with water from the kalas. While all this is being -done in the courtyard, the very same ceremony is performed within -the house in the presence of the bride, whose father does inside -the house what the bridegroom is doing outside. At the conclusion -of the ceremony, the tali is tied on the bride's neck. Then two -of the cloths brought by the bridegroom are sent inside, and are -touched by the bride. After she has touched them, they are again -brought out, and the bridegroom puts them on. He touches the other -two cloths, which are taken inside, and worn by the bride. A feast -(ayanium) is the next item. The bride and bridegroom eat their -share of it in separate rooms. Then comes the marriage proper. The -bride's father washes the bridegroom's feet, while a Nayar woman -waves a light (ayiram tiri or thousand lights) before his face, -and conducts him to the hall prepared for the wedding. In this -is a mantapam, or sort of raised seat, having four pillars and a -covering roof. The pillars of the mantapam, and the ceiling of -the hall, are covered with red cloth (red being an auspicious -colour), and there are festoons of mango leaves. To one side -of the mantapam is a screen, behind which stand the Nambutiri -women of the household, looking at the scene in the hall through -holes. The bride and bridegroom are led to the mantapam, the former -following the latter screened from the general gaze by a big cadjan -umbrella. She hands him a garland, and, in doing so, she should not -touch his hand. He puts on the garland. Vedic hymns are chanted, -and the pair are brought face to face for the first time. This -is called mukhadarsanam, or seeing the face. The bridegroom leads -the bride three times round the fire and water jar, moving round -to the right, repeating a mantram, which is rendered as follows -by Monier Williams. [98] "I am male, thou art female. Come, -let us marry, let us possess offspring. United in affection, -illustrious, well disposed towards each other, let us live for a -hundred years." Each time the bridegroom leads the bride round, he -causes her to mount a mill-stone, saying "Ascend thou this stone, -and be thou firm as this rock. [99]" Then, at a moment supposed -to be auspicious, water is poured on the hands of the bridegroom, -signifying that the girl and her dowry have been handed over to -him. The Nambutiri women behind the screen, and the Nayar women -in the hall, utter a shrill cry "like that of the Vaikura." The -fire here mentioned is probably taken from the original aupasana -agni. Holding the bride by the hand, the bridegroom leads her -seven steps--one for force, two for strength, three for wealth, -four for well-being, five for offspring, six for the seasons, and -seven as a friend. He tells her to be devoted to him, and to bear -him many sons, who may live to a good old age. This ceremony is -called the saptapadi (seven steps). A homam is then performed. It -is said that the fire used on this occasion must be preserved -until the death of the bridegroom, and used at the cremation of -his body. A feast is the next thing. When it is over, the bride's -father takes her on his lap, asks his son-in-law to treat her well, -and formally hands her over to him. The bridegroom promises to do -so, and takes his wife by the hand. Then there is a procession -to the bridegroom's illam, the bride being carried in a litter, -and the bridegroom walking and carrying the sacrificial fire. So -ends the first day. It seems that the newly-married couple live -apart for the next three days, during which the bride is initiated -into household duties. The only daily ceremony is the homam, which -is done by the pair after bathing, and before taking food. On -the fourth day there is a ceremony, in which the bride plants -a jasmine cutting, by way of symbolising help to her husband in -the performance of his religious duties. At night the couple are -conducted to the bridal chamber by the Vadhyar. The bed is merely a -grass mat, or a common country blanket, covered with a white sheet, -and having a little ridge of rice and paddy, signifying plenty, -round the edge. The Vadhyar withdraws, and the bridegroom shuts -the door. [100] The Vadhyar outside cites appropriate passages from -the sacred writings, which are repeated by the bridegroom. On the -fifth day, the bride and bridegroom anoint each other with oil, -and the latter combs the hair of the former. Then, before bathing, -they catch some little fish called manatt kani (eyes looking up) -which are found in pools, with a cloth used as a net. While this is -being done, a Brahmachari asks the bridegroom "Did you see a cow and -a son?" Pointing to the fishes caught in the cloth, the bridegroom -replies "Yes, they are here." This is said to be suggestive of progeny, -fishes being emblematic of fertility. Homam is then done. At night, -the bridegroom adorns the bride with flowers, and makes her look into -a mirror, while he recites mantrams suitable to the occasion. From -the sixth to the ninth day there is practically nothing in the way -of ceremonial. And, as that proper to the tenth day is invariably -done on the sixth day, the ceremony may be said to conclude on the -night of the sixth day. A few Brahmans are fed to please the pitris, -and the couple go to a jak tree, under which some rice, curds, and -ghi are placed on kusa grass, and an offering is made of flowers and -sandalwood or powder. The kankanam, bamboo staff, arrow, and mirror -are given to the Vadhyar, and the wedding is over. - -Sir W. W. Hunter [101] speaks of the Nambutiris as "a despised class," -they having had fishermen ancestors. The little ceremony of catching -fish, which is a very important item in the marriage rites, may look -like preservation in meaningless ceremonial of something real in the -past, but it only shows that, in an endeavour to interpret ceremonial, -we must be far from hasty. Among the Shivalli Brahmans of South Canara, -the marriage mat is taken to a tank in procession. The bride and -bridegroom make a pretence of catching fish, and, with linked fingers, -touch their foreheads. It is recorded, in the Manual of South Canara, -that "all Tulu chronicles agree in ascribing the creation of Malabar -and Canara, or Kerala, Tuluva, and Haiga, to Parasu Rama, who reclaimed -from the sea as much land as he could cover by hurling his battle-axe -from the top of the western ghauts. According to Tulu traditions, -after a quarrel with Brahmans who used to come to him periodically -from Ahi-Kshetra, Parasu Rama procured new Brahmans for the reclaimed -tract by taking the nets of some fishermen, and making a number of -Brahmanical threads with which he invested the fishermen, and thus -turned them into Brahmans, and retired to the mountains to meditate, -after informing them that, if they were in distress, and called on -him, he would come to their aid. After the lapse of some time, during -which they suffered no distress, they were curious to know if Parasu -Rama would remember them, and called upon him in order to find out. He -promptly appeared, but punished their thus mocking him by cursing them, -and causing them to revert to their old status of Sudras." - -A more detailed account of the marriage ceremonial is given in -the Gazetteer of Malabar, which may well be quoted. "The first -preliminaries in arranging a Nambudiri marriage are the inevitable -comparison of horoscopes, and the settlement of the dowry. When -these have been satisfactorily concluded, an auspicious day for the -wedding is selected in consultation with the astrologer. On that day, -the bridegroom, before he starts from his illam, partakes with his -relatives and friends of a sumptuous repast called the ayani un. A -similar feast is held simultaneously at the bride's house. On leaving -the illam, as he crosses the threshold, and indeed on all occasions -of importance, the bridegroom must be careful to put his right foot -first. He also mutters mantrams of an auspicious nature, called mangala -sutrangal. As he passes out of the gate, he is met by a bevy of Nayar -ladies, carrying the eight lucky articles (ashtamangalyam). These -are a grandha, a washed cloth, a cheppu or rouge-box, some rice, -a val kannadi or metal hand-mirror, some kunkumam (crimson powder), -chanthu (ointment of sandal, camphor, musk and saffron), and mashi -(bdellium or any eye salve). On his journey to the bride's illam, -he is preceded by a noisy procession of Nayars, armed with swords and -lacquered shields, who constitute his agambadi or body-guard, and by -Nambudri friends and relatives, one of whom carries a lighted lamp. At -the gate of the bride's illam he is met by a band of Nayar women, -dressed like antarjanams, and carrying the ashtamangalyam and lighted -lamps. The bridegroom enters the inner court-yard (nadumittam), and -takes his seat in the usual eastward position. The bride's father comes -and sits opposite him, and, clasping his right hand, formally invites -him to bathe and wed his daughter, an invitation which he formally -accepts. After his bath, he returns clad in fresh clothes, and wearing -a ring of dharba or kusa grass (Cynodon Dactylon), and takes his seat -in the room adjoining the porch (pumukham), called purattalam. He -then makes an offering of a few fanams (money) to his family deities, -performs Ganapathi puja (worship of the elephant god), and presents -four or five Nambudris with a few fanams each, and with betel leaf -and areca nut. This is called asramapischetha prayaschittam, and is -in expiation of any sins into which he may have been betrayed during -his bachelor days. Similar gifts are also made first to two Nambudris -of any gotra considered as representing the deities called Visvadvas, -and then to two others of different gotras representing the deceased -ancestors or Pitris. The last gift is called Nandimukham. Meanwhile, -within the house the bride is conducted to the vadakkini room, -veiled in an old cloth, and carrying a piece of bell-metal shaped -like a hand-mirror (val kannadi). Her father, after washing his feet -and putting on a darbha ring, comes and performs Ganapathi puja, -and repeats more or less the same ritual that has been performed -without. The bride is then sprinkled with holy water by her father -and four other Nambudiris. The tali or marriage symbol is brought -in a brass vessel containing holy water, and laid near the idol to -which the daily domestic worship is paid; and, after further offerings -to Ganapathi, the bridegroom is summoned to enter the illam. Before -doing so he purifies himself, taking off the darbha ring, making the -'caste marks' with holy ashes (bhasmam), washing his feet, replacing -the ring, and being sprinkled with holy water by four Nambudiris--a -form of ritual which recurs constantly in all ceremonies. He enters -the nadumittam, preceded by a Nambudiri carrying a lighted lamp, and -takes his seat on a wooden stool (pidam) in the middle of the court -where the bride's father makes obeisance to him, and is given four -double lengths of cloth (kaccha), which the bridegroom has brought -with him. They are taken to the bride, who puts on two of them, and -returns two for the bridegroom to wear. The bridegroom then goes to the -kizhakkini, where he prepares what may be called the "altar." He smears -part of the floor in front of him with cow-dung and then, with a piece -of jack-wood (Artocarpus integrifolia), called sakalam, draws a line -at the western side of the place so prepared, and at right angles to -this line five more, one at each end, but not actually touching it, -and three between these. He then places the pieces of jack-wood on -the altar, and ignites it with fire brought from the hearth of the -bride's illam. He feeds the flame with chips of plasu or chamatha -(Butea frondosa). This fire is the aupasana agni, regarded as the -witness to the marriage rite. It must be kept alight--not actually, -but by a pious fiction [102]--till the parties to the marriage die, -and their funeral pyre must be kindled from it. Three pieces of plasu -called paridhi, and eighteen pieces called udhmam, tied together by -a string of darbha, are placed on the northern side of the altar on -two pieces of jack-wood; and there are also brought and placed round -the altar four blades of darbha grass, a small bell-metal vessel, -an earthenware pot full of water, a pair of grind-stones (ammi and -ammikuzha), a small winnowing fan containing parched paddy (malar), -and a copper vessel of ghee (clarified butter) with a sacrificial ladle -made of plasu. Meanwhile, the bride's father ties the tali round her -neck in the vadakkini, and her mother gives her a garland of tulasi -(Ocimum sanctum). She is conducted to the kizhakkini, preceded by a -Nambutiri carrying a lamp called ayyira tiri (thousand wicks), and is -made to stand facing the bridegroom on the north or north-east of the -altar. This is called mukha-dharsanam (face-beholding). She gives the -garland to the bridegroom. Now comes the central rite of this elaborate -ceremonial, the udaga-purva-kannyaka-dhanam, or gift of a maiden with -water. The bride and her father stand facing west, and the bridegroom -facing them. All three stretch out their right hands, so that the -bride's hand is between those of her father and the bridegroom, -which are above and below hers respectively. A Nambutiri Othikan or -ritual expert pours water thrice into the father's hand. The latter -each time pours it into his daughter's hand, and then, grasping her -hand, pours it into the bridegroom's hand. The dowry is then given -to the bride, who hands it over to the bridegroom. She then passes -between him and the fire, and sits on an amana palaga [103] on the -east of the altar, while the bridegroom sits on another palaga on her -left, and burns the udhmams (except one piece of plasu and the darbha -string used to tie the bundle), and makes an oblation of ghee called -agharam. The next rite is called Panigrahanam. The bridegroom rises -from his seat, turns to the right, and stands facing the bride, who -remains seated, holding the mirror in her left hand. She stretches -out her right hand palm upwards, with the fingers closed and bent -upwards. He grasps it, and sits down again. A brother of the bride -now comes and takes the mirror from the bride, puts it on a palaga, -and professes to show her her own reflection in its surface. Then -the bridegroom pours a little ghee into her joined hands, to which -the bride's brother adds two handfuls of paddy from the winnowing -basket, and the bridegroom then brushes the paddy from her hands -into the fire. This is called the Lajahomam. At its conclusion, -bride and bridegroom perform a pradakshinam round the fire, passing -outside the water-pot but not the grindstone and fan. Next comes -the important piece of ceremonial called Asmarohanam, symbolising -immutability. The bride and bridegroom stand west of the grindstones, -and the bridegroom, taking her feet one by one, places them on the -stones, and then grasps feet and stones with both hands. Lajahomam, -pradakshinam, and asmarohanam are each repeated thrice. Then comes the -rite called Saptapadi or seven paces. The bridegroom leads his bride -seven steps towards the north-east, touching her right foot with his -right hand as he does so. They then pass between the grindstones and -the fire, and seat themselves on the west of the earthen pot facing -east, the bride behind the bridegroom; and the latter performs a -somewhat acrobatic feat which it must be difficult to invest with any -dignity. He bends backwards, supporting himself by placing the palms -of his hands on the ground behind him, until he can touch with the top -of his head that of the bride, who bends forward to facilitate the -process. After this, the bridegroom sprinkles himself and the bride -with water from the earthen pot. They then return to their seats -west of the altar, and face north, ostensibly looking at the pole -star (Druvan), the star Arundati, and the Seven Rishis (Ursa Major), -which the bridegroom is supposed to point out to the bride, while he -teaches her a short mantram invoking the blessing of long life on -her husband. The bridegroom then makes two oblations, pouring ghee -on the sacred fire, the first called Sishtakralhomam and the second -Darmmihomam. He then places on the fire the paridhis, the remaining -udhmams and dharba grass, and the rest of the ghee. A start is then -made for the bridegroom's illam, the bridegroom carrying the chamatha -branch used in making the aupasana agni in the bride's house. On -arrival, an altar is prepared in much the same manner as before, -the chamatha branch is ignited, and darbha and ghee are offered. The -bride and bridegroom next spend a few moments closeted in the same -room, she lying on a skin spread over a new cloth on the floor, -and he sitting on an amana palaga. In the evening, aupasana homam, -or offerings of chamatha in the sacred fire, and Vaisyadeva homam, -or offerings of boiled rice, are made. These, which are known as a -second homam, may be postponed till next afternoon, if there is no -time for them on the actual wedding day. They have to be performed -daily for ten months. The first three days on which these homams are -performed (viz., the wedding day and the two following it, or the -three days after the wedding as the case may be) are regarded as days -of mourning (diksha), and clothes are not changed. On the fourth day, -the newly married couple have an oil-bath, and the diksha is considered -to be at an end. After the usual homams and worship of Ganapathi, -the bride is led to the bridal chamber at an auspicious moment. Her -husband joins her, carrying two garlands of jasmine, one of which -he puts on the lamp placed in the south-east corner of the room, and -one round his wife's neck. He then smears the upper part of her body -with the ointment known as chanthu, and she herself smears the lower -part. Tum vir penem suum fæminæ ad partes pudendas admovit, vestibus -scilicet haud remotis. They then bathe and change their clothes, and -sit near each other, the wife screened behind an umbrella. Her husband -gives her water, and after some further rites they eat from the same -plantain leaf. Actual cohabitation commences from that night. The pair -are conducted to the bridal chamber by the Vadhiyar. The nuptial couch -is but a grass mat or a common country blanket covered with a white -sheet, with a little ridge of rice and paddy signifying plenty around -the edges. The final ceremony is the homam called stalipagam. It is -performed on the day after the first full moon day after the second -homam. If the moon is at the full 3/4 nazhiga before sunset or earlier, -the ceremony may be performed on the full moon day itself." - -It will have been seen already that the Nambutiris are not strict -monogamists. Some stated that a man may have four wives, and that the -same ceremony as that described must be performed for wedding all four -wives. Moreover, there is no restriction to the number of Nayar women, -with whom a man may be associated. - -Hamilton, writing concerning Malabar at the end of the seventeenth -and beginning of the eighteenth century, says that "when the Zamorin -marries, he must not cohabit with his bride till the Nambutiri or -chief priest has enjoyed her, and, if he pleases, may have three -nights of her company, because the first fruit of her nuptials must -be an holy oblation to the god he worships: and some of the nobles -are so complaisant as to allow the clergy the same tribute; but the -common people cannot have that compliment paid to them, but are forced -to supply the priest's place themselves." - -Of ceremonies after marriage, and those performed during pregnancy -and subsequent to the birth of a child, the following may be noted:-- - - - (1) Garbhadhanam, performed soon after marriage. There is a - homam, and the husband puts the juice of some panic grass into - his wife's nostrils. - (2) Garbharakshana secures the unborn child from dangers. It is - not considered important, and is not always done. - (3) Pumsavana, performed in the third month of pregnancy for the - purpose of securing male offspring. The desire of the Hindu for - male rather than female children need not be dilated on. Putra - (a son) is the one who saves from hell (put). It is by every - religious text made clear that it is the duty of every man to - produce a son. The Nambutiri may have practically any number of - wives in succession, until he begets a son by one of them, and he - may adopt a son through the sarvasvadanam form of marriage. On - the day devoted to the pumsavana ceremony, the wife fasts until - she is fed by her husband with one grain of corn, symbolising - the generative organs of the male. - (4) Simantonnayana is the next ceremony performed for the benefit - of the unborn child. It is done between the sixth and eighth - months of pregnancy, and consists in a burnt sacrifice to the - deity, and the husband parting the hair of his wife's head with - a porcupine quill, or with three blades of the sacred kusa grass, - repeating the while Vedic verses. - (5) Jatakarma is the name of the birth ceremony, and is performed - by the father of the child. Honey and ghi are introduced into the - mouth of the infant with a golden spoon or rod, to symbolise good - fortune. Then the ears and shoulders are touched with the spoon - or rod, while Vedic texts are recited. - (6) Medhajananam, rarely done, is for inducing intelligence. - (7) Ayusha, for prolonging life, is the next in order. The father - gives the child a secret name, having an even number of syllables - for a male and an uneven number for a female, which is never - revealed to any one except the mother. - (8) Namakarana is the ceremony, at which the child is named, and - is said to be done on the tenth day after birth. The naming of a - child is an important religious act, which is supposed to carry - consequences throughout life. The parents, assisted by a Vadhyan, - make a burnt sacrifice to the deity. - (9) Annaprasana is the ceremony at which food other than that from - nature's fount is first given. It is done in the sixth month after - birth. The father carries the child to a group of friends and - relations. The Vadhyan or purohit is present and repeats Vedic - texts, while the father places a little rice and butter in the - child's mouth. - (10) Chaula is the ceremony when the hair is cut for the first - time in the Nambutiri fashion. - (11) Karna vedha is the occasion on which the ears are bored. - - -On the Vidyadasami day, the tenth of Asvayuja, when a male child is -five years old, the father goes through the form of initiating him -into the mysteries of the alphabet. - -The following details of some of the above ceremonies are given in the -Gazetteer of Malabar. "The chief ceremonies connected with pregnancy -are Pumsavanam or rite to secure male offspring, at which the husband -puts a grain of barley and two beans, to represent the male organ, -into his wife's hand, and pours some curds over them, which the wife -then swallows, and also pours some juice of karuga grass into her -right nostril; and Simantham, a ceremony usually performed in the -fourth month of pregnancy, at which the husband parts the wife's hair -four times from back to front with a sprig of atti (Ficus glomerata), -a porcupine quill which must have three white marks on it, and three -blades of darba grass, all tied together, after which mantrams are -sung to the accompaniment of vinas. The first ceremony to be performed -on the birth of a child is jathakarmam. A little gold dust is mingled -with ghee and honey, and the father takes up some of the mixture with -a piece of gold, and smears the child's lips with it, once with a -mantram and once in silence. He next washes the gold, and touches the -child's ears, shoulders and head with it, and finally makes a gift -of the bit of gold and performs nandimukham. The ceremony of naming -the child, or namakarmam, takes place on the twelfth day. The father -ties a string round the child's waist, and marks its body with the -sacred ash (bhasmam). Then, after the usual 'gifts' he pronounces -thrice in the child's right ear the words 'Devadatta Sarmmasi,' -or if the child be a girl, 'Nili dasi.' He then calls out the name -thrice. Then, taking the child from its mother, he again calls out -the name thrice, and finally gives the child back to its mother, who -in turn calls out the name thrice. Gifts and nandimukham complete -the ceremony. In the fourth month, the child is ceremonially taken -out of doors (nishkramana or vittil purapattu) by the father, who -carries it to a cocoanut, round which he makes three pradakshinams." - -The death ceremonies of the Nambutiris are commenced shortly before -death actually takes place. When death is believed to be unmistakably -near, some verses from the Taittirya Upanishad are spoken in the dying -man's ears. These are called karna mantras, or ear hymns. A bed of -kusa grass, called darbhasana, is prepared in the verandah or some -convenient place outside the foundations of the house, and the dying -man is placed on it. When life is extinct, the body is washed, dressed -in a new white cloth, and placed on a bier made of bamboos covered -with a new white cloth. The bier is then carried on the shoulders of -four of the nearest relatives to the place of cremation within the -compound of the illam, and laid on a pile of firewood, which must -include some sandalwood. This should be done by brothers or sons if -there are such; if not, by more distant relatives or friends. The -pyre need not of necessity be prepared by Nambutiris. Properly -speaking, according to the sacred texts, which govern almost every -act of the Nambutiri's life, relatives and friends, male and female, -should accompany the bier to the place of cremation, but, as a rule, -women do not join the little procession. The bier is laid on the -pyre, and the corpse is uncovered. Rice is scattered over the face -by the blood-relations present, and small pieces of gold are thrust -into the nine openings of the body, while mantras are recited by the -Vadhyayar or priest. The gold is said to be used on this occasion as -part of the offering in the yagam--the last sacrifice, as the burning -of the body is called--and not in any way to assist the deceased in -his journey to "the undiscovered country." Soon after the bier is -laid on the funeral pyre, a homam is made. Fire taken from it is -placed on the chest of the deceased, and then the pyre is lighted -in three places. The performer of the crematory rites carries an -earthen pot round the pyre. The officiating priest punctures the pot -with a knife, and receives the water in another pot. He throws this -water on the pyre, and the pot is then smashed and flung away. This -part of the ceremony is said to symbolise that the deceased has had -his ablution in the water of the Ganges, and the fire god, Agni, -represented by the homam, was witness to the same. The fire god is -supposed to witness every ceremony enjoined by the Vedas. After the -body is burnt, those who attended go away and bathe. The disembodied -soul is supposed to enter a body called Sukshma Sarira, and eventually -goes to heaven or hell as it deserves. But, before it can reach its -destination, certain ceremonies must be performed. These consist -chiefly of oblations on each of the ten days following death, for the -purpose of causing the preta (spirit) to grow out of the Dhananjaya -Vayu, which causes deformities and changes in the deceased after -death. Each day's ceremony completes a limb or part of the preta, -and the body is complete in ten days. On the third day after death, -the ashes of the deceased are collected in an urn, and buried at the -place of cremation or close to it. This is called ekoddishta. On the -eleventh day, all the members of the family go through a purificatory -ceremony, which consists in swallowing the panchagavya, and changing -the sacred thread. They then perform a sraddha, offering balls of -rice, etc., to the deceased and three of his ancestors, and give a -dinner and presents of money and cloths to Brahmans. Twelve sraddhas -must be performed, one in each month following, when water and balls -of rice (pindas) are offered to the spirit. The twelfth sraddha is -the sapindi karana, which elevates the spirit of the deceased to -the rank of an ancestor. Following this, there is only the annual -sraddha, or anniversary of death, calculated according to the lunar -or astronomical year, when not less than three Brahmans are fed, -and receive presents of money and cloths. - -Concerning the death ceremonies, Mr. Subramani Aiyar writes as -follows. "After death, the blood relations of the deceased bathe, and, -with wet clothes on, place two pieces of the stem of the plantain -tree, one at the head and the other at the feet of the corpse. The -hair of the head and face is shaved a little, and the body is bathed -with water in which turmeric and mailanchi, a red vegetable substance, -are dissolved. The Vaishnavite gopi mark is drawn vertically, as also -are sandal paste marks on various parts of the body, and flowers -and garlands are thrown over it. The corpse is then covered with -an unbleached cloth, which is kept in position by a rope of kusa -grass. It is carried to the pyre by Nambutiris who are not within -the pollution circle of the deceased, the eldest son supporting the -head and the younger ones the legs. A cremation pit is dug in the -south-east portion of the compound, and a mango tree, which has been -felled, is used as fuel. In all these ceremonies, the eldest son is -the karta or chief mourner and responsible ritualist, with whom the -younger ones have to keep up physical contact while the several rites -are being gone through. When the body is almost reduced to ashes, the -principal performer of the ceremonies and his brothers bathe, and, -taking some earth from the adjoining stream or tank, make with it a -representation of the deceased. Throughout the funeral ceremonies, -the Maran is an indispensable factor. The handing of the kusa grass -and gingelly (Sesamum) seeds for the oblation must be done by a member -of that caste. Sanchayanam, or the collection and disposal of the -burnt bones of the deceased, takes place on the fourth day. On the -eleventh day the pollution ceases, and the daily sraddha begins. A -term of diksha or special observance is kept up for three fortnights, -but generally for a whole year. On the twelfth day is the sapinda -karana sraddha, or ceremony of what may be called joining the fathers, -after which the dead person passes from the stage of preta to join -the manes or spirits. There are then the monthly ceremonies (masikas) -and ashta sraddhas (eight sraddhas). The abdika or first anniversary, -known in Malabar by the name of masam, is a very important ceremony, -and one on which unstinted expenditure is the rule." - -A further account of the death ceremonies is given in the Gazetteer -of Malabar. "When death is believed to be near, the dying man is -taken to the west of the hearth of the sacred fire (aupasana agni), -and laid with his head to the south on a bed of sand and darbha grass, -while the ottu mantram is whispered in his ear. When life is extinct, -the body is washed and covered with a plantain leaf. The mourners dress -themselves in tattu fashion, and tear up a new cloth breadthwise into -pieces called sesham, which they each wear round their waist. The -body is then dressed in an undercloth; the forehead is smeared with -the pounded root of the creeper mettoni, and tulasi flowers are put -on the head; the kudumi (hair knot) is untied, and the punul (sacred -thread) arranged to hang round the neck in front. The body is tied -on to a bamboo ladder and covered with a new cloth, and then carried -by four of the nearest relatives to the place of cremation within the -compound of the illam. A trench is dug on the north-east of the pyre, -and some water put into it, which is sprinkled on the pyre with twigs -of chamatha and darbha. The body is then laid on the pyre with the -head to the south, and the fire is kindled. The ladder is thrown away, -and a homam performed of ghee and darbha grass made to represent the -deceased, while mantrams are recited. Then comes the ceremony called -kumbhapradakshinam. The mourners go round the pyre three times, -the eldest son leading the way, carrying an earthen pot of water on -his left shoulder. The water should run through the bottom of the -pot, one hole being made for the first round, two for the second, -and three for the third, and other mourners should sprinkle it on -the pyre. At the end of the third round the pot is thrown on to the -pyre, and all the mourners come away, the eldest son leaving last, -and being careful not to look back. After bathing and shaving, -the sons and other persons entitled to celebrate the obsequies, -each perform an oblation of water (udagakriya) to a piece of karuga -grass stuck up to represent the spirit of the dead, concluding the -ceremony by touching iron, granite, a firebrand, cow-dung, paddy and -gold three times, throwing away the sesham, and receiving a clean cloth -(mattu). They then return to the nadumittam, when they make offerings -(bali or veli) of rice balls (pindams) to a piece of karuga grass. Both -these ceremonies have to be repeated twice daily for ten days. On -the fourth day after death, provided it is not a Tuesday or Friday, -the ceremony of collecting the bones (sanchyanam) is performed. The -eldest son goes to the pyre with a pala (pot made of the spathe of an -areca palm) of milk, which he sprinkles on the pyre with a brush of -chamatha tied with karuga grass. Three palas are placed on the west -of the pyre parallel to the places where the feet, waist and head -of the corpse rested, and bones are removed from the feet, waist and -head with tongs of chamatha, and placed in the respective palas. The -bones are then washed in milk, and all put into an earthen pot (kudam) -with some karuga grass on the top. The pot is covered with a cloth, -taken to a cocoanut tree and buried in a pit, the cloth being removed -and the top filled with mud. A plantain is planted in the trench that -was dug near the pyre. On the eleventh day, all the members of the -family purify themselves, and perform oblations of water and balls -of rice. This constitutes the first sraddha, which must be repeated -on each anniversary of the eleventh day." - -"The funeral rites of women are similar; but, if the woman is pregnant -at the time of death, the body has first to be purified seven times -with pounded kusa grass, cow-dung, cow's urine, ashes and gold, and -to receive mattu. The belly is cut open four inches below the navel, -and, if the child is found alive, it is taken out and brought up; -if dead, it is put back in the womb with a piece of gold and some -ghee. Children not more than ten days old are buried with little -ceremony, but all others are burnt." [104] - -When a Nambutiri is believed to have been guilty of an offence against -the caste, or when there is a caste dispute in any gramam, the proper -course is to represent the matter to the king (in Malabar the Zamorin), -who refers it to the Smarta having jurisdiction over that particular -gramam, ordering him to try the offender after holding a proper -enquiry. Minor offences are punishable by infliction of penance, -fasting, or doing special puja to the gods. Graver offences are dealt -with by excommunication from the caste. Against the decision of the -Smarta there is no appeal. Adultery between a Nambutiri woman and a man -of inferior caste is perhaps the most serious of all caste offences. - -The enquiry into cases of adultery is described as follows by -Mr. Subramani Aiyar. "It is conducted by the Smarta, and hence -arises the name (smartavicharam) by which it is known. Whenever a -Nambutiri woman's chastity is suspected, she is at once handed over -to society for enquiry, no considerations of personal affection or -public policy intervening. The mother or brother may be the first and -only spectator of a shady act, but feels no less bound to invite, and -generally pay very heavily for a public enquiry by society according -to its recognised rules. The suspect is at once transferred to an -isolation shed in the same compound, variously called by the name of -anchampura or fifth room (outside the nalukettu or quadrangle), or the -pachcholappura, a new shed with green thatch roofing put up for the -occasion. She may be seen here by her husband, his father and uncles, -her father, father's father, father's maternal grandfather, and their -sons, but by none else. Once a prohibited member sees her, the brand of -infamy indubitably settles on her, and the smartavicharam is considered -foreclosed. For beginning a smartavicharam, the sanction of the ruling -Raja has to be obtained. The matter is carried to his ears, after a -preliminary enquiry, called dasivicharam, has been gone through. For -this, the woman's male relations, in conjunction with the Brahmans of -the neighbourhood, interrogate the Dasi or Nayar maid-servant attached -to the suspected woman. Along with the application for royal sanction -in Travancore, a fee of sixty-four fanams or nine rupees has to be sent -in, and is credited to the treasury of Sri Padmanabha Swami, as whose -deputy the Maharaja is supposed to rule the country. The Maharaja -then appoints a Smarta (judge), two Mimamsakas, an Akakkoyimma, -and a Purakkoyimma. The office of Smarta is hereditary. If a family -becomes extinct, the Yoga or village union nominates another in its -place. The Mimamsakas are Nambutiris learned in the law, and their -office is seldom hereditary. They are appointed to help the Smarta -in his enquiries. The Akakkoyimma, or person whose business is to -preserve order, holds his appointment by heredity. The Purakkoyimma is -the proxy of the sovereign himself. In ancient days, and even so late -as the time of the great Martanda Varma, the ruling sovereign himself -was present during the trial, and preserved order. Now a deputy is sent -by the Maharaja. He is generally the magistrate of the taluk, who, if -he finds it inconvenient to attend the meeting, delegates the function -to the chief village officer. The Smarta, when he receives the royal -commission (neet) for holding the enquiry, receives from the woman's -relations a small tribute of money (dakshina). The Mimamsakas, it may -be observed, are selected by the Smarta. In Travancore alone is the -Smarta's authority supreme, for no Vaidika lives in this territory, -and none are generally invited. In other parts of Malabar, where -Vaidikas live permanently, one of the six recognised Vaidikas has to -accompany the Smarta to the place of the vicharana (enquiry), and the -Smarta merely conducts the enquiry as the proxy of, and authorised -and guided by the Vaidikas. Generally the council assembles at some -neighbouring village temple. The suspected woman is placed within the -anchampura, and her maid-servant stands at the door. All questions -are addressed to her, as the gosha of the suspect has to be honoured -in its entirety until the pronouncement of the final verdict. The -procedure begins, not by the framing and reading out of a charge-sheet, -but by arranging for the suspicion being brought to notice by the -accused person herself. For this purpose, the Smarta makes a feint -of entering the isolation shed, as if in ignorance of everything that -has transpired. The maid-servant stops him, and informs him that her -mistress is within. The Smarta, on hearing this, affects astonishment, -and asks her the reason why her mistress should not be in the main -building (antahpuram). With this question, the enquiry may be said to -have actually begun. The next morning by eleven o'clock, the Smarta -and his co-adjutors again go and stand beside the isolation hut, and, -calling for the maid-servant, commence the regular enquiry. After about -five o'clock in the afternoon, the Smarta, in the presence of the -Akakkoyimma, relates the whole day's proceedings to the Mimamsakas, -and takes their opinion as to the questions for the next day. The -enquiry often lasts for months, and sometimes even for years. It is -the most expensive undertaking possible, as the whole judicatory staff -has to be maintained by the family, unless the sadhanam or subject -gives a circumstantial confession of her guilt. It is not enough -to plead guilty; she must point out all the persons who have been -partakers in her guilt. Thus every day the Smarta asks "Are there any -more?" After the completion of the enquiry, the council re-assembles at -the village temple. The guardian of the suspect presents himself before -the assembled Brahmans, and makes the customary obeisance. The Smarta -then recounts the details of the enquiry, and ultimately pronounces his -verdict. If the woman is declared innocent, she is re-accepted amidst -universal rejoicings, and the head of the family feels amply repaid -for the expenditure he has incurred in the reputation for chastity -secured for a member of his family under such a severe ordeal. If -things do not end so well, all the Brahmans come out of the temple and -re-assemble, when a Brahman, who is usually not a Nambutiri, as the -Nambutiris do not desire to condemn one of their own caste, stands -up, and in a stentorian voice repeats the substance of the charge, -and the judgment as given by the Smarta. The guardian of the woman -then goes away, after she has been handed over by the Smarta to the -custody of the Purakkoyimma. The guardian bathes, and performs all the -funeral ceremonies for his ward, who from this moment is considered -dead for all social and family purposes. The persons meanwhile, whose -names have been given out by the woman as having been implicated in the -offence, have to vindicate their character on pain of excommunication. - -In connection with a case of adultery, which was tried recently in -Malabar, it is noted that the Purakkoyimma kept order in the court -with sword in hand. Iswara puja (worship of Iswara) was performed -in the local temple on all the days of the trial, and the suspected -woman was given panchagavya (five products of the cow) so that she -might tell the truth. - -I am informed that, in the course of an enquiry into a charge of -adultery, "it sometimes happens that the woman names innocent men as -her seducers. Two courses are then open to them, in order that they -may exculpate themselves, viz., ordeal by boiling oil, and ordeal -by weighing. The former of these ordeals is undergone, under the -sanction of the Raja, by the accused person dipping his bare hand in -ghi, which has been boiling from sunrise to midday, and taking out -of it a bell-metal image. The hand is immediately bandaged, and if, -on examination of it on the third day, it be found unharmed, the man -is declared innocent. In the other ordeal, the man is made to sit for -a certain time in one of a pair of scales, and is declared innocent -or guilty, according as the scale ascends or descends. But these -practices do not now prevail." In former days, the ordeal of boiling -ghi was undergone at the temple of Suchindram in Travancore. This -temple derives its name from Indra, who, according to the legend, -had illicit intercourse with Ahalya, the wife of Gautama Rishi, -and had to undergo a similar ordeal at this place. - -In connection with a case which came before the High Court of Madras, -it is recorded [105] that "an enquiry was held into the conduct of -a woman suspected. She confessed that the plaintiff had had illicit -intercourse with her, and thereupon they were both declared out-casts, -the plaintiff not having been charged, nor having had an opportunity -to cross-examine the woman, or enter on his defence, and otherwise to -vindicate his character. Held by the High Court that the declaration -that the plaintiff was an outcast was illegal, and, it having been -found that the defendants had not acted bonâ fide in making that -declaration, the plaintiff was entitled to recover damages." - -In order to mitigate to some extent the suffering caused by turning -adrift a woman proved guilty of adultery, who has hitherto lived in -seclusion, provision has been made by the Raja of Cherakkal. A Tiyan -named Talliparamba possesses a large extent of land granted by a former -Raja of Cherakkal, on condition of his taking under his protection all -excommunicated females, if they choose to go with him. He has special -rank and privileges, and has the title of Mannanar. Whenever an inquiry -takes place, Mannanar receives information of it, and his messengers -are ready to take the woman away. It was the custom in former days -for Mannanar's agents to lead the woman to near his house, and leave -her at a certain place from which two roads lead to the house--one to -the eastern gate, and the other to the northern. If the woman happened -to enter the house by the eastern gate, she became Mannanar's wife, -and, if she went in by the northern gate, she was considered to be -his sister by adoption. This rule, however, is not strictly adhered -to at the present day. - -The Nambutiris are stated by Mr. Subramani Aiyar to "belong to -different sutras, gotras, or septs, and follow different Vedas. The -most important of the sutras are Asvalayana, Baudhayana, Apastamba, and -Kaushitaka. The best-known gotras are Kasyapa, Bhargava, Bharadvaga, -Vasishta, and Kausika. There are a few Samavedins belonging to -the Kitangnur and Panchal gramams, but most of them are Rigvedic, -and some belong to the Yajurveda. The Rigvedic Brahmans belong to -two separate yogas or unions, namely, Trichur Yoga and Tirunavai -Yoga. It appears that three of the most renowned of the disciples of -Sankaracharya were Nambutiri Brahmans, who received their initiation -into the sanyasasrama at the great sage's hands. They established -three maths or monasteries, known as the tekkematham (southern), -natuvile matham (middle), and vatakke matham (northern). Succession -having fallen in default in regard to the last, the property that -stood in its name lapsed to the Raja of Cochin. Out of the funds -of this matham, a Vedic pathasala (boarding school) was established -at Trichur. A certain number of villagers became in time recognised -as being entitled to instruction at this institution, and formed a -yoga. Trichur then became the centre of Brahmanical learning. Later -on, when the relations of the Zamorin of Calicut with the Raja of -Cochin became strained, he organised another yoga at Tirunavai for -the Nambutiris who lived within his territory. Here there are two -yogas for Rigvedic Brahmans. In these schools, religious instruction -has been imparted with sustained attention for several centuries. The -heads of these schools are recruited from the houses of Changngavot -and Erkara, respectively. To these two yogas two Vadhyars and six -Vaidikas are attached. There are also six Smartas or judges attached -to these bodies. The Vadhyars are purely religious instructors, -and have no judicial duties in respect of society. The Vaidikas and -Smartas are very learned in the Smritis, and it is with them that -the whole caste government of the Nambutiris absolutely rests." - -The names of the Nambutiris measured by Mr. Fawcett were as follows:-- - - - Nilakantan. Bhavasarman. - Paramesvaran. Nandi. - Raman. Kuberan. - Harijayandan. Madhavan. - Chandrasekharan. Anantan. - Vasudevan. Nambiatan. - Greni. Shannan. - Damodaran. Krishnan. - Sivadasan. Sankaran. - Mahesvaran. - - -In connection with the names of Nambutiris, Mr. Subramani Aiyar writes -as follows. "A list of names not current or unusual now among other -Brahman communities in Southern India may be interesting. These are-- - - - Vishnu. Kadamban. - Gayantan. Chitran. - Devadattan. Gadavedan. - Kiratan. Bhavadasan. - Prabhakaran. Srikumaran. - Dattareyan - - -"The conspicuous absence of the names of the third son of Siva (Sasta), -such as Hariharaputra and Budhanatha, may be noted. Nor are the names -of Ganapathi much in favour with them. Sridevi and Savitri are the -two most common names, by which Nambutiri females are known. There -are also certain other names of a Prakrita or non-classic character, -used to denote males and females, which sometimes border on the -humorous. Among these are-- - - - Males. Females. - - Nampiyattan. Nangngaya. - Ittiyattan. Nangngeli. - Uzhutran. Pappi. - Tuppan. Ittichchiri. - Nampotta. Unnima. - Chiruta. - - -"Some names in this list are identifiable with the names of divinities -and puranic personages. For example, Uzhutran is a corruption of -Rudran. In the same manner, Tuppan is the Prakrit for Subramanya, and -Chiruta for Sita. Unnima is another name for Uma or Parvati. Nambutiris -grudge to grant the title of Nambutiri to each other. For instance, -the Tamarasseri Nambutiri calls the Mullappalli Nambutiri merely -Mullapalli (house name). But, if the person addressed is an Adhya -of one of the eight houses, or at least a Tantri Adhya, the title -Nambutiri is added to his name. Again, if there are in a house two -Nambutiris, one of them being the father and the other the son, the -father whenever he writes, subscribes himself as the Achchan Nambutiri -or father Nambutiri, while the son subscribes himself as the Makan or -son Nambutiri. In Malabar there were two poets called Venmani Achchan -Nambutiri and Venmani Makan Nambutiri, venmani signifying the name -of the illam. It is only in documents and other serious papers that -the proper name or sarman of the Nambutiri would be found mentioned." - -When addressing each other, Nambutiris use the names of their -respective illams or manas. When a Nambutiri is talking with a -Nayar, or indeed with one of any other caste, the manner in which -the conversation must be carried on, strictly according to custom, -is such that the Nambutiri's superiority is apparent at every -turn. Thus, a Nayar, addressing a Nambutiri, must speak of himself -as foot-servant. If he mentions his rice, he must not call it rice, -but his gritty rice. Rupees must be called his copper coins, not -his rupees. He must call his house his dung-pit. He must speak of -the Nambutiri's rice as his raw rice, his coppers as rupees, and his -house as his illam or mana. The Nayar must not call his cloth a cloth, -but an old cloth or a spider's web. But the Nambutiri's cloth is to -be called his daily white cloth, or his superior cloth. The Nayar, -speaking of his bathing, says that he drenches himself with water, -whereas the Nambutiri sports in the water when he bathes. Should he -speak of eating or drinking, the Nayar must say of himself that he -takes food, or treats himself to the water in which rice has been -washed. But, should he speak of the Nambutiri eating, he must say -that he tastes ambrosia. The Nayar calls his sleeping lying flat, -and the Nambutiri's closing his eyes, or resting like a Raja. The -Nayar must speak of his own death as the falling of a forest, -but of the Nambutiri's as entering fire. The Nambutiri is not -shaved by the barber; his hairs are cut. He is not angry, but merely -dissatisfied. He does not clean his teeth as the Nayar; he cleans his -superior pearls. Nor does he laugh; he displays his superior pearls. - -Concerning the recreations and pastimes of the Nambutiris, -Mr. Subramani Aiyar writes as follows. "During the intervals of Vedic -or Puranic recitations, the Nambutiri engages himself in chaturangam -or chess. When the players are equally matched, a game may last five, -six, or even seven days. Another amusement, which the Nambutiris -take a great interest in, is the Yatrakali, which is said to be a -corruption of Sastrakali, a performance relating to weapons. This is -a unique institution, kept up by a section of the Nambutiris, who are -believed to represent the Brahmanical army of Parasu Rama. When, at a -ceremony in the Travancore royal household, a Yatrakali is performed, -the parties have to be received at the entrance of the Maharaja's -palace in state, sword in hand. The dress and songs are peculiar. In -its import, the performance seems to combine the propitiation of Siva -and Parvati in the manner indicated in a tradition at Trikkariyur with -exorcism and skill in swordsmanship. It is generally believed that, in -ancient days, the Brahmans themselves ruled Kerala. When they found it -necessary to have a separate king, one Attakat Nambutiri was deputed, -with a few other Brahmans, to go and obtain a ruler from the adjoining -Chera territory. The only pass in those days, connecting Malabar -and Coimbatore, was that which is now known as Nerumangalam. When -the Nambutiris were returning through this pass with the ruler whom -they had secured from the Chera King, a strange light was observed -on the adjacent hills. Two young Brahmans of Chengngamanat village, -on proceeding towards the hill to investigate the source thereof, -found to their amazement that it was none other than Sri Bhagavati, -the consort of Siva, who enjoined them to go, viâ Trikkariyur, -to Kodungngnallur, the capital of the Perumals. Seeing that the -sight of Bhagavati foretold prosperity, the king called the range of -hills Nerumangalam or true bliss, and made an endowment of all the -surrounding land to the Brahman village of Chengngamanat, the members -of which had the good fortune to see the goddess face to face. When -they entered the temple of Trikkariyur, a voice was heard to exclaim -"Chera Perumal," which meant that into that town, where Parasu Rama -was believed to be dwelling, no Perumal (king) should ever enter--a -traditional injunction still respected by the Malabar Kshatriyas. At -this place, the sixth Perumal who, according to a tradition, had a -pronounced predilection for the Bouddha religion (Islamism or Buddhism, -we cannot say), called a meeting of the Brahmans, and told them that -a religious discussion should be held between them and the Bouddhas, -in view to deciding their relative superiority. The presiding deity -of the local Saiva shrine was then propitiated by the Brahmans, to -enable them to come out victorious from the trial. A Gangama saint -appeared before them, and taught them a hymn called nalupadam (four -feet or parts of a sloka) which the Nambutiris say is extracted from -the Samaveda. The saint further advised them to take out a lamp from -within the temple, which according to tradition had existed from the -time of Sri Rama, to a room built on the western ghat of the temple -tank, and pray to Siva in terms of the hymn. While this was continued -for forty-one days, six Brahmans, with Mayura Bhatta at their head, -arrived from the east coast to the succour of the Nambutiris. With -the help of these Brahmans, the Nambutiris kept up a protracted -discussion with the Bouddhas. Wishing to bring it to a close, the -Perumal thought of applying a practical test. He enclosed a snake -within a pot, and asked the disputants to declare its contents. The -Bouddhas came out first with the correct answer, while the Brahmans -followed by saying that it was a lotus flower. The Perumal was, of -course, pleased with the Bouddhas; but, when the pot was opened, it was -found to contain a lotus flower instead of a snake. The Bouddhas felt -themselves defeated, and ever afterwards the nalupadam hymn has been -sung by the Nambutiris with a view to securing a variety of objects, -every one of which they expect to obtain by this means. It is also -said that, when the Brahmans were propitiating Siva at Trikkariyur, -diverse spirits and angels were found amusing Parvati with their -quips and cranks. A voice from heaven was then heard to say that such -frolics should thereafter form part of the worship of Siva. - -"Engaged in these socio-religious performances are eighteen sanghas -or associations. The chief office-bearers are the Vakyavritti who -is the chief person, and must be an Ottu Nambutiri or a Nambutiri -with full Vedic knowledge; the Parishakkaran who holds charge of -the Yatrakali paraphernalia; and the guru or instructor. The chief -household divinities of these soldier Nambutiris are Bhadrakali, Sasta, -and Subrahmanya. On the evening of the Yatrakali day, these Brahmans -assemble round the lamp, and recite the nalupadam and a few hymns -in praise of their household divinities, and especially of Siva, -the saviour who manifested himself at Trikkariyur. On the night -of the performance they are entertained at supper, when they sing -certain songs called Karisloka. They then move in slow procession to -the kalam or hall, singing specially songs in the vallappattu metre, -with the sacred thread hanging vertically round the neck (apiviti), -and not diagonally as is the orthodox fashion. In the hall have -been placed a burning lamp in the centre, a para (Malabar measure) -filled with paddy, a number of bunches of cocoanuts, plantain fruits, -and various kinds of flowers. The Brahmans sit in a circle round the -lamp, and, after preliminary invocations to Ganapathi, sing songs in -praise of Siva. After this various kinds of dumb-show are performed, -and this is the time for exhibiting skill in swordsmanship. The -exorcising, by the waving of a lighted torch before the face of the -host, of any evil spirits that may have attached themselves is then -gone through. The performance ends with a prayer to Bhagavati, that -she will shower every prosperity. Following close upon this, a variety -entertainment is sometimes given by the Yatrakali Nambutiris. This -old institution is still in great favour in British Malabar, and, -as it has a religious aspect intertwined with it, it is not likely to -be swept away by the unsparing broom of the so-called parishkarakalam -or reforming age of modern India. - -"The Kathakali, or national drama of Malabar, is held in great esteem -and favour by the Nambutiris. Most of them are conversant with the -songs and shows relating to it, and severely criticise the slightest -fault or failure. The Kathakali is more than three centuries old in -Malabar, and is said to have been first brought into existence by a -member of the ancient ruling house of Kottarakkara. As the earliest -theme represented was the Ramayana, the Kathakali is also known -as Ramanattam. A single play lasts for eight and even ten hours in -the night. Kshatriyas, Asuras, Rakshasas, Kiratas (hunting tribes), -monkeys, birds, etc., each has an appropriate make-up. The play is in -dumb-show, and no character is permitted to speak on the stage. The -songs are sung by the Bhagavatar or songster, and the actors literally -act, and do nothing more. The Nambutiris love this antiquated form -of theatrical performance, and patronise it to a remarkable extent. - -"There are a number of other recreations of an entirely non-religious -character. The chief of these are called respectively seven dogs and -the leopard, fifteen dogs and the leopard, and twenty-eight dogs and -the leopard. Success in these games consists in so arranging the dogs -as to form a thick phalanx, two abreast, round the leopard. Stones -of two sizes are employed to represent the dogs and leopards, and -the field is drawn on the ground. - -"The ezahmattukali, or seventh amusement, is said to have been so -called from the fact of its being introduced by the seventh Nambutiri -gramam of Kerala. It is a miniature form of Yatrakali, but without its -quasi-religious character, and is intended to serve merely as a social -pastime. The players need not all be Brahmans; nor is fasting or any -religious discipline part of the preliminary programme. Sitting round -the lamp as at the Yatrakali, and reciting songs in praise of Siva, -the players proceed to the characteristic portion of the recreation, -which is a kind of competition in quick-wittedness and memory held -between two yogas or parties. One among them calls himself the -Kallur Nayar and is the presiding judge. There is interrogation -and answering by two persons, and a third proclaims the mistakes -in the answers. There are two others, who serve as bailiffs to -execute the judge's orders. Humorous scenes are then introduced, -such as Ittikkantappan Nayar, Prakkal, Mutti or old woman, Pattar or -Paradesa Brahman, and other characters, who appear on the stage and -amuse the assembly." - -The Nambutiris are Vedic Brahmans: their scriptures are the Vedas. It -is safe to say that the Nambutiris are Shaivas, but not to the -exclusion of Vishnu. The ordinary South Indian Vaishnava Brahman has -nothing to do with the Shaiva temple over the way, and takes no part -or interest in the Shaiva festivals. Siva is to the Nambutiri the -supreme deity, but he has temples also to Vishnu, Krishna, Narasimha, -Sri Raghava, Ganapathi, Subrahmanya, Bhagavati, etc. There are said -to be temples to Sastavu and Sankarnarayanan--amalgamated forms of -Siva and Vishnu. The lingam is the ordinary object of worship. - -Like all Brahmans, the Nambutiris believe that the eight directions -or points of the compass, north, north-east, east, south-east, south, -south-west, west, north-west, are presided over by eight deities, or -Ashtadikpalakas, riding on various animals. Indra reigns in heaven and -Yama in hell, and Surya is the sun god. All these and their wives are -worshipped. Parvati shares adoration with Siva, Lakshmi with Vishnu, -and so on. The Nambutiris believe in the existence of evil spirits -which influence man, but they do not worship them. - -It is said that the Nambutiri has of late been influenced by Vedantism, -that wonderful religious idea of the existence of one spirit or -atman, the only reality, outside which the world and all besides is -mere illusion, and whose doctrine is wrapped up in the three words -"Ekam eva advitiyam". (There is but one being without a second). - -The Nambutiris call themselves Arya Brahmanar. Their legendary -transmigration to Malabar from Northern India is doubtless true. Theirs -is by far the purest form of the Vedic Brahmanism to be met with in -Southern India. A complete account of the religion of the Nambutiris -cannot be given in these pages. The Nambutiri's life is a round -of sacrifices, the last of which is the burning of his body on the -funeral pyre. When the Nambutiri has no male issue, he performs the -putra kameshti or karmavipakaprayaschittam yagams or sacrifices to -obtain it. Should he be unwell, he performs the mrittyunjaya santi -yagam, so that he may be restored to good health. He performs the -aja yagam, or goat sacrifice, in order to obtain salvation. Though -animal food is strictly forbidden, and the rule is strictly followed, -the flesh of the goat, which remains after the offering has been made -in this sacrifice, is eaten by the Nambutiris present as part of the -solemn ceremonial. This is the only occasion on which animal food is -eaten. Namaskaram, or prostration, is much done during prayers. By some -it is done some hundreds of times daily, by others not so often. It -amounts to physical exercise, and is calculated to strengthen the -arms and the back. - -Reference has already been made to certain ceremonies connected with -pregnancy, and the early life of a child. There are three further -important ceremonies, called Upanayana, Samavartana and Upakarma, -concerning which Mr. Subramani Aiyar writes as follows. "Upanayana -may be called the Brahmanising ceremony. An oft-repeated Sanskrit -verse runs to the effect that a Brahman is a Brahman by virtue of -his karmas or actions in this life, or the lives preceding it. The -meaning of the term Upanayana is a ceremony which leads one to god, -i.e., to a realisation of the eternal self through the aid of a guru -(preceptor). This ceremony takes place in the seventh, eighth, or ninth -year of a boy's life. As ordinarily understood, it is a ceremony for -males only, as they alone have to observe the four asramas. But, in -ancient days, it seems to have been performed also by females. Marriage -was not compulsory, and a girl might take to asceticism at once. Sita -is said to have worn a yagnopavitam (sacred thread). A Brahman is not -born, but made by the karmas. In other words, a Brahman boy is, at the -time of his birth, only a Sudra, and it is by the performance of the -necessary karmas--not merely the ceremonial rites, but the disciplinary -and preparatory process in view to spiritual development--that he -becomes a Dviga or twice-born. The word Upanayana is composed of -upa, meaning near, and nayana, leading. What the youth is led to is, -according to some, Brahmaggnana or the realisation of the eternal and -universal self, and according to others only the teacher or guru. A -Nambutiri Upanayana begins with the presentation of a dakshina -(consolidated fee) to the Ezhuttachchan, or the Nayar or Ambalavasi -teacher, who has been instructing the youth in the vernacular. The boy -stands on the western side of the sacrificial fire, facing the east, -and the father stands beside him, facing the same way. The second cloth -(uttariya) is thrown over the boy's head, and his right hand being -held up, the sacred thread, to which a strap made from the skin of -a Krishnamriga (antelope) is attached, is thrown over his shoulders -and under his right arm, while he stands reverently with closed -eyes. The thread and skin are wrapped up in the cloth, and are not -to be seen by the boy. He is then taken to an open place, where the -priest introduces the new Brahmachari to the sun, and invokes him to -cover his pupil with his rays. The boy next goes to the sacrificial -altar, and himself offers certain sacrifices to the fire. Saluting -his preceptor and obtaining his blessing, he requests that he may be -initiated into the Savitrimantram. After a few preliminary ceremonies, -the guru utters in the right ear of his disciple the sacred syllable -Om, and repeats the Gayatri mantram nine times. He then instructs -him in certain maxims of conduct, which he is to cherish and revere -throughout the Brahmacharya stage. Addressing the boy, the guru says, -'You have become entitled to the study of the Vedas; perform all -the duties which pertain to the asrama you are about to enter. Never -sleep during the day. Study the Vedas by resigning yourself to the -care of your spiritual instructor.' These exhortations, though made -in Sanskrit, are explained in Malayalam, in order that the boy -may understand them--a feature unknown to Brahmans on the other -coast. With his words of advice, the preceptor gives the youth a -danda or stick made of pipal (Ficus religiosa) wood, as if to keep -him in perpetual memory of what would follow if any of the directions -be disregarded. The boy then makes his obeisance to his parents and -all his relations, and is given a brass vessel called bhikshapatra -(alms pot), in which he collects, by house-to-house visits, food -for his daily sustenance during the Brahmacharya stage. He proceeds -to the kitchen of his own house with the vessel in one hand and the -stick in the other. Making his obeisance in due form to his mother, -who stands facing the east, he says 'Bhiksham bhavati dadatu' (May you -be pleased to give me alms). The mother places five or seven handfuls -of rice in the vessel. After receiving similar contributions from the -assembled elders, the boy takes the vessel to his father, who is the -first guru, saying 'Bhaikshmamidam' (This is my alms collection). The -father blesses it, and says 'May it be good.' After the Gayatrijapa, -the ceremony of Samidadhana is performed. This is the Brahmachari's -daily worship of the sacred fire, corresponding to the aupasana of the -Grihastha, and has to be performed twice daily. After another homam at -night, the cloth covering the sacred thread and skin is removed, and -the consecration of the food is done for the first time. In addition -to the skin strap, the Brahmachari wears a mekhala or twisted string -of kusa grass. It is doubtless of the youthful Nambutiri that Barbosa -wrote as follows at the beginning of the sixteenth century. 'And -when these are seven years old, they put round their necks a strap -two fingers in width of an animal which they call cresnamergan, -and they command him not to eat betel for seven years, and all this -time he wears that strap round the neck, passing under the arm; -and, when he reaches fourteen years of age, they make him a Brahman, -removing from him the leather strap round his neck, and putting on -another three-thread, which he wears all his life as a mark of being a -Brahman. The rules which were observed with such strictness centuries -ago are still observed, and every Nambutiri boy goes through his period -of Brahmacharya, which lasts at least for full five years. During -the whole of this period, no sandal paste, no scents, and no flowers -are to be used by him. He is not to take his meals at other houses -on festive occasions. He must not sleep during the day. Nor may he -wear a loin-cloth in the ordinary fashion. Shoes and umbrella are -also prohibited. The completion of the Brahmachari asrama, or stage -of pupilage, is called Samavartana. After a few religious ceremonies -in the morning, the Brahmachari shaves for the first time since -the Upanayana ceremonies, casts off the skin strap and mekhala, and -bathes. He puts on sandal paste marks, bedecks himself with jasmine -flowers, and puts on shoes. He then holds an umbrella, and wears a -pearl necklace. After this, he puts on a head-dress, and a few other -ceremonials conclude the Samavartana. For three days subsequent -to this, the budding Grihastha is considered ceremonially impure, -and the pollution is perhaps based on the death of the old asrama, -and birth of the new. In the Upakarma ceremony, hymns are sung by -the preceptor, and the pupil has merely to listen to them." - -In conclusion, something may be said concerning the general beliefs -of the Nambutiris. All objects, animate or inanimate, organic or -inorganic, are believed to be permeated by the divine spirit. Animals, -trees, plants, and flowers are animate, and therefore venerated. The -sun, moon, and stars are revered on account of some inherent quality -in each, such as utility or strength, or owing to their connection -with some deity. A god can assume any form at any time, such as that -of a man, bird, beast, or tree. The various forms in which a god has -appeared are ever sacred. Some animals have been used as vehicles by -the gods, and are therefore revered. Cows, horses, and snakes are -worshipped. The cow is the most sacred of all animals. The Puranas -tell of Kamadhenu, the cow of plenty, one of the fourteen useful -things which turned up out of the ocean of milk when it was churned, -and which is supposed to have yielded the gods all they desired. So -Kamadhenu is one who gives anything which is desired. Every hair of -the cow is sacred, its urine is the most holy water, and its dung -the most purificatory substance. The horse is the favourite animal of -Kubera, the treasure-god. The Uchchaisravas the high-eared prototype -of all horses, also came out of the churned ocean. Horse sacrifice, -or Asvamedha, is the greatest of all sacrifices. Performance of a -hundred of them would give the sacrificer power to displace Indra, -in order to make room for him. Snakes are the fruitful progeny of -the sage Kasyapa and Kadru. The Maha Sesha, their prince, is the -couch and canopy of Vishnu, and supports the world on his thousand -heads. But attention to snakes is probably more in the light of the -harm which they may do, and propitiatory in character. - -Among plants, the tulasi or sacred basil (Ocimum sanctum) is the most -sacred of all. It is supposed to be pervaded by the essence of both -Vishnu and Lakshmi: according to some legends, it is a metamorphosis -of Sita and Rukmini. The daily prayer offered to the tulasi is thus -rendered by Monier Williams. "I adore that tulasi in whose roots -are all the sacred places of pilgrimage, in whose centre are all the -deities, and in whose upper branches are all the Vedas." The udumbara -(Ficus glomerata) is also sacred. Under this tree Dattatreya, the -incarnation of the Trinity, performed his ascetic austerities. The -Nambutiri says that, according to the sastras, there must be one of -these trees in his compound, and, if it is not there, he imagines it -is. The bilva (Ægle Marmelos) is specially sacred to Siva all over -Southern India. To the Nambutiri it is very sacred. Its leaves are -supposed to represent the three attributes of Siva--Satva, Raja, and -Tama--and also his three eyes and his trisulam (trident). They are used -by the Nambutiri in propitiatory ceremonies to that god. An offering -of a single leaf of this tree is believed to annihilate the sins done -three births or existence. Kusa grass (Eragrostis cynosuroides) is very -sacred, and used in many ceremonies. At the churning of the ocean, -the snakes are said to have been greedy enough to lick the nectar -off the kusa grass, and got their tongues split in consequence. The -asvaththa (Ficus religiosa) is also very sacred to the Nambutiris. It -is supposed to be pervaded by the spirit of Brahma the Creator. - -From the sun (Surya, the sun-god) emanate light and heat, and -to its powers all vegetation is due, so the Nambutiri worships it -daily. He also offers puja to the sun and moon as belonging to the nine -navagrahas (planets). The planets are the Sun, Moon, Mercury, Venus, -Mars, Jupiter, Saturn, Rahu and Ketu. They influence the destinies -of men, and therefore come in for some worship. The three last are -sinister in their effects, and must be propitiated. - -Namdev.--A synonym of Rangari. - -Nanchi Kuruva.--A name for Kuruvas, who inhabit Nanchinad in -Travancore. - -Nanchinad Vellala.--The Nanchinad Vellalas, to the number of 18,000, -are found scattered all over Travancore, though their chief centre is -Nanchinad, composed of the taluks of Tovala and Agastisvaram. Their -manners and customs at the present day are so different to those -of the Tamil Vellalas that they may be regarded as a separate caste -indigenous to Travancore and Cochin. Like other Sudras of Travancore, -they add the title Pillai to their name, which is often preceded by -the title Kannaku. - -From a copper-plate grant in the possession of the Syrian Christians, -dated A.D. 824, we learn that one family of carpenters, and four -families of Vellalas, were entrusted with the growing of plants on -the sea-coast, the latter being the Karalars or trustees. From this -it appears that the Vellalas must have settled on the west coast in -the ninth century at the latest. The Nanchinad Vellalas were not -originally different from their Pandyan analogues, but settled in -the taluks above mentioned, over which the Pandyans held sway during -several periods in mediæval times. On one occasion, when there was a -dispute about the territorial jurisdiction of Nanchinad between the -Maharaja of Travancore and the Pandyan ruler, the leading Vellalas of -these taluks went over in a body to the Travancore camp, and swore -allegiance to the Travancore throne. They gradually renounced even -the law of inheritance, which their brethren of the Tamil country -followed, and adopted many novel customs, which they found prevalent -in Kerala. From Nanchinad the caste spread in all directions, and, as -most of them were respectable men with good education and mathematical -training, their services were utilised for account-keeping in the civil -and military departments of the State. They must, of course, be clearly -distinguished from the Tamil makkathayam Vellalas of Kuttamperur in -Tiruvella, who have also become naturalised in Travancore, - -For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. - -Like the Tamil Vellalas, the Nanchinad Vellalas are divided into two -classes, Saiva and Asaiva, of which the former abstain from flesh and -fish, while the latter have no such scruple. Asaivas will take food -in the houses of Saivas, but the Saivas cook their own food when -they go to an Asaiva house. Again, though the Saivas marry girls -from Asaiva families, they are taught the Saiva hymn by the Gurukal -immediately afterwards, and prohibited from dining with their former -relatives. This custom is, however, only known to prevail in the -south. While the Vellalas in the south reside in streets, their -brethren in the north live, like Nayars, in isolated houses. In -their dress and ornaments, too, the Nanchinad Vellalas living in -North Travancore differ from those of the south, inasmuch as they -adopt the practice of the Nayars, while the latter are conservative, -and true to their old traditions. - -The Nanchinad Vellalas are well known, throughout Travancore, for -their thrift, industry, and mathematical acumen. Several families -have dropped the designation of Vellala, and adopted Nanchinad Nayar -as their caste-name. - -Their language is largely mixed up with Malayalam words and -phrases. Madan Isakki (Yakshi) and Inan are their recognised -tutelary deities, and were till recently worshipped in every -household. Villati-chanpattu is a common propitiatory song, sung by -members of the goldsmith and oilmonger castes, in connection with -the ceremonies of the Nanchinad Vellalas. It deals with the origin -of these minor deities, and relates the circumstances in which their -images were set up in various shrines. Amman-kodai, or offering to the -mother, is the most important religious festival. They also observe -the Tye-pongal, Depavali, Trikkartikai, Onam and Vishu festivals. The -anniversary of ancestors is celebrated, and the Pattukkai ceremony of -the Tamil Vellalas, in propitiation of deceased female ancestors, is -performed every year. Stories of Chitragupta, the accountant-general of -Yama, the Indian Pluto, are recited on the new-moon day in the month, -of Chittiray (April-May) with great devotion. - -The Nanchinad Vellalas are chiefly an agricultural class, having -their own village organisation, with office-bearers such as -kariyasthan or secretary, mutalpiti or treasurer, and the pilla or -accountant. Contributions towards village funds are made on certain -ceremonial occasions. Their high priest belongs to the Umayorubhagam -mutt of Kumbakonam, and the North Travancore Vellalas recognise the -Panantitta Gurukal as their spiritual adviser. East coast Brahmans -often officiate as their priests, and perform the sacrificial and -other rites at weddings. - -The usual rule is for girls to marry after puberty, but early marriage -is not rare. The maternal uncle's or paternal aunt's daughter is -regarded as the legitimate bride. The presents to the bridegroom -include a mundu and neriyatu, the ordinary Malabar dress, and very -often an iron writing-style and knife. This is said to be symbolical of -the fact that the Vellalas formed the accountant caste of Travancore, -and that several families of them were invited from Madura and -Tinnevelly to settle down in Nanchinad for this purpose. A procession -of the bridal couple in a palanquin through the streets is a necessary -item of the marriage festivities. The Nanchinad Vellalas contract -temporary alliances with Nayar women from the Padamangalam section -downwards. Divorce is permitted, provided a formal release-deed, -or vidu-muri, is executed by the husband. After this, the woman may -enter into sambandham (connection) with a Nanchinad or Pandi Vellala. - -The laws of inheritance are a curious blend of the makkathayam -and marumakkathayam systems. Sons are entitled to a portion of the -property, not exceeding a fourth, of the self-acquired property of -the father, and also a fourth of what would have descended to him in a -makkathayam family. This is called ukantutama, because it is property -given out of love as opposed to right. It is a further rule that, in -case of divorce, the wife and children should be given this ukantutama, -lest they should be left in utter destitution, only a tenth part of -the ancestral property being allotted for this purpose, if her husband -leaves no separate estate. If more than a fourth of the estate is to -be given in this manner, the permission of the heirs in the female -line has generally to be obtained. If a man dies without issue, and -leaves his wife too old or unwilling to enter into a fresh matrimonial -alliance, she is entitled to maintenance out of his estate. A divorced -woman, if without issue, is similarly entitled to maintenance during -the life of her former husband. The property to which she may thus -lay claim is known as nankutama, meaning the property of the nanka -or woman. The nankutama cannot be claimed by the widow, if, at the -time of her husband's death, she does not live with, and make herself -useful to him. When a widow enters into a sambandham alliance, the -second husband has to execute a deed called etuppu, agreeing to pay -her, either at the time of his death or divorce, a specified sum of -money. The ukantutama from the family of her first husband does not -go to the issue of a woman who is in possession of an etuppu deed. - -The namakarana, or name-giving ceremony, is performed in early -life. Many of the names are unknown among Nayars, e.g., Siva, Vishnu, -Kuttalalingam, Subramanya, Ponnampalam among males, and Sivakami, -Kantimati among females. The tonsure is performed before a boy is three -years old. The right of performing the funeral ceremonies is vested -in the son, or, failing one, the nephew. Pollution lasts for sixteen -days. The karta (chief mourner) has to get himself completely shaved, -and wears the sacred thread throughout the period of pollution, or -at least on the sixteenth day. On that day oblations of cooked food, -water and gingelly (Sesamum) seeds are offered to the departed. If -a daughter's son dies, her mother, and not the father, observes -pollution. - -Nanchinad Vellala has been assumed by males of the Deva-dasi caste -in Travancore. - -Nandikattu (bull's mouth).--An exogamous sept of Medara. - -Nandimandalam.--A sub-division of Razu. - -Nanga (naked).--A sub-division of Poroja. - -Nangudi Vellala.--The so-called Nangudi Vellalas, or Savalai Pillais, -are found inhabiting several villages in the Tinnevelly district, -and differ from other Vellalas in several important points. They say -that they are Kottai (fort) Vellalas, who have given up the custom of -living within a fort. Nangudi women are not allowed to enter the fort -at Srivaiguntam, wherein the Kottai Vellalas live. Within the last few -years, marriages are said to have taken place between members of the -two communities. The Nangudis have exogamous septs or kilais, named -for the most part after persons or deities, which, like the septs of -the Maravans, run in the female line. The hereditary caste headman is -called Pattaththu Pillai. In olden times, members who disobeyed him -were made to run through the streets with a rotten tender cocoanut -tied to the kudumi (hair knot), while a man ran behind, applying a -tamarind switch to the back. - -The consent of a girl's maternal uncle and his wife is necessary, -before she can marry. The aunt's consent is signified by touching the -tali (marriage badge) on the wedding day. The uncle keeps a light, -called ayira panthi, burning until the time for tying the tali, A -quarter measure of rice is tied up in a cloth, and the knot converted -into a wick, which is fed with ghi (clarified butter). - -The news of a death in the community is conveyed by the barber. Before -the removal of the corpse, all close relations, and at least one pair -of Nangudis from every village, must come to the house. Absence on -this occasion is considered as a very grave insult. On the second -day after death, an Amarantus, called arakkirai, must be cooked. - -A special feature in connection with inheritance is that a man should -give his daughters some property, and every daughter must be given a -house. The husbands have to live in their wives' houses. The property -which a woman receives from her father becomes eventually the property -of her daughters, and her sons have no claim to it. Sons inherit the -property of the father in the usual manner. - -Like the Kondaikatti Vellalas, the Nangudis claim that they had the -right of placing the crown on the head of the Pandyan kings. In the -village of Korkai, there is a tank (pond) called Kannimar Jonai, -because celestial maidens used to bathe there. When one Agni Maha -Rishi was doing penance, three of the celestial maidens are said to -have come to bathe. The Rishi fell in love with them, and eventually -three sons were born. These children were brought up by the Vellalas -of Korkai at the request of the Rishi, who represented that they were -likely to become kings. According to the legend, they became Chera, -Chola, and Pandya kings. - -Nannuru (four hundred).--An exogamous sept of Madiga. - -Nantunikkuruppu.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, -as a synonym of Vatti, a sub-division of Nayar. - -Nanukonda.--A sub-division of Lingayat Kapus, named after the village -of Nanukonda in the Kurnool district. - -Naravidyavaru.--These are Vipravinodis, who are Jangams by caste. They -style themselves Naravidyavaru when they perform acrobatic and other -feats before ordinary people, and Vipravinodi when they perform -before Brahmans. The name Naravidyavaru is said to be a contraction -of Narulu-mechche-vidya-cheyu-varu, i.e., those who receive the -approbation of men. One of their most favourite feats is throwing -three or four wooden or stone balls up into the air, and rolling them -quickly in succession over various parts of the body--arms, chest, etc. - -Nariangal (nari, jackal).--An exogamous sept of Vallamban. - -Narikela (cocoanut).--An exogamous sept of Balija. - -Narollu (fibre).--An exogamous sept of Pedakanti Kapu. - -Narpathu Katchi (forty-house section).--A sub-division of Valluvan. - -Nasrani Mappilla.--A name, in Malabar, applied to Christians. - -Nasuvan.--Nasivan or Nasuvan, said to mean unholy, one who should not -be touched, or one sprung from the nose, is the name for Ambattans -(Tamil barbers). The equivalents Nasiyan and Navidan occur as a name -for Telugu barbers, and Malayali barbers who shave Nayars and higher -castes. Navidan is further recorded as the occupational name of a -sub-division of Tamil Paraiyans, and Vettuvans. - -Natamukki.-- Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-division of Nayar. - -Naththalu (snails).--An exogamous sept of Mala. - -Natramiludaiyan.--A name, meaning the repository of chaste Tamil, -returned by some Nattamans at times of census. - -Nattan.--At the Census, 1901, nearly 12,000 individuals returned -themselves as Nattan, which is stated by the Census Superintendent to -be "a vague term meaning people of the country, reported by some to be -a main caste, and by others to be a sub-caste of Vellala. Nearly all -of those who returned the name came from Salem and were cultivators, -but some of them entered themselves as possessing the title of Servai, -which usually denotes an Agamudaiyan" (see Servai, Servaikaran). Nattan -also occurs as a title of the Tamil Sembadavan and Pattanavan fishing -castes, and of the Vallambans. Portions of the Tamil country are -divided into areas known as nadus, in each of which certain castes, -known as Nattan or Nattar, are the predominant element. For example, -the Vallambans and Kallans are called the Nattars of the Palaya Nadu -in the Sivaganga zamindari of the Madura district. In dealing with -the tribal affairs of the various castes inhabiting a particular nadu, -the lead is taken by the Nattars. - -Nattati (the name of a village).--A sub-division of Shanan. - -Nattu (sons of the soil).--Recorded as a sub-division of Kallan, -and of the Malayans of Cochin. - -Nattukattada Nayanmar.--A class of mendicants attached to the Kaikolans -(q.v.). - -Nattukottai Chetti.--"Of all the Chettis," Mr. Francis writes, [106] -"perhaps the most distinctive and interesting are the Nattukottai -Chettis, who are wealthy money-lenders with head-quarters in the -Tiruppattur and Devakottai divisions of the Sivaganga and Ramnad -zamindaris in the Madura district. They are the most go-a-head of -all the trading castes in the south, travelling freely to Burma, -the Straits Settlements and Ceylon (also Saigon, Mauritius, and -South Africa), and having in some cases correspondents in London and -on the Continent. As long as their father is alive, the members of a -Nattukottai Chetti family usually all live together. The caste is noted -in the Madura district for the huge houses, to which this custom has -given rise. Married sons have a certain number of rooms set aside for -them, and are granted a carefully calculated yearly budget allotment -of rice and other necessaries. On the father's death, contrary to -all ordinary Hindu usage, the eldest son retains the house, and the -youngest his mother's jewels and bed, while the rest of the property -is equally divided among all the sons. When a male child is born, -a certain sum is usually set aside, and in due time the accumulated -interest upon it is spent on the boy's education. As soon as he has -picked up business ways sufficiently, he begins life as the agent of -some other members of the caste, being perhaps entrusted with a lakh of -rupees, often on no better security than an unstamped acknowledgment -scratched on a palmyra leaf, and sent off to Burma or Singapore to -trade with it, and invest it. A percentage on the profits of this -undertaking, and savings from his own salary, form a nucleus which he -in turn invests on his own account. His wife will often help pay the -house-keeping bills by making baskets and spinning thread, for the -women are as thrifty as the men. As a caste they are open-handed and -devout. In many houses, one pie in every rupee of profit is regularly -set aside for charitable and religious expenditure, and a whip round -for a caste-fellow in difficulties is readily responded to. By religion -they are fervent Saivites, and many of the men proclaim the fact by -wearing a rudraksham (Eleocarpus Ganitrus) fruit, usually set in gold, -round their necks. Of late years they have spent very large sums upon -several of the famous Saivite shrines in the Madras Presidency, notably -those at Chidambaram, [107] Madura, and Tiruvannamalai. Unfortunately, -however, much of the work has been executed in the most lamentable -modern taste, and it is saddening to contrast the pitiful outcome of -their heavy outlay with the results which might have been attained -under judicious guidance. The decoration in the new Kaliyana Mahal -in the Madura temple is mainly inferior varnished wood-carving, -looking-glasses, and coloured glass balls. The same style has been -followed at Tiruvannamalai, although lying scattered about in the -outer courts of the temple are enough of the old pierced granite -pillars to make perhaps the finest mantapam in South India. Owing to -their wealth and their money-lending, the Nattukottai Chettis have -been called the Jews of South India, but their kindliness and charity -deserve more recognition than this description accords." - -I am informed that the property of a woman (jewels, vessels, -investments, etc.), on her decease, goes to her daughters. As among -other Hindu castes, the eldest son may retain the personal effects -of his father, and, with the consent of his brothers, may retain -his house. But the value thereof is deducted from his share in the -property. - -It is stated in the Madura Manual that the "Nattukottai Settis in -particular are notorious for their greed, and most amusing stories -are told about them. However wealthy they may be, they usually live -in the most penurious manner, and they will never by any chance show -mercy to a debtor, so long as he shall have a penny left, or the -chance of earning one. However, to make amends for their rapacity, -they are in the habit of spending large sums now and then in works of -charity. And, whatever faults there may be, they are most excellent -men of business. Indeed, until quite lately, the good faith and -honesty of a Nattukottai Setti were proverbial, and are even now -conspicuous. The Nattukottai Settis claim to be a good caste, and -asserted that they emigrated to this district thousands of years ago -from a town called Kaveripattanam, in consequence of an intolerable -persecution. But the other Settis will not admit the truth of their -story, and affect to despise them greatly, alleging even that they are -the bastard descendants of a Muhammadan man and a Kalla woman. The word -Nattukottai is said to be a corruption of Nattarasangkottai, the name -of a small village near Sivaganga. But this derivation appears to be -doubtful." The name is usually said to be derived from Nattukottai, -or country fort. - -It has been said that "the Nattukottai Chettis, in organisation, -co-operation, and business methods, are as remarkable as the -European merchants. Very few of them have yet received any English -education. They regard education as at present given in public -schools as worse than useless for professional men, as it makes -men theoretical, and scarcely helps in practice. The simple but -strict training which they give their boys, the long and tedious -apprenticeship which even the sons of the richest among them have to -undergo, make them very efficient in their profession, and methodical -in whatever they undertake to do." - -Concerning the Nattukottai Chettis, Mr. P. R. Sundara Aiyar writes as -follows. [108] "The first and chiefest aim of a Nattukottai Chetti -is to make as much money as possible. He does not regard usury as -a sin. As a little boy of ten or twelve, he begins to apply himself -to business, learns accounts, and attends the shop of his father. As -soon as he marries, his father gives him a separate home, or rather -compels him to live separately, though often in the same house as his -parents. This makes him self-reliant, and produces in him a desire -to save as much money as possible. He is given a certain allowance -out of the paternal estate, but, if he spends more, he is debited -with the excess amount. Every one consequently tries to increase his -stock of individual savings. Even the women earn money in a variety -of ways. Every rupee saved is laid out at as high a rate of interest -as possible. It is commonly stated that a rupee, laid out at the birth -of a child at compound interest at 12 per cent., will amount to a lakh -of rupees by the time he attains the age of a hundred. The habits of -a Nattukottai Chetti are very simple, and his living is very cheap, -even when he is rich. So strict are the Chettis in pecuniary matters -that, if a relation visits them, he gets only his first meal free, -and if he stays longer, is quietly debited with the cost of his stay." - -The Nattukottai Chettis [109] are said to employ Kammalans, Valaiyans, -Kallans, and Vallambans as their cooks. They are permitted to enter -the interior of Hindu temples, and approach near to the innermost -doorway of the central shrine. This privilege is doubtless accorded -to them owing to the large sums of money which they spend on temples, -and in endowing charitable institutions. It is noted, in the Gazetteer -of the Madura district, that "of the profits of their commercial -transactions, a fixed percentage (called magamai) is usually set aside -for charity. Some of the money so collected is spent on keeping up -Sanskrit schools, but most of it has been laid out in the repair and -restoration of the temples of the south, especial attention being -paid to those shrines (padal petta sthalangal, as they are called), -which were hymned by the four great poet-saints, Manikya Vachakar, -Appar, Tirugnana Sambandhar, and Sundaramurti." "The Chettis," -Mr. Sundara Aiyar writes, "are believed to be the most charitable -class in Southern India, and undoubtedly they spend the largest -amount of money on charity. They set apart a fraction of their -profits for charity. They levy rates among themselves for local -charities, wherever they go. The income obtained from the rates is -generally spent on temples. In new places like Ceylon, Burma, and -Singapore, they build new temples, generally dedicated to Subramanya -Swami. In India itself, they establish festivals in existing temples, -and undertake the repair of temples. Immense sums have been spent by -them recently in the renovation and restoration of ancient temples. We -should not be surprised to be told that the amount spent within the -last thirty years alone amounts to a crore of rupees. Being Saivites, -they do not generally care for Vaishnava temples. And, even among Saiva -temples, only such as have special sanctity, and have been sung about -by the Saiva Nainars or Bhaktas, are patronised by them. They have -devoted large sums to the establishment of comfortable choultries -(rest-houses), feeding houses, Vedic and recently also Sastraic -pathasalas (schools). They have established schools for the education -of the Kurukal or the priestly class. And, in fact, every charity of -the orthodox Hindu type finds generous support among them." - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that the -gopurams of the Madura temple "have been repaired of late years at -great cost by the Nattukottai Chettis. The northern tower used to -consist only of the brick and stone-work storeys, and was known in -consequence as the mottai (literally bald) gopuram. Recently, however, -a courageous Chetti, who cared nothing for the superstition that it -is most unlucky to complete a building left unfinished, placed the -usual plaster top upon it." - -In recent years, the temple at Chidambaram has been renovated by the -Nattukottai Chettis, who "have formed for this and similar restorations -a fund which is made up of a fee of four annas per cent. levied from -their clients on all sums borrowed by the latter. The capital of -this is invested, and the interest thereon devoted exclusively to -such undertakings." [110] - -In 1906, the purificatory ceremony, or kumbabishekam, of the Sri -Pasupathiswara Swami temple at Karur was performed with great -pomp. The old temple had been thoroughly overhauled and repaired -by the Nattukottai Chettis. The ceremony cost about fifty thousand -rupees. Many thousands were fed, and presents of money made to a large -number of Vaidiki Brahmans. In the same year, at a public meeting held -in Madras to concert measures for establishing a pinjrapole (hospital -for animals), one of the resolutions was that early steps should -be taken to collect public subscriptions from the Hindu community -generally, and in particular from the Nattukottai Chettis, Gujaratis, -and other mercantile classes. - -Still more recently, the kumbabishekam festival was celebrated at -Tiruvanaikkaval, the seat of a celebrated temple near Trichinopoly, -which was repaired by the Nattukottai Chettis at a cost of many lakhs -of rupees. - -By a traditional custom, the Nattukottai Chettis live largely by -money-lending. They never serve under any one outside their own -community. They either trade on their own account, or are employed as -agents or assistants. The pay of an assistant is always calculated for -a period of three years, and a portion thereof is paid in advance after -a month's service. This the assistant invests to the best advantage. At -the end of a year, a portion of the balance of the pay is handed over -to him, leaving a small sum to be paid at the end of the contract -period. His expenses for board and lodging are met by his employer, -and he may receive a small share of the profits of the business. A man, -on receiving an agency, starts on an auspicious day, and proceeds to -a temple of Ganesa, and to a matam (religious institution) containing -figures of Ganesa and Natesa. After prostrating himself before the -gods, he proceeds on his way. If he encounters an object of evil omen, -he will not continue, and, if he has to journey to a distant spot, he -will throw up his appointment. The accounts of the Nattukottai Chettis -are audited triennially, an annual audit being inconvenient, as their -business is carried on at various remote spots. The foreign business -is said [111] to "be transacted by agents belonging to the caste, who -receive a salary proportioned to the distance of the place, and also, -usually, a percentage on the profits. They generally serve for three -years, and then return, and give an account of their stewardship." The -commencement of a fresh period of three years is made on an auspicious -day called puthukanakkunal (fresh account day), which is observed -as a holiday. No business is transacted, and customers are invited, -and receive presents of fruits, sweets, etc. - -In connection with Nattukottai agencies, Mr. Hayavadana Rao writes as -follows. [112] "People of moderate means usually elect to go to distant -places as agents of the different firms that have their head offices -either at Madura or in the Zamindaris of Ramnad and Sivaganga. The -pay of a local agent varies directly with the distance of the place -to which he is posted. If he is kept at Madura, he gets Rs. 100 per -mensem; if sent to Burma, he gets three times as much; and, if to -Natal, about twice the latter sum. If an agent proves himself to be -an industrious and energetic man, he is usually given a percentage on -the profits. The tenure of office is for three years, six months before -the expiry of which the next agent is sent over to work conjointly with -the existing one, and study the local conditions. On relief, the agent -returns directly to his head office, and delivers over his papers, -and then goes to his own village. With this, his connection with his -firm practically ceases. He enjoys his well-earned rest of three years, -at the end of which he seeks re-employment either under his old firm, -or under any other. The former he is bound to, if he has taken a -percentage on the profits during his previous tenure of office. If -the old firm rejects him when he so offers himself, then he is at -liberty to enter service under others." It is said to be very rare for -Nattukottai women to accompany their husbands to distant places. "In -fact, the husbands have to visit their native places at long intervals, -and make a felicitous sojourn in the company of their wives." - -The houses of the Nattukottai Chettis are spacious and substantial -buildings all based on the same general plan. The front entrance -opens into an oblong courtyard with a verandah all round, and rows -of rooms at the two sides. At the farther end of the courtyard is an -entrance leading into a backyard or set of apartments. Modern houses -have imposing exteriors, and an upper storey. Married sons live in -separate quarters, and every couple receive from their fathers a fixed -yearly allowance, which may amount to twenty rupees and fifteen kalams -of paddy. The sons may, if they choose, spend more, but the excess is -debited to their account, and, at the time of partition of the estate, -deducted, with interest, from their share. - -It is noted by Mr. Hayavadana Rao that "the remarkable custom prevails -amongst them that obliges all married members to cook separately -and eat their meals, though they live in the same house. Even the -widowed mother is no exception to this rule. Unmarried members live -with their parents until they are married. Allotments of rice and -other necessaries are annually made to the several semi-independent -members of the household. This custom has given rise to the commodious -houses in which members of this caste usually reside." - -As concerning the origin of the Nattukottai Chettis, the following -story is told. In ancient days, the Vaisyas of the lunar race -were living in the town of Santhyapuri in the Naganadu of the -Jambudvipa(India). They paid daily visits to the shrine of Vinayaka god -made of emerald, and were traders in precious stones. They were much -respected, and led the life of orthodox Saivites, wore rudraksha beads, -and smeared themselves with sacred ashes. They were, however, much -oppressed by a certain ruler, and emigrated in a body to Conjeeveram -in the Tondamandalam country in the year 204 of the Kaliyuga. The -king of Conjeeveram gave them permission to settle in his territory, -and made grants to them of land, temples and matams. They stayed there -for a very long time, but, being troubled by heavy taxes and fines, -left this part of the country about 2312 Kaliyuga, and settled in the -Chola country. The Chola king, being much impressed with them, bestowed -on them the privilege of placing the crown on the head of a new ruler -at his coronation. At this time, the town of Kaveripumpattanam is said -to have been in a very flourishing state, and the north street was -occupied by Vaisyas from other countries. Being unwilling to disturb -them, the king made the new settlers occupy the east, west, and south -streets. As a mark of respect, they were allowed to use flags with the -figure of a lion on them, and use golden vessels (kalasam) in their -houses. They all, at the instigation of the king, became disciples -of one Isanya Sivachariar of Patanjalikshetra (Chidambaram). About -3775 Kaliyuga, Puvandi Chola Raja imprisoned several of the Vaisya -women, whereon all the eight thousand Vaisya families destroyed -themselves, leaving their male children to be taken care of by a -religious teacher named Atmanadhachariar. In all 1,502 children -were thus brought up, viz., 600 of six ways from the west street, -502 of seven ways from the east street, and 400 of four ways from -the south street. Later on, Puvandi Chola fell ill, and, knowing his -recovery to be impossible, sent for the Vaisya boys, and asked them -to look after the coronation of his son Rajabhushana Chola. But they -said that, as they were bachelors, they could not comply with his -request. The king accordingly made them marry Vellala girls. Those -of the west street took as wives girls of the Karkaththar section, -those of the east street girls of the Sozhia section, and those of the -south street girls of the Kaniyala section. The three groups became -disciples of three different matams, viz., Tiruvarur, Kumbakonam, -and Vanchium. In the year 3790, a dispute arose in connection with -the right of priority in receiving sacred ashes between the Vaisya and -true Vellala women, and the former were made to become the disciples -of a new guru (religious preceptor). About 3808, a Pandya king, named -Sundara Pandya, is said to have asked the Chola king to induce some of -the Vaisyas to settle down in the Pandya territory. They accordingly -once more emigrated in a body, and reached the village of Onkarakudi -on a Friday (the constellation Astham being in the ascendant on that -day). They were allowed to settle in the tract of country north of the -river Vaigai, east of the Piranmalai, and south of Vellar. Those from -the east street settled at Ilayaththukudi, those from the west street -at Ariyur, and those from the south street at Sundarapattanam. Thus -the Chettis became divided into three endogamous sections, of which -the Ilayaththukudi and Sundarapattanam are found at the present day -in the Madura district. The members of the Ariyur section migrated -to the west coast on the destruction of their village. The members -of the Ilayaththukudi section became the Nattukottais. They, not -being satisfied with only one place of worship, requested the king -to give them more temples. Accordingly, temples were provided for -different groups at Maththur, Vairavanpatti, Iraniyur, Pillayarpatti, -Nemam, Iluppaikudi, Suraikudi, and Velangkudi. At the present day, -the Nattukottai Chettis are divided into the following divisions -(kovils or temples) and exogamous sub-divisions:-- - - - 1. Ilayaththukudi kovil-- - Okkurudaiyar. - Pattanasamiar. - Perumaruthurudaiyar. - Kazhanivasakkudaiyar. - Kinkinikkudaiyar. - Perasendurudaiyar. - Siruseththurudaiyar. - 2. Maththur kovil-- - Uraiyur. - Arumbakur. - Manalur. - Mannur. - Kannur. - Karuppur. - Kulaththur. - 3. Vairavan kovil-- - Sirukulaththur. - Kazhanivasal. - Marudendrapuram. - 4. Iraniyur kovil. - 5. Pillayarpatti kovil. - 6. Nemam kovil. - 7. Iluppaikudi kovil. - 8. Suraikudi kovil. - 9. Velangkudi kovil. - - -When Nattukottai Chettis adopt children, they must belong to the -same temple division. An adopted son is called Manjanir Puthiran, or -turmeric-water son, because, at the ceremony of adoption, the lad has -to drink turmeric-water. [113] In villages where their main temples -are situated, the temple manager is obliged to give food to stranger -Chettis, and charge for it if they belong to another temple division. - -According to a variant of the story relating to the origin of the -Nattukottai Chettis, "they were formerly merchants at the court of the -Chola kings who ruled at Kaveripattanam, at one time a flourishing -sea-port at the mouth of the Cauveri, from which they emigrated -in a body on being persecuted by one of them, and first settled at -Nattarasankottai, about three miles north-east of Sivaganga." - -By other castes, the Nattukottai Chettis are said to be the descendants -of the offspring of unions between a Shanan and a Muhammadan and Uppu -Korava women. Some of the peculiarities of the caste are pointed out -in support of the story. Thus, Nattukottai men shave their heads -like Muhammadans, and both men and women have the lobes of their -ears dilated like the older Shanans. Their girls wear necklaces -of shell beads like Korava women, and the women delight in making -baskets for recreation, as the Korava women do for sale. The caste is -sometimes spoken of as Uppu (salt) Maruhira Chetti. The arguments and -illustrations are naturally much resented by the Nattukottai Chettis, -who explain the obnoxious name by the story that they were formerly -very poor, and made a living by selling salt. - -The Nattukottai Chettis have recourse to panchayats (councils) -in matters affecting the community. They have, Mr. Sundara Aiyar -writes, "been at any rate till recently remarkable for settling their -differences out of court. The influence of the elders in preventing -litigation is very strong. They conciliate the disputants as far as -possible and, after reducing the difference between them to a minimum, -they often get their signatures to an award, in which a blank is left -to decide the still existing point of difference, the disputants -agreeing, after putting in their signatures, to the mediators' -filling in the blank, and deciding the dispute as they choose. We -are afraid that this spirit of give-and-take is now unfortunately -diminishing, and the arbitrament of the courts is more often resorted -to than before." There are, among the Nattukottai Chettis, two forms -of panchayat, called madaththuvasal mariyal (matam panchayat) and -kovilvasal mariyal (temple panchayat), of which, at the present day, -only the latter is in vogue. For every temple there is a manager, an -assistant, and a servant called Vairavi, who must be a Melakkaran. The -aggrieved party lodges his complaint with the manager, who sends word -to the leading men of the temple division concerned. The complainant -and defendant are summoned to attend a council meeting, and the -evidence is recorded by the temple manager. If the accused falls to put -in an appearance, the Vairavi is sent to his house, to take therefrom -adavu (security) in the shape of some article belonging to him. In a -recent case, a wealthy Nattukottai Chetti promised his brother's widow -that she should be allowed to adopt a boy. But, as the promise was not -fulfilled, she complained to the temple; and, as her brother-in-law did -not attend the council meeting, the Vairavi went to his house, and, -in his absence, abstracted the adavu. This was regarded as a great -insult, and there was some talk of the case going into court. Matters -such as the arrangement of marriage contracts, monetary disputes, -family discussions, and the like, are referred to the temple council -for settlement. Final decisions are never recorded in writing, but -delivered by word of mouth. Those who fail to abide by the decision -of the council do not receive a garland from the temple for their -marriage, and without this garland a marriage cannot take place. - -It is noted by Mr. Hayavadana Rao that each of the kovils or temples -"is managed by Karyakarans, who are nominated to the place by the -local elders. These Karyakarans act as Panchayatdars, and decide all -civil cases referred to them. If a case is first referred to them, -it may, if necessary, be carried over again to the established courts -of the country. But, if once a case is first taken to the courts, they -would not entertain it before themselves. They enforce their decrees -(1) by refusing to give the garland of flowers at the marriage time, -(2) by exercising the power of excommunication." - -Every Nattukottai Chetti youth has to perform a ceremony called Suppidi -before marriage. On the Karthika day, when the constellation Krithikai -is in the ascendant, he is taken on horseback to a Pillayar (Ganesa) -temple, where he worships, and whirls a bag of burning charcoal tied -to a long string round his head. In front of the temple he burns -a booth (chokkapane), which has been set up, and with the ashes -his forehead is marked. On his return home, and at the entrance of -Nattukottai houses which he passes, rice lamps are waved before him -(alathi). In like manner, every girl has to go through a ceremony, -called thiruvadhirai, before marriage. On the day of the Arudradarsanam -festival, she is bathed and decorated. A necklace of gold beads is -placed on her neck instead of the necklace of glass beads (pasimani), -which she has hitherto worn. She proceeds, with a silver cup, to the -houses where other girls are performing the ceremony, and bawls out:-- - -I have come dancing; give me avarakkai (Dolichos Lablab beans). - -I have come singing; give me padavarangkai (Cyamopsis beans). - -I have come speaking; give me sorakkai (Lagenaria fruit). - -Various kinds of vegetables are placed on the silver vessel, cooked, -and distributed. Cakes, called dosai, are made in the house, and, -during their preparation, holes are made in them by married women with -an iron style. These cakes are also distributed, and it is taken as -an insult if any individual does not receive one. - -Every Nattukottai Chetti is said to have the inviolable right to claim -the hand of his paternal aunt's daughter. This being so, ill-assorted -marriages are quite common, the putative father being often but a -child. [114] The marriage ceremonies commence with the giving of -gold for the bride's neck. On an auspicious day, the bridegroom's -party give a gold coin to a goldsmith, who beats it into a thin -sheet, and goes home after receiving betel, etc. On the first day -of the marriage rites, a feast is given to the bridegroom's family, -and female ancestors are worshipped. On the following day, the -presentation of the dowry (sireduththal) takes place. The presents, -which are often of considerable value, are laid out for inspection, and -an inventory of them is made. Perishable articles, such as rice, ghi -(clarified butter), dhal (Cajanus indicus), and fruits are sold. The -bride's presents are taken to the house of the bridegroom, those who -carry them being rewarded with betel, a silk fan, scent bottle, silk -handkerchief, bottle of chocolate, a tin of biscuits, and a brass -vessel. On the third day, garlands are received from the temples -to which the bride and bridegroom belong. The bride's party go to -the house of the bridegroom, taking on a tray a silk handkerchief -and cloth, and in a silver vessel fifty rupees, betel, etc. These -are presented to the bridegroom. This ceremony is called mappillai -ariyappothal, or going to examine the son-in-law. The next item on -the programme is nalkuriththal, or fixing the day. The bridegroom's -party proceed to the house of the bride, taking with them two cocoanuts -wrapped up in a blanket, betel, turmeric, etc., as a present. The bride -is bathed and decorated, and purangkaliththal is proceeded with. She -stands by the side of her grandmother, and a Brahman purohit, taking -up a few leafy margosa (Melia Azadirachta) twigs, touches the girl's -shoulders, head, and knees with them, and throws them away. Her glass -bead necklace is then removed. At the uppu-eduththal (salt carrying) -ceremony, the bridegroom's party carry a basket containing salt, -a bundle containing nine kinds of grains, and a palmyra scroll for -writing the marriage contract on, to the bride's house. The sacred fire -is lighted, and homam performed by the Brahman purohit. An old man, -who has had a number of children, and belongs to a temple other than -that of a bride, and the bridegroom's sister, then tie the tali string -round her neck. This string bears a large tali, about seven inches long -and four inches broad, and seventeen to twenty-three gold ornaments, -often of considerable value. Some of them have very sharp points, so -that accidents sometimes arise from the points sticking in the eyes -of babies carried by women. For every day wear, the massive ornaments -are replaced by a smaller set. Immediately after the tali has been -tied, the marriage contract (isagudi manam) is written. Two copies -are made, for the bride and bridegroom respectively. As an example -of a marriage contract, the following may be cited: "This is written -for the marriage celebrated on ... between Subramanyan, the son of -Okkurudaiyan Arunachelam Chetti Ramanadhan Chetti and Valliammai, -the daughter of Arumbakurudaiyan K. Narayana Chetti, both formerly of -Ilayaththukudi, at the village of.... The value of jewels given to -the girl is ... of gold; his dowry amounts to ...; money for female -servant ...; sirattuchukram money ...; free gift of jewels.... This -esaikudimanam was written by me at.... Signed Ramanadhan Chetti." The -bridegroom goes on horseback to a Pillayar temple where he worships, -and then proceeds in procession through various streets to the -bride's house, accompanied by his sister carrying milk in a vessel, -and a cooly bearing a bundle of seed rice. At every Chetti house -the procession halts, and coloured rice lights are waved before -the bridegroom. At the entrance to the bride's house, he is met -by the bride, whose sister-in-law pushes the couple against each -other. Hence the ceremony is called mappillaikuidiththukattal, -or showing the bride to the bridegroom by pushing her. The couple -are then conducted to a dais within the house, and wristlets made of -cotton cloth are tied on by the purohit. They exchange cocoanuts and -garlands, and, amid the blowing of the conch shell (musical instrument) -by women, the bride's mother touches the couple with turmeric, ashes, -sandal, etc. On the fourth day, money called veththilai surul rupai -(betel-roll money) is given to the newly-married couple by Chettis -and the maternal uncles. A silver vessel, containing betel and two -rupees, is given to the bridegroom by his father-in-law. The bridegroom -usually carries on his shoulders a long purse of silk or red cloth, -called valluvaippai, into which he puts the betel and other things -which are given to him. On the last day of the marriage ceremonies, -toe-rings and wristlets are removed, and the bridal pair eat together. - -In connection with pregnancy, two ceremonies are performed, called -respectively marunthidal (medicine giving) and thirthamkudiththal -(drinking holy water). The former is celebrated at about the fifth -month. On an auspicious day, the sister-in-law of the pregnant woman, -amid the blowing of the conch-shell by females, extracts the juice from -the leaves of five plants, and gives to the woman to drink. During -the seventh month the woman is given consecrated water (thirtham) -from the temple. All first-born children, both male and female, -have to go through a ceremony called pudhumai (newness). When they -are two years old, on an auspicious day, fixed by a Brahman purohit, -the maternal uncle of the child ties on its neck strings of coral -and glass beads, to which ornaments of pearls and precious stones are -added in the case of the wealthy. The child is further decorated with -other ornaments, and placed in an oval wooden tray, which is held -by the mother and her sister-in-law. They go round three times with -the tray, and the child's aunt, taking it up, carries it round to be -blessed by those who have assembled. Presents of money are given to -the child by relations and friends, and the maternal uncles have to -give a larger sum than the others. On the second or third day the -coral and bead ornaments are removed, and, on the fourth day, the -child, if a male, is shaved, and must thenceforth have the head clean -shaved throughout life. "The story goes that, when the Chola king of -Kaveripattanam persecuted them, the members of this caste resolved -not to shave their heads until they quitted his territories. When they -reached their new settlement they shaved their heads completely as a -memorial of their stern resolution." [115] When a death occurs among -the Nattukottai Chettis, news thereof is conveyed by the Thandakaran, -or caste messenger. Those who come to condole with the bereaved family -are received with outstretched hands (kainittikolludhal). The head of -the corpse is shaved, and it is washed and decorated. In front of the -house a pandal (booth), supported by four Thespesia populnea posts, and -roofed with twigs of Eugenia Jambolana, is erected. Beneath this the -corpse is laid, and all present go round it thrice. While the corpse -is being got ready for conveyance to the burning ground, the daughters -and sisters of the deceased husk paddy (unhusked rice). On the way -to the burning ground, the son carries the fire. If the deceased -is a young boy or girl, the pandal is removed after the funeral; -otherwise it is removed, on a Tuesday, Thursday, or Sunday, within -four days. The Nattukottais restrict the name pandal to the funeral -booth, the marriage booth being called kavanam or kottagai. Even an -ordinary shed set up in front of a house is not called a pandal, -as the name is associated with funerals. On the day following the -funeral, the bigger fragments of bones are collected by a barber, and -given to the son, who places them in an earthen pot. A Pandaram offers -fruit, food, etc., to the deceased. Eight days afterwards, a feast, -at which meat is partaken of for the first time since the death, is -given to the relations of the dead person, and their pollution is at -an end. They may not, however, enter a temple for thirty days. On the -sixteenth day after death, the final death ceremonies (karmandhiram) -are performed, and liberal presents of money, religious books, such -as the Ramayana, Mahabharata, and Periya Puranam, wooden spoons for -domestic use, etc., are given to Brahmans. - -There are three matams, whereat the Nattukottai Chettis are initiated -into their religion, at Patharakkudi (or Padanakkudi) and Kila -for males, and Tulavur for females. They are Saivites, but also, -more especially the women, worship such minor deities as Aiyanar, -Muneswara, and Karuppan. They are also said to worship two village -goddesses, called Sellattamman and Kannudayamman, at Nattarasankottai. - -Nattukottai men have the lobes of the ears artificially dilated, but -seldom wear ornaments therein. They frequently have a gold chain round -the loins, and wear finger rings set with diamonds. The wives even -of wealthy men wear a cheap body cloth, and do menial house work, -such as cleaning the kitchen utensils. They plait baskets, and, -in some houses, wheels for spinning cotton may be seen. - -Like other trading classes in Southern India, the Nattukottai -Chettis have a trade language of their own, which varies according -to locality. In the city of Madras they have three tables, for annas, -rupees, and tens of rupees respectively. Each of these is formed out -of the syllables of certain words. Thus, the anna table is composed -of the syllables of Tiripurasundari, the goddess at Madura, which is -a great centre for Nattukottai Chettis. The syllables (in the inverse -order), and their money equivalent are as follows:-- - - - Ri 1/2 anna. - Da 3/4 anna. - Un 1 anna. - Su 2 annas. - Ra 3 annas. - Pu 4 annas. - Ri 8 annas. - Ti 12 annas. - - -The rupee table is composed of the word Vedagirisvararthunai, -meaning with the help of Vedagirisvarar, the god at Tirukalikundram -near Madras:-- - - - Ve 1 rupee. - Da 2 rupees. - Gi 3 rupees. - Ri 4 rupees. - I 5 rupees. - Is 6 rupees. - Va 7 rupees. - Ra 8 rupees. - A 9 rupees. - Thu 10 rupees. - Nai 11 rupees. - - -The tens-of-rupees table is made up from the word Tirukalikundram:-- - - - Ti 10 rupees. - Ru 20 rupees. - Ik 30 rupees. - Ka 40 rupees. - Li 50 rupees. - Ik 60 rupees. - Ku 70 rupees. - In 80 rupees. - Ra 90 rupees. - Im 100 rupees. - - -An anna is sometimes called vanakkam; a rupee is known as velle -(white). - -Nattupattan.--A section of Ambalavasis. (See Unni.) - -Nattusamban.--Samban (a name of Siva) is a title of some Tamil -Paraiyans. Nattusamban denotes a village Paraiyan. - -Nattuvan.--Defined in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "an -occupational term, meaning a dancing-master, which is applied to males -of the dancing-girl castes, who teach dancing." At nautch parties, -when the Deva-dasis dance, the Nattuvans play the accompaniment on -the drum, bag-pipe, flute, clarionet, cymbals, etc. At the initiation -of a Kaikolan girl as a Deva-dasi, her dancing-master seats himself -behind her, and, grasping her legs, moves them up and down in time -with the music. Some Occhans in the Tamily country, who teach dancing -to Deva-dasis, are also called Nattuvan. - -Natuvili (middle).--A sub-division of Paraiyans in Travancore. - -Navakoti (nine crores).--An exogamous sept of Desur Reddi. A crore -is one hundred lakhs, i.e., 10,000,000. - -Navalipitta (peacock).--A sept of Jatapu. - -Navayat.--The Navayats or Navayets are summed up, in the Madras Census -Report, 1901, as "a Musalman tribe, which appears to have originally -settled at Bhatkal in North Canara, and is known on the west coast -as Bhatkali. The derivation of the name is much disputed. There are -five sub-divisions of the tribe, namely, Kureshi, Mehkeri, Chida, -Gheas, and Mohagir. It takes a high place among Musalmans, and does -not intermarry with other tribes." - -Of the Nevayets, the following account, based on the Saadut Nama, -and conversations with members of the community, is given by Colonel -Wilks. [116] "Nevayet is generally supposed to be a corruption of -the Hindustanee and Mahratta terms for new-comer. About the end of -the first century of the Hejira, or the early part of the eighth -century of the Christian era, Hejaj Bin Yusuf, Governor of Irak, on -the part of the Khalif Abd-al-Melik-bin-Merwan, a monster abhorred -for his cruelties even among Musalmans, drove some respectable and -opulent persons of the house of Hâshem to the desperate resolution -of abandoning for ever their native country. Aided by the good -offices of the inhabitants of Kufa, a town of celebrity in those -days, situated near to the tomb of Ali, west of the Euphrates, they -departed with their families, dependents, and effects, and embarked -on ships prepared for their reception in the Persian Gulf. Some of -these landed on that part of the western coast of India called the -Concan; the others to the eastward of Cape Comorin; the descendants -of the former are the Nevayets; of the latter the Lubbe. The Lubbe -pretend to one common origin with the Nevayets, and attribute their -black complexion to intermarriage with the natives; but the Nevayets -affirm that the Lubbe are the descendants of their domestic slaves; -and there is certainly, in the physiognomy of this very numerous class, -and in their stature and form, a strong resemblance to the natives -of Abyssinia. The Nevayets of the western coast preserved the purity -of their original blood by systematically avoiding intermarriage with -the Indians, and even with the highest Muhammadan families, for many -centuries after the establishment of the Musalman dynasties of the -Deckan. Even at this time there are some Nevayets whose complexions -approach the European freshness. Their adherence to each other as -members of the same family preserved their respectability; and they -were famed at the Muhammadan courts of the Deckan for uniting the -rare qualities of the soldier, the scholar, and the gentleman." - -Navutiyan.--A synonym of Velakkattalavan. - -Nayadi.--In the Malabar Manual, the Nayadis are briefly summed up -as follows. "Of the Nayadis, or lowest caste among the Hindus--the -dog-eaters--nothing definite is known. They are most persistent in -their clamour for charity, and will follow at a respectful distance, -for miles together, any person walking, driving, or boating. If -anything is given to them, it must be laid down, and, after the person -offering it has proceeded a sufficient distance, the recipient comes -timidly forward, and removes it." - -The subjects, whom I examined and measured at Shoranur, though living -only about three miles off, had, by reason of the pollution which -they traditionally carry with them, to avoid walking over the long -bridge which spans the river, and follow a circuitous route of many -miles. Eventually they had to climb, or be ignominiously hoisted over -the wall of the bungalow. Ignorant of the orthodox manner of using a -chair, the first victim of the craniometer, who had to sit while his -head was under examination, assumed the undignified position with which -Eton boys who have been swished are familiar. Measurements concluded, -men, women, and children sat down on the grass to an ample feast. And, -before they departed homeward, copious blessings were invoked on me, -to a chorus composed of the repetition of a single shrill note, not -unlike that of the first note of a jackal cry. To quote the newspaper -account of my doings, which refers to the 'monograms' issued by me on -matters ethnological: "In the evening the kind gentleman gave them a -sumptuous treat of canji and curry, and gave them also copper coins, -toddy, and arrack. The poor people left the place immensely pleased, -and were safely escorted to the British side of the river from the -Cochin territory." - -When travelling on the public roads in Malabar or Cochin, one may -observe a few ragged and dirty cloths spread near the road, with one -or two copper coins on them; and, at the same time, hear a chorus -of monotonous stentorian voices at a distance of a hundred yards or -more, emanating from a few miserable specimens of humanity, standing -ghost-like with dishevelled hair, and a long strip of leaves tied -round the waist, or clad in a dirty loin-cloth. The coins represent -the alms given by the charitably disposed traveller, and the persons -are Nayadis. I am told that, near Kollatur, there is a stone called -the Nayadi parai, which is believed to be a man who was turned into -stone for not giving alms to a Nayadi. - -The name Nayadi is equivalent to Nayattukar, i.e., hunter. The Nayadis -are, in fact, professional hunters, and are excellent shots. The -Nayars and other higher classes, used formerly to take them with -them on hunting and shooting expeditions. But, since the Arms Act -came into force, the Nayadis find this occupation gone. They are -also good archers, and used to kill deer, pigs, hares, etc., and -eat them. These animals are now difficult to get, as the forests are -reserved by Government, and private forests are denuded of their trees -for use as fuel, and for house-building by a growing population, -and for consumption on the railway. The suggestion has been made -that the name Nayadi is derived from the fact of their eating otters, -which live in hill streams, and are called nir-nai (water-dog). - -The approach of a Nayadi within a distance of three hundred feet -is said to contaminate a Brahman, who has to bathe and put on a new -sacred thread, to cleanse himself of the pollution. The Nayadis, in -fact, hold the lowest position in the social scale, and consequently -labour under the greatest disadvantage. - -The Nayadis live mostly in isolated huts on the tops of hills, -and generally select a shola, or glade, where there is a pond or -stream. Some families live on the land of their landlords, whose -crops they watch by night, to guard them against the attacks of wild -beasts. Sometimes they are engaged in ploughing, sowing, weeding, -transplanting, and reaping, the rice crop, or in plantain (banana) -gardens. I take exception to the comparison by a recent author of the -British Empire to the banana (Musa) throwing out aërial roots. The -banyan (Ficus bengalensis) must have been meant. - -The male members of the community are called Nayadis, and the -females Nayadichis. The boys are called Molayans, and the young girls -Manichis. Succession is in the male line (makkathayam). - -A thatched shed with palm-leaf walls, a few earthen pots, and a -chopper, constitute the Nayadi's property. He occasionally collects -honey and bees-wax, and also the gum (matti pasai) from the mattipal -tree (Ailanthus malabarica), which, when burnt, is used as temple -incense and for fumigating the bed-chamber. He receives toddy in -exchange for the honey and wax, and copper coins for the gum, with -which he purchases luxuries in the shape of salt, chillies, dried fish, -tobacco, and liquor. He makes rough ropes from the malanar plant, and -the bark of the kayyul tree (Bauhinia). The bark is soaked in water, -sun-dried, and the fibre manufactured into rope. He also makes slings -of fibre, wherewith he knocks over birds, and mats from a species -of Cyperus. - -According to custom, the Nayadi has to offer four ropes, each eight -yards long, to every Nambutiri illam, and two ropes to every Nayar -house near his settlement, on the occasion of the Vishu and Onam -festivals. In return he receives a fixed measure of paddy (rice). The -ropes are used for tethering cattle, and for drawing water from -the well. By a wise dispensation of the ancient local chieftains, -to each Nayadi is assigned a desom (portion of a parish), within -which he enjoys certain privileges. And no Nayadi has any business -to poach on his preserves. The privileges are these. On birthdays, -anniversaries, and festive occasions, the Nayadi receives his share -of curry and rice, tied up in an old cloth. When a person is sick, a -black country-made kambli (blanket), with gingelly (Sesamum), mustard, -turmeric, and cocoanut tied up in the four corners, is passed three -times over the patient and presented to a Nayadi, together with a -palm umbrella, a stick, and a cucumber. This is called kala-dhanam, -or offering to Yama, the god of death, whose attack has to be warded -off by propitiatory offerings. The Nayadi accepts the gifts, and -prays for the long life and prosperity of the giver. Placing them -before his own family god, he prays that the life of the sick person -may be spared, and that the disease may not be transferred to him. - -Like the Cherumans, the Nayadis drink, but they cannot afford to buy -as much toddy as the former, for the Cheruman works regularly for a -daily wage. Monkeys, which are very troublesome in gardens, are shot -down by the higher classes, and given to the Nayadis to eat. Their -dietary includes rats, mungooses, pigs, deer, paraquets, the koel -(cuckoo), doves, quails, fowls, paddy-birds, hares, tortoises, Varanus -(lizard), crocodiles, and fish. They abstain from eating the flesh of -dogs, cats, snakes, land-crabs, shell-fish, and beef. Among vegetables, -the tubers of yams (Dioscorea) and Colocasia are included. They produce -fire by friction with two sticks of Litsoea sebifera, in the shorter -of which a cavity is scooped out. They do not, like the Todas, put -powdered charcoal in the cavity, but ignite the cloth rag by means -of the red-hot wood dust produced by the friction. - -When a woman is pregnant, she craves for the flesh of a monkey or -jungle squirrel during the sixth month. During the seventh month, -a ceremony is performed, to relieve her of the influence of devils, -who may be troubling her. It is called ozhinnukalayuka. Abortion is -attributed to the malign influence of evil spirits. To ward off this, -they tie round the neck a magic thread, and invoke the aid of their -hill gods and the spirits of their ancestors. They erect a special -hut for delivery, to which the woman retires. When she is in labour, -her husband shampooes his own abdomen, while praying to the gods for -her safe delivery--a custom which seems to suggest the couvade. As -soon as his wife is delivered, he offers thanks to the gods "for -having got the baby out." The woman observes pollution for ten days, -during which her husband avoids seeing her. Any deformity in the child -is attributed to the evil influence of the gods. On the twenty-eighth -day after birth, the ceremony of naming the child takes place. The -name given to the first-born son is that of the paternal grandfather, -and to the first-born daughter that of the maternal grandmother. In the -fifth year, the ear-boring ceremony takes place, and the operation is -performed by the child's uncle. A piece of brass wire takes the place -of ear-rings. Girls wear a plug of wood in the lobes. The Nayadichis -do not, like the Cheruman women, wear bracelets, but have many rows -of beads round their necks, and hanging over their bosoms. - -When a girl reaches puberty, a Nayadichi leads her to a tank (pond), -in which she bathes, after a pandi, composed of several pieces of -plantain leaf tied together, has been carried three or four times -round her. She must not touch any utensils, and must abstain from -touching her head with the hand, and, if the skin itches, the body -must be scratched with a small stick. - -Concerning a very interesting form of marriage, Mr. T. K. Gopal -Panikkar writes as follows. [117] "A large hut is constructed of -'holly' and other leaves, inside which the girl is ensconced. Then -all the young men and women of the village gather round the hut, -and form a ring about it. The girl's father, or the nearest male -relative, sits a short distance from the crowd, with a tom-tom in his -hands. Then commences the music, and a chant is sung by the father, -which has been freely translated as follows:-- - - - Take the stick, my sweetest daughter, - Now seize the stick, my dearest love, - Should you not capture the husband you wish for, - Remember, 'tis fate decides whom you shall have. - - -"All the young men, who are eligible for marriage, arm themselves -with a stick each, and begin to dance round the hut, inside which -the bride is seated. This goes on for close on an hour, when each of -them thrusts his stick inside the hut through the leafy covering. The -girl has then to take hold of one of these sticks from the inside, -and the owner of the stick which she seizes becomes the husband of -the concealed bride. This ceremony is followed up by feasting, after -which the marriage is consummated." - -A photograph by Mr. F. Fawcett shows a young man with a ring hanging -round his neck, as a sign that he was still unattached. But he was -soon about to part with it, for a present of a rupee enabled him to -find a girl, and fix up a marriage, within two days. - -Adultery is regarded with abhorrence, and there is a belief that -those who are guilty of it are liable to be attacked by wild beasts -or demons. On the occasion of the marriage of a divorced woman's son -or daughter, the mother attends the festivities, if she receives a -cordial invitation from her children. But she does not look her former -husband straight in the face, and returns to her home the same evening. - -When a man lies at the point of death, it is usual to distribute -rice kanji to the people, who, after taking their fill, become -possessed with the power of predicting the fate in store for the sick -man. According as the taste of the kanji turns to that of a corpse, -or remains unaltered, the death or recovery of the patient is foretold -in their deep and loud voices. [118] The Nayadis either burn or bury -their dead. Several layers of stones are placed within the grave, and -its site is marked by three big stones, one in the middle, and one at -each end. The burnt ashes of the bones are collected, and preserved -in a pot, which is kept close to the hut of the deceased. Pollution -is observed for ten days, during which the enangan (relations by -marriage) cook for the mourners. On the tenth day, the sons of the -deceased go, together with their relations, to the nearest stream, -and bury the bones on the bank. The sons bathe, and perform beli, -so that the soul of the departed may enter heaven, and ghosts may not -trouble them. After the bath, a sand-heap, representing the deceased, -is constructed, and on it are placed a piece of plantain leaf, some -unboiled rice, and karuka grass (Cynodon Dactylon). Over these water -is poured twelve times, and the sons reverently prostrate themselves -before the heap. They then return home, and cow-dung, mixed with water, -is sprinkled over them by their relations, and poured over the floor -of the hut. In this manner they are purified. Some time during the -seventh month after death, according to another account, the grave, -in which the corpse has been buried, is dug up, and the bones are -carefully collected, and spread out on a layer of sticks arranged -on four stones placed at the corners of a pit. The bones are then -covered with more sticks, and the pile is lighted. The partially burnt -bones are subsequently collected by the eldest son of the deceased, -and carried to the hut in a new pot, which is tied to a branch of a -neighbouring tree. This rite concluded, he bathes, and, on his return, -the adiyanthiram (death ceremony) day is fixed. On this day, the eldest -son removes the pot, and buries it by the side of a stream, near which -a heap of sand is piled up. On this all the agnates pour water three -times, prostrate themselves before it, and disperse. The ceremony is -brought to a close with a square meal. Some time ago an old Nayadi, -who had the reputation of being a good shot, died. His son obtained -a handful of gunpowder from a gun-license holder, and set fire to it -near the grave, with a view to satisfying the soul of the deceased. - -The chief gods of the Nayadis are Mallan, Malavazhi, and Parakutti, -to whom offerings of toddy, rice, and the flesh of monkeys are -made. Parakutti it is who aids them in their hunting expeditions, -bringing the game to them, and protecting them from wild beasts. If -they do not succeed in bagging the expected game, they abuse him. - -The Nayadis are also ancestor worshippers, and keep representations -of the departed, to which offerings of rice and toddy are made during -the Onam, Vishu, and other festivals. Beneath a mango tree in a paramba -(garden) were forty-four stones set up in a circle round the tree. One -of the stones was a beli-kal (beli stone), such as is placed round -the inner shrines of temples. The remainder resembled survey stones, -but were smaller in size. The stones represented forty-four Nayadis, -who had left the world. On the ceremonial occasions referred to above, -a sheep or fowl is killed, and the blood allowed to fall on them, puja -(worship) is performed, and solemn prayers are offered that the souls -of the departed may protect them against wild beasts and snakes. A -Nayadi asserted that, if he came across a tiger, he would invoke the -aid of his ancestors, and the animal would be rendered harmless. - -Whenever the Nayadis labour under any calamity or disease, they -consult the Parayan astrologer. And, when a woman is possessed by -devils, the Parayan is summoned. He is furnished with a thread and -some toddy. Muttering certain prayers to Parakutti and other deities, -he ties the thread round the woman's neck, drinks the toddy, and the -devil leaves her. When a person is believed to be under the influence -of a devil or the evil eye, salt, chillies, tamarind, oil, mustard, -cocoanut, and a few pice (copper coins) in a vessel are waved thrice -round the head of the affected individual, and given to a Nayadi, -whose curse is asked for. There is this peculiarity about a Nayadi's -curse, that it always has the opposite effect. So, when he is asked -to curse one who has given him alms, he does so by invoking misery -and evil upon him. By the Nayadi money is called chembu kasu (copper -coin), food elamattam (exchange of leaves), and having no food nakkan -illa (nothing to lick on). As a protection against snake-bite, the -Nayadis wear a brass toe-ring. And, when engaged in catching rats -in their holes, they wear round the wrist a snake-shaped metal ring, -to render them safe against snakes which may be concealed in the hole. - -The Nayadis who live within the jurisdiction of the Kavalapara Nayar -near Shoranur wear the kudumi (front lock of hair), as there are no -Mappillas (Muhammadans) to molest them. The Kavalapara Nayar was -at one time an important chief, and directed all Nambutiri jenmis -(landlords) who held land within his jurisdiction to bind themselves -not to let the land to Mappillas. Nayadis of other parts are not -allowed by the Mappillas to wear the kudumi, and, if they do so, -they are taken for Parayans and professional sorcerers, and beaten. - -Some Nayadis have become converts to Christianity, others to -Muhammadanism, and maintain themselves by begging for alms from -Muhammadans. They are called Thoppyitta (cap-wearing) Nayadis. - -The priest of the Nayadis is called Muppan. His appointment is -hereditary, and he enquires into all matters affecting the community, -and can excommunicate a guilty person. [119] - -Average height, 155 cm.; nasal index, 86. - -Nayar.--"The Nayars," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [120] "are a Dravidian -caste, or rather a community, for we find several distinct elements -with totally different occupations among the people who call themselves -by this title. The original Nayars were undoubtedly a military body, -holding lands and serving as a militia, but the present Nayar caste -includes persons who, by hereditary occupation, are traders, artisans, -oilmongers, palanquin-bearers, and even barbers and washermen. The -fact seems to be that successive waves of immigration brought from the -Canarese and Tamil countries different castes and different tribes; and -these, settling down in the country, adopted the customs and manners, -and assumed the caste names of the more respectable of the community -that surrounded them. This process of assimilation is going on even -yet. Chettis of Coimbatore, for example, who settled in Palghat and -Valluvanad within living memory, have developed by this time into -Nayars. In the census schedules we find instances in which the males -of a house affix the term Nayar to their names, while the names of the -females end in Chettichi. Gollas entering the country from the north -have similarly, in course of time, assumed Nayar customs and manners, -and are now styled Nayars. Again the rajahs and chieftains of the -country sometimes raised individuals or classes who had rendered them -meritorious service to the rank of Nayars. These men were thereafter -styled Nayars, but formed a separate sub-division with little or no -communion with the rest of the Nayar class, until at least, after -the lapse of generations, when their origin was forgotten. Nayar may -thus at present be considered to be a term almost as wide and general -as Sudra." - -According to the Brahman tradition, the Nayar caste is the result of -union between the Nambudris with Deva, Gandharva and Rakshasa women -introduced by Parasurama; and this tradition embodies the undoubted -fact that the caste by its practice of hypergamy has had a very -large infusion of Aryan blood. In origin the Nayars were probably a -race of Dravidian immigrants, who were amongst the first invaders of -Malabar, and as conquerors assumed the position of the governing and -land-owning class. The large admixture of Aryan blood combined with -the physical peculiarities of the country would go far to explain -the very marked difference between the Nayar of the present day and -what may be considered the corresponding Dravidian races in the rest -of the Presidency. [121] - -In connection with the former position of the Nayars as protectors -of the State, it is noted by Mr. Logan [122] that "in Johnston's -'Relations of the most famous Kingdom in the world' (1611), there -occurs the following quaintly written account of this protector -guild. 'It is strange to see how ready the Souldiour of this country -is at his Weapons: they are all gentile men, and tearmed Naires. At -seven Years of Age they are put to School to learn the Use of their -Weapons, where, to make them nimble and active, their Sinnewes and -Joints are stretched by skilful Fellows, and annointed with the Oyle -Sesamus [gingelly: Sesamum indicum]: By this annointing they become -so light and nimble that they will winde and turn their Bodies as -if they had no Bones, casting them forward, backward, high and low, -even to the Astonishment of the Beholders. Their continual Delight -is in their Weapon, perswading themselves that no Nation goeth beyond -them in Skill and Dexterity.' And Jonathan Duncan, who visited Malabar -more than once as one of the Commissioners from Bengal in 1792-93, -and afterwards as Governor of Bombay, after quoting the following -lines from Mickle's Camoens, Book VII-- - - - 'Poliar the labouring lower clans are named: - By the proud Nayrs the noble rank is claimed; - The toils of culture and of art they scorn: - The shining faulchion brandish'd in the right-- - Their left arm wields the target in the fight'-- - - -went on to observe: 'These lines, and especially the two last, contain -a good description of a Nayr, who walks along, holding up his naked -sword with the same kind of unconcern as travellers in other countries -carry in their hands a cane or walking staff. I have observed others -of them have it fastened to their back, the hilt being stuck in their -waist band, and the blade rising up and glittering between their -shoulders' (Asiatic Researches, V. 10, 18). M. Mahé de la Bourdonnais, -who had some experience of their fighting qualities in the field, -thus described them: 'Les Nairs sont de grands hommes basanés, légers, -et vigoureux: Ils n'ont pas d'autre profession que celle des armes, -et seraient de fort bons soldats, s'ils étiaent disciplinés: mais ils -combattent sans ordre, ils prennent la fuite dès qu'on les serre de -près avec quelque supèrioritê; pourtant, s'ils se voient pressés avec -vigueur et qu'ils se croient en danger, ils reviennent à la charge, -et ne se rendent jamais' (M. Esquer, Essai sur les Castes dans l'Inde, -page 181). Finally, the only British General of any note--Sir Hector -Munro--who had ever to face the Nayars in the field, thus wrote of -their modes of fighting:-- - -'One may as well look for a needle in a Bottle of Hay as any of them in -the daytime, they being lurking behind sand banks and bushes, except -when we are marching towards the Fort, and then they appear like bees -out in the month of June.' 'Besides which,' he continued, 'they point -their guns well, and fire them well also.' (Tellicherry Factory Diary, -March, 1761). They were, in short, brave light troops, excellent in -skirmishing, but their organization into small bodies with discordant -interests unfitted them to repel any serious invasion by an enemy -even moderately well organised. Among other strange Malayali customs, -Sheikh Zin-ud-din [123] noticed the fact that, if a chieftain was -slain, his followers attacked and obstinately persevered in ravaging -the slayer's country, and killing his people till their vengeance was -satisfied. This custom is doubtless that which was described so long -ago as in the ninth century A.D. by two Muhammadans, whose work was -translated by Renaudot (Lond., 1733). 'There are kings who, upon their -accession, observe the following ceremony. A quantity of cooked rice -was spread before the king, and some three or four hundred persons -came of their own accord, and received each a small quantity of rice -from the king's own hands after he himself had eaten some. By eating of -this rice they all engage themselves to burn themselves on the day the -king dies or is slain, and they punctually fulfil their promise.' Men, -who devoted themselves to certain death on great occasions, were termed -Amoucos by the Portuguese; and Barbosa, one of the Portuguese writers, -alluded to the practice as prevalent among the Nayars. Purchas has also -the following:--'The king of Cochin hath a great number of Gentlemen, -which he calleth Amocchi, and some are called Nairi: these two sorts of -men esteem not their lives anything, so that it may be for the honour -of the king.' The proper Malayalam term for such men was Chaver, -literally those who took up, or devoted themselves to death. It was -a custom of the Nayars, which was readily adopted by the Mappillas, -who also at times--as at the great Mahamakkam, twelfth year feast, -at Tirunavayi [124]--devoted themselves to death in the company of -Nayars for the honour of the Valluvanad Raja. And probably the frantic -fanatical rush of the Mappillas on British bayonets, which is not even -yet a thing of the past, is the latest development of this ancient -custom of the Nayars. The martial spirit of the Nayars in these piping -times of peace has quite died out for want of exercise. The Nayar -is more and more becoming a family man. Comparatively few of them -now-a-days even engage in hunting." According to an inscription of the -King Kulottunga I (A.D. 1083-84), he conquered Kudamalai-Nadu, i.e., -the western hill country (Malabar), whose warriors, the ancestors of -the Nayars of the present day, perished to the last man in defending -their independence. [125] - -The following description of the Nayars at the beginning of the -sixteenth century is given by Duarte Barbosa. [126] "The Nairs are -the gentry, and have no other duty than to carry on war, and they -continually carry their arms with them, which are swords, bows, arrows, -bucklers, and lances. They all live with the kings, and some of them -with other lords, relations of the kings, and lords of the country, -and with the salaried governors, and with one another. They are very -smart men, and much taken up with their nobility.... These Nairs, -besides being all of noble descent, have to be armed as knights by -the hand of a king or lord with whom they live, and until they have -been so equipped they cannot bear arms nor call themselves Nairs.... In -general, when they are seven years of age, they are immediately sent to -school to learn all manner of feats of agility and gymnastics for the -use of their weapons. First they learn to dance and then to tumble, -and for that purpose they render supple all their limbs from their -childhood, so that they can bend them in any direction.... These -Nairs live outside the towns separate from other people on their -estates which are fenced in. When they go anywhere, they shout to the -peasants, that they may get out of the way where they have to pass; -and the peasants do so, and, if they did not do it, the Nairs might -kill them without penalty. And, if a peasant were by misfortune to -touch a Nair lady, her relations would immediately kill her, and -likewise the man that touched her and all his relations. This, they -say, is done to avoid all opportunity of mixing the blood with that of -the peasants.... These are very clean and well-dressed women, and they -hold it in great honour to know how to please men. They have a belief -amongst them that the woman who dies a virgin does not go to paradise." - -Writing in the eighteenth century, Hamilton states [127] that "it was -an ancient custom for the Samorin (Zamorin) to reign but twelve years, -and no longer. If he died before his term was expired, it saved him -a troublesome ceremony of cutting his own throat on a public scaffold -erected for that purpose. He first made a feast for all his nobility -and gentry, who were very numerous. After the feast he saluted his -guests, went on the scaffold, and very neatly cut his own throat -in the view of the assembly. His body was, a little while after, -burned with great pomp and ceremony, and the grandees elected a new -Samorin. Whether that custom was a religious or a civil ceremony -I know not, but it is now laid aside, and a new custom is followed -by the modern Samorin, that a jubilee is proclaimed throughout his -dominion at the end of twelve years, and a tent is pitched for him in -a spacious plain, and a great feast is celebrated for ten or twelve -days with mirth and jollity, guns firing night and day, so at the -end of the feast any four of the guests that have a mind to gain a -crown by a desperate action in fighting their way through thirty or -forty thousand of his guards, and kill the Samorin in his tent, he -that kills him succeeds him in his empire. In Anno 1695 one of these -jubilees happened, and the tent pitched near Ponnany, a sea-port of -his about fifteen leagues to the southward of Calicut. There were but -three men that would venture on that desperate action, who fell on, -with sword and target, among the guards, and, after they had killed -and wounded many, were themselves killed. One of the desperadoes -had a nephew of fifteen or sixteen years of age that kept close by -his uncle in the attack on the guards, and, when he saw him fall, -the youth got through the guards into the tent, and made a stroke -at his Majesty's head, and had certainly dispatched him if a large -brass lamp which was burning over his head had not marred the blow, -but, before he could make another, he was killed by the guards, -and I believe the same Samorin reigns yet." - -It is noted by Sonnerat [128] that the Nayars "are the warriors; they -have also the privilege of enjoying all the women of their caste. Their -arms, which they constantly carry, distinguish them from the other -tribes. They are besides known by their insolent haughtiness. When they -perceive pariahs, they call out to them, even at a great distance, -to get out of their way, and, if any one of these unfortunate people -approaches too near a Nair, and through inadvertence touches him, -the Nair has a right to murder him, which is looked upon as a very -innocent action, and for which no complaint is ever made. It is true -that the pariahs have one day in the year when all the Nairs they -can touch become their slaves, but the Nairs take such precautions to -keep out of the way at the time, that an accident of that kind seldom -happens." It is further recorded by Buchanan [129] that "the whole of -these Nairs formed the militia of Malayala, directed by the Namburis -and governed by the Rajahs. Their chief delight is in arms, but they -are more inclined to use them for assassination or surprise, than in -the open field. Their submission to their superiors was great, but they -exacted deference from those under them with a cruelty and arrogance, -rarely practised but among Hindus in their state of independence. A -Nair was expected to instantly cut down a Tiar or Mucuai, who presumed -to defile him by touching his person; and a similar fate awaited a -slave, who did not turn out of the road as a Nair passed." - -Nayar is commonly said to be derived from the Sanskrit Nayaka, a -leader, and to be cognate with Naik, and Nayudu or Naidu. In this -connection, Mr. L. Moore writes [130] that "if a reference is made -to the Anglo-Indian Glossary (Hobson-Jobson) by Yule and Burnell, it -will be found that the term Naik or Nayakan, and the word Nayar are -derived from the same Sanskrit original, and there is a considerable -amount of evidence to show that the Nayars of Malabar are closely -connected by origin with the Nayakans of Vijayanagar. [131] Xavier, -writing in 1542 to 1544, makes frequent references to men whom he -calls Badages, who are said to have been collectors of royal taxes, -and to have grievously oppressed Xavier's converts among the fishermen -of Travancore. [132] Dr. Caldwell, alluding to Xavier's letters, says -[133] that these Badages were no doubt Vadages or men from the North, -and is of opinion that a Jesuit writer of the time who called them -Nayars was mistaken, and that they were really Nayakans from Madura. I -believe, however, that the Jesuit rightly called them Nayars, for I -find that Father Organtino, writing in 1568, speaks of these Badages -as people from Narasinga (a kingdom north of Madura, lying close to -Bishnaghur). [134] Bishnaghur is, of course, Vijayanagar, and the -kingdom of Narasinga was the name frequently given by the Portuguese -to Vijayanagar. Almost every page of Mr. Sewell's interesting book on -Vijayanagar bears testimony to the close connection between Vijayanagar -and the West Coast. Dr. A. C. Burnell tells us that the kings who ruled -Vijayanagar during the latter half of the fourteenth century belonged -to a low non-Aryan caste, namely, that of Canarese cow-herds. [135] -They were therefore closely akin to the Nayars, one of the leading -Rajas among whom at the present time, although officially described -as a Samanta, is in reality of the Eradi, i.e., cow-herd caste. [136] -It is remarkable that Colonel (afterwards Sir Thomas) Munro, in the -memorandum written by him in 1802 [137] on the Poligars of the Ceded -Districts, when dealing with the cases of a number of Poligars who -were direct descendants of men who had been chiefs under the kings -of Vijayanagar, calls them throughout his report Naique or Nair, -using the two names as if they were identical. Further investigation -as to the connection of the Nayars of Malabar with the kingdom of -Vijayanagar would, I believe, lead to interesting results." In the -Journal of the Hon. John Lindsay (1783) it is recorded [138] that "we -received information that our arms were still successful on the Malabar -coast, and that our army was now advancing into the inland country; -whilst the Nayars and Polygars that occupy the jungles and mountains -near Seringapatam, thinking this a favourable opportunity to regain -their former independence, destroyed the open country, and committed -as many acts of barbarity as Hyder's army had done in the Carnatic." - -"Some," Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar writes in a note on the Nayars of -Travancore, "believe that Nayar is derived from Naga (serpents), -as the Aryans so termed the earlier settlers of Malabar on account -of the special adoration which they paid to snakes. The Travancore -Nayars are popularly known as Malayala Sudras--a term which contrasts -them sharply with the Pandi or foreign Sudras, of whom a large -number immigrated into Travancore in later times. Another name by -which Nayars are sometimes known is Malayali, but other castes, -which have long inhabited the Malayalam country, can lay claim to -this designation with equal propriety. The most general title of -the Nayars is Pillai (child), which was once added to the names -of the Brahman dwellers in the south. It must, in all probability, -have been after the Brahmans changed their title to Aiyar (father), -by which name the non-Brahman people invariably referred to them, -that Sudras began to be termed Pillai. We find that the Vellalas -of the Tamil country and the Nayars of Travancore called themselves -Pillai from very early times. The formal ceremony of paying down a -sum of money, and obtaining a distinction direct from the Sovereign -was known as tirumukham pitikkuka, or catching the face of the king, -and enabled the recipients to add, besides the honorary suffix Pillai, -the distinctive prefix Kanakku, or accountant, to their name. So -important were the privileges conferred by it that even Sanku Annavi, -a Brahman Dalava, obtained it at the hand of the reigning Maharaja, -and his posterity at Vempannur have enjoyed the distinction until the -present day. The titles Pillai and Kanakku are never used together. The -name of an individual would be, for example, either Krishna Pillai -or Kanakku Raman Krishnan, Raman being the name of the Karanavan or -the maternal uncle. A higher title, Chempakaraman, corresponds to the -knighthood of mediæval times, and was first instituted by Maharaja -Marthanda Varma in memory, it is said, of his great Prime Minister -Rama Aiyyan Dalawa. The individual, whom it was the king's pleasure to -honour, was taken in procession on the back of an elephant through the -four main streets of the fort, and received by the Prime Minister, -seated by his side, and presented with pansupari (betel). Rare as -this investiture is in modern times, there are many ancient houses, -to which this title of distinction is attached in perpetuity. The -title Kanakku is often enjoyed with it, the maternal uncle's name -being dropped, e.g., Kanakku Chempakaraman Krishnan. Tambi (younger -brother) is another title prevalent in Travancore. It is a distinctive -suffix to the names of Nayar sons of Travancore Sovereigns. But, in -ancient times, this title was conferred on others also, in recognition -of merit. Tambis alone proceed in palanquins, and appear before the -Maharaja without a head-dress. The consorts of Maharajas are selected -from these families. If a lady from outside is to be accepted as -consort, she is generally adopted into one of these families. The -title Karta, or doer, appears also to have been used as a titular -name by some of the rulers of Madura. [At the Madras census, 1901, -Kartakkal was returned by Balijas claiming to be descendants of the -Nayak kings of Madura and Tanjore.] The Tekkumkur and Vadakkumkur -Rajas in Malabar are said to have first conferred the title Karta on -certain influential Nayar families. In social matters the authority -of the Karta was supreme, and it was only on important points that -higher authorities were called on to intercede. All the Kartas belong -to the Illam sub-division of the Nayar caste. The title Kuruppu, though -assumed by other castes than Nayars, really denotes an ancient section -of the Nayars, charged with various functions. Some were, for instance, -instructors in the use of arms, while others were superintendents of -maid-servants in the royal household. Writing concerning the Zamorin of -Calicut about 1500 A.D., Barbosa states that "the king has a thousand -waiting women, to whom he gives regular pay, and they are always at -the court to sweep the palaces and houses of the king, and he does -this for the State, because fifty would be enough to sweep." When -a Maharaja of Travancore enters into a matrimonial alliance, it is -a Kuruppu who has to call out the full title of the royal consort, -Panappillai Amma, after the presentation of silk and cloth has been -performed. The title Panikkar is derived from pani, work. It was the -Panikkars who kept kalaris, or gymnastic and military schools, but in -modern times many Panikkars have taken to the teaching of letters. Some -are entirely devoted to temple service, and are consequently regarded -as belonging to a division of Marans, rather than of Nayars. The -title Kaimal is derived from kai, hand, signifying power. In former -times, some Kaimals were recognised chieftains, e.g., the Kaimal -of Vaikkattillam in North Travancore. Others were in charge of the -royal treasury, which, according to custom, could not be seen even -by the kings except in their presence. "Neither could they," Barbosa -writes, "take anything out of the treasury without a great necessity, -and by the counsel of this person and certain others." The titles -Unnithan and Valiyathan were owned by certain families in Central -Travancore, which were wealthy and powerful. They were to some extent -self-constituted justices of the peace, and settled all ordinary -disputes arising in the kara where they dwelt. The title Menavan, -or Menon, means a superior person, and is derived from mel, above, -and avan he. The recipient of the title held it for his lifetime, or -it was bestowed in perpetuity on his family, according to the amount -of money paid down as atiyara. As soon as an individual was made a -Menon, he was presented with an ola (palmyra leaf for writing on) -and an iron style as symbols of the office of accountant, which he was -expected to fill. In British Malabar even now every amsam or revenue -village has an accountant or writer called Menon. The title Menokki, -meaning one who looks over or superintends, is found only in British -Malabar, as it was exclusively a creation of the Zamorin. [They are, -I gather, accountants in temples.] - -"There are numerous sub-divisions comprised under the general head -Nayar, of which the most important, mentioned in vernacular books, -are Kiriyam, Illam, Svarupam, Itacheri or Idacheri, Pallichan, -Ashtikkurichchi, Vattakatan, Otatu, Pulikkal, Vyapari, Vilakkitalavan, -and Veluthetan. Of these Ashtikkurichchi and Pulikkal are divisions -of Maran, Vyapari is a division of Chettis, and Vilakkitalavan and -Veluthetan are barbers and washermen respectively. - -"The chief divisions of Nayars, as now recognised, are as follows:-- - -1. Kiriyam, a name said to be a corruption of the Sanskrit griha, -meaning house. This represents the highest class, the members of which -were, in former times, not obliged to serve Brahmans and Kshatriyas. - -2. Illakkar.--The word illam indicates a Nambutiri Brahman's house, -and tradition has it that every illam family once served an illam. But, -in mediæval times, any Nayar could get himself recognised as belonging -to the Illam division, provided that a certain sum of money, called -adiyara, was paid to the Government. The Illakkar are prohibited -from the use of fish, flesh, and liquor, but the prohibition is not -at the present day universally respected. In some parts of Malabar, -they have moulded many of their habits in the truly Brahmanical style. - -3. Svarupakkar.--Adherents of the Kshatriya families of Travancore. The -members of the highest group, Parur Svarupam, have their purificatory -rites performed by Marans. It is stated that they were once the -Illakkar servants of one Karuttetathu Nambutiri, who was the feudal -lord of Parur, and afterwards became attached to the royal household -which succeeded to that estate, thus becoming Parur Svarupakkar. - -4. Padamangalam and Tamil Padam were not originally Nayars, -but immigrants from the Tamil country. They are confined to a few -localities in Travancore, and until recently there was a distinctive -difference in regard to dress and ornaments between the Tamil Padam -and the ordinary Nayars. The occupation of the Padamangalakkar is -temple service, such as sweeping, carrying lamps during processions, -etc. The Tamil Padakkar are believed to have taken to various kinds -of occupation, and, for this reason, to have become merged with -other sections. - -5. Vathi or Vatti.--This name is not found in the Jatinirnaya, -probably because it had not been differentiated from Maran. The -word is a corruption of vazhti, meaning praying for happiness, and -refers to their traditional occupation. They use a peculiar drum, -called nantuni. Some call themselves Daivampatis, or wards of God, -and follow the makkathayam system of inheritance (in the male line). - -6. Itacheri or Idacheri, also called Pantaris in South Travancore. They -are herdsmen, and vendors of milk, butter and curds. The name suggests -a relation of some kind to the Idaiyan caste of the Tamil country. - -7. Karuvelam, known also by other names, such as Kappiyara and -Tiruvattar. Their occupation is service in the palace of the Maharaja, -and they are the custodians of his treasury and valuables. Fifty-two -families are believed to have been originally brought from Kolathanad, -when a member thereof was adopted into the Travancore royal family. - -8. Arikuravan.--A name, meaning those who reduced the quantity of rice -out of the paddy given to them to husk at the temple of Kazhayakkuttam -near Trivandrum, by which they were accosted by the local chieftain. - -9. Pallichchan.--Bearers of palanquins for Brahmans and Malabar -chieftains. They are also employed as their attendants, to carry -their sword and shield before them. - -10. Vandikkaran.--A name, meaning cartmen, for those who supply fuel -to temples, and cleanse the vessels belonging thereto. - -11. Kuttina.--The only heiress of a Svarupam tarwad is said to -have been a maid-servant in the Vadakketam Brahman's house, and her -daughter's tali-kettu ceremony to have been celebrated in her master's -newly-built cowshed. The bride was called kuttilachchi, or bride -in a cowshed, and her descendants were named Kuttina Nayars. They -intermarry among themselves, and, having no priests of their own, -obtain purified water from Brahmans to remove the effects of pollution. - -12. Matavar.--Also known as Puliyattu, Veliyattu, and Kallur -Nayars. They are believed to have been good archers in former times. - -13. Otatu, also called Kusa. Their occupation is to tile or thatch -temples and Brahman houses. - -14. Mantalayi.--A tract of land in the Kalkulam taluk, called -Mantalachchi Konam, was granted to them by the State. They are paid -mourners, and attend at the Trivandrum palace when a death occurs in -the royal family. - -15. Manigramam.--Believed to represent Hindu recoveries from early -conversion to Christianity. Manigramam was a portion of Cranganore, -where early Christian immigrants settled. - -16. Vattaykkatan, better known in Travancore as Chakala Nayars, form -in many respects the lowest sub-division. They are obliged to stand -outside the sacrificial stones (balikallu) of a sanctuary, and are not -allowed to take the title Pillai. Pulva is a title of distinction among -them. One section of them is engaged in the hereditary occupation of -oil-pressing, and occupies a lower position in the social scale than -the other." - -The following list of "clans" among the Nayars of Malabar whom he -examined anthropometrically is given by Mr. F. Fawcett [139]:-- - - - Kiriyattil. Vangiloth. - Sudra. Kitavu. - Kurup. Pallichan. - Nambiyar. Muppathinayiran. - Urali. Viyapari or Ravari. - Nallioden. Attikurissi. - Viyyur. Manavalan. - Akattu Charna. Adungadi. - Purattu Charna. Adiodi. - Vattakkad. Amayengolam. - - -"The Kurup, Nambiyar Viyyur, Manavalan, Vengolan, Nellioden, -Adungadi, Kitavu, Adiodi, Amayengolam, all superior clans, -belong, properly speaking, to North Malabar. The Kiriyattil, -or Kiriyam, is the highest of all the clans in South Malabar, -and is supposed to comprise, or correspond with the group of -clans first named from North Malabar. The Akattu Charna clan is -divided into two sub-clans, one of which looks to the Zamorin -as their lord, and the other owns lordship to minor lordlings, -as the Tirumulpad of Nilambur. The former are superior, and a -woman of the latter may mate with a man of the former, but not -vice versâ. In the old days, every Nayar chief had his Charnavar, -or adherents. The Purattu Charna are the outside adherents, -or fighters and so on, and the Akattu Charna are the inside -adherents--clerks and domestics. The clan from which the former -were drawn is superior to the latter. The Uralis are said to have -been masons; the Pallichans manchil bearers. [140] The Sudra -clan supplies female servants in the houses of Nambudiris. The -Vattakkad (or Chakkingal: chakku, oil press) clan, whose proper -métier is producing gingelly or cocoanut oil with the oil-mill, -is the lowest of all, excepting, I think, the Pallichan. Indeed, -in North Malabar, I have frequently been told by Nayars of the -superior clans that they do not admit the Vattakkad to be Nayars, -and say that they have adopted the honorary affix Nayars to -their names quite recently. There is some obscurity as regards -the sub-divisions of the Vattakkad clan. To the north of Calicut, -in Kurumbranad, they are divided into the Undiatuna, or those who -pull (to work the oil-machine by hand), and the Murivechchu-atune, -or those who tie or fasten bullocks, to work the oil-machine. Yet -further north, at Tellicherry and thereabouts, there are no -known sub-divisions, while in Ernad, to the eastward, the clan -is divided into the Veluttatu (white) and Karuttatu (black). The -white have nothing to do with the expression and preparation of -oil, which is the hereditary occupation of the black. The white -may eat with Nayars of any clan; the black can eat with no others -outside their own clan. The black sub-clan is strictly endogamous; -the other, the superior sub-clan, is not. Their women may marry -men of any other clan, the Pallichchan excepted. Union by marriage, -or whatever the function may be named, is permissible between most -of the other clans, the rule by which a woman may never unite -herself with her inferior being always observed. She may unite -herself with a man of her own clan, or with a man of any superior -clan, or with a Nambutiri, an Embrantiri, or any other Brahman, -or with one of the small sects coming between the Brahmans and -the Nayars. But she cannot under any circumstances unite herself -with a man of a clan, which is inferior to hers. Nor can she eat -with those of a clan inferior to her; a man may, and does without -restriction. Her children by an equal in race and not only in mere -social standing, but never those by one who is racially inferior, -belong to her taravad. [141] The children of the inferior mothers -are never brought into the taravad of the superior fathers, -i.e., they are never brought into it to belong to it, but they -may live there. And, where they do so, they cannot enter the -taravad kitchen, or touch the women while they are eating. Nor -are they allowed to touch their father's corpse. They may live -in the taravad under these and other disabilities, but are never -of it. The custom, which permits a man to cohabit with a woman -lower in the social scale than himself, and prohibits a woman from -exercising the same liberty, is called the rule of anulomam and -pratilomam. Dr. Gundert derives anulomam from anu, with lomam -(romam), hair, or going with the hair or grain. So pratilomam -means going against the hair or grain. According to this usage, -a Nayar woman, consorting with a man of a higher caste, follows -the hair, purifies the blood, and raises the progeny in social -estimation. By cohabitation with a man of a lower division (clan) -or caste, she is guilty of pratilomam, and, if the difference of -caste were admittedly great, she would be turned out of her family, -to prevent the whole family being boycotted. A corollary of this -custom is that a Nambutiri Brahman father cannot touch his own -children by his Nayar consort without bathing afterwards to remove -pollution. The children in the marumakkatayam family belong, -of course, to their mother's family, clan, and caste. They are -Nayars, not Nambutiris. The Nayars of North Malabar are held to -be superior all along the line, clan for clan, to those of South -Malabar, which is divided from the north by the river Korapuzha, -seven miles north of Calicut, so that a woman of North Malabar -would not unite herself to a man of her own clan name of South -Malabar. A Nayar woman of North Malabar cannot pass northward -beyond the frontier; she cannot pass the hills to the eastward; and -she cannot cross the Korapuzha to the south. It is tabu. The women -of South Malabar are similarly confined by custom, breach of which -involves forfeiture of caste. To this rule there is an exception, -and of late years the world has come in touch with the Malayali, -who nowadays goes to the University, studies medicine and law in -the Presidency town (Madras), or even in far off England. Women -of the relatively inferior Akattu Charna clan are not under quite -the same restrictions as regards residence as are those of most -of the other clans; so, in these days of free communications, when -Malayalis travel, and frequently reside far from their own country, -they often prefer to select wives from this Akattu Charna clan. But -the old order changeth everywhere, and nowadays Malayalis who are in -the Government service, and obliged to reside far away from Malabar, -and a few who have taken up their abode in the Presidency town, -have wrenched themselves free of the bonds of custom, and taken with -them their wives who are of clans other than the Akattu Charna. The -interdiction to travel, and the possible exception to it in the case of -Akattu Charna women, has been explained to me in this way. The Nayar -woman observes pollution for three days during menstruation. While -in her period, she may not eat or drink with any other member of the -taravad, and on the fourth day she must be purified. Purification is -known as mattu (change), and it is effected by the washerwoman, who, -in some parts of South Malabar, is of the Mannan or Vannan caste, -whose métier is to wash for the Nayars and Nambutiris, but who is, -as a rule, the washerwoman of the Tiyan caste, giving her, after -her bath, one of her own cloths to wear (mattu, change of raiment) -instead of the soiled cloth, which she takes away to wash. Pollution, -which may come through a death in the family, through child-birth, -or menstruation, must be removed by mattu. Until it is done, the woman -is out of caste. It must be done in the right way at the right moment, -under pain of the most unpleasant social consequences. How that the -influential rural local magnate wreaks vengeance on a taravad by -preventing the right person giving mattu to the women is well known -in Malabar. He could not, with all the sections of the Penal Code at -his disposal, inflict greater injury. Now the Nayar woman is said to -feel compelled to remain in Malabar, or within her own part of it, -in order to be within reach of mattu. My informant tells me that, -the Vannan caste being peculiar to Malabar, the Nayar women cannot go -where these are not to be found, and that mattu must be done by one -of that caste. But I know, from my own observation in the most truly -conservative localities, in Kurumbranad for example, where the Nayar -has a relative superiority, that the washerman is as a rule a Tiyan; -and I cannot but think that the interdiction has other roots than -those involved in mattu. It does not account for the superstition -against crossing water, which has its counterparts elsewhere in the -world. The origin of the interdiction to cross the river southwards -has been explained to me as emanating from a command of the Kolatirri -Rajah in days gone by, when, the Arabs having come to the country about -Calicut, there was a chance of the women being seized and taken as -wives. The explanation is somewhat fanciful. The prohibition to cross -the river to the northwards is supposed to have originated in much -the same way. As bearing on this point, I may mention that the Nayar -women living to the east of Calicut cannot cross the river backwater, -and come into the town." It may be noted in this connection that the -Paikara river on the Nilgiri hills is sacred to the Todas, and, for -fear of mishap from arousing the wrath of the river-god, a pregnant -Toda woman will not venture to cross it. No Toda will use the river -water for any purpose, and they do not touch it, unless they have to -ford it. They then walk through it, and, on reaching the opposite bank, -bow their heads. Even when they walk over the Paikara bridge, they -take their hands out of the putkuli (body-cloth) as a mark of respect. - -The complexity of the sub-divisions among the Nayars in North Malabar -is made manifest by the following account thereof in the Gazetteer of -Malabar. "There are exogamous sub-divisions (perhaps corresponding to -original tarwads) called kulams, and these are grouped to form the -sub-castes which are usually endogamous. It is quite impossible to -attempt a complete account of the scheme, but to give some idea of -its nature one example may be taken, and dealt with in some detail; -and for this purpose the portion of Kurumbranad known as Payyanad -will serve. This is the country between the Kottapuzha and Porapuzha -rivers, and is said to have been given by a Raja of Kurumbranad to -a certain Ambadi Kovilagam Tamburatti (the stanam or title of the -senior lady of the Zamorin Raja's family). In this tract or nad there -were originally six stanis or chieftains, who ruled, under the Raja, -with the assistance, or subject to the constitutional control, of four -assemblies of Nayars called Kuttams. Each kuttam had its hereditary -president. In this tract there are seven groups of kulams. The highest -includes twelve kulams, Vengalat, Pattillat, Viyyur, Nelliot, Atunkudi, -Amayangalat, Nelloli, Nilancheri, Rendillat, Pulliyani, Orakatteri, -and Venmeri. Of these, the Pattillat and Rendillat (members of the -ten and members of the two illams or houses) affix the title Adiyodi -to their names, the last three affix the title Nambiyar, and the rest -affix Nayar. Of the six stanis already mentioned, three, with the title -of Adiyodi, belong to the Vengalat kulam, while two of the presidents -of kuttams belonged to the Pattillat kulam. The younger members of -the stani houses are called kidavu. It is the duty of women of Viyyur -and Nelliot kulams to join in the bridal procession of members of the -Vengalat kulam, the former carrying lamps, and the latter salvers -containing flowers, while the Rendillat Adiyodis furnish cooks to -the same class. Pattillat Adiyodis and Orakatteri Nambiyars observe -twelve days' pollution, while all the other kulams observe fifteen. The -second group consists of six kulams, Eravattur, Ara-Eravattur (or half -Eravattur), and Attikodan Nayars, Tonderi Kidavus, Punnan Nambiyars, -and Menokkis. All these observe fifteen days' pollution. The third -group consists of three kulams, Taccholi to which the remaining -three stanis belong, Kotholi, and Kuruvattancheri. All affix Nayar to -their names, and observe fifteen days' pollution. The fourth group -consists of three kulams, Peruvanian Nambiyars, Chelladan Nayars, -and Vennapalan Nayars. All three observe fifteen days' pollution. The -name Peruvanian means great or principal oil-man; and it is the duty of -this caste to present the Kurumbranad Raja with oil on the occasion of -his formal installation. The fifth group consists of the three kulams, -Mannangazhi, Paramchela, and Pallikara Nayars, all observing fifteen -days' pollution. A member of the first-named class has to place an -amanapalaga (the traditional seat of Nambudiris and other high castes) -for the Kurumbranad Raja to sit on at the time of his installation, -while a member of the second has to present him with a cloth on -the same occasion. The sixth group consists of four kiriyams named -Patam, Tulu, Manan, and Ottu respectively, and has the collective -name of Ravari. The seventh group consists of six kulams, Kandon, -Kannankodan, Kotta, Karumba, Kundakollavan, and Panakadan Nayars. All -observe fifteen days' pollution, and the women of these six kulams -have certain duties to perform in connection with the purification -of women of the Vengalat, Pattillat, and Orakatteri kulams. Besides -these seven groups, there are a few other classes without internal -sub-divisions. One such class is known as Pappini Nayar. A woman of -this class takes the part of the Brahmini woman (Nambissan) at the -tali-kettu kalyanam of girls belonging to the kulams included in the -third group. Another class called Palattavan takes the place of the -Attikurissi Nayar at the funeral ceremonies of the same three kulams." - -In illustration of the custom of polyandry among the Nayars of -Malabar in by-gone days, the following extracts may be quoted. "On -the continent of India," it is recorded in Ellis' edition of the -Kural, "polyandry is still said to be practiced in Orissa, and among -particular tribes in other parts. In Malayalam, as is well known, the -vision of Plato in his ideal republic is more completely realised, the -women among the Nayars not being restricted to family or number, but, -after she has been consecrated by the usual rites before the nuptial -fire, in which ceremony any indifferent person may officiate as the -representative of her husband, being in her intercourse with the other -sex only restrained by her inclinations; provided that the male with -whom she associates be of an equal or superior tribe. But it must be -stated, for the glory of the female character, that, notwithstanding -the latitude thus given to the Nayattis, and that they are thus left -to the guidance of their own free will and the play of their own -fancy (which in other countries has not always been found the most -efficient check on the conduct of either sex), it rarely happens that -they cohabit with more than one person at the same time. Whenever the -existing connexion is broken, whether from incompatibility of temper, -disgust, caprice, or any of the thousand vexations by which from the -frailty of nature domestic happiness is liable to be disturbed, the -woman seeks another lover, the man another mistress. But it mostly -happens that the bond of paternity is here, as elsewhere, too strong -to be shaken off, and that the uninfluenced and uninterested union -of love, when formed in youth, continues even in the decline of age." - -In a note on the Nayars in the sixteenth century, Cæsar Fredericke -writes as follows. [142] "These Nairi having their wives common -amongst themselves, and when any of them goe into the house of any -of these women, he leaveth his sworde and target at the door, and the -time that he is there, there dare not be any so hardie as to come into -that house. The king's children shall not inherite the kingdom after -their father, because they hold this opinion, that perchance they -were not begotten of the king their father, but of some other man, -therefore they accept for their king one of the sonnes of the king's -sisters, or of some other woman of the blood roiall, for that they -be sure that they are of the blood roiall." - -In his "New Account of the East Indies, (1727)" Hamilton wrote: -"The husbands," of whom, he said, there might be twelve, but no more -at one time, "agree very well, for they cohabit with her in their -turns, according to their priority of marriage, ten days more or -less according as they can fix a term among themselves, and he that -cohabits with her maintains her in all things necessary for his time, -so that she is plentifully provided for by a constant circulation. When -the man that cohabits with her goes into her house he leaves his arms -at the door, and none dare remove them or enter the house on pain of -death. When she proves with child, she nominates its father, who takes -care of his education after she has suckled it, and brought it to walk -or speak, but the children are never heirs to their father's estate, -but the father's sister's children are." - -Writing in the latter half of the eighteenth century, Grose says [143] -that "it is among the Nairs that principally prevails the strange -custom of one wife being common to a number; in which point the -great power of custom is seen from its rarely or never producing any -jealousies or quarrels among the co-tenants of the same woman. Their -number is not so much limited by any specific law as by a kind of -tacit convention, it scarcely ever happening that it exceeds six or -seven. The woman, however, is under no obligation to admit above a -single attachment, though not less respected for using her privilege -to its utmost extent. If one of the husbands happens to come to the -house when she is employed with another, he knows that circumstance by -certain signals left at the door that his turn is not come, and departs -very resignedly." Writing about the same time, Sonnerat [144] says -that "these Brahmans do not marry, but have the privilege of enjoying -all the Nairesses. This privilege the Portuguese who were esteemed -as a great caste, obtained and preserved, till their drunkenness and -debauchery betrayed them into a commerce with all sorts of women. The -following right is established by the customs of the country. A -woman without shame may abandon herself to all men who are not of an -inferior caste to her own, because the children (notwithstanding what -Mr. de Voltaire says) do not belong to the father, but to the mother's -brother; they become his legitimate heirs at their birth, even of -the crown if he is king." In his 'Voyages and Travels', Kerr writes -as follows. [145] "By the laws of their country these Nayres cannot -marry, so that no one has any certain or acknowledged son or father; -all their children being born of mistresses, with each of whom three -or four Nayres cohabit by agreement among themselves. Each one of -this cofraternity dwells a day in his turn with the joint mistress, -counting from noon of one day to the same time of the next, after -which he departs, and another comes for the like time. Thus they -spend their time without the care or trouble of wives and children, -yet maintain their mistresses well according to their rank. Any -one may forsake his mistress at his pleasure; and, in like manner, -the mistress may refuse admittance to any one of her lovers when she -pleases. These mistresses are all gentlewomen of the Nayre caste, and -the Nayres, besides being prohibited from marrying, must not attach -themselves to any woman of a different rank. Considering that there are -always several men attached to one woman, the Nayres never look upon -any of the children born of their mistresses as belonging to them, -however strong a resemblance may subsist, and all inheritances among -the Nayres go to their brothers, or the sons of their sisters, born -of the same mothers, all relationship being counted only by female -consanguinity and descent. This strange law prohibiting marriage -was established that they might have neither wives nor children on -whom to fix their love and attachment; and that, being free from all -family cares, they might more willingly devote themselves entirely -to warlike service." The term son of ten fathers is used as a term -of abuse among Nayars to this day. [146] Tipu Sultan is said to have -issued the following proclamation to the Nayars, on the occasion of -his visit to Calicut in 1788. "And, since it is a practice with you -for one woman to associate with ten men, and you leave your mothers -and sisters unconstrained in their obscene practices, and are thence -all born in adultery, and are more shameless in your connections than -the beasts of the field; I hereby require you to forsake these sinful -practices, and live like the rest of mankind." [147] - -As to the present existence or non-existence of polyandry I must -call recent writers into the witness-box. The Rev. S. Mateer, -Mr. Fawcett writes, [148] "informed me ten years ago--he was speaking -of polyandry among the Nayars of Travancore--that he had 'known an -instance of six brothers keeping two women, four husbands to one, -and two to the other. In a case where two brothers cohabited with -one woman, and one was converted to Christianity, the other brother -was indignant at the Christian's refusal to live any longer in this -condition.' I have not known an admitted instance of polyandry amongst -the Nayars of Malabar at the present day, but there is no doubt that, -if it does not exist now (and I think it does here and there), it -certainly did not long ago." Mr. Gopal Panikkar says [149] that "to -enforce this social edict upon the Nairs, the Brahmans made use of -the powerful weapon of their aristocratic ascendancy in the country, -and the Nairs readily submitted to the Brahman supremacy. Thus it -came about that the custom of concubinage, so freely indulged in -by the Brahmans with Nair women, obtained such firm hold upon the -country that it has only been strengthened by the lapse of time. At -the present day there are families, especially in the interior -of the district, who look upon it as an honour to be thus united -with Brahmans. But a reaction has begun to take place against this -feeling, and Brahman alliances are invariably looked down upon in -respectable Nair tarwads. This reactionary feeling took shape in the -Malabar Marriage Act." Mr. Justice K. Narayana Marar says: "There is -nothing strange or to be ashamed of in the fact that the Nayars were -originally of a stock that practiced polyandry, nor if the practice -continued till recently. Hamilton and Buchanan say that, among the -Nayars of Malabar, a woman has several husbands, but these are not -brothers. These travellers came to Malabar in the eighteenth and the -beginning of the nineteenth century. There is no reason whatever to -suppose that they were not just recording what they saw. For I am -not quite sure whether, even now, the practice is not lurking in some -remote nooks and corners of the country." Lastly, Mr. Wigram writes as -follows. [150] "Polyandry may now be said to be dead, and, although the -issue of a Nayar marriage are still children of their mother rather -than of their father, marriage may be defined as a contract based -on mutual consent, and dissoluble at will. It has been well said -(by Mr. Logan) that nowhere is the marriage tie, albeit informal, -more rigidly observed or respected than it is in Malabar: nowhere is -it more jealously guarded, or its neglect more savagely avenged." - -In connection with the tali-kattu kalyanam, or tali-tying marriage, -Mr. Fawcett writes that "the details of this ceremony vary in different -parts of Malabar, but the ceremony in some form is essential, and must -be performed for every Nayar girl before she attains puberty." For -an account of this ceremony, I must resort to the evidence of -Mr. K. R. Krishna Menon before the Malabar Marriage Commission. [151] - -"The tali-kattu kalyanam is somewhat analogous to what a deva-dasi -(dancing-girl) of other countries (districts) undergoes before she -begins her profession. Among royal families, and those of certain -Edaprabhus, a Kshatriya, and among the Charna sect a Nedungadi is -invited to the girl's house at an auspicious hour appointed for the -purpose, and, in the presence of friends and castemen, ties a tali -(marriage badge) round her neck, and goes away after receiving a -certain fee for his trouble. Among the other sects, the horoscope of -the girl is examined along with those of her enangan (a recognised -member of one's own class) families, and the boy whose horoscope is -found to agree with hers is marked out as a fit person to tie the tali, -and a day is fixed for the tali-tying ceremony by the astrologer, and -information given to the Karanavan [152] (senior male in a tarwad) -of the boy's family. The feast is called ayaniunu, and the boy is -thenceforth called Manavalan or Pillai (bridegroom). From the house in -which the Manavalan is entertained a procession is formed, preceded -by men with swords, and shields shouting a kind of war-cry. In the -meantime a procession starts from the girl's house, with similar men -and cries, and headed by a member of her tarwad, to meet the other -procession, and, after meeting the Manavalan, he escorts him to -the girl's house. After entering the booth erected for the purpose, -he is conducted to a seat of honour, and his feet are washed by the -brother of the girl, who receives a pair of cloths. The Manavalan is -then taken to the centre of the booth, where bamboo mats, carpets and -white cloths are spread, and seated there. The brother of the girl -then carries her from inside the house, and, after going round the -booth three times, places her at the left side of the Manavalan. The -father of the girl then presents new cloths tied in a kambli (blanket) -to the pair, and with this new cloth (called manthravadi) they change -their dress. The wife of the Karanavan of the girl's tarwad, if she -be of the same caste, then decorates the girl by putting on anklets, -etc. The purohit (officiating priest) called Elayath (a low class -of Brahmans) then gives the tali to the Manavalan, and the family -astrologer shouts muhurtham (auspicious hour), and the Manavalan, -putting his sword on the lap, ties the tali round the neck of the -girl, who is then required to hold an arrow and a looking-glass in -her hand. In rich families a Brahmani sings certain songs intended to -bless the couple. In ordinary families who cannot procure her presence, -a Nayar, versed in songs, performs the office. The boy and girl are -then carried by enangans to a decorated apartment in the inner part of -the house, where they are required to remain under a sort of pollution -for three days. On the fourth day they bathe in some neighbouring -tank (pond) or river, holding each other's hands. After changing -their clothes they come home, preceded by a procession. Tom-toms -(native drums) and elephants usually form part of the procession, -and turmeric water is sprinkled. When they come home, all doors -of the house are shut, and the Manavalan is required to force them -open. He then enters the house, and takes his seat in the northern -wing thereof. The aunt and female friends of the girl then approach, -and give sweetmeats to the couple. The girl then serves food to -the boy, and, after taking their meal together from the same leaf, -they proceed to the booth, where a cloth is severed into two parts, -and each part given to the Manavalan and girl separately in the -presence of enangans and friends. The severing of the cloth is -supposed to constitute a divorce." "The tearing of the cloth," -Mr. Fawcett writes, "is confined to South Malabar. These are the -essentials of the ceremony, an adjunct to which is that, in spite of -the divorce, the girl observes death pollution when her Manavalan -dies. The same Manavalan may tie the tali on any number of girls, -during the same ceremony or at any other time, and he may be old -or young. He is often an elderly holy Brahman, who receives a small -present for his services. The girl may remove the tali, if she likes, -after the fourth day. In some parts of Malabar there is no doubt that -the man who performs the rôle of Manavalan is considered to have some -right to the girl, but in such case it has been already considered -that he is a proper man to enter into sambandham with her." - -Of the tali-kattu kalyanam in Malabar, the following detailed -account, mainly furnished by an Urali Nayar of Calicut, is given -in the Gazetteer of Malabar. "An auspicious time has to be selected -for the purpose, and the preliminary consultation of the astrologer -is in itself the occasion of a family gathering. The Manavalan -or quasi-bridegroom is chosen at the same time. For the actual -kalyanam, two pandals (booths), a small one inside a large one, -are erected in front of the padinhatta macchu or central room of the -western wing. They are decorated with cloth, garlands, lamps and palm -leaves, and the pillars should be of areca palm cut by an Asari on -Sunday, Monday, or Wednesday. The first day's ceremonies open with -a morning visit to the temple, where the officiating Brahman pours -water sanctified by mantrams (religious formulæ), and the addition -of leaves of mango, peepul and darbha, over the girl's head. This -rite is called kalasam maduga. The girl then goes home, and is taken -to the macchu, where a hanging lamp with five wicks is lighted. This -should be kept alight during all the days of the kalyanam. The girl -sits on a piece of pala (Alstonia scholaris) wood, which is called a -mana. She is elaborately adorned, and some castes consider a coral -necklace an essential. In her right hand she holds a vaalkannadi -(brass hand mirror), and in her left a charakkal (a highly ornate -arrow). In front of the girl are placed, in addition to the five-wicked -lamp and nirachaveppu, a metal dish or talam of parched rice, and the -eight lucky things known as ashtamangalyam. A woman, termed Brahmini -or Pushpini, usually of the Nambissan caste, sits facing her on a -three-legged stool (pidam), and renders appropriate and lengthy songs, -at the close of which she scatters rice over her. About midday there -is a feast, and in the evening songs in the macchu are repeated. Next -morning, the ceremonial in the macchu is repeated for the third time, -after which the paraphernalia are removed to the nearest tank or to -the east of the household well, where the Pushpini sings once more, -goes through the form of making the girl's toilet, and ties a cocoanut -frond round each of her wrists (kappola). The girl has then to rise and -jump over a kindi (vessel) of water with an unhusked cocoanut placed -on the top, overturning it the third time. The party then proceed -to the pandal, two men holding a scarlet cloth over the girl as a -canopy, and a Chaliyan (weaver) brings two cloths (kodi vastiram), -which the girl puts on. In the evening, the previous day's ceremonial -is repeated in the macchu. The third day is the most important, and it -is then that the central act of the ceremony is performed. For this -the girl sits in the inner pandal richly adorned. In some cases she -is carried from the house to the pandal by her karnavan or brother, -who makes a number of pradakshinams round the pandal (usually 3 or 7) -before he places her in her seat. Before the girl are the various -objects already specified, and the hymeneal ditties of the Pushpini -open the proceedings. At the auspicious moment the Manavalan arrives in -rich attire. He is often preceded by a sort of body guard with sword -and shield who utter a curious kind of cry, and is met at the gate of -the girl's house by a bevy of matrons with lamps and salvers decorated -with flowers and lights, called talams. A man of the girl's family -washes his feet, and he takes his seat in the pandal on the girl's -right. Sometimes the girl's father at this stage presents new cloths -(mantravadi or mantrokodi) to the pair, who at once don them. The -girl's father takes the tali, a small round plate of gold about the -size of a two-anna bit, with a hole at the top, from the goldsmith who -is in waiting, pays him for it,' and gives it to the Manavalan. The -karnavan or father of the girl asks the astrologer thrice if the -moment has arrived, and, as he signifies his assent the third time, -the Manavalan ties the tali round the girl's neck amidst the shouts of -those present. The Manavalan carries the girl indoors to the macchu, -and feasting brings the day to a close. Tom-toming and other music -are of course incessant accompaniments throughout as on other festal -occasions, and the women in attendance keep up a curious kind of -whistling, called kurava, beating their lips with their fingers. On -the fourth day, girl and Manavalan go in procession to the temple -richly dressed. The boy, carrying some sort of sword and shield, -heads the party. If the family be one of position, he and the girl -must be mounted on an elephant. Offerings are made, to the deity, -and presents to the Brahmans. They return home, and, as they enter -the house, the Manavalan who brings up the rear is pelted by the boys -of the party with plantains, which he wards off with his shield. In -other cases, he is expected to make a pretence of forcing the door -open. These two usages are no doubt to be classed with those marriage -ceremonies which take the form of a contest between the bridegroom and -the bride's relatives, and which are symbolic survivals of marriage -by capture. The Manavalan and the girl next partake of food together -in the inner pandal--a proceeding which obviously corresponds to -the ceremonious first meal of a newly-married couple. The assembled -guests are lavishly entertained. The chief Kovilagans and big Nayar -houses will feed 1,000 Brahmans as well as their own relations, and -spend anything up to ten or fifteen thousand rupees on the ceremony." - -Concerning the tali-kettu ceremony in Travancore Mr. N. Subramani -Aiyar writes as follows. "After the age of eleven, a Nayar girl -becomes too old for this ceremony, though, in some rare instances, -it is celebrated after a girl attains her age. As among other castes, -ages represented by an odd number, e.g., seven, nine, and eleven, -have a peculiar auspiciousness attached to them. Any number of girls, -even up to a dozen, may go through the ceremony at one time, and -they may include infants under one year--an arrangement prompted by -considerations of economy, and rendered possible by the fact that -no civil or religious right or liability is contracted as between -the parties. The duty of getting the girls of the tarwad 'married' -devolves on the karanavan, or in his default on the eldest brother, -the father's obligation being discharged by informing him that the -time for the ceremony has arrived. The masters of the ceremonies at a -Nayar tali-kettu in Travancore are called Machchampikkar, i.e., men -in the village, whose social status is equal to that of the tarwad -in which the ceremony is to be celebrated. At a preliminary meeting -of the Machchampikkar, the number of girls for whom the ceremony is -to be performed, the bridegrooms, and other details are settled. The -horoscopes are examined by the village astrologer, and those youths in -the tarwads who have passed the age of eighteen, and whose horoscopes -agree with those of the girls, are declared to be eligible. The ola -(palm-leaf) on which the Kaniyan (astrologer) writes his decision is -called the muhurta charutu, and the individual who receives it from him -is obliged to see that the ceremony is performed on an auspicious day -in the near future. The next important item is the fixing of a wooden -post in the south-west corner or kannimula of the courtyard. At the -construction of the pandal (booth) the Pidakakkar or villagers render -substantial aid. The mandapa is decorated with ears of corn, and hence -called katirmandapa. It is also called mullapandal. On the night of -the previous day the kalati or Brahman's song is sung. A sumptuous -banquet, called ayaniunnu, is given at the girl's house to the party -of the young man. The ceremony commences with the bridegroom washing -his feet, and taking his seat within the pandal. The girl meanwhile -bathes, worships the household deity, and is dressed in new cloths -and adorned with costly ornaments. A Brahman woman ties a thread -round the girl's left wrist, and sings a song called Subhadraveli, -which deals with the marriage by capture of Subhadra by Arjuna. Then, -on the invitation of the girl's mother, who throws a garland round -his neck, the bridegroom goes in procession, riding on an elephant, -or on foot. The girl's brother is waiting to receive him at the -pandal. A leading villager is presented with some money, as if to -recompense him for the permission granted by him to commence the -ceremony. The girl sits within the mandapa, facing the east, with her -eyes closed. The bridegroom, on his arrival, sits on her right. He -then receives the minnu (ornament) from the Ilayatu priest, and ties -it round the girl's neck. A song is sung called ammachampattu, or the -song of the maternal uncle. If there are several brides, they sit in -a row, each holding in her hand an arrow and a looking-glass, and the -ornaments are tied on their necks in the order of their ages. Unless -enangans are employed, there is usually only one tali-tier, whatever -may be the number of girls. In cases where, owing to poverty, the -expenses of the ceremony cannot be borne, it is simply performed in -front of a Brahman temple, or in the pandaramatam, or house of the -village chieftain. In many North Travancore taluks the girl removes -her tali as soon as she hears of the tali-tier's death." It is noted -by the Rev. S. Mateer [153] that "a Nair girl of Travancore must get -married with the tali before the age of eleven to avoid reproach -from friends and neighbours. In case of need a sword may even be -made to represent a bridegroom." Sometimes, when a family is poor, -the girl's mother makes an idol of clay, adorns it with flowers, -and invests her daughter with the tali in the presence of the idol. - -In an account of the tali-kettu ceremony, in the Cochin Census Report, -1901, it is stated that "the celebration of the ceremony is costly, -and advantage is therefore taken of a single occasion in the course -of ten or twelve years, at which all girls in a family, irrespective -of their ages, and, when parties agree, all girls belonging to -families that observe death pollution between one another go through -the ceremony. The ceremony opens with the fixing of a post for the -construction of a pandal or shed, which is beautifully decorated -with cloth, pictures and festoons. The male members of the village -are invited, and treated to a feast followed by the distribution -of pan-supari. Every time that a marriage ceremony is celebrated, -a member of the family visits His Highness the Raja with presents, -and solicits his permission for the celebration. Such presents are -often made to the Nambudri Jenmis (landlords), by their tenants, -and by castes attached to illams. It may be noted that certain -privileges, such as sitting on a grass mat, having an elephant -procession, drumming, firing of pop-guns, etc., have often to be -obtained from the Ruler of the State. The marriage itself begins -with the procession to the marriage pandal with the eight auspicious -things (ashtamangalyam) and pattiniruththal (seating for song), at -the latter of which a Brahmini or Pushpini sings certain songs based -upon suitable Puranic texts. The girls and other female members of -the family, dressed in gay attire and decked with costly ornaments, -come out in procession to the pandal, where the Pushpini sings, with -tom-toms and the firing of pop-guns at intervals. After three, five, -or seven rounds of this, a cutting of the jasmine placed in a brass -pot is carried on an elephant by the Elayad or family priest to the -nearest Bhagavati temple, where it is planted on the night previous -to the ceremonial day with tom-toms, fireworks, and joyous shouts -of men and women. A few hours before the auspicious moment for the -ceremony, this cutting is brought back. Before the tali is tied, -the girls are brought out of the room, and, either from the ground -itself or from a raised platform, beautifully decorated with festoons, -etc., are made to worship the sun. The bridegroom, a Tirumulpad or -an enangan, is then brought into the house with sword in hand, with -tom-toms, firing of pop-guns, and shouts of joy. At the gate he is -received by a few female members with ashtamangalyam in their hands, -and seated on a bench or stool in the pandal. A male member of the -family, generally a brother or maternal uncle of the girl, washes -the feet of the bridegroom. The girls are covered with new cloths -of cotton or silk, and brought into the pandal, and seated screened -off from one another. After the distribution of money presents to the -Brahmans and the Elayad, the latter hands over the tali, or thin plate -of gold shaped like the leaf of aswatha (Ficus religiosa), and tacked -on to a string, to the Tirumulpad, who ties it round the neck of the -girl. A single Tirumulpad often ties the tali round the neck of two, -three, or four girls. He is given one to eight rupees per girl for -so doing. Sometimes the tali is tied by the mother of the girl. The -retention of the tali is not at all obligatory, nay it is seldom worn -or taken care of after the ceremony. These circumstances clearly -show the purely ceremonial character of this form of marriage. The -Karamel Asan, or headman of the village, is an important factor on -this occasion. In a conspicuous part of the marriage pandal, he is -provided with a seat on a cot, on which a grass mat, a black blanket, -and white cloth are spread one over the other. Before the tali is tied, -his permission is solicited for the performance of the ceremony. He -is paid 4, 8, 16, 32 or 64 puthans (a puthan = 10 pies) per girl, -according to the means of the family. He is also given rice, curry -stuff, and pan-supari. Rose-water is sprinkled at intervals on the -males and females assembled on the occasion. With the distribution of -pan-supari, scented sandal paste and jasmine flowers to the females of -the village and wives of relatives and friends, who are invited for -the occasion, these guests return to their homes. The male members, -one or two from each family in the village, are then treated to a -sumptuous feast. In some places, where the Enangu system prevails, -all members of such families, both male and female, are also provided -with meals. On the third day, the villagers are again entertained -to a luncheon of rice and milk pudding, and on the fourth day the -girls are taken out in procession for worship at the nearest temple -amidst tom-toms and shouting. After this a feast is held, at which -friends, relatives, and villagers are given a rich meal. With the -usual distribution of pan-supari, sandal and flowers, the invited -guests depart. Presents, chiefly in money, are made to the eldest -male member of the family by friends and relatives and villagers, -and with this the ceremony closes. From the time of fixing the first -pole for the pandal to the tying of the tali, the village astrologer -is in attendance on all ceremonial occasions, as he has to pronounce -the auspicious moment for the performance of each item. During the -four days of the marriage, entertainments, such as Kathakali drama -or Ottan Tullal, are very common. When a family can ill-afford to -celebrate the ceremony on any grand scale, the girls are taken to -the nearest temple, or to the illam of a Nambudri, if they happen to -belong to sub-divisions attached to illams, and the tali is tied with -little or no feasting and merriment. In the northern taluks, the very -poor people sometimes tie the tali before the Trikkakkarappan on the -Tiruvonam day." - -An interesting account of the tali-kettu ceremony is given by Duarte -Barbosa, who writes as follows. [154] "After they are ten or twelve -years old or more, their mothers perform a marriage ceremony for -them in this manner. They advise the relations and friends that they -may come to do honour to their daughters, and they beg some of their -relations and friends to marry these daughters, and they do so. It must -be said that they have some gold jewel made, which will contain half -a ducat of gold, a little shorter than the tag of lace, with a hole -in the middle passing through it, and they string it on a thread of -white silk; and the mother of the girl stands with her daughter very -much dressed out, and entertaining her with music and singing, and a -number of people. And this relation or friend of hers comes with much -earnestness, and there performs the ceremony of marriage, as though he -married her, and they throw a gold chain round the necks of both of -them together, and he puts the above mentioned jewel round her neck, -which she always has to wear as a sign that she may now do what she -pleases. And the bridegroom leaves her and goes away without touching -her nor more to say to her on account of being her relation; and, if -he is not so, he may remain with her if he wish it, but he is not bound -to do so if he do not desire it. And from that time forward the mother -goes begging some young men to deflower the girl, for among themselves -they hold it an unclean thing and almost a disgrace to deflower women." - -The tali-kettu ceremony is referred to by Kerr, who, in his translation -of Castaneda, states that "these sisters of the Zamorin, and other -kings of Malabar, have handsome allowances to live upon; and, when -any of them reaches the age of ten, their kindred send for a young -man of the Nayar caste out of the kingdom, and give him presents -to induce him to initiate the young virgin; after which he hangs a -jewel round her neck, which she wears all the rest of her life, as -a token that she is now at liberty to dispose of herself to anyone -she pleases as long as she lives." - -The opinion was expressed by Mr. (now Sir Henry) Winterbotham, one of -the Malabar Marriage Commissioners, that the Brahman tali-tier was -a relic of the time when the Nambutiris were entitled to the first -fruits, and it was considered the high privilege of every Nayar maid -to be introduced by them to womanhood. In this connection, reference -may be made to Hamilton's 'New Account of the East Indies', where -it is stated that "when the Zamorin marries, he must not cohabit -with his bride till the Nambudri, or chief priest, has enjoyed her, -and he, if he pleases, may have three nights of her company, because -the first fruits of her nuptials must be an holy oblation to the -god she worships. And some of the nobles are so complaisant as to -allow the clergy the same tribute, but the common people cannot have -that compliment paid to them, but are forced to supply the priests' -places themselves." - -Of those who gave evidence before the Malabar Commission, some thought -the tali-kettu was a marriage, some not. Others called it a mock -marriage, a formal marriage, a sham marriage, a fictitious marriage, -a marriage sacrament, the preliminary part of marriage, a meaningless -ceremony, an empty form, a ridiculous farce, an incongruous custom, -a waste of money, and a device for becoming involved in debt. "While," -the report states, "a small minority of strict conservatives still -maintain that the tali-kettu is a real marriage intended to confer -on the bridegroom a right to cohabit with the bride, an immense -majority describe it as a fictitious marriage, the origin of which -they are at a loss to explain. And another large section tender the -explanation accepted by our President (Sir T. Muttusami Aiyar) that, -in some way or other, it is an essential caste observance preliminary -to the forming of sexual relations." - -In a recent note, Mr. K. Kannan Nayar writes [155]: - -"Almost every Nayar officer in Government employ, when applying for -leave on account of the kettukallianam of his daughter or niece, -states in his application that he has to attend to the 'marriage' -of the girl. The ceremony is generally mentioned as marriage even in -the letters of invitation sent by Nayar gentlemen in these days.... - -This ceremony is not intended even for the betrothal of the girl to -a particular man, but is one instituted under Brahman influence as an -important kriya (sacrament) antecedent to marriage, and intended, as -the popular saying indicates, for dubbing the girl with the status of -Amma, a woman fit to be married. The saying is Tali-kettiu Amma ayi, -which means a woman has become an Amma when her tali-tying ceremony -is over." - -In summing up the evidence collected by him, Mr. L. Moore states -[156] that it seems to prove beyond all reasonable doubt that "from -the sixteenth century at all events, and up to the early portion of -the nineteenth century, the relations between the sexes in families -governed by marumakkattayam were of as loose a description as it -is possible to imagine. The tali-kettu kalyanam, introduced by the -Brahmans, brought about no improvement, and indeed in all probability -made matters much worse by giving a quasi-religious sanction to a -fictitious marriage, which bears an unpleasant resemblance to the -sham marriage ceremonies performed among certain inferior castes -elsewhere as a cloak for prostitution. As years passed, some time -about the opening of the nineteenth century, the Kerala Mahatmyam -and Keralolpathi were concocted, probably by Nambudris, and false -and pernicious doctrines as to the obligations laid on the Nayars by -divine law to administer to the lust of Nambudris were disseminated -abroad. The better classes among the Nayars revolted against the -degrading custom thus established, and a custom sprang up especially -in North Malabar, of making sambandham a more or less formal contract, -approved and sanctioned by the karnavan (senior male) of the tarwad -to which the lady belonged, and celebrated with elaborate ceremony -under the pudamuri form. That there was nothing analogous to the -pudamuri prevalent in Malabar from A.D. 1550 to 1800 may, I think, -be fairly presumed from the absence of all allusion to it in the works -of the various European writers." According to Act IV, Madras, 1896, -sambandham means an alliance between a man and a woman, by reason of -which they in accordance with the custom of the community to which -they belong, or either of them belongs, cohabit or intend to cohabit -as husband and wife. - -Of sambandham the following account was given by Mr. Chandu Menon to -the Malabar Marriage Commission. "The variations of the sambandham are -the pudamuri, vastradanam, uzhamporukkuka, vitaram kayaruka, etc., -which are local expressions hardly understood beyond the localities -in which they are used, but there would be hardly a Malaiyali who -would not readily understand what is meant by sambandham tudanguga -(to begin sambandham). The meaning of this phrase, which means to -'marry,' is understood throughout Keralam in the same way, and -there can be no ambiguity or mistake about it. It is thus found that -sambandham is the principal word denoting marriage among marumakkatayam -Nayars. [Sambandhakaran is now the common term for husband.] It will -also be found, on a close and careful examination of facts, that the -principal features of this sambandham ceremony all over Keralam are -in the main the same. As there are different local names denoting -marriage, so there may be found local variations in the performance -of the ceremony. But the general features are more or less the -same. For instance, the examination, prior to the betrothal, of the -horoscopes of the bride and bridegroom to ascertain whether their -stars agree astrologically; the appointment of an auspicious day for -the celebration of the ceremony; the usual hour at which the ceremony -takes place; the presentation of danam (gifts) to Brahmans; sumptuous -banquet; the meeting of the bride and bridegroom, are features which -are invariably found in all well-conducted sambandhams in all parts of -Keralam alike. But here I would state that I should not be understood -as saying that each and every one of the formalities above referred -to are gone through at all sambandhams among respectable Nayars; -and I would further state that they ought to be gone through at every -sambandham, if the parties wish to marry according to the custom of -the country. I would now briefly refer to the local variations to -be found in the ceremony of the sambandham, and also the particular -incidents attached to certain forms of sambandham in South Malabar. I -shall describe the pudamuri or vastradanam as celebrated in North -Malabar, and then show how the other forms of sambandham differ from -it. Of all the forms of sambandham, I consider the pudamuri the most -solemn and the most fashionable in North Malabar. The preliminary -ceremony in every pudamuri is the examination of the horoscopes of -the bride and bridegroom by an astrologer. This takes place in the -house of the bride, in the presence of the relations of the bride -and bridegroom. The astrologer, after examination, writes down the -results of his calculations on a piece of palmyra leaf, with his -opinion as to the fitness or otherwise of the match, and hands it -over to the bridegroom's relations. If the horoscopes agree, a day -is then and there fixed for the celebration of the marriage. This -date is also written down on two pieces of cadjan (palm leaf), one -of which is handed over to the bride's Karanavan, and the other to -the bridegroom's relations. The astrologer and the bridegroom's party -are then feasted in the bride's house, and the former also receives -presents in the shape of money or cloth. This preliminary ceremony, -which is invariably performed at all pudamuris in North Malabar, -is called pudamuri kurikkal, but is unknown in South Malabar. Some -three or four days prior to the date fixed for the celebration of the -pudamuri, the bridegroom visits his Karanavans and elders in caste, -to obtain formal leave to marry. The bridegroom on such occasion -presents his elders with betel and nuts, and obtains their formal -sanction to the wedding. On the day appointed, the bridegroom proceeds -after sunset to the house of the bride, accompanied by a number of -his friends. He goes in procession, and is received at the gate of -the house by the bride's party, and conducted with his friends to -seats provided in the tekkini or southern hall of the house. There the -bridegroom distributes presents (danam) or money gifts to the Brahmans -assembled. After this, the whole party is treated to a sumptuous -banquet. It is now time for the astrologer to appear, and announce -the auspicious hour fixed. He does it accordingly, and receives -his dues. The bridegroom is then taken by one of his friends to the -padinhatta or principal room of the house. The bridegroom's party has, -of course, brought with them a quantity of new cloths, and betel leaves -and nuts. The cloths are placed in the western room of the house -(padinhatta), in which all religious and other important household -ceremonies are usually performed. This room will be decorated, and -turned into a bed-room for the occasion. There will be placed in the -room a number of lighted lamps, and ashtamangalyam, which consists of -eight articles symbolical of mangalyam or marriage. These are rice, -paddy (unhusked rice), the tender leaves of cocoanut trees, an arrow, -a looking-glass, a well-washed cloth, burning fire, and a small round -box called cheppu. These will be found placed on the floor of the room -as the bridegroom enters it. The bridegroom with his groomsman enters -the room through the eastern door. The bride, dressed in rich cloths -and bedecked with jewels, enters the room through the western door, -accompanied by her aunt or some other elderly lady of her family. The -bride stands facing east, with the ashtamangalyam and lit-up lamps -in front of her. The groomsman then hands over to the bridegroom a -few pieces of new cloth, and the bridegroom puts them into the hands -of the bride. This being done, the elderly lady who accompanied the -bride sprinkles rice over the lamps and the head and shoulders of -the bride and bridegroom, who immediately leaves the room, as he -has to perform another duty. At the tekkini or southern hall, he -now presents his elders and friends with cakes, and betel leaf and -nuts. Betel and nuts are also given to all the persons assembled at -the place. After the departure of the guests, the bridegroom retires -to the bed-room with the bride. Next morning, the vettilakettu or -salkaram ceremony follows, and the bridegroom's female relations take -the bride to the husband's house, where there is feasting in honour -of the occasion. Uzhamporukkuka or vidaram kayaral is a peculiar form -of marriage in North Malabar. It will be seen from description given -above that the pudamuri is necessarily a costly ceremony, and many -people resort to the less costly ceremony of uzhamporukkuka or vidaram -kayaral. The features of this ceremony are to a certain extent the -same as pudamuri, but it is celebrated on a smaller scale. There is -no cloth-giving ceremony. The feasting is confined to the relations -of the couple. The particular incident of this form of marriage -is that the husband should visit the wife in her house, and is not -permitted to take her to his house, unless and until he celebrates -the regular pudamuri ceremony. This rule is strictly adhered to in -North Malabar, and instances in which the husband and wife joined by -the uzhamporukkuka ceremony, and with grown-up children as the issue -of such marriage, undergo the pudamuri ceremony some fifteen or twenty -years after uzhamporukkuka, in order to enable the husband to take the -wife to his house, are known to me personally. The sambandham of South -Malabar, and the kidakkora kalyanam of Palghat have all or most of the -incidents of pudamuri, except the presenting of cloths. Here money is -substituted for cloths, and the other ceremonies are more or less the -same. There is also salkaram ceremony wanting in South Malabar, as -the wives are not at once taken to the husband's house after marriage." - -In connection with the following note by Mr. C. P. Raman Menon on -sambandham among the Akattu Charna or Akathithaparisha (inside clan), -Mr. Fawcett states that "my informant says in the first place that -the man should not enter into sambandham with a woman until he is -thirty. Now-a-days, when change is running wild, the man is often -much less. In North Malabar, which is much more conservative than -the south, it was, however, my experience that sambandham was rare on -the side of the man before twenty-seven." "The Karanavan," Mr. Raman -Menon writes, "and the women of his household choose the bride, -and communicate their choice to the intending bridegroom through a -third party; they may not, dare not speak personally to him in the -matter. He approves. The bride's people are informally consulted, -and, if they agree, the astrologer is sent for, and examines the -horoscopes of both parties to the intended union. As a matter of -course these are found to agree, and the astrologer fixes a day -for the sambandham ceremony. A few days before this takes place, -two or three women of the bridegroom's house visit the bride, -intimating beforehand that they are coming. There they are well -treated with food and sweetmeats, and, when on the point of leaving, -they inform the senior female that the bridegroom (naming him) wishes -to have sambandham with ... (naming her), and such and such a day is -auspicious for the ceremony. The proposal is accepted with pleasure, -and the party from the bridegroom's house returns home. Preparations -for feasting are made in the house of the bride, as well as in that -of the bridegroom on the appointed day. To the former all relations -are invited for the evening, and to the latter a few friends who are -much of the same age as the bridegroom are invited to partake of food -at 7 or 8 P.M., and accompany him to the bride's house. After eating -they escort him, servants carrying betel leaves (one or two hundred -according to the means of the taravad), areca nuts and tobacco, to -be given to the bride's household, and which are distributed to the -guests. When the bride's house is far away, the bridegroom makes his -procession thither from a neighbouring house. Arrived at the bride's -house, they sit awhile, and are again served with food, after which -they are conducted to a room, where betel and other chewing stuff -is placed on brass or silver plates called thalam. The chewing over, -sweetmeats are served, and then all go to the bridal chamber, where -the women of the house and others are assembled with the bride, who, -overcome with shyness, hides herself behind the others. Here again -the bridegroom and his party go through more chewing, while they chat -with the women. After a while the men withdraw, wishing the couple -all happiness, and then the women, departing one by one, leave the -couple alone, one of them shutting the door from the outside. The -Pattar Brahmans always collect on these occasions, and receive small -presents (dakshina) of two to four annas each, with betel leaves and -areca nuts from the bridegroom, and sometimes from the bride. A few -who are invited receive their dakshina in the bridal chamber, the -others outside. Those of the bridegroom's party who live far away -are given sleeping accommodation at the bride's house [in a Nayar -house the sleeping rooms of the men and women are at different ends -of the house]. About daybreak next morning the bridegroom leaves -the house with his party, leaving under his pillow 8, 16, 32, or -64 rupees, according to his means, which are intended to cover the -expenses of the wife's household in connection with the ceremony. The -sambandham is now complete. The girl remains in her own taravad house, -and her husband visits her there, coming in the evening and leaving -next morning. A few days after the completion of the ceremony, the -senior woman of the bridegroom's house sends some cloths, including -pavu mundu (superior cloths) and thorthu mundu (towels) and some -oil to the bride for her use for six months. Every six months she -does the same, and, at the Onam, Vishu, and Thiruvathira festivals, -she sends besides a little money, areca nuts, betel and tobacco. The -money sent should be 4, 8, 16, 32, or 64 rupees. Higher sums are very -rarely sent. Before long, the women of the husband's house express a -longing for the girl-wife to be brought to their house, for they have -not seen her yet. Again the astrologer is requisitioned, and, on the -day he fixes, two or three of the women go to the house of the girl, -or, as they call her, Ammayi (uncle's wife). They are well treated, -and presently bring away the girl with them. As she is about to enter -the gate-house of her husband's taravad, the stile of which she crosses -right leg first, two or three of the women meet her, bearing a burning -lamp and a brass plate (thalam), and precede her to the nalukattu of -the house. There she is seated on a mat, and a burning lamp, a nazhi -(measure) of rice, and some plantains are placed before her. One of -the younger women takes up a plantain, and puts a piece of it in the -Ammayi's mouth; a little ceremony called madhuram tital, or giving the -sweets for eating. She lives in her husband's house for a few days, -and is then sent back to her own with presents, bracelets, rings or -cloths, which are gifts of the senior woman of the house. After this -she is at liberty to visit her husband's house on any day, auspicious -or inauspicious. In a big taravad, where there are many women, the -Ammayi does not, as a rule, get much sympathy and good-will in the -household, and, if she happens to live temporarily in her husband's -house, as is sometimes, though very rarely the case in South Malabar, -and to be the wife of the Karanavan, it is observed that she gets more -than her share of whatever good things may be going. Hence the proverb, -'Place Ammayi Amma on a stone, and grind her with another stone.' A -sambandham ceremony at Calicut is recorded by Mr. Fawcett, at which -there were cake and wine for the guests, and a ring for the bride. - -In connection with sambandham, Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar writes from -Travancore that "it is known in different localities as gunadosham -(union through good or evil), vastradanam or putavakota (giving of -cloth), and uzhamporukkal (waiting one's turn). It may be performed -without any formal ceremony whatever, and is actually a private -transaction confidentially gone through in some families. The -bridegroom and his friends assemble at the house of the bride on the -appointed night, and, before the assembled guests, the bridegroom -presents the bride with a few unbleached cloths. Custom enjoins that -four pieces of cloth should be presented, and the occasion is availed -of to present cloths to the relatives and servants of the bride -also. The girl asks permission of her mother and maternal uncle, -before she receives the cloths. After supper, and the distribution -of pan-supari, the party disperses. Another day is fixed for the -consummation ceremony. On that day the bridegroom, accompanied by a few -friends, goes to the bride's house with betel leaves and nuts. After -a feast, the friends retire." - -It is noted in the Cochin Census Report, 1901, that one name for the -sambandham rite is kitakkora, meaning bed-chamber ceremony. In the same -report, the following account of a puberty ceremony is given. "The -tirandukuli ceremony is practically a public declaration that a girl -has reached the age of maturity. When a girl attains puberty, she -is seated in a separate room, where a lamp is lit, and a brass pot -with a bunch of cocoanut flowers is kept. She has to keep with her a -circular plate of brass called valkannadi, literally a looking-glass -with a handle. The event is proclaimed by korava (shouts of joy by -females). The females of the neighbouring houses, and of the families -of friends and relatives, visit her. New cloths are presented to the -girl by her near relatives. On the third day the villagers, friends and -relatives are treated to a luncheon of rice and milk pudding. Early -in the morning on the fourth day, the Mannans or Velans appear. The -girl is anointed with oil, and tender leaves of the cocoanut palm -are tied round the head and waist. In the company of maidens she is -brought out of the room, and the Velans sing certain songs. Thence -the party move on to the tank, where the girl wears a cloth washed -by a Velan, and takes a bath. After the bath the Velans again sing -songs. In the afternoon, the girl is taken out by the females invited -for the occasion to an ornamental pandal, and the Velans, standing at a -distance, once more sing. With the usual distribution of pan-supari, -sandal and jasmine flowers, the ceremony closes. In the midst of -the song, the female guests of the village, the wives of friends and -relatives, and most of the members of the family itself, present each a -small cloth to the Velans. They are also given a small amount of money, -rice, betel leaf, etc. The guests are then entertained at a feast. In -some places, the girl is taken to a separate house for the bath on the -fourth day, whence she returns to her house in procession, accompanied -by tom-toms and shouting. In the northern taluks, the Velan's song is -in the night, and the performance of the ceremony on the fourth day -is compulsory. In the southern taluks, it is often put off to some -convenient day. Before the completion of this song ceremony, the girl -is prohibited from going out of the house or entering temples." - -It is provided, by the Malabar Marriage Act, 1896, that, "when a -sambandham has been registered in the manner therein laid down, it -shall have the incidence of a legal marriage; that is to say, the wife -and children shall be entitled to maintenance by the husband or father, -respectively, and to succeed to half his self-acquired property, -if he dies intestate; while the parties to such a sambandham cannot -register a second sambandham during its continuance, that is, until -it is terminated by death or by a formal application for divorce in -the Civil Courts. The total number of sambandhams registered under -the Act has, however, been infinitesimal, and the reason for this -is, admittedly, the reluctance of the men to fetter their liberty to -terminate sambandham at will by such restrictions as the necessity -for formal divorce, or to undertake the burdensome responsibility of -a legal obligation to maintain their wife and offspring. If, as the -evidence recorded by the Malabar Marriage Commission tended to show, -'a marriage law in North Malabar, and throughout the greater part of -South Malabar, would merely legalise what is the prevailing custom,' -it is hard to see why there has been such a disinclination to lend -to that custom the dignity of legal sanction." [157] The following -applications to register sambandhams under the Act were received from -1897 to 1904:-- - - - Nayars. Tiyans. Others. Total. - - 1897 28 6 2 36 - 1898 8 2 4 14 - 1899 8 2 4 14 - 1900 8 ... 9 17 - 1901 3 ... 1 4 - 1902 ... ... ... ... - 1903 2 ... ... 2 - --- --- -- -- - Total 57 10 20 87 - - -In a recent account of a Nayar wedding in high life in Travancore, -the host is said to have distributed flowers, attar, etc., to all -his Hindu guests, while the European, Eurasian, and other Christian -guests, partook of cake and wine, and other refreshments, in a -separate tent. The Chief Secretary to Government proposed the toast -of the bride and bridegroom. - -The following note on Nayar pregnancy ceremonies was supplied to -Mr. Fawcett by Mr. U. Balakrishnan Nayar. "A woman has to observe -certain ceremonies during pregnancy. First, during and after the -seventh month, she (at least among the well-to-do classes) bathes, -and worships in the temple every morning, and eats before her morning -meal a small quantity of butter, over which mantrams (consecrated -formulæ) have been said by the temple priest, or by Nambutiris. This -is generally done till delivery. Another, and even more important -ceremony, is the puli-kuti (drinking tamarind juice). This is -an indispensable ceremony, performed by rich and poor alike, on a -particular day in the ninth month. The day and hour are fixed by the -local astrologer. The ceremony begins with the planting of a twig of -the ampasham tree on the morning of the day of the ceremony in the -principal courtyard (natu-muttam) of the taravad. At the appointed hour -or muhurtam, the pregnant woman, after having bathed, and properly -attired, is conducted to a particular portion of the house (vatakini -or northern wing), where she is seated, facing eastward. The ammayi, or -uncle's wife, whose presence on the occasion is necessary, goes to the -courtyard, and, plucking a few leaves of the planted twig, squeezes a -few drops of its juice into a cup. This she hands over to the brother, -if any, of the pregnant woman. It is necessary that the brother should -wear a gold ring on his right ring finger. Holding a country knife -(pissan kathi) in his left hand, which he directs towards the mouth, -he pours the tamarind juice over the knife with his right hand three -times, and it dribbles down the knife into the woman's mouth, and -she drinks it. In the absence of a brother, some other near relation -officiates. After she has swallowed the tamarind juice, the woman is -asked to pick out one of several packets of different grains placed -before her. The grain in the packet she happens to select is supposed -to declare the sex of the child in her womb. The ceremony winds up with -a sumptuous feast to all the relatives and friends of the family." In -connection with pregnancy ceremonies, Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar writes -that "the puli-kuti ceremony is performed at the seventh, or sometimes -the ninth month. The husband has to contribute the rice, cocoanut, -and plantains, and present seven vessels containing sweetmeats. In -the absence of a brother, a Maran pours the juice into the mouth -of the woman." It is noted in the Cochin Census Report, 1901, that -"the puli-kudi ceremony consists in administering to the woman with -child a few pills of tamarind and other acid substances. The pills -are placed at the end of a knife-blade, and pushed into the mouth -of the woman by means of a gold ring. The ceremony, which in a way -corresponds to the pumsavana of the Brahmans, is performed either by -a brother or uncle of the woman, and, in the absence of both, by the -husband himself. Unlike Brahmans, the ceremony is performed only at -the time of the first pregnancy." In the eighth month, a ceremony, -called garbha veli uzhiyal, is performed by the Kaniyan (astrologer) -to remove the effects of the evil eye. - -The ceremonies observed in connection with pregnancy are described -as follows in the Gazetteer of Malabar. "The first regular ceremony -performed during pregnancy is known as pulikudi or drinking tamarind, -which corresponds to the Pumsavanam of the Brahmans. But there -are other observances of less importance, which commonly, if not -invariably, precede this, and may be considered as corresponding to the -Garbharakshana (embryo or womb protection) ceremony sometimes performed -by Brahmans, though not one of the obligatory sacraments. Sometimes -the pregnant woman is made to consume daily a little ghee (clarified -butter), which has been consecrated by a Nambudiri with appropriate -mantrams. Sometimes exorcists of the lower castes, such as Panans, -are called in, and perform a ceremony called Balikkala, in which -they draw magic patterns on the ground, into which the girl throws -lighted wicks, and sing rude songs to avert from the unborn babe the -unwelcome attentions of evil spirits, accompanying them on a small -drum called tudi, or with bell-metal cymbals. The ceremony concludes -with the sacrifice of a cock, if the woman is badly affected by the -singing. The pulikudi is variously performed in the fifth, seventh, -or ninth month. An auspicious hour has to be selected by the village -astrologer for this as for most ceremonies. A branch of a tamarind -tree should be plucked by the pregnant woman's brother, who should go -to the tree with a kindi (bell-metal vessel) of water, followed by an -Enangatti [158] carrying a hanging lamp with five wicks (tukkuvilakku), -and, before plucking it, perform three pradakshinams round it. In the -room in which the ceremony is to be performed, usually the vadakkini, -there is arranged a mat, the usual lamp (nilavilakku) with five -wicks, and a para measure of rice (niracchaveppu), also the materials -necessary for the performance of Ganapathi puja (worship of the god -Ganesa), consisting of plantains, brown sugar, leaves of the sacred -basil or tulasi (Ocimum sanctum), sandal paste, and the eight spices -called ashtagantham. The woman's brother performs Ganapathi puja, and -then gives some of the tamarind leaves to the Enangatti, who expresses -their juice, and mixes it with that of four other plants. [159] The -mixture is boiled with a little rice, and the brother takes a little -of it in a jack (Artocarpus integrifolia) leaf folded like a spoon, -and lets it run down the blade of a knife into his sister's mouth. He -does this three times. Then the mixture is administered in the same -manner by some woman of the husband's family, and then by an Ammayi -(wife of one of the members of the girl's tarwad). The branch is -then planted in the nadumittam, and feasting brings the ceremony -to a close. The above description was obtained from an Urali Nayar -of Calicut taluk. In other localities and castes, the details vary -considerably. Sometimes the mixture is simply poured into the woman's -mouth, instead of being dripped off a knife. Some castes use a small -spoon of gold or silver instead of the jack leaves. In South Malabar -there is not as a rule any procession to the tamarind tree. Among -Agathu Charna Nayars of South Malabar, the ceremony takes place in -the nadumittam, whither the tamarind branch is brought by a Tiyan. The -girl carries a valkannadi or bell-metal mirror, a charakkol or arrow, -and a pisankatti (knife). An Enangatti pours some oil on her head, -and lets it trickle down two or three hairs to her navel where it is -caught in a plate. Then the girl and her brother, holding hands, dig a -hole with the charakkol and pisankatti, and plant the tamarind branch -in the nadumittam, and water it. Then the juice is administered. Until -she is confined, the girl waters the tamarind branch, and offers rice, -flowers, and lighted wicks to it three times a day. When labour begins, -she uproots the branch." - -"At delivery," Mr. Balakrishnan Nayar writes, "women of the barber -caste officiate as midwives. In some localities, this is performed by -Velan caste women. Pollution is observed for fifteen days, and every -day the mother wears cloths washed and presented by a woman of the -Vannan [or Tiyan] caste. On the fifteenth day is the purificatory -ceremony. As in the case of death pollution, a man of the Attikurissi -clan sprinkles on the woman a liquid mixture of oil and the five -products of the cow (panchagavya), with gingelly (Sesamum) seeds. Then -the woman takes a plunge-bath, and sits on the ground near the tank -or river. Some woman of the family, with a copper vessel in her hands, -takes water from the tank or river, and pours it on the mother's head -as many as twenty-one times. This done, she again plunges in the water, -from which she emerges thoroughly purified. It may be noted that, -before the mother proceeds to purify herself, the new-born babe has -also to undergo a rite of purification. It is placed on the bare -floor, and its father or uncle sprinkles a few drops of cold water -on it, and takes it in his hands. The superstitious believe that -the temperament of the child is determined by that of the person -who thus sprinkles the water. All the members of the taravad observe -pollution for fifteen days following the delivery, during which they -are prohibited from entering temples and holy places." It is noted by -Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar that the first act done, when a male child is -born, is to beat the earth with a cocoanut leaf, and, if the issue -is a female, to grind some turmeric in a mortar, with the object, -it is said, of removing the child's fear. - -In connection with post-natal ceremonies, Mr. Balakrishnan Nayar -writes further that "the twenty-seventh day after the child's birth, -or the first recurring day of the star under which it was born, -marks the next important event. On this day, the Karanavan of the -family gives to the child a spoonful or two of milk mixed with -sugar and slices of plantain. Then he names the child, and calls -it in the ear by the name three times. This is followed by a feast -to all friends and relatives, the expenses of which are met by the -father of the child. With the Nayar, every event is introduced by -a ceremonial. The first meal of rice (chorun) partaken of by the -child forms no exception to the rule. It must be remembered that -the child is not fed on rice for some time after birth, the practice -being to give it flour of dried plantain boiled with jaggery (crude -sugar). There is a particular variety of plantain, called kunnan, -used for this purpose. Rice is given to the child for the first time -generally during the sixth month. The astrologer fixes the day, and, -at the auspicious hour, the child, bathed and adorned with ornaments -(which it is the duty of the father to provide) is brought, and laid -on a plank. A plantain leaf is spread in front of it, and a lighted -brass lamp placed near. On the leaf are served a small quantity of -cooked rice--generally a portion of the rice offered to some temple -divinity--some tamarind, salt, chillies, and sugar. [In some places -all the curries, etc., prepared for the attendant feast, are also -served.] Then the Karanavan, or the father, ceremoniously approaches, -and sits down facing the child. First he puts in the mouth of the -child a mixture of the tamarind, chillies and salt, then some rice, -and lastly a little sugar. Thenceforward the ordinary food of the child -is rice. It is usual on this occasion for relatives (and especially -the bandhus, such as the ammayi, or 'uncle's wife') to adorn the child -with gold bangles, rings and other ornaments. The rice-giving ceremony -is, in some cases, preferably performed at some famous temple, that -at Guruvayur being a favourite one for this purpose." It is noted -by Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar that the rice-giving ceremony is usually -performed by taking the child to a neighbouring temple, and feeding -it with the meal offered to the deity as nivadiyam. In some places, -the child is named on the chorun day. - -Of ceremonies which take place in infancy and childhood, the following -account is given in the Gazetteer of Malabar. "On the fifth day after -birth, a woman of the Attikurissi or Marayan caste among Nayars, or -of the barber caste in the lower classes, is called in, and purifies -the mother, the other women of the household, and the room in which -the child was born, by lustration with milk and gingelly oil, using -karuga (Cynodon Dactylon) as a sprinkler. Her perquisites are the -usual niracchaveppu (1 edangazhi of paddy and 1 nazhi of uncooked rice) -placed together with a lamp of five wicks in the room to be cleansed, -and a small sum in cash. A similar purification ceremony on the 15th -day concludes the pollution period. In some cases, milk and cow's urine -are sprinkled over the woman, and, after she has bathed, the Marayan, -or Attikurissi waves over her and the child two vessels, one containing -water, stained red with turmeric and lime, and one water blackened with -powdered charcoal. During this and other periods, a characteristic -service called mattu (change) has to be rendered by people of the -Mannan caste to Nayars, and to other castes by their proper washermen, -who may or may not be Mannans. On the day of birth, the Mannatti -brings a clean tuni (cloth) of her own, and a mundu (cloth), which -she places in the yard, in which she finds the accustomed perquisites -of grain set out, and a lamp. An Attikurissi Nayar woman takes the -clean clothes, and the Mannatti removes those previously worn by the -mother. Every subsequent day during the pollution period, the Mannatti -brings a change of raiment, but it is only on the 7th and 15th days -that any ceremonial is observed, and that the Attikurissi woman is -required. On those days, a Mannan man attends with the Mannatti, He -makes three pradakshinams round the clean clothes, the lamp, and the -niracchaveppu, and scatters a little of the grain forming the latter -on the ground near it, with an obeisance, before the Attikurissi -woman takes the clothes indoors. This rite of mattu has far reaching -importance. It affords a weapon, by means of which the local tyrant can -readily coerce his neighbours, whom he can subject to the disabilities -of excommunication by forbidding the washerman to render them this -service; while it contributes in no small degree to the reluctance -of Malayali women to leave Kerala, since it is essential that the -mattu should be furnished by the appropriate caste and no other. - -"On the twenty-eighth day (including the day of birth) comes the -Palu-kudi (milk-drinking) ceremony, at which some women of the father's -family must attend. Amongst castes in which the wife lives with the -husband, the ceremony takes place in the husband's house, to which -the wife and child return for the first time on this day. The usual -lamp, niracchaveppu and kindi of water, are set forth with a plate, -if possible of silver, containing milk, honey, and bits of a sort of -plantain called kunnan, together with three jack leaves folded to serve -as spoons. The mother brings the child newly bathed, and places it in -his Karnavan's lap. The goldsmith is in attendance with a string of -five beads (mani or kuzhal) made of the panchaloham or five metals, -gold, silver, iron, copper and lead, which the father ties round -the baby's waist. The Karnavan, or the mother, then administers a -spoonful of the contents of the plate to the child with each of the -jack leaves in turn. The father's sister, or other female relative, -also administers some, and the Karnavan then whispers the child's -name thrice in its right ear. - -"The name is not publicly announced till the Chorunnu or Annaprasanam -(rice giving), which takes place generally in the sixth month, -and must be performed at an auspicious moment prescribed by an -astrologer. The paraphernalia required are, besides the five-wicked -lamp, some plantain leaves on which are served rice and four kinds of -curry called kalan, olan, avil, and ericchakari, some pappadams (wafers -of flour and other ingredients), plantains and sweetmeats called upperi -(plantains fried in cocoanut oil). The mother brings the child newly -bathed, and wearing a cloth for the first time, and places it in the -Karnavan's lap. The father then ties round the child's neck a gold -ring, known as muhurta mothiram (auspicious moment ring), and the -relatives present give the child other ornaments of gold or silver -according to their means, usually a nul or neck-thread adorned with -one or more pendants, an arannal or girdle, a pair of bangles, and a -pair of anklets. The Karnavan then, after an oblation to Ganapathi, -gives the child some of the curry, and whispers its name in its right -ear three times. He then carries the child to a cocoanut tree near -the house, round which he makes three pradakshinams, pouring water -from a kindi round the foot of the tree as he does so. The procession -then returns to the house, and on the way an old woman of the family -proclaims the baby's name aloud for the first time in the form of -a question, asking it 'Krishnan' (for instance), 'dost thou see the -sky?' In some cases, the father simply calls out the name twice. - -"The Vidyarambham ceremony to celebrate the beginning of the child's -education takes place in the fifth or seventh year. In some places, -the child is first taken to the temple, where some water sanctified -by mantrams is poured over his head by the Shantikaran (officiating -priest). The ceremony at the house is opened by Ganapathi puja -performed by an Ezhuttacchan, or by a Nambudri, or another Nayar. The -Ezhuttacchan writes on the child's tongue with a gold fanam (coin) -the invocation to Ganapathi (Hari Sri Ganapathayi nama), or sometimes -the fifty-one letters of the Malayalam alphabet, and then grasps the -middle finger of the child's right hand, and with it traces the same -letters in parched rice. He also gives the child an ola (strip of -palm leaf) inscribed with them, and receives in return a small fee in -cash. Next the child thrice touches first the Ezhuttacchan's feet, and -then his own forehead with his right hand, in token of that reverent -submission to the teacher, which seems to have been the key-note of -the old Hindu system of education. - -"The Kathukuttu or ear-boring is performed either at the same time as -the Pala-kudi or the Choulam, or at any time in the fifth or seventh -year. The operator, who may be any one possessing the necessary skill, -pierces first the right and then the left ear with two gold or silver -wires brought by the goldsmith, or with karamullu thorns. The wires -or thorns are left in the ears. In the case of girls, the hole is -subsequently gradually distended by the insertion of nine different -kinds of thorns or plugs in succession, the last of which is a bamboo -plug, till it is large enough to admit the characteristic Malayali -ear ornament, the boss-shaped toda." - -Of the death ceremonies among the Nayars of Malabar, the following -detailed account is given by Mr. Fawcett. "When the dying person is -about to embark for that bourne from which no traveller returns, and -the breath is about to leave his body, the members of the household, -and all friends who may be present, one by one, pour a little water, -a few drops from a tiny cup made of a leaf or two of the tulsi (Ocimum -sanctum), into his mouth, holding in the hand a piece of gold or a -gold ring, the idea being that the person should touch gold ere it -enters the mouth of the person who is dying. If the taravad is rich -enough to afford it, a small gold coin (a rasi fanam, if one can be -procured) is placed in the mouth, and the lips are closed. As soon as -death has taken place, the corpse is removed from the cot or bed and -carried to the vatakkini (a room in the northern end of the house), -where it is placed on long plantain leaves spread out on the floor; -while it is in the room, whether by day or night, a lamp is kept -burning, and one member of the taravad holds the head in his lap, -and another the feet in the same way; and here the neighbours come -to take a farewell look at the dead. As the Malayalis believe that -disposal of a corpse by cremation or burial as soon as possible after -death is conducive to the happiness of the spirit of the departed, -no time is lost in setting about the funeral. The bodies of senior -members of the taravad, male or female, are burned, those of children -under two are buried; so too are the bodies of all persons who have -died of cholera or small-pox. When preparations for the funeral have -been made, the corpse is removed to the natumuttam or central yard of -house, if there is one (there always is in the larger houses); and, -if there is not, is taken to the front yard, where it is again laid on -plantain leaves. It is washed and anointed, the usual marks are made -with sandal paste and ashes as in life, and it is neatly clothed. There -is then done what is called the potavekkuka ceremony, or placing new -cotton cloths (koti mundu) over the corpse by the senior member of -the deceased's taravad followed by all the other members, and also -the sons-in-law and daughters-in-law, and all relatives. These cloths -are used for tying up the corpse, when being taken to the place of -burial or cremation. In some parts of Malabar, the corpse is carried -on a bier made of fresh bamboos, tied up in these cloths, while in -others it is carried, well covered in the cloths, by hand. In either -case it is carried by the relatives. Before the corpse is removed, -there is done another ceremony called paravirakkuka, or filling up -paras. (A para is a measure nearly as big as a gallon.) All adult male -members of the taravad take part in it under the direction of a man -of the Attikkurissi clan who occupies the position of director of the -ceremonies during the next fifteen days, receiving as his perquisites -all the rice and other offerings made to the deceased's spirit. It -consists in filling up three para measures with paddy (unhusked rice), -and one edangali (1/10 of a para) with raw rice. These offerings of -paddy and rice are placed very near the corpse, together with a burning -lamp of the kind commonly used in Malabar, called nela vilaku. If the -taravad is rich enough to afford one, a silk cloth is placed over the -corpse before its removal for cremation. As much fuel as is necessary -having been got ready at the place of cremation, a small pit about the -size of the corpse is dug, and across this are placed three long stumps -of plantain tree, one at each end, and one in the middle, on which as -a foundation the pyre is laid. The whole, or at least a part of the -wood used, should be that of the mango tree. As the corpse is being -removed to the pyre, the senior Anandravan [160] who is next in age -(junior) to the deceased tears from one of the new cloths laid on the -corpse a piece sufficient to go round his waist, ties it round his -waist and holds in his hand, or tucks into his cloth at the waist, -a piece of iron, generally a long key. This individual is throughout -chief among the offerers of pindam (balls of rice) to the deceased. The -corpse is laid on the bier with the head to the south, with the fuel -laid over it, and a little camphor, sandalwood and ghi (clarified -butter), if these things are within the means of the taravad. Here -must be stated the invariable rule that no member of the taravad, -male or female, who is older than the deceased, shall take any part -whatever in the ceremony, or in any subsequent ceremony following on -the cremation or burial. All adult males junior to the deceased should -be present when the pyre is lighted. The deceased's younger brother, -or, if there is none surviving, his nephew (his sister's eldest son) -sets fire to the pyre at the head of the corpse. If the deceased left -a son, this son sets fire at the same time to the pyre at the feet of -the corpse. In the case of the deceased being a woman, her son sets -fire to the pyre; failing a son, the next junior in age to her has -the right to do it. It is a matter of greatest importance that the -whole pyre burns at once. The greatest care is taken that it burns -as a whole, consuming every part of the corpse. While the corpse is -being consumed, all the members of the deceased's taravad who carried -it to the pyre go and bathe in a tank (there is always one in the -compound or grounds round every Nayar's house). The eldest, he who -bears the piece of torn cloth and iron (the key), carries an earthen -pot of water, and all return together to the place of cremation. It -should be said that, on the news of a death, the neighbours assemble, -assisting in digging the grave, preparing the pyre, and so on, and, -while the members of the taravad go and bathe, they remain near the -corpse. By the time the relatives return it is almost consumed by -the fire, and the senior Anandravan carries the pot of water thrice -round the pyre, letting the water leak out by making holes in the -pot as he walks round. On completing the third round, he dashes the -pot on the ground close by where the head of the dead body has been -placed. A small image representing the deceased is then made out of -raw rice, and to this image a few grains of rice and gingelly seeds -are offered. When this has been done, the relatives go home and the -neighbours depart, bathing before entering their houses. When the -cremation has been done by night, the duty of seshakriya (making -offerings to the deceased's spirit) must be begun the next day -between 10 and 11 A.M., and is done on seven consecutive days. In -any case the time for this ceremony is after 10 and before 11, and -it continues for seven days. It is performed as follows. All male -members of the taravad younger than the deceased go together to a -tank and bathe, i.e., they souse themselves in the water, and return -to the house. The eldest of them, the man who tore off the strip of -cloth from the corpse, has with him the same strip of cloth and the -piece of iron, and all assemble in the central courtyard of the house, -where there have been placed ready by an enangan some rice which has -been half boiled, a few grains of gingelly, a few leaves of the cherula -(Ærua lanata), some curds, a smaller measure of paddy, and a smaller -measure of raw rice. These are placed in the north-east corner with a -lamp of the ordinary Malabar pattern. A piece of palmyra leaf, about -a foot or so in length and the width of a finger, is taken, and one -end of it is knotted. The knotted end is placed in the ground, and -the long end is left sticking up. This represents the deceased. The -rice and other things are offered to it. The belief concerning this -piece of palmyra leaf is explained thus. There are in the human body -ten humours:--Vayus, Pranan, Apanan, Samanan, Udanan, Vyanan, Nagan, -Kurman, Krikalan, Devadattan, Dhananjayan. These are called Dasavayu, -i.e., ten airs. When cremation was done for the first time, all these, -excepting the last, were destroyed by the fire. The last one flew -up, and settled on a palmyra leaf. Its existence was discovered by -some Brahman sages, who, by means of mantrams, forced it down to a -piece of palmyra leaf on the earth. So it is thought that, by making -offerings to this Dhananjayan leaf for seven days, the spirit of the -deceased will be mollified, should he have any anger to vent on the -living members of the taravad. The place where the piece of leaf -is to be fixed has been carefully cleaned, and the leaf is fixed -in the centre of the prepared surface. The offerings made to it go -direct to the spirit of the deceased, and the peace of the taravad is -assured. The men who have bathed and returned have brought with them -some grass (karuka pulla), plucked on their way back to the house. They -kneel in front of the piece of palmyra, with the right knee on the -ground. Some of the grass is spread on the ground near the piece of -leaf, and rings made with it are placed on the ring finger of the -right hand by each one present. The first offerings consist of water, -sandal paste, and leaves of the cherula, the eldest of the Anandravans -leading the way. Boys need not go through the actual performance of -offerings; it suffices for them to touch the eldest as he is making -the offerings. The half boiled rice is made into balls (pindam), and -each one present takes one of these in his right hand, and places it -on the grass near the piece of palmyra leaf. Some gingelly seeds are -put into the curd, which is poured so as to make three rings round the -pindams. It is poured out of a small cup made with the leaf on which -the half-boiled rice had been placed. It should not be poured from any -other kind of vessel. The whole is then covered with this same plantain -leaf, a lighted wick is waved, and some milk is put under the leaf. It -is undisturbed for some moments, and leaf is gently tapped with the -back of the fingers of the right hand. The leaf is then removed, and -torn in two at its midrib, one piece being placed on either side of -the pindams. The ceremony is then over for the day. The performers -rise, and remove the wet clothing they have been wearing. The eldest -of the Anandravans should, it was omitted to mention, be kept somewhat -separated from the other Anandravans while in the courtyard, and before -the corpse is removed for cremation; a son-in-law or daughter-in-law, -or some such kind of relation remaining, as it were, between him -and them. He has had the piece of cloth torn from the covering of -the corpse tied round his waist, and the piece of iron in the folds -of his cloth, or stuck in his waist during the ceremony which has -just been described. Now, when it has been completed, he ties the -piece of cloth to the pillar of the house nearest to the piece of -palmyra leaf which has been stuck in the ground, and puts the piece -of iron in a safe place. The piece of palmyra leaf is covered with -a basket. It is uncovered every day for seven days at the same hour, -while the same ceremony is repeated. The balls of rice are removed by -women and girls of the taravad who are junior to the deceased. They -place them in the bell-metal vessel in which the rice was boiled. The -senior places the vessel on her head, and leads the way to a tank, -on the bank of which the rice is thrown. It is hoped that crows will -come and eat it; for, if they do, the impression is received that -the deceased's spirit is pleased with the offering. But, if somehow -it is thought that the crows will not come and eat it, the rice is -thrown into the tank. Dogs are not to be allowed to eat it. The women -bathe after the rice has been thrown away. When the ceremony which -has been described has been performed for the seventh time, i.e., -on the seventh day after death, the piece of palmyra leaf is removed -from the ground, and thrown on the ashes of the deceased at the place -of cremation. During these seven days, no member of the taravad goes -to any other house. The house of the dead, and all its inmates are -under pollution. No outsider enters it but under ban of pollution, -which is, however, removable by bathing. A visitor entering the house -of the dead during these seven days must bathe before he can enter -his own house. During these seven days, the Karanavan of the family -receives visits of condolence from relatives and friends to whom he -is "at home" on Monday, Wednesday or Saturday. They sit and chat, -chew betel, and go home, bathing ere they enter their houses. It is -said that, in some parts of Malabar, the visitors bring with them -small presents in money or kind to help the Karanavan through the -expenditure to which the funeral rites necessarily put him. To hark -back a little, it must not be omitted that, on the third day after the -death, all those who are related by marriage to the taravad of the -deceased combine, and give a good feast to the inmates of the house -and to the neighbours who are invited, one man or woman from each -house. The person so invited is expected to come. This feast is called -patni karigi. On the seventh day, a return feast will be given by the -taravad of the deceased to all relatives and neighbours. Between the -seventh and fourteenth day after death no ceremony is observed, but the -members of the taravad remain under death pollution. On the fourteenth -day comes the sanchayanam. It is the disposal of the calcined remains; -the ashes of the deceased. The male members of the taravad go to -the place of cremation, and, picking up the pieces of unburnt bones -which they find there, place these in an earthen pot which has been -sun-dried (not burnt by fire in the usual way), cover up the mouth -of this pot with a piece of new cloth, and, all following the eldest -who carries it, proceed to the nearest river (it must be running -water), which receives the remains of the dead. The men then bathe, -and return home. In some parts of Malabar the bones are collected -on the seventh day, but it is not orthodox to do so. Better by far -than taking the remains to the nearest river is it to take them to -some specially sacred place, Benares, Gaya, Rameswaram, or even to -some place of sanctity much nearer home, as to Tirunelli in Wynaad, -and there dispose of them in the same manner. The bones or ashes of -any one having been taken to Gaya and there deposited in the river, -the survivors of the taravad have no need to continue the annual -ceremony for that person. This is called ashtagaya sradh. It puts -an end to the need for all earthly ceremonial. It is believed that -the collection and careful disposal of the ashes of the dead gives -peace to his spirit, and, what is more important, the pacified spirit -will not thereafter injure the living members of the taravad, cause -miscarriage to the women, possess the men (as with an evil spirit), -and so on. On the fifteenth day after death is the purificatory -ceremony. Until this has been done, any one touched by any member of -the taravad should bathe before he enters his house, or partakes of -any food. A man of the Athikurisi clan officiates. He sprinkles milk -oil, in which some gingelly seeds have been put, over the persons of -those under pollution. This sprinkling, and the bath which follows it, -remove the death pollution. The purifier receives a fixed remuneration -for his offices on this occasion, as well as when there is a birth in -the taravad. In the case of death of a senior member of a taravad, -well-to-do and recognised as of some importance, there is the feast -called pinda atiyantaram on the sixteenth day after death, given to -the neighbours and friends. With the observance of this feast of -pindams there is involved the diksha, or leaving the entire body -unshaved for forty-one days, or for a year. There is no variable -limit between forty-one days or a year. The forty-one-day period -is the rule in North Malabar. I have seen many who were under the -diksha for a year. He who lets his hair grow may be a son or nephew -of the deceased. One member only of the taravad bears the mark of -mourning by his growth of hair. He who is under the diksha offers -half-boiled rice and gingelly seeds to the spirits of the deceased -every morning after his bath, and he is under restriction from women, -from alcoholic drinks, and from chewing betel, also from tobacco. When -the diksha is observed, the ashes of the dead are not deposited as -described already (in the sun-dried vessel) until its last day--the -forty-first or a year after death. When it is carried on for a year, -there is observed every month a ceremony called bali. It is noteworthy -that, in this monthly ceremony and for the conclusion of the diksha, -it is not the thirtieth or three hundred and sixty-fifth day which -marks the date for the ceremonies, but it is the day (of the month) -of the star which was presiding when the deceased met his death: -the returning day on which the star presides. [161] For the bali, a -man of the Elayatu caste officiates. The Elayatus are priests for the -Nayars. They wear the Brahmin's thread, but they are not Brahmins. They -are not permitted to study the Vedas, but to the Nayars they stand in -the place of the ordinary purohit. The officiating Elayatu prepares -the rice for the bali, when to the deceased, represented by karuka -grass, are offered boiled rice, curds, gingelly seeds, and some other -things. The Elayatu should be paid a rupee for his services, which -are considered necessary even when the man under diksha is himself -familiar with the required ceremonial. The last day of the diksha is -one of festivity. After the bali, the man under diksha is shaved. All -this over, the only thing to be done for the deceased is the annual -sradh or yearly funeral commemorative rite. Rice-balls are made, -and given to crows. Clapping of hands announces to these birds that -the rice is being thrown for them, and, should they not come at once -and eat, it is evident that the spirit is displeased, and the taravad -had better look out. The spirits of those who have committed suicide, -or met death by any violent means, are always particularly vicious and -troublesome to the taravad, their spirits possessing and rendering -miserable some unfortunate member of it. Unless they are pacified, -they will ruin the taravad, so Brahman priests are called in, and -appease them by means of tilahomam, a rite in which sacrificial fire -is raised, and ghi, gingelly, and other things are offered through it." - -"There are," Mr. Fawcett writes, "many interesting features in the -death ceremonies as performed by the Kiriattil class. Those who carry -the corpse to the pyre are dressed as women, their cloths being wet, -and each carries a knife on his person. Two junior male members of -the taravad thrust pieces of mango wood into the southern end of -the burning pyre, and, when they are lighted, throw them over their -shoulders to the southwards without looking round. Close to the -northern end of the pyre, two small sticks are fixed in the ground, -and tied together with a cloth, over which water is poured thrice. All -members of the taravad prostrate to the ground before the pyre. They -follow the enangu carrying the pot of water round the pyre, and go -home without looking round. They pass to the northern side of the -house under an arch made by two men standing east and west, holding -at arms length, and touching at the points, the spade that was used -to dig the pit under the pyre, and the axe with which the wood for the -pyre was cut or felled. After this is done the kodali ceremony, using -the spade, axe, and big knife. These are placed on the leaves where -the corpse had lain. Then follows circumambulation and prostration -by all, and the leaves are committed to the burning pyre." - -In connection with the death ceremonies, it is noted in the Cochin -Census Report, 1901, that "the last moments of a dying person are -really very trying. All members (male and female), junior to the -dying person, pour into his or her mouth drops of Ganges or other -holy water or conjee (rice) water in token of their last tribute of -regard. Before the person breathes his last, he or she is removed -to the bare floor, as it is considered sacrilegious to allow the -last breath to escape while lying on the bed, and in a room with a -ceiling, which last is supposed to obstruct the free passage of the -breath. The names of gods, or sacred texts are loudly dinned into -his or her ears, so that the person may quit this world with the -recollections of God serving as a passport to heaven. The forehead, -breast, and the joints especially are besmeared with holy ashes, -so as to prevent the messengers of death from tightly tying those -parts when they carry away the person. Soon after the last breath, -the dead body is removed to some open place in the house, covered from -top to toe with a washed cloth, and deposited on the bare floor with -the head towards the south, the region of the God of death. A lighted -lamp is placed near the head, and other lights are placed all round -the corpse. A mango tree is cut, or other firewood is collected, -and a funeral pyre is constructed in the south-eastern corner of -a compound or garden known as the corner of Agni, which is always -reserved as a cemetery for the burning or burial of the dead. All male -members, generally junior, bathe, and, without wiping their head or -body, they remove the corpse to the yard in front of the house, and -place it on a plantain leaf. It is nominally anointed with oil, and -bathed in water. Ashes and sandal are again smeared on the forehead -and joints. The old cloth is removed, and the body is covered with -a new unwashed cloth or a piece of silk. A little gold or silver, or -small coins are put into the mouth. With the breaking of a cocoanut, -and the offering of some powdered rice, betel leaf, areca nut, etc., -the body is taken to the pyre. The members junior to the deceased -go round the pyre three, five, or seven times, throw paddy and rice -over the dead body, put scantlings of sandal wood, prostrate at the -feet of the corpse, and then set fire to the pyre. When the body is -almost wholly consumed, one of the male members carries a pot of water, -and, after making three rounds, the pot is broken and thrown into the -pyre. The death of an elderly male member of a family is marked by -udakakriya and sanchayanam, and the daily bali performed at the bali -kutti (altar) planted in front of the house, or in the courtyard in -the centre of the house, where there is one. The Ashtikurissi Nayar -officiates as priest at all such obsequies. On the morning of the -fifteenth day, the members of the family wear cloths washed by a -Velan, and assemble together for purification by the Nayar priest, -both before and after bathing, who throws on them paddy and rice, -and sprinkles the holy mixture. The Elayad or family purohit then -performs another punnayaham or purification, and on the sixteenth day -he takes the place of the priest. On the evening of the fifteenth day, -and the morning of the sixteenth day, the purohits and villagers are -sumptuously feasted, and presents of cloths and money are made to the -Elayads. In the Chittur taluk, the Tamil Brahman sometimes performs -priestly functions in place of the Elayad. Diksha is performed for -forty-one days, or for a whole year, for the benefit of the departed -soul. This last ceremony is invariably performed on the death of the -mother, maternal uncle, and elder brother." - -In connection with the habitations of the Nayars, Mr. Fawcett writes -as follows. "A house may face east or west, never north or south; -as a rule, it faces the east. Every garden is enclosed by a bank, -a hedge, or a fencing of some kind, and entrance is to be made at one -point only, the east, where there is a gate-house, or, in the case of -the poorest houses, a small portico or open doorway roofed over. One -never walks straight through this; there is always a kind of stile to -surmount. It is the same everywhere in Malabar, and not only amongst -the Nayars. The following is a plan of a nalapura or four-sided house, -which may be taken as representative of the houses of the rich:-- - -Numbers 6 and 7 are rooms, which are generally used for storing -grain. At A is a staircase leading to the room of the upper storey -occupied by the female members of the family. At B is another -staircase leading to the rooms of the upper storey occupied by the -male members. There is no connection between the portions allotted to -the men and women. No. 8 is for the family gods. The Karanavans and -old women of the family are perpetuated in images of gold or silver, -or, more commonly, brass. Poor people, who cannot afford to have these -images made, substitute a stone. Offerings are made to these images, -or to the stones at every full moon. The throat of a fowl will be cut -outside, and the bird is then taken inside and offered. The entrance -is at C. - -There are windows at * * *. E are rooms occupied by women and -children. It may be noticed that the apartment where the men sleep has -no windows on the side of the house which is occupied by women. The -latter are relatively free from control by the men as to who may -visit them. We saw, when speaking of funeral ceremonies, that a house -is supposed to have a courtyard, and, of course, it has this only -when there are four sides to the house. The nalapura is the proper -form of house, for in this alone can all ceremonial be observed in -orthodox fashion. But it is not the ordinary Nayar's house that one -sees all over Malabar. The ordinary house is roughly of the shape here -indicated. Invariably there is an upper storey. There are no doors, -and only a few tiny windows opening to the west. Men sleep at one end, -women at the other, each having their own staircase. Around the house -there is always shade from the many trees and palms. Every house is -in its own seclusion." - -Concerning Nayar dwellings, Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar writes that "the -houses of the Nayar, standing in a separate compound, have been by -many writers supposed to have been designed with special reference -to the requirements of offence and defence, and Major Welsh states -that the saying that every man's house is his castle is well verified -here. The higher ambition of the Nayar is, as has frequently been -said, to possess a garden, wherein he can grow, without trouble or -expense, the few necessaries of his existence. The garden surrounding -the house is surrounded by a hedge or strong fence. At the entrance -is an out-house, or patipura, which must have served as a kind of -guardroom in mediæval times. In poorer houses its place is taken by a -roofed door, generally provided with a stile to keep out cattle. The -courtyard is washed with cow-dung, and diverse figures are drawn -with white chalk on the fence. Usually there are three out-houses, -a vadakkettu on the north side serving as a kitchen, a cattle-shed, -and a tekketu on the southern side, where some family spirit is -located. These are generally those of Maruta, i.e., some member of -the family who has died of small-pox. A sword or other weapon, and -a seat or other emblem is located within this out-house, which is -also known by the names of gurusala (the house of a saint), kalari -(military training-ground), and daivappura (house of a deity). The -tekketu is lighted up every evening, and periodical offerings are -made to propitiate the deities enshrined within. In the south-west -corner is the serpent kavu (grove), and by its side a tank for -bathing purposes. Various useful trees are grown in the garden, such -as the jack, areca palm, cocoanut, plantain, tamarind, and mango. The -whole house is known as vitu. The houses are built on various models, -such as pattayappura, nalukettu, ettukettu, and kuttikettu." - -Concerning the dress of the Nayars, Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar writes that -"the males dress themselves in a mundu (cloth), a loose lower garment, -and a towel. A neriyatu, or light cloth of fine texture with coloured -border, is sometimes worn round the mundu on festive occasions. Coats -and caps are recent introductions, but are eschewed by the orthodox as -unnational. It is noted by Mr. Logan that 'the women clothe themselves -in a single white cloth of fine texture, reaching from the waist to the -knees, and occasionally, when abroad, they throw over the shoulder and -bosom another similar cloth. But by custom the Nayar women go uncovered -from the waist. Upper garments indicate lower caste, or sometimes, -by a strange reversal of Western notions, immodesty.' Edward Ives, -who came to Anjengo about 1740, observes that 'the groves on each bank -of the river are chiefly planted with cocoanut trees, and have been -inhabited by men and women in almost a pure state of nature, for they -go with their breasts and bellies entirely naked. This custom prevails -universally throughout every caste from the poorest planter of rice -to the daughter or consort of the king upon the throne.'" (According -to ancient custom, Nayar women in Travancore used to remove their -body-cloth in the presence of the Royal Family. But, since 1856, -this custom has been abolished, by a proclamation during the reign -of H. H. Vanchi Bala Rama Varma Kulasakhara Perumal Bhagiodya Rama -Varma. In a critique on the Indian Census Report, 1901. Mr. J. D. Rees -observes [162] that "if the Census Commissioner had enjoyed the -privilege of living among the Nayars, he would not have accused -them of an 'excess of females.' The most beautiful women in India, -if numerous, could never be excessive." Concerning Nayar females, -Pierre Loti writes [163] that "les femmes ont presque toutes les -traits d'une finesse particulière. Elles se font des bandeaux a la -Vierge, et, avec le reste de leurs cheveux, très noirs et très lisses, -composent une espèce de galette ronde qui se porte au sommet de la -tête, en avant et de côté, retombant un peu vers le front comme une -petite toque cavalièrement posée, en contraste sur l'ensemble de leur -personne qui demeure toujours grave et hiératique."] The Nayars are -particularly cleanly. Buchanan writes that "the higher ranks of the -people of Malayala use very little clothing, but are remarkably -clean in their persons. Cutaneous disorders are never observed -except among slaves and the lowest orders, and the Nayar women are -remarkably careful, repeatedly washing with various saponaceous plants -to keep their hair and skins from every impurity." The washerman is -constantly in requisition. No dirty cloths are ever worn. When going -for temple worship, the Nayar women dress themselves in the tattu form -by drawing the right corner of the hind fold of the cloth between the -thighs, and fastening it at the back. The cloth is about ten cubits -long and three broad, and worn in two folds. The oldest ornament -of the Nayar women is the necklace called nagapatam, the pendants -of which resemble a cobra's hood. The Nayar women wear no ornament -on the head, but decorate the hair with flowers. The nagapatam, and -several other forms of neck ornament, such as kazhultila, nalupanti, -puttali, chelakkamotiram, amatali, arumpumani, and kumilatali are -fast vanishing. The kuttu-minnu is worn on the neck for the first -time by a girl when her tali-kettu is celebrated. This ornament is -also called gnali. Prior to the tali-kettu ceremony, the girls wear a -kasu or sovereign. The inseparable neck ornament of a Nayar woman in -modern days is the addiyal, to which a patakkam is attached. The only -ornament for the ears is the takka or toda. After the lobes have been -dilated at the karnavedha ceremony, and dilated, a big leaden ring -is inserted in them. The nose ornament of women is called mukkuthi, -from which is suspended a gold wire called gnattu. No ornament is -worn in the right nostril. The wearing of gold bangles on the wrists -has been long the fashion among South Indian Hindu females of almost -all high castes. Round the waist Nayar women wear chains of gold -and silver, and, by the wealthy, gold belts called kachchapuram are -worn. Anklets were not worn in former times, but at the present day -the kolusu and padasaram of the Tamilians have been adopted. So, -too, the time-honoured toda is sometimes set aside in favour of the -Tamil kammal, an ornament of much smaller size. Canter Visscher (who -was Chaplain at Cochin in the eighteenth century) must have been -much struck by the expenditure of the Nayar women on their dress, -for he wrote [164] 'there is not one of any fortune who does not own -as many as twenty or thirty chests full of robes made of silver and -other valuable materials, for it would be a disgrace in their case -to wear the same dress two or three days in succession'." - -It is noted by Mr. Fawcett that "the Venetian sequin, which probably -first found its way to Malabar in the days of Vasco da Gama and -Albuquerque, is one of those coins which, having found favour with -a people, is used persistently in ornamentation long after it has -passed out of currency. So fond are the Malayalis of the sequin that -to this day there is quite a large trade in imitations of the coin for -purposes of ornament. Such is the persistence of its use that the trade -extends to brass and even copper imitation of the sequins. The former -are often seen to bear the legend 'Made in Austria.' The Nayars wear -none but the gold sequins. The brass imitations are worn by the women -of the inferior races. If one asks the ordinary Malayali, say a Nayar, -what persons are represented on the sequin, one gets for answer that -they are Rama and Sita; between them a cocoanut tree." - -In connection with the wearing of charms by Nayars Mr. Fawcett -writes as follows. "One individual (a Kiriattil Nayar) wore two -rings made of an amalgamation of gold and copper, called tambak, -on the ring finger of the right hand for good luck. Tambak rings -are lucky rings. It is a good thing to wash the face with the hand, -on which is a tambak ring. Another wore two rings of the pattern -called triloham (lit. metals) on the ring finger of each hand. Each -of these was made during an eclipse. Yet another wore a silver ring -as a vow, which was to be given up at the next festival at Kottiur, -a famous festival in North Malabar. The right nostril of a Sudra -Nayar was slit vertically as if for the insertion of a jewel. His -mother miscarried in her first pregnancy, so, according to custom, -he, the child of her second pregnancy, had his nose slit. Another -wore a silver bangle. He had a wound in his arm which was long in -healing, so he made a vow to the god at Tirupati (in the North Arcot -district), that, if his arm was healed, he would give up the bangle -at the Tirupati temple. He intended to send the bangle there by a -messenger. An Akattu Charna Nayar wore an amulet to keep off the -spirit of a Brahman who died by drowning. Another had a silver ring, -on which a piece of a bristle from an elephant's tail was arranged." - -Tattooing is said by Mr. Subramani Aiyar not to be favoured by North -Travancore Nayars, and to be only practiced by Nayar women living -to the south of Quilon. Certain accounts trace it to the invasion -of Travancore by a Moghul Sirdar in 1680 A.D. In modern times it has -become rare. The operation is performed by women of the Odda or Kurava -caste before a girl reaches the twelfth year. - -Concerning the religious worship of the Nayars, Mr. Subramani Aiyar -writes that "Buchanan notes that the proper deity of the Nayars is -Vishnu, though they wear the mark of Siva on their foreheads. By -this is merely meant that they pay equal reverence to both Siva and -Vishnu, being Smartas converted to the tenets of Sankaracharya. Besides -worshipping the higher Hindu deities, the Nayars also manifest their -adoration for several minor ones, such as Matan, Utayam, Yakshi, -Chattan, Chantakarnan, Murti, Maruta, and Arukula. Most of these have -granite representations, or at least such emblems as a sword or a cane, -and are provided with a local habitation. Besides these, persons who -have met with accidental death, and girls who have died before their -tali-tying ceremony, are specially worshipped under the designations -of Kazhichchavu and Kannichchavu. Magicians are held in some fear, -and talismanic amulets are attached to the waist by members of both -sexes. Kuttichattan, the mischievous imp of Malabar, is supposed to -cause much misery. Various spirits are worshipped on the Tiruvonam -day in the month of Avani (August-September), on the Uchcharam or -28th day of Makarom (January-February), and on some Tuesdays and -Fridays. Kolam-tullal, Velan-pravarti, Ayiramaniyam-tullel, Chavuttu, -Tila-homam, and a host of other ceremonies are performed with a view -to propitiate spirits, and the assistance of the Kaniyans and Velans -is largely sought. Serpents, too, whose images are located on the -north-western side of most gardens in Central and North Travancore, -receive a large share of adoration. The sun is an object of universal -worship. Though the Gayatri cannot be studied, or the Sandhyavandanam -of the Brahmans performed, an offering of water to the sun after -a bath, to the accompaniment of some hymn, is made by almost every -pious Nayar. The Panchakshara is learnt from an Ilayatu, and repeated -daily. A large portion of the time of an old Nayar is spent in reading -the Ramayana, Bhagavata and Mahabharata, rendered into Malayalam by -Tunchattu Ezhuttachhan, the greatest poet of the Malabar coast. Many -places in Travancore are pointed out as the scene of memorable -incidents in the Ramayana and Mahabharata. There are many temples, -tanks, and mountains connected with Rama's march to the capital of -Ravana. Equally important are the singular feats said to have been -performed by the five Pandavas during the time of their wanderings -in the jungles before the battle of Kurukshetra. Bhima especially -has built temples, raised up huge mountains, and performed many -other gigantic tasks in the country. There are some village temples -owned exclusively by the Nayars, where all the karakkars (villagers) -assemble on special occasions. A very peculiar socio-religious ceremony -performed here is the kuttam. This is a village council, held at the -beginning of every month for the administration of the communal affairs -of the caste, though, at the present day, a sumptuous feast at the -cost of each villager in rotation, and partaken of by all assembled, -and a small offering to the temple, are all that remains to commemorate -it. Astrology is believed in, and some of its votaries are spoken of -as Trikalagnas, or those who know the past, present, and future. It -is due to a curse of Siva on the science of his son, who made bold by -its means to predict even the future of his father, that occasional -mistakes are said to occur in astrological calculations. Sorcery -and witchcraft are believed to be potent powers for evil. To make a -person imbecile, to paralyse his limbs, to cause him to lavish all -his wealth upon another, to make him deaf and dumb, and, if need be, -even to make an end of him, are not supposed to be beyond the powers -of the ordinary wizard. Next to wizardry and astrology, palmistry, -omens, and the lizard science are generally believed in. In the -category of good omens are placed the elephant, a pot full of water, -sweetmeats, fruit, fish and flesh, images of gods, kings, a cow with -its calf, married women, tied bullocks, gold lamps, ghee, milk, and -so on. Under the head of bad omens come the donkey, a broom, buffalo, -untied bullock, barber, widow, patient, cat, washerman, etc. The worst -of all omens is beyond question to allow a cat to cross one's path. An -odd number of Nayars, and an even number of Brahmans, are good omens, -the reverse being particularly bad. On the Vinayaka-chaturthi day in -the month of Avani, no man is permitted to look at the rising moon -under penalty of incurring unmerited obloquy. - -"The chief religious festival of the Nayars is Onam, which takes -place in the last week of August, or first week of September. It is -a time of rejoicing and merriment. Father Paulinus, writing in the -latter half of the eighteenth century, observes that about the tenth -September the rain ceases in Malabar. All nature seems then as if -renovated; the flowers again shoot up, and the trees bloom. In a word, -this season is the same as that which Europeans call spring. The Onam -festival is said, therefore, to have been instituted for the purpose -of soliciting from the gods a happy and fruitful year. It continues -for eight days, and during that time the Indians are accustomed to -adorn their houses with flowers, and to daub them over with cow-dung, -because the cow is a sacred animal, dedicated to the Goddess Lakshmi, -the Ceres of India. On this occasion they also put on new clothes, -throw away all their old earthenware and replace it by new. Onam is, -according to some, the annual celebration of the Malabar new year, -which first began with Cheraman Perumal's departure for Mecca. But, -with the majority of orthodox Hindus, it is the day of the annual visit -of Mahabali to his country, which he used to govern so wisely and well -before his overthrow. There is also a belief that it is Maha-Vishnu -who, on Onam day, pays a visit to this mundane universe, for the just -and proper maintenance of which he is specially responsible. In some -North Malabar title-deeds and horoscopes, Mr. Logan says, the year is -taken as ending with the day previous to Onam. This fact, he notes, is -quite reconcilable with the other explanation, which alleges that the -commencement of the era coincides with Perumal's departure for Arabia, -if it is assumed, as is not improbable, that the day on which he sailed -was Thiruvonam day, on which acknowledgment of fealty should have -been made. Onam, it may be observed, is a contraction of Thiruvonam -which is the asterism of the second day of the festival. Throughout -the festival, boys from five to fifteen years of age go out early -in the morning to gather flowers, of which the kadali is the most -important. On their return, they sit in front of the tulasi (sacred -basil) mandapam, make a carpet-like bed of the blossoms which they have -collected, and place a clay image of Ganapati in the centre. A writer -in the Calcutta Review [165] describes how having set out at dawn to -gather blossoms, the children return with their beautiful spoils by 9 -or 10 A.M., and then the daily decoration begins. The chief decoration -consists of a carpet made out of the gathered blossoms, the smaller -ones being used in their entirety, while the large flowers, and one -or two varieties of foliage of different tints, are pinched up into -little pieces to serve the decorator's purpose. This flower carpet is -invariably in the centre of the clean strip of yard in front of the -neat house. Often it is a beautiful work of art, accomplished with a -delicate touch and a highly artistic sense of tone and blending. The -carpet completed, a miniature pandal (booth), hung with little -festoons, is erected over it, and at all hours of the day neighbours -look in, to admire and criticise the beautiful handiwork." - -"Various field sports, of which foot-ball is the chief, are indulged -in during the Onam festival. To quote Paulinus once more, the men, -particularly those who are young, form themselves into parties, -and shoot at each other with arrows. These arrows are blunted, -but exceedingly strong, and are discharged with such force that a -considerable number are generally wounded on both sides. These games -have a great likeness to the Ceralia and Juvenalia of the ancient -Greeks and Romans." - -In connection with bows and arrows, Mr. Fawcett writes that "I once -witnessed a very interesting game called eitu (eiththu), played by -the Nayars in the southern portion of Kurumbranad during the ten days -preceding Onam. There is a semi-circular stop-butt, about two feet -in the highest part, the centre, and sloping to the ground at each -side. The players stand 25 to 30 yards before the concave side of it, -one side of the players to the right, the other to the left. There -is no restriction of numbers as to sides. Each player is armed with -a little bow made of bamboo, about 18 inches in length, and arrows, -or what answer for arrows, these being no more than pieces of the -midrib of the cocoanut palm leaf, roughly broken off, leaving a little -bit of the end to take the place of the feather. In the centre of -the stop-butt, on the ground, is placed the target, a piece of the -heart of the plantain tree, about 3 inches in diameter, pointed at -the top, in which is stuck a small stick convenient for lifting the -cheppu, as the mark which is the immediate objective of the players -is called. They shoot indiscriminately at the mark, and he who hits -it (the little arrows shoot straight, and stick in readily) carries -off all the arrows lying on the ground. Each side strives to secure -all the arrows, and to deprive the other side of theirs--a sort of -'beggar my neighbour.' He who hits the mark last takes all the arrows; -that is, he who hits it, and runs and touches the mark before any one -else hits it. As I stood watching, it happened several times that as -many as four arrows hit the mark, while the youth who had hit first -was running the 25 yards to touch the cheppu. Before he could touch it, -as many as four other arrows had struck it, and, of course, he who hit -it last and touched the mark secured all the arrows for his side. The -game is accompanied by much shouting, gesticulation and laughter. Those -returning, after securing a large number of arrows, turned somersaults, -and expressed their joy in saltatory motions." In a note on this game -with bows and arrows in Kurumbranad, Mr. E. F. Thomas writes that -"the players themselves into two sides, which shoot alternately at the -mark. Beside the mark stand representatives of the two sides. When -the mark is hit by a member of either side, on his representative -shouting 'Run, man,' he runs up the lists. His object is to seize -the mark before it is hit by any one belonging to the other side. If -he can do this, his side takes all the arrows which have been shot, -and are sticking in the stop-butt. If, on the other hand, the mark -is hit by the other side before he reaches it, he may not seize the -mark. A member of the other side runs up in his turn to seize the -mark if possible before it is hit again by the first side. If he can -do this, he takes out, not all the arrows, but only the two which are -sticking in the mark. If, while number two is running, the mark is hit -a third time, a member of the first side runs up, to seize the mark -if possible. The rule is that one or three hits take all the arrows in -the stop-butt, two or four only the arrows sticking in the mark. Great -excitement is shown by all who take part in the game, which attracts -a number of spectators. The game is played every fortnight by Nayars, -Tiyans, Mappillas, and others. I am told that it is a very old one, -and is dying out. I saw it at Naduvanur." - -The Onam games in the south-east of Malabar, in the neighbourhood -of Palghat, are said by Mr. Fawcett to be of a rough character, -"the tenants of certain jenmis (landlords) turning out each under -their own leader, and engaging in sham fights, in which there is much -rough play. Here, too, is to be seen a kind of boxing, which would -seem to be a relic of the days of the Roman pugiles using the cestus -in combat. The position taken up by the combatants is much the same -as that of the pugiles. The Romans were familiar with Malabar from -about 30 B.C. to the decline of their power. [166] We may safely -assume that the 3,000 lbs. of pepper, which Alaric demanded as part -of the ransom of Rome when he besieged the city in the fifth century, -came from Malabar." Swinging on the uzhinjal, and dancing to the -accompaniment of merry songs, are said to be characteristic amusements -of the womankind during Onam festival, and, on the Patinaram Makam, -or sixteenth day after Thiruvonam. This amusement is indulged in -by both sexes. It is noted by Mr. Fawcett that "the cloths given as -Onam presents are yellow, or some part of them, is yellow. There must -be at least a yellow stripe or a small patch of yellow in a corner, -which suggests a relic of sun-worship in a form more pronounced than -that which obtains at present. It is a harvest festival, about the -time when the first crop of paddy (rice) is harvested." - -Concerning another important festival in Malabar, the Thiruvathira, -Mr. T. K. Gopal Panikkar writes as follows. [167] "Thiruvathira is -one of the three great national occasions of Malabar. It generally -comes off in the Malayalam month of Dhanu (December or January) on -the day called the Thiruvathira day. It is essentially a festival -in which females are almost exclusively concerned, and lasts for -but a single day. The popular conception of it is that it is in -commemoration of the death of Kamadevan, the Cupid of our national -mythology. As recorded in the old Puranas, Kamadevan was destroyed in -the burning fire of the third eye of Siva, one of the chief members of -our divine Trinity. Hence he is now supposed to have only an ideal or -rather spiritual existence, and thus he exerts a powerful influence -upon the lower passions of human nature. The memory of this unhappy -tragedy is still kept alive among us, particularly the female section, -by means of the annual celebration of this important festival. About -a week before the day, the festival practically opens. At about four -in the morning, every young female of Nair families with pretensions -to decency gets out of bed, and takes her bath in a tank. Usually -a fairly large number of these young ladies collect at the tank for -the purpose. Then all, or almost all of them, plunge in the water, -and begin to take part in the singing that is presently to follow. One -of them then leads off by means of a peculiar rhythmic song, chiefly -pertaining to Cupid. This singing is simultaneously accompanied by -a curious sound produced with her hand on the water. The palm of the -left hand is closed, and kept immediately underneath the surface of -the water. Then the palm of the other is forcibly brought down in a -slanting direction, and struck against its surface, so that the water -is completely ruffled, and is splashed in all directions, producing a -loud deep noise. This process is continuously prolonged, together with -the singing. One stanza is now over along with the sound, and then -the leader stops awhile for the others to follow in her wake. This -being likewise over, she caps her first stanza with another, at the -same time beating on the water, and so on until the conclusion of -the song. All of them make a long pause, and then begin another. The -process goes on until the peep of dawn, when they rub themselves -dry, and come home to dress themselves in the neatest and grandest -possible attire. They also darken the fringes of their eyelids with -a sticky preparation of soot mixed up with a little oil or ghee, and -sometimes with a superficial coating of antimony powder. They also wear -white, black, or red marks down the middle of their foreheads. They -also chew betel, and thus redden their mouths and lips. They then -proceed to the enjoyment of another prominent item of pleasure, -viz., swinging to and fro on what is usually known as an uzhinjal, -or swing made of bamboo. On the festival day, after the morning bath -is over, they take a light meal, and in the noon the family dinner is -voraciously attacked, the essential and almost universal ingredients -being ordinary ripe plantain fruits, and a delicious preparation of -arrowroot powder purified and mixed with jaggery (crude sugar) or -sugar, and also cocoanut. Then, till evening, dancing and merry-making -are ceaselessly indulged in. The husband population are inexcusably -required to be present in the wives' houses before evening, as they -are bound to do on the Onam and Vishu occasions. Failure to do this -is looked upon as a step, or rather the first step, on the part of -the defaulting husband towards a final separation or divorce from the -wife. Despite the rigour of the bleak December season during which -the festival commonly falls, heightened inevitably by the constant -blowing of the cold east wind upon their moistened frames, these -lusty maidens derive considerable pleasure from their early baths, -and their frolics in the water. The biting cold of the season, which -makes their persons shiver and quiver, becomes to them in the midst of -all their ecstatic frolics an additional source of pleasure. The two -items described above, viz., the swinging and beating of the water, -have each their own distinctive significance. The former typifies -the attempt which these maidens make in order to hang themselves -on these instruments, and destroy their lives in consequence of the -lamented demise of their sexual deity Kamadevan. The beating on the -water symbolises their beating their chests in expression of their -deep-felt sorrow caused by their Cupid's death." - -Yet another important festival, Vishu, is thus described by Mr. Gopal -Panikkar. "Vishu, like the Onam and Thiruvathira festivals, is a -remarkable event among us. Its duration is limited to one day. The -1st of Metam (some day in April) is the unchangeable day, on which it -falls. It is practically the astronomical new year's day. This was one -of the periods when, in olden days, the subjects of ruling princes or -authorities in Malabar, under whom their lots were cast, were expected -to bring their new year's offerings to such princes. Failure to comply -with the customary and time-consecrated demands was visited with royal -displeasure, resulting in manifold varieties of oppression. The British -Government, finding this was a great burden, pressing rather heavily -upon the people, obtained as far back as 1790 a binding promise from -those Native Princes that such exactions of presents from the people -should be discontinued thereafter. Consequently the festival is now -shorn of much of its ancient sanctity and splendour. But suggestive -survivals of the same are still to be found in the presents, which -tenants and dependents bring to leading families on the day previous to -the Vishu. Being the commencement of a new year, native superstition -surrounds it with a peculiar solemn importance. It is believed that a -man's whole prosperity in life, depends upon the nature, auspicious -or otherwise, of the first things that he happens to fix his eyes -upon on this particular morning. According to Nair, and even general -Hindu mythology, there are certain objects which possess an inherent -inauspicious character. For instance, ashes, firewood, oil, and a lot -of similar objects are inauspicious ones, which will render him who -chances to notice them first fare badly in life for the whole year, and -their obnoxious effects will be removed only on his seeing holy things, -such as reigning princes, oxen, cows, gold, and such like, on the -morning of the next new year. The effects of the sight of these various -materials are said to apply even to the attainment of objects by a man -starting on a special errand, who happens for the first time to look -at them after starting. However, with this view, almost every family -religiously takes care to prepare the most sightworthy objects on the -new year morning. Therefore, on the previous night they prepare what -is known as a kani. A small circular bell-metal vessel is taken, and -some holy objects are systematically arranged inside it. A grandha or -old book made of palmyra leaves, a gold ornament, a new-washed cloth, -some 'unprofitably gay' flowers of the konna tree (Cassia Fistula), -a measure of rice, a so-called looking-glass made of bell-metal, -and a few other things, are all tastefully arranged in the vessel, -and placed in a prominent room inside the house. On either side of -this vessel two brass or bell-metal lamps, filled with cocoanut oil -clear as diamond sparks, are kept burning, and a small plank of wood, -or some other seat, is placed in front of it. At about 5 o'clock in the -morning of the day, some one who has got up first wakes up the inmates, -both male and female, of the house, and takes them blindfolded, so that -they may not gaze at anything else, to the seat near the kani. The -members are seated, one after another, in the seat, and are then, -and not till then, asked to open their eyes, and carefully look at -the kani. Then each is made to look at some venerable member of the -house, or sometimes a stranger even. This over, the little playful -urchins of the house begin to fire small crackers, which they have -bought and stored for the occasion. The kani is then taken round the -place from house to house for the benefit of the poor families, which -cannot afford to prepare such a costly adornment. With the close of -the noise of the crackers, the morning breaks, and preparations are -begun for the morning meal. This meal is in some parts confined to -rice kanji (gruel) with a grand appendage of other eatable substances, -and in others to ordinary rice and its accompaniments, but in either -case on a grand scale. Immediately the day dawns, the heads of the -families give to almost all the junior members and servants of the -household, and to wives and children, money presents to serve as -their pocket-money. In the more numerically large families, similar -presents are also made by the heads of particular branches of the same -family to their juniors, children, wives and servants. One other item -connected with the festival deserves mention. On the evening of the -previous day, about four or five o'clock, most well-to-do families -distribute paddy or rice, as the case may be, in varying quantities, -and some other accessories to the family workmen, whether they live -on the family estates or not. In return for this, these labourers -bring with them for presentation the fruits of their own labours, -such as vegetables of divers sorts, cocoanut oil, jaggery, plantains, -pumpkins, cucumbers, brinjals (fruit of Solanum Melongena), etc., -according as their respective circumstances permit. With the close of -the midday meal the festival practically concludes. In some families, -after the meal is over, dancing and games of various kinds are carried -on, which contribute to the enhancement of the pleasantries incidental -to the festival. As on other prominent occasions, card-playing and -other games are also resorted to." - -On the subject of religion, Mr. Fawcett writes as follows. "No Nayar, -unless one utterly degraded by the exigencies of a Government office, -would eat his food without having bathed and changed his cloth. It -is a rule seldom broken that every Nayar goes to the temple to pray -at least once a day after having bathed: generally twice a day. The -mere approach anywhere near his vicinity of a Cheruman, a Pulayan, -or any inferior being, even a Tiyan, as he walks to his house from -the temple, cleansed in body and mind, his marks newly set on his -forehead with sandal-wood paste, is pollution, and he must turn and -bathe again ere he can enter his house and eat. Buchanan tells us -that in his time, about a century ago, the man of inferior caste thus -approaching a Nayar would be cut down instantly with a sword; there -would be no words. Now that the people of India are inconvenienced -with an Arms Act which inhibits sword play of this kind, and with a -law system under which high and low are rated alike, the Nayar has -to content himself with an imperious grunt-like shout for the way to -be cleared for him as he stalks on imperturbed. His arrogance is not -diminished, but he cannot now show it in quite the same way. - -"I will attempt a description of the ceremonial observed at the Pishari -kavu--the Pishari temple near Quilandy on the coast 15 miles north of -Calicut, where Bhagavati is supposed in vague legend to have slain an -Asura or gigantic ogre, in commemoration of which event the festival -is held yearly to Bhagavati and her followers. The festival lasts for -seven days. When I visited it in 1895, the last day was on the 31st of -March. Before daybreak of the first day, the ordinary temple priest, -a Mussad, will leave the temple after having swept it and made it -clean; and (also before daybreak) five Nambutiris will enter it, -bearing with them sudhi kalasam. The kalasam is on this occasion -made of the five products of the cow (panchagavyam), together with -some water, a few leaves of the banyan tree, and darbha grass, all -in one vessel. Before being brought to the temple, mantrams or magic -verses will have been said over it. The contents of the vessel are -sprinkled all about the temple, and a little is put in the well, -thus purifying the temple and the well. The Nambutiris will then -perform the usual morning worship, and, either immediately after it or -very soon afterwards, they leave the temple, and the Mussad returns -and resumes his office. The temple belongs to four taravads, and no -sooner has it been purified than the Karanavans of these four taravads, -virtually the joint-owners of the temple (known as Uralas) present to -the temple servant (Pisharodi) the silver flag of the temple, which -has been in the custody of one of them since the last festival. The -Pisharodi receives it, and hoists it in front of the temple (to the -east), thus signifying that the festival has begun. While this is -being done, emphasis and grandeur is given to the occasion by the -firing off of miniature mortars such as are common at all South Indian -festivals. After the flag is hoisted, there are hoisted all round the -temple small flags of coloured cloth. For the next few days there is -nothing particular to be done beyond the procession morning, noon, -and night; the image of Bhagavati being carried on an elephant to an -orchestra of drums, and cannonade of the little mortars. All those -who are present are supposed to be fed from the temple. There is a -large crowd. On the morning of the fifth day, a man of the washerman -(Vannan) caste will announce to the neighbours by beat of tom-tom -that there will be a procession of Bhagavati issuing from the gates -of the temple, and passing round about. Like all those who are in -any way connected with the temple, this man's office is hereditary, -and he lives to a small extent on the bounty of the temple, i.e., -he holds a little land on nominal terms from the temple property, -in consideration for which he must fulfil certain requirements for -the temple, as on occasions of festivals. His office also invests -him with certain rights in the community. In the afternoon of the -fifth day, the Vannan and a Manutan, the one following the other, -bring two umbrellas to the temple; the former bringing one of cloth, -and the latter one of cadjan (palm leaves). I am not sure whether the -cloth umbrella has been in the possession of the Vannan, but think it -has. At all events, when he brings it to the temple, it is in thorough -repair--a condition for which he is responsible. The cadjan umbrella -is a new one. Following these two as they walk solemnly, each with -his umbrella, is a large crowd. There are processions of Bhagavati on -the elephant encircling the temple thrice in the morning, at noon, -and at night. Early on the sixth day, the headman of the Mukkuvans -(fishermen), who by virtue of his headship is called the Arayan, -together with the blacksmith and the goldsmith, comes to the temple -followed by a crowd, but accompanied by no orchestra of drums. To the -Arayan is given half a sack of rice for himself and his followers. A -silver umbrella belonging to the temple is handed over to him, to -be used when he comes to the temple again in the evening. To the -blacksmith is given the temple sword. The goldsmith receives the -silver umbrella from the Arayan, and executes any repairs that may be -needful, and, in like manner, the blacksmith looks to the sword. In -the afternoon, the headman of the Tiyans, called the Tandan, comes to -the temple followed by two of his castemen carrying slung on a pole -over their shoulders three bunches of young cocoanuts--an appropriate -offering, the Tiyans being those whose ordinary profession is climbing -the cocoanut palm, drawing the toddy, securing the cocoanuts, etc. This -time there will be loud drumming, and a large crowd with the Tandan, -and in front of him are men dancing, imitating sword play with sticks -and shields, clanging the shields, pulling at bows as if firing off -imaginary arrows, the while shouting and yelling madly. Then come the -blacksmith and the goldsmith with the sword. Following comes the Arayan -with the silver umbrella to the accompaniment of very noisy drumming, -in great state under a canopy of red cloth held lengthways by two men, -one before, the other behind. The procession of Bhagavati continues -throughout the night, and ceases at daybreak. These six days of the -festival are called Vilakku. A word about the drumming. The number of -instrumentalists increases as the festival goes on, and on the last -day I counted fifty, all Nayars. The instruments were the ordinary -tom-tom, a skin stretched tight over one side of a circular wooden -band, about 1 1/2 feet in diameter and 2 or 3 inches in width, and -the common long drum much narrower at the ends than in the middle; -and there were (I think) a few of those narrow in the middle, something -like an hour-glass cut short at both ends. They are beaten with carved -drum-sticks, thicker at the end held in the hand. The accuracy with -which they were played on, never a wrong note although the rhythm -was changed perpetually, was truly amazing. And the crescendo and -diminuendo, from a perfect fury of wildness to the gentlest pianissimo, -was equally astonishing, especially when we consider the fact that -there was no visible leader of this strange orchestra. Early on the -seventh and last day, when the morning procession is over, there -comes to the temple a man of the Panan caste (umbrella-makers and -devil-dancers). He carries a small cadjan umbrella which he has made -himself, adorned all round the edges with a fringe of the young leaves -of the cocoanut palm. His approach is heralded and noised just as in -the case of the others on the previous day. The umbrella should have -a long handle, and, with it in his hand, he performs a dance before -the temple. The temple is situated within a hollow square enclosure, -which none in caste below the Nayar is permitted to enter. To the -north, south, east, and west, there is a level entrance into the hollow -square, and beyond this entrance no man of inferior caste may go. The -Panan receives about 10 lbs. of raw rice for his performance. In the -afternoon, a small crowd of Vettuvars come to the temple, carrying with -them swords, and about ten small baskets made of cocoanut palm leaves, -containing salt. These baskets are carried slung on a pole. The use of -salt here is obscure. [168] I remember a case of a Nayar's house having -been plundered, the idol knocked down, and salt put in the place where -it should have stood. The act was looked on as most insulting. The -Vettuvans dance and shout in much excitement, cutting their heads with -their own swords in their frenzy. Some of them represent devils or some -kind of inferior evil spirits, and dance madly under the influence -of the spirits which they represent. Then comes the Arayan as on -the previous day with his little procession, and lastly comes the -blacksmith with the sword. The procession in the evening is a great -affair. Eight elephants, which kept line beautifully, took part in it -when I witnessed it. One of them, very handsomely caparisoned, had on -its back a priest (Mussad) carrying a sword smothered in garlands of -red flowers representing the goddess. The elephant bearing the priest -is bedizened on the forehead with two golden discs, one on each side -of the forehead, and over the centre of the forehead hangs a long -golden ornament. These discs on the elephant's forehead are common -in Malabar in affairs of ceremony. The Mappilla poets are very fond -of comparing a beautiful girl's breasts to these cup-like discs. The -elephant bears other jewels, and over his back is a large canopy-like -red cloth richly wrought. Before the elephant walked a Nayar carrying -in his right hand in front of him a sword of the kind called nandakam -smeared with white (probably sandal) paste. To its edge, at intervals -of a few inches, are fastened tiny bells, so that, when it is shaken, -there is a general jingle. Just before the procession begins, there -is something for the Tiyans to do. Four men of this caste having with -them pukalasams (flower kalasams), and five having jannakalasams, -run along the west, north, and east sides of the temple outside -the enclosure, shouting and making a noise more like the barking -of dogs than anything else. The kalasams contain arrack (liquor), -which is given to the temple to be used in the ceremonies. Members -of certain families only are allowed to perform in this business, -and for what they do each man receives five edangalis of rice from the -temple, and a small piece of the flesh of the goat which is sacrificed -later. These nine men eat only once a day during the festival; they -do no work, remaining quietly at home unless when at the temple; they -cannot approach any one of caste lower than their own; they cannot -cohabit with women; and they cannot see a woman in menstruation -during these days. A crowd of Tiyans join more or less in this, -rushing about and barking like dogs, making a hideous noise. They -too have kalasams, and, when they are tired of rushing and barking, -they drink the arrack in them. These men are always under a vow. In -doing what they do, they fulfil their vow for the benefit they have -already received from the goddess--cure from sickness as a rule. To -the west of the temple is a circular pit--it was called the fire-pit, -but there was no fire in it--and this pit all the Tiyan women of -the neighbourhood circumambulate, passing from west round by north, -three times, holding on the head a pewter plate, on which are a little -rice, bits of plantain leaves and cocoanut, and a burning wick. As -each woman completes her third round, she stands for a moment at the -western side, facing east, and throws the contents of the plate into -the pit. She then goes to the western gate of the enclosure, and puts -down her plate for an instant while she makes profound salaam to the -goddess ere going away. Now the procession starts out from the temple, -issuing from the northern gate, and for a moment confronts a being so -strange that he demands description. Of the many familiar demons of -the Malayalis, the two most intimate are Kuttichchattan and Gulikan, -who are supposed to have assisted Kali (who is scarcely the Kali of -Brahmanism) in overcoming the Asura, and on the occasion of this -festival these demons dance before her. Gulikan is represented by -the Vannan and Kuttichchattan by the Manutan who have been already -mentioned, and who are under like restrictions with the nine Tiyans. I -saw poor Gulikan being made up, the operation occupying five or six -hours or more before his appearance. I asked who he was, and was told -he was a devil. He looked mild enough, but then his make-up had just -begun. He was lying flat on the ground close by the north-east entrance -of the enclosure, where presently he was to dance, a man painting -his face to make it hideous and frightful. This done, the hair was -dressed; large bangles were put on his arms, covering them almost -completely from the shoulder to the wrist; and his head and neck were -swathed and decorated. A wooden platform arrangement, from which hung -a red ornamented skirt, was fastened to his hips. There was fastened -to his back an elongated Prince of Wales' feathers arrangement, the -top of which reached five feet above his head, and he was made to -look like nothing human. Kuttichchattan was treated in much the same -manner. As the procession issues from the northern gate of the temple, -where it is joined by the elephants, Gulikan stands in the northern -entrance of the enclosure (which he cannot enter), facing it, and a -halt is made for three minutes, while Gulikan dances. The poor old -man who represented this fearful being, grotesquely terrible in his -wonderful metamorphosis, must have been extremely glad when his dance -was concluded, for the mere weight and uncomfortable arrangement of -his paraphernalia must have been extremely exhausting. It was with -difficulty that he could move at all, let alone dance. The. procession -passes round by east, where, at the entrance of the enclosure, -Kuttichchattan gives his dance, round by south to the westward, and, -leaving the enclosure, proceeds to a certain banyan tree, under which -is a high raised platform built up with earth and stones. Preceding -the procession at a distance of fifty yards are the nine men of the -Tiyan caste mentioned already, carrying kalasams on their heads, -and a crowd of women of the same caste, each one carrying a pewter -plate, larger than the plates used when encircling the fire pit, -on which are rice, etc., and the burning wick as before. The plate -and its contents are on this occasion, as well as before, called -talapoli. I could not make out that anything in particular is done -at the banyan tree, and the procession soon returns to the temple, -the nine men and the Tiyan women following, carrying their kalasams -and talapoli. On the way, a number of cocks are given in sacrifice by -people under a vow. In the procession are a number of devil-dancers, -garlanded with white flowers of the pagoda tree mixed with red, -jumping, gesticulating, and shouting, in an avenue of the crowd in -front of the elephant bearing the sword. The person under a vow holds -the cock towards one of these devil-dancers, who, never ceasing his -gyrations and contortions, presently seizes its head, wrings it off, -and flings it high in the air. The vows which are fulfilled by this -rude decapitation of cocks have been made in order to bring about cure -for some ailment. The procession passes through the temple yard from -west to east, and proceeds half a mile to a banyan tree, under which, -like the other, there is a high raised platform. When passing by the -temple, the Tiyan women empty the contents of their plates in the fire -pit as before, and the nine men hand over the arrack in their kalasams -to the temple servants. Let me note here the curious distribution of -the rice which is heaped in the fire pit. Two-thirds of it go to the -four Tiyans who carried the pukalasams, and one-third to the five who -carried the jannakalasams. Returning to the procession, we find it -at the raised platform to the east of the temple. On this platform -have been placed already an ordinary bamboo quart-like measure of -paddy (unhusked rice), and one of rice, each covered with a plantain -leaf. The principal devil-dancer takes a handful of rice and paddy, -and flings it all around. The procession then visits in turn the -gates of the gardens of the four owners of the temple. At each is a -measure of rice and a measure of paddy covered with plantain leaves, -with a small lamp or burning wick beside them, and the devil-dancer -throws a handful towards the house. The procession then finds its -way to a tree to the west, under which, on the platform, is now a -measure of paddy and a lamp. Some Brahmans repeat mantrams, and the -elephant, the priest on his back and the sword in his hand, all three -are supposed to tremble violently. Up to this time the procession -has moved leisurely at a very slow march. Now, starting suddenly, it -proceeds at a run to the temple, where the priest descends quickly from -the elephant, and is taken inside the temple by the Mussad priests. He, -who has been carrying the sword all this time, places it on the sill of -the door of the room in which it is kept for worship, and prostrates -before it. The sword then shakes itself for fifteen minutes, until -the chief priest stays its agitation by sprinkling on it some tirtam -fluid made sacred by having been used for anointing the image of the -goddess. This done, the chief amongst the devil-dancers will, with -much internal tumult as well as outward convolutions, say in the way -of oracle whether the devi has been pleased with the festival in her -honour, or not. As he pronounces this oracular utterance, he falls in -a sort of swoon, and everyone, excepting only the priests and temple -servants, leaves the place as quickly as possible. The sheds which -have been erected for temporary habitation around the temple will be -quickly demolished, and search will be made round about to make sure -that no one remains near while the mystic rite of sacrifice is about -to be done. When the whole place has been cleared, the four owners of -the temple, who have stayed, hand over each a goat with a rope tied -round its neck to the chief priest, and, as soon as they have done so, -they depart. There will remain now in the temple three Mussads, one -drummer (Marayar), and two temple servants. The reason for all this -secrecy seems to lie in objection to let it be known generally that -any sacrifice is done. I was told again and again that there was no -such thing. It is a mystic secret. The Mussad priests repeat mantrams -over the goats for an hour as a preliminary to the sacrifice. Then -the chief priest dons a red silk cloth, and takes in his hand a -chopper-like sword in shape something like a small bill-hook, while -the goats are taken to a certain room within the temple. This room is -rather a passage than a room, as there are to it but two walls running -north and south. The goats are made to stand in turn in the middle of -this room, facing to the south. The chief priest stands to the east of -the goat, facing west, as he cuts off its head with the chopper. He -never ceases his mantrams, and the goats never flinch--the effect -of the mantrams. Several cocks are then sacrificed in the same place, -and over the carcasses of goats and cocks there is sprinkled charcoal -powder mixed in water (karutta gurusi) and saffron (turmeric) powder -and lime-water (chukanna gurusi), the flow of mantrams never ceasing -the while. The Mussads only see the sacrifice--a part of the rite which -is supremely secret. Equally so is that which follows. The carcass -of one goat will be taken out of the temple by the northern door to -the north side of the temple, and from this place one of the temple -servants, who is blindfolded, drags it three times round the temple, -the Mussads following closely, repeating their mantrams, the drummer -in front beating his drum softly with his fingers. The drummer dare -not look behind him, and does not know what is being done. After the -third round, the drummer and the temple servant go away, and the three -Mussads cook some of the flesh of the goats and one or two of the cocks -(or a part of one) with rice. This rice, when cooked, is taken to the -kavu (grove) to the north of the temple, and there the Mussads again -ply their mantrams. As each mantram is ended, a handful of saffron -(turmeric) powder is flung on the rice, and all the time the drummer, -who by this time has returned, keeps up an obligato pianissimo with -his drum, using his fingers. He faces the north, and the priests -face the south. Presently the priests run (not walk) once round the -temple, carrying the cooked rice, and scattering it wide as they go, -repeating mantrams. They enter the temple, and remain within until -daybreak. No one can leave the temple until morning comes. Before -daybreak, the temple is thoroughly swept and cleaned, and then the -Mussads go out, and the five Nambutiris again enter before sunrise, -and perform the ordinary worship thrice in the day, for this day -only. The next morning, the Mussad priests return and resume their -duties. Beyond noting that the weirdness of the human tumult, busy in -its religious effusion, is on the last night enhanced by fireworks, -mere description of the scene of the festival will not be attempted, -and such charming adjuncts of it as the gallery of pretty Nayar women -looking on from the garden fence at the seething procession in the lane -below must be left to the imagination. It will have been noticed that -the Nambutiris hold aloof from the festival; they purify the temple -before and after, but no more. The importance attached to the various -offices of those who are attached to the temple by however slender -a thread, was illustrated by a rather amusing squabble between two -of the Mukkuvans, an uncle and nephew, as to which of them should -receive the silver umbrella from the temple, and bear it to the house -of the goldsmith to be repaired. During the festival, one of them -made a rapid journey to the Zamorin (about fifty miles distant), -paid some fees, and established himself as the senior who had the -right to carry the umbrella. - -"An important local festival is that held near Palghat, in November, -in the little suburb Kalpati inhabited entirely by Pattar Brahmans from -the east. But it is not a true Malayali festival, and it suffices to -mention its existence, for it in no way represents the religion of -the Nayar. The dragging of cars, on which are placed the images of -deities, common everywhere from the temple of Jagganath at Puri in -Orissa to Cape Comorin, is quite unknown in Malabar, excepting only -at Kalpati, which is close to the eastern frontier of Malabar. - -"Near Chowghat (Chavagat), about 30 miles to the southward of -Calicut, on the backwater, at a place called Guruvayur, is a very -important temple, the property of the Zamorin, yielding a very handsome -revenue. I visited the festival on one occasion, and purchase was made -of a few offerings such as are made to the temple in satisfaction -of vows--a very rude representation of an infant in silver, a hand, -a leg, an ulcer, a pair of eyes, and, most curious of all, a silver -string which represents a man, the giver. Symbolization of the -offering of self is made by a silver string as long as the giver -is tall. Goldsmiths working in silver and gold are to be seen just -outside the gate of the temple, ready to provide at a moment's notice -the object any person intends to offer, in case he is not already in -possession of his votive offering. The subject of vows can be touched -on but incidentally here. A vow is made by one desiring offspring, -to have his hand or leg cured, to have an ulcer cured, to fulfil any -desire whatsoever, and he decides in solemn affirmation to himself -to give a silver image of a child, a silver leg, and so on, in the -event of his having fulfilment of his desire. - -"A true Malayali festival is that held at Kottiyur in North Malabar, -in the forest at the foot of the Wynad hills rising 3,000 to 5,000 -feet from the sides of the little glade where it is situated. It -is held in July during the height of the monsoon rain. Though it -is a festival for high and low, these do not mix at Kottiyur. The -Nayars go first, and after a few days, the Nayars having done, the -Tiyans, and so on. A curious feature of it is that the people going -to attend it are distinctly rowdy, feeling that they have a right -to abuse in the vilest and filthiest terms everyone they see on the -way--perhaps a few days' march. And not only do they abuse to their -hearts' content in their exuberant excitement, but they use personal -violence to person and property all along the road. They return like -lambs. At Kottiyur one sees a temple of Isvara, there called Perumal -(or Perumal Isvara) by the people, a low thatched building forming -a hollow square, in the centre of which is the shrine, which I was -not permitted to see. There were some Nambutiri priests, who came -out, and entered into conversation. The festival is not held at the -temple, but in the forest about a quarter of a mile distant. This -spot is deemed extremely sacred and dreadful. There was, however, -no objection to myself and my companions visiting it; we were simply -begged not to go. There were with us a Nayar and a Kurichchan, and the -faces of these men, when we proceeded to wade through the little river, -knee-deep and about thirty yards wide, in order to reach the sacred -spot, expressed anxious wonder. They dared not accompany us across. No -one (excepting, of course, a Muhammadan) would go near the place, -unless during the few days of the festival, when it was safe; at all -other times any man going to the place is destroyed instantly. Nothing -on earth would have persuaded the Nayar or the Kurichchiyan to cross -that river. Orpheus proceeding to find his Eurydice, Danté about to -enter the Inferno, had not embarked on so fearful a journey. About -a hundred yards beyond the stream, we came upon the sacred spot, -a little glade in the forest. In the centre of the glade is a circle -of piled up stones, 12 feet in diameter. In the middle of the pile of -stones is a rude lingam. Running east from the circle of the lingam -is a long shed, in the middle of which is a long raised platform of -brick, used apparently as a place for cooking. Around the lingam there -were also thatched sheds, in which the people had lodged during the -festival. Pilgrims going to this festival carry with them offerings of -some kind. Tiyans take young cocoanuts. Every one who returns brings -with him a swish made of split young leaves of the cocoanut palm." - -Of the Kottiyur festival, the following account is given in the -Gazetteer of Malabar. "The Nambudiri priests live in a little wayside -temple at Kottiyur, but the true shrine is a quarter of a mile away -in the forest across one of the feeder streams of the Valarpattanam -river. For eleven months in the year, the scene is inconceivably -desolate and dreary; but during the month Edavam (May-June) upwards of -50,000 Nayars and Tiyans from all parts of Malabar throng the shrine -for the twenty-eight days of the annual festival. During the rest of -the year, the temple is given up to the revels of Siva and Parvati, -and the impious Hindu who dares to intrude is consumed instantly to -ashes. The two great ceremonies are the Neyyattam and the Elanirattam, -the pouring of ghee (clarified butter) and the pouring of the milk of -the green cocoanut. The former is performed by the Nayars, who attend -the festival first, and the latter by Tiyans. In May, all roads lead to -Kottiyur, and towards the middle of the month the ghee pourers, as the -Nayar pilgrims are called, who have spent the previous four weeks in -fasting and purificatory rites, assemble in small shrines subordinate -to the Kottiyur temple. Thence, clad in white, and bearing each upon -his head a pot of ghee, they set forth in large bodies headed by a -leader. At Manattana the pilgrims from all parts of Malabar meet, -and thence to Kottiyur the procession is unbroken. However long -their journey, the pilgrims must eat only once, and the more filthy -their language, the more orthodox is their conduct. As many as five -thousand pots of ghee are poured over the lingam every year. After -the Neyyattam ceremony, the Nayars depart, and it is the turn of -the Tiyans. Their preparations are similar to those of the Nayars, -and their language en route is even more startling. Eruvatti near -Kadirur is the place where most of them assemble for their pilgrimage, -and their green cocoanuts are presented gratis by the country people -as an offering to the temple. The Elanirattam ceremony begins at -midnight, and the pilgrims heap up their cocoanuts in front of the -shrine continuously till the evening of the same day. Each Tiyan then -marches thrice round the heap, and falls prostrate before the lingam; -and a certain Nayar sub-caste removes the husks preparatory to the -spilling of the milk. The festival finally closes with a mysterious -ceremony, in which ghee and mantrams play a great part, performed -for two days consecutively by the presiding Nambudiri, and Kottiyur -is then deserted for another year." - -"A shrine," Mr. Fawcett continues, "to which the Malayalis, Nayars -included, resort is that of Subramania at Palni in the north-west -corner of the Madura district about a week's march from the confines of -Malabar near Palghat. Not only are vows paid to this shrine, but men, -letting their hair grow for a year after their father's death, proceed -to have it cut there. The plate shows an ordinary Palni pilgrim. The -arrangement which he is carrying is called a kavadi. There are two -kinds of kavadi, a milk kavadi containing milk, and a fish kavadi -containing fish, in a pot. The vow may be made in respect of either, -each being appropriate to certain circumstances. When the time comes -near for the pilgrim to start for Palni, he dresses in reddish orange -cloths, shoulders his kavadi, and starts out. Together with a man -ringing a bell, and perhaps one with a tom-tom, with ashes on his face, -he assumes the rôle of a beggar. The well-to-do are inclined to reduce -the beggar period to the minimum; but a beggar every votary must be, -and as a beggar he goes to Palni in all humbleness and humiliation, -and there he fulfils his vow, leaves his kavadi and his hair, and a -small sum of money. Though the individuals about to be noticed were -not Nayars, their cases illustrate very well the religious idea of -the Nayar as expressed under certain circumstances, for between the -Nayars and these there is in this respect little if any difference. It -was at Guruvayur in November, 1895. On a high raised platform under -a peepul tree were a number of people under vows, bound for Palni. A -boy of 14 had suffered as a child from epilepsy, and seven years ago -his father vowed on his behalf that, if he were cured, he would make -the pilgrimage to Palni. He wore a string of beads round his neck, -and a like string on his right arm. These were in some way connected -with the vow. His head was bent, and he sat motionless under his -kavadi, leaning on the bar, which, when he carried it, rested on his -shoulder. He could not go to Palni until it was revealed to him in a -dream when he was to start. He had waited for this dream seven years, -subsisting on roots (yams, etc.), and milk--no rice. Now he had had -the long-looked-for dream, and was about to start. Another pilgrim -was a man wearing an oval band of silver over the lower portion of the -forehead, almost covering his eyes; his tongue protruding beyond the -teeth, and kept in position by a silver skewer through it. The skewer -was put in the day before, and was to be left in for forty days. He had -been fasting for two years. He was much under the influence of his god, -and whacking incessantly at a drum in delirious excitement. Several -of the pilgrims had a handkerchief tied over the mouth, they being -under a vow of silence. One poor man wore the regular instrument of -silence, the mouth-lock--a wide silver band over the mouth, and a -skewer piercing both cheeks. He sat patiently in a nice tent-like -affair, about three feet high. People fed him with milk, etc., and -he made no effort to procure food, relying merely on what was given -him. The use of the mouth-lock is common with the Nayars when they -assume the pilgrim's robes and set out for Palni; and I have often -seen many of them garbed and mouth-locked, going off on a pilgrimage to -that place. Pilgrims generally go in crowds under charge of a priestly -guide, one who, having made a certain number of journeys to the shrine, -wears a peculiar sash and other gear. They call themselves pujaris, -and are quite au fait with all the ceremonial prior to the journey, -as well as with the exigencies of the road. As I stood there, one -of these pujaris stood up amidst the recumbent crowd. He raised his -hands towards the temple a little to the west, and then spread out -his hands as if invoking a blessing on the people around him. Full -of religious fervour, he was (apparently at any rate) unconscious of -all but the spiritual need of his flock. - -"Brief mention must be made of the festival held at Kodungallur -near Cranganore in the northernmost corner of the Cochin State, -as it possesses some strange features peculiar to Malabar, and is -much frequented by the Nayars. I have been disappointed in obtaining -particulars of the festival, so make the following excerpt from -Logan's Manual of Malabar. 'It takes the people in great crowds from -their homes. The whole country near the lines of march rings with the -shouts "Nada-a Nada-a" of the pilgrims to the favourite shrine. Of -what takes place when the pilgrims reach this spot perhaps the less -said the better. In their passage up to the shrine, the cry of "Nada-a -Nada-a" (march, march away) is varied by terms of unmeasured abuse -levelled at the goddess (a Bhagavati) of the shrine. This abusive -language is supposed to be acceptable to her. On arrival at the -shrine, they desecrate it in every conceivable way, believing that -this too is acceptable; they throw stones and filth, howling volleys -of opprobrium at her house. The chief of the fisherman caste, styled -Kuli Muttatta Arayan, has the privilege of being the first to begin -the work of polluting the Bhoot or shrine. Into other particulars it -is unnecessary to enter. Cocks are slaughtered and sacrificed. The -worshipper gets flowers only, and no holy water after paying his -vows. Instead of water, he proceeds outside and drinks arrack or -toddy, which an attendant Nayar serves out. All castes are free to -go, including Tiyars and low caste people. The temple was originally -only a Bhoot or holy tree with a platform. The image in the temple -is said to have been introduced only of recent years.' It is a pity -Mr. Logan is so reticent. My information is that the headman of the -Mukkuvans opens the festival by solemnly making a fæcal deposit on -the image. Here again there is the same strange union of everything -that is filthy, abusive, foul and irreverent, with every mode of -expressing the deepest religious feeling." - -Of the cock festival at Cranganore, the following, account is given -by Mr. T. K. Gopal Panikkar [169] in his interesting little book on -Malabar and its folk. "In the midst of its native charms is situated a -temple dedicated to Kali, the goddess who presides over the infectious -diseases, cholera and small-pox. She is a virgin goddess, whom no -quantity of blood will satisfy. The temple is an old-fashioned one, -presenting no striking architectural peculiarities. The priestly -classes attached to it are not, as usual, Brahmins, but a peculiar sect -called Adigals, of whom there are but three families in the whole of -Malabar. The Brahmins are purposely excluded from participation in -the poojah ceremonies, lest their extreme sanctity might increase -the powers of the goddess to a dangerous extent. Poojahs are daily -offered to her. An annual festival known as Bharani, connected with -this goddess, plays a most important part in the religious history of -Malabar. It comes off in the Malayalam month of Meenam (about March -or April). Pilgrimages undertaken to the temple on this occasion -are potent enough to safeguard the pilgrims, and their friends and -relations, from the perilous attacks of cholera and small-pox. Hence -people resort thither annually by thousands from almost all parts -of Malabar; and, the more north you go, the stronger will you find -the hold which the goddess has upon the popular imagination. The -chief propitiatory offering on the occasion is the sacrifice of -cocks. In fact, every family makes a point of undertaking this sacred -mission. People arrange to start on it at an auspicious moment, on -a fixed day in small isolated bodies. Preparations are made for the -journey. Rice, salt, chillies, curry-stuffs, betel leaves and nuts, -a little turmeric powder and pepper, and, above all, a number of cocks -form an almost complete paraphernalia of the pilgrimage. These are all -gathered and preserved in separate bundles inside a large bag. When -the appointed hour comes, they throw this bag on their shoulders, -conceal their money in their girdles, and, with a native-fashioned -umbrella in the one hand and a walking-stick in the other, they -start, each from his own house, to meet the brother pilgrims at -the rendezvous. Here a foreman is selected practically by common -consent. Then commences the vociferous recitation of that series -of obscene songs and ballads, which characterises the pilgrimage -all along. The foreman it is that opens the ball. He is caught up by -others in equally loud and profuse strains. This is continued right up -till the beginning of their homeward journey. Nobody whom they come -across on the way can successfully escape the coarse Billingsgate of -these religious zealots. Even women are not spared. Perhaps it is in -their case that the pilgrims wax all the more eloquently vulgar. A -number of cock's feathers are stuck or tied upon the tip of a stick, -and with this as a wand they begin to dance and pipe in a set style, -which is extremely revolting to every sense of decency. Some of -the pilgrims walk all the distance to the temple, while others go -by boat or other conveyance; but in neither case do they spare any -passer-by. Hundreds of gallons of arrack and toddy are consumed during -the festival. The pilgrims reach the temple in their dirty attire. The -temple premises are crowded to overflowing. The worship of the goddess -is then commenced. The offerings consist of the sacrifice of cocks -at the temple altar, turmeric powder, but principally of pepper, -as also some other objects of lesser importance. A particular spot -inside the temple is set apart for the distribution of what is called -manjal prasadam (turmeric powder on which divine blessings have been -invoked). The work of doling it out is done by young maidens, who are -during the process subjected to ceaseless volleys of vile and vulgar -abuse. Now, leaving out of account the minor ceremonies, we come to -the principal one, viz., the sacrifice of cocks. The popular idea -is that the greater the number of cocks sacrificed, the greater is -the efficacy of the pilgrimage. Hence men vie with one another in -the number of cocks that they carry on the journey. The sacrifice -is begun, and then there takes place a regular scramble for the -sanctified spot reserved for this butchering ceremony. One man holds -a cock by the trunk, and another pulls out its neck by the head, and, -in the twinkling of an eye, by the intervention of a sharpened knife, -the head is severed from the trunk. The blood then gushes forth in -forceful and continuous jets, and is poured on a piece of granite -specially reserved. Then another is similarly slaughtered, and then -as many as each of the pilgrims can bring. In no length of time, -the whole of the temple yard is converted into one horrible expanse -of blood, rendering it too slippery to be safely walked over. The -piteous cries and death throes of the poor devoted creatures greatly -intensify the horror of the scene. The stench emanating from the blood -mixing with the nauseating smell of arrack renders the occasion all the -more revolting. One other higher and more acceptable kind of offering -requires more than a passing mention. When a man is taken ill of any -infectious disease, his relations generally pray to this goddess for -his recovery, solemnly covenanting to perform what goes by the name of -a thulabharum ceremony. This consists in placing the patient in one -of the scale-pans of a huge balance, and weighing him against gold, -or more generally pepper (and sometimes other substances as well), -deposited in the other scale-pan. Then this weight of the substance -is offered to the goddess. This is to be performed right in front -of the goddess in the temple yard. The usual offerings being over, -the homeward journey of the pilgrims is begun. Though the festival -is called Bharani, yet all the pilgrims must vacate the temple on -the day previous to the Bharani day. For, from that day onwards, the -temple doors are all shut up, and, for the next seven days, the whole -place is given over to the worst depredations of the countless demons -over whom this blood-thirsty goddess holds sway. No human beings can -safely remain there, lest they might become prey to these ravenous -demons. In short, the Bharani day inaugurates a reign of terror in -the locality, lasting for these seven days. Afterwards, all the dirt -is removed. The temple is cleansed and sanctified, and again left -open to public worship. The pilgrims return, but not in the same -manner in which they repaired thither. During the backward journey, -no obscene songs or expressions are indulged in. They are to come -back quietly and calmly, without any kind of demonstrations. They get -back to their respective homes, and distribute the sandals and other -pujah substances to their relations and friends who have elected to -remain at home; and the year's pilgrimage is brought to a close." - -"The month Karkkatakam," Mr. Fawcett writes, "when the Malayalis say -the body is cool, is the time when, according to custom, the Nayar -youths practice physical exercises. At Payoli in North Malabar, when -I was there in 1895, the local instructor of athletics was a Paravan, -a mason by caste. As he had the adjunct Kurup to his name, it took some -time to discover the fact. Teachers of his ilk are invariably of the -Paravan caste, and, when they are believed to be properly accomplished, -they are given the honorific Kurup. So carefully are things regulated -that no other person was permitted to teach athletics within the amsham -(a local area, a small county), and his womenfolk had privileges, -they only being the midwives who could attend on the Nayar women -of the amsham. His fee for a course of exercises for the month was -ten rupees. He, and some of his pupils, gave an exhibition of their -quality. Besides bodily contortions and somersaults, practiced in -a long low-roofed shed having a sandy floor, there is play with the -following instruments:--watta; cheruvadi, a short stick; and a stick -like a quarter-staff called a sariravadi, or stick the length of one's -body. The watta is held in the right hand as a dagger; it is used to -stab or strike and, in some ingenious way, turn over an opponent. The -total length of the watta is two feet, and of the cheruvadi about -three feet. The latter is squared at the ends, and is but a short -staff. It is held in the right hand a few inches from the end, and -is used for striking and guarding only. The sariravadi is held at -or near one end by one or by both hands. The distance between the -hands is altered constantly, and so is the end of the stick, which is -grasped now by one, now by another end by either hand, as occasion -may require; sometimes it is grasped in the middle. The performance -with these simple things was astonishing. I should say the watta and -the cheruvadi represented swords, or rather that they were used for -initiation or practice in swordsmanship, when the Nayars were the -military element in Malabar. The opponents, who faced each other -with the sariravadi or quarter-staff, stood thirty feet apart, and, -as if under the same stimulus, each kicked one leg high in the air, -gave several lively bounds in the air, held their staff horizontally -in front with out-stretched arms, came down slowly on the haunches, -placed the staff on the ground, bent over, and touched it with the -forehead. With a sudden bound they were again on their feet, and, -after some preliminary pirouetting, went for each other tooth and -nail. The sword play, which one sees during festive ceremonies, such -as a marriage or the like, is done by the hereditary retainers, who -fight imaginary foes, and destroy and vanquish opponents with much -contortion of body, and always indulge in much of this preliminary -overture to their performance. There is always, by way of preliminary, -a high kick in the air, followed by squatting on the haunches, bounding -high, turning, twisting, pirouetting, and all the time swinging the -sword unceasingly above, below, behind the back, under the arm or -legs, in ever so many impossible ways. Nayar shields are made of wood, -covered with leather, usually coloured bright red. Within the boss -are some hard seeds, or metal balls loose in a small space, so that -there is a jingling sound like that of the small bells on the ankles of -the dancer, when the shield is oscillated or shaken in the hand. The -swords are those which were used ordinarily for fighting. There are -also swords of many patterns for processional and other purposes, -more or less ornamented about the handle, and half way up the blade." - -"The Nayars," Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar writes, "have a distinct -feudal organisation, and the division of their territories had an -unmistakeable reference to it. The territorial unit was the desam, -presided over by a Dasavazhi. A number of desams adjoining one another -constituted a nadu, which was under the jurisdiction of a chieftain -called the Naduvazhi. Above the Naduvazhis was the Rajah, the highest -suzerain in the country. In course of time, each nadu split itself up -into a certain number of taras, over the affairs of which a Karanavan, -or elder, presided. An assembly of these Karanavans constituted the six -hundred--an old socio-military organisation of the Nayars in mediæval -times. These six hundred are referred to in two places in the second -Syrian Christian document, which bears the date 925 A.D. In a South -Travancore inscription, dated 371 M.E., the same organisation is -referred to as Venattarunuru, or the six hundred of Venad, and one -of their duties evidently related to the supervision of the working -of temples and charitable institutions connected therewith. As Venad -was divided into eighteen districts in ancient days, there might have -been altogether eighteen six hundred in the country. The Naduvazhis -possessed considerable authority in all social matters and possessed -enough lands to be cultivated by their Kudiyans. A feudal basis was -laid for the whole organisation. Large numbers served as soldiers in -times of war, and cultivated their lands when the country was quiet. In -modern times, none of them take to military service in Travancore, -except those employed as sepoys in the Nayar Brigade." - -Concerning the organisation of the Nayars, Mr. Logan writes that they -were, "until the British occupied the country, the militia of the -district (Malabar). This name implies that they were the 'leaders' -of the people. Originally they seem to have been organised into -six hundreds, and each six hundred seems to have had assigned to it -the protection of all the people in a nad or country. The nad was -in turn split up into taras, a Dravidian word signifying originally -a foundation, the foundation of a house, hence applied collectively -to a street, as in Tamil teru, in Telugu teruvu, and in Canarese and -Tulu teravu. The tara was the Nayar territorial unit of organisation -for civil purposes, and was governed by representatives of the caste, -who were styled Karanavar or elders. The six hundred was probably -composed exclusively of those Karanavar or elders, who were in some -parts called Mukhyastans (chief men), or Madhyastans (mediators), or -Pramanis (chief men), and there seem to have been four families of them -to each tara, so that the nad must have originally consisted of one -hundred and fifty taras. This tara organisation of the protector caste -played a most important part in the political history of the country, -for it was the great bulwark against the tyranny and oppression of the -Rajas. The evidence of the Honourable East India Company's linguist -(interpreter, agent) at Calicut, which appears in the diary of the -Tellicherry Factory under date 28th May, 1746, deserves to be here -reproduced. He wrote as follows: 'These Nayars, being heads of the -Calicut people, resemble the parliament, and do not obey the king's -dictates in all things, but chastise his ministers when they do -unwarrantable acts.' The parliament referred to must have been the -kuttam (assembly) of the nad. The kuttam answered many purposes when -combined action on the part of the community was necessary. The Nayars -assembled in their kuttams whenever hunting, or war, or arbitration, -or what not was in hand, and this organisation does not seem to have -been confined to Malabar, for the koot organisation of the people of -South Canara gave the British officers much trouble in 1832-33. In -so far as Malabar was concerned, the system seems to have remained -in an efficient state down to the time of the British occupation, -and the power of the Rajas was strictly limited. Mr. Murdoch Brown, -of Anjarakandi, who knew the country well, thus wrote to Mr. Francis -Buchanan in the earliest years of the present (nineteenth) century -regarding the despotic action of the Rajas when constituted, -after the Mysorean conquest the revenue agents of the Government of -Haidar Ali. 'By this new order of things, these latter (the Rajas) -were vested with despotic authority over the other inhabitants, -instead of the very limited prerogatives that they had enjoyed by -the feudal system, under which they could neither exact revenue from -the lands of their vassals, nor exercise any, direct authority in -their districts.' And again, 'The Raja was no longer what he had -been, the head of a feudal aristocracy with limited authority, but -the all-powerful deputy of a despotic prince, whose military force -was always at his command to curb or chastise any of the chieftains -who were inclined to dispute or disobey his mandates.' [170] From -the earliest times, therefore, down to the end of the eighteenth -century, the Nayar tara and nad organization kept the country from -oppression and tyranny on the part of the rulers, and to this fact -more than to any other is due the comparative prosperity, which -the Malayali country so long enjoyed, and which made Calicut at one -time the great emporium of trade between the East and the West. But, -besides protection, the Nayars had originally another most important -function in the body politic. Besides being protectors, they were -also supervisors or overseers, a duty which, as a very ancient deed -testifies, was styled kanam--a Dravidian word derived from the verb -kanuka (to see, etc). Parasu Raman (so the tradition preserved in -the Keralolpatti runs) separated the Nayars into taras, and ordered -that to them belonged the duty of supervision (lit. kan = the eye), -the executive power (lit. kei = the hand, as the emblem of power), -and the giving of orders (lit. kalpana, order, command), so as to -prevent the rights from being curtailed, or suffered to fall into -disuse. The Nayars were originally the overseers or supervisors of -the nad, and they seem to have been employed in this capacity as the -collectors of the share of produce of the land originally reserved for -Government purposes. As remuneration for this service, and for their -other function as protectors, another share of the produce of the soil -seems to have been reserved specially for them. It be well worth the -study of persons acquainted with other districts of the Presidency -to ascertain whether somewhat similar functions to these (protection, -and supervision) did not originally appertain to the Kavalgars of Tamil -districts and the Kapus in the Telugu country, for both of these words -seem to have come from the same root as the Malayalam kanam. And it -is significant that the Tamil word now used for proprietorship in -the soil is kani-yatchi, to which word the late Mr. F. W. Ellis in -his paper on Mirasi Rights assigned a similar derivation." - -The occupation of the Nayars is described by Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar as -"comprising all kinds of worldly pursuits. So late as the end of the -eighteenth century, there were with the then Maharaja of Travancore -a hundred thousand soldiers, consisting of Nayars and Chovas, armed -with arrows, spears, swords and battle-axes. The chief occupation of -the Nayars is agriculture. Cultivation of a slipshod, time-honoured -type is the forte of the Nayar, for which he has always found time -from times of old, though engaged in other occupations as well. In the -Velakali, a kind of mock fight, which is one of the items of the utasom -programme in every important temple in Malabar, the dress worn by the -Nayars is supposed to be their ancient military costume. Even now, -among the Nayars who form the Maharaja's own Brigade, agriculture, to -which they are enabled to attend during all their off-duty days, goes -largely to supplement their monthly pay. Various other occupations, -all equally necessary for society, have been, according to the -Keralavakasakrama, assigned to the Nayars, and would seem to have -determined their original sub-divisions. They are domestic servants in -Brahman and Kshatriya houses and temples, and deal in dairy produce, -as well as being engaged in copper-sheet roofing, tile-making, pottery, -palanquin-bearing, and so on. But these traditional occupations are -fast ceasing under the ferment of a new civilisation. In the matter of -education, the Nayars occupy a prominent position. Almost every Nayar -girl is sent to the village school to learn the three R's, quite as -much as a matter of course as the schooling of boys. This constitutes -a feature of Malabar life that makes it the most literate country in -all India, especially in respect of the female sex. After Ramanujam -Ezhuttachchan developed and enriched the Malayalam language, numerous -Asans or village teachers came into existence in different parts of -Malabar. After a preliminary study of Malayalam, such as desired -higher, i.e., Sanskrit education, got discipled to an Ambalavasi -or a Sastri. Even to-day the estimable desire to study Sanskrit is -seen in some Nayar youths, who have readily availed themselves of the -benefit of the local Sanskrit college. In respect of English education, -the Nayars occupy a prominent position. The facility afforded by the -Government of Travancore for the study of English is being largely -availed of by Nayars, and it is a matter deserving to be prominently -recorded that, in recent years, several Nayar girls have passed the -Matriculation examination of the University of Madras." - -It is noted, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that "the Nayars as a class -are the best educated and the most advanced of the communities in -Malabar (excepting perhaps the Pattar Brahmans, who are not strictly -a Malayalam class), and are intellectually the equals of the Brahmans -of the East Coast. Many of them have risen to the highest posts in -Government, and the caste has supplied many of the leading members -of the learned professions." - -Nayi (dog).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Nayinar.--Nayinar, Nayanar, or Nainar, has been recorded as a section -of Vellalas, who are thought to be descended from Jains who were -converted to Hinduism, and as a title of Jains, Kaikolans, Pallis, -and Udaiyans. Nayanikulam occurs as a synonym of Boya. The word Nayinar -is the same as Nayaka, meaning lord or master, and the Saivite saints, -being religious teachers, are so called, e.g., Sundara Murti Nayanar. - -Nayinda.--Recorded, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, as the name of -a caste, which follows the hereditary occupation of barber, and also -of agriculture. "They are," it is there said, "members of the village -hierarchy. They are paid, like the Agasa (washerman), in kind for -their services. They are also fiddlers, and have the exclusive right -of wind instruments. They are known as Kelasiga or Hajam. They are -both Saivites and Vaishnavites. A section of them wear the lingam, -and follow Lingayetism. They are known as Silavanta. These people -are largely in requisition at feasts, marriages, etc., when they -form the music band." Kelasi is the name of a Canarese barber caste, -and Hajam is a Hindustani word for barber. - -Nedungadi.--This name, denoting a settlement in Nedunganad in the -Walluvanad taluk of Malabar, has been returned as a sub-caste of -Nayars and Samantas. - -Nekkara.--A small class of washermen in South Canara. The women -only are said to do the washing, while the men are employed as -devil-dancers. - -Nellika (Phyllanthus Emblica).--An illam of Tiyan. - -Nellu (paddy, unhusked rice).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Nemilli (peacock).--An exogamous sept of Boya and Balija. - -Nerali (Eugenia Jambolana).--An exogamous sept of Gangadikara Holeya. - -Nerati.--Nerati or Neravati is a sub-division of Kapu. - -Nese.--An occupational term, meaning weaver applied to several of -the weaving castes, but more especially to the Kurnis. It is noted, -in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that "in the inscriptions of Raja -Raja the Chola king, about the beginning of the eleventh century, -the Paraiyan caste is called by its present name. It had then two -sub-divisions, Nesavu (the weavers) and Ulavu (the ploughman)." - -Netpanivandlu (neyyuta, to weave).--Recorded by the Rev. J. Cain -[171] as a name for Mala weavers. - -Nettikotala.--In a note on the Nettikotalas or Neththikotalasi, -Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes that they correspond to the Kalladi -Siddhans of the Tamil country. The name means those who cut their -foreheads. They are mendicants who beg from Gavara Komatis, whom they -are said to have assisted in days of old by delaying the progress of -Raja Vishnu Vardhana. (See Komati.) When their dues are not promptly -paid, they make cuts in their foreheads and other parts of the body, -and make blood flow. - -Neyige.--The silk and cotton hand-loom weavers of the Mysore Province -are, in the Census Report, 1891, dealt with collectively under the -occupational name Neyige (weaving), which includes Bilimagga, Devanga, -Khatri, Patvegar, Sale, Saurashtra (Patnulkaran), Seniga and Togata. - -Neytikkar.--Weavers of coir (cocoanut fibre) mats in Malabar. - -Neyyala.--The Neyyala are a Telugu fishing caste found chiefly in -Vizagapatam and Ganjam, for the following note on whom I am indebted -to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The name is derived from the Telugu neyyalu, -meaning fried rice or cholam (Sorghum vulgare), which is made by female -members of the caste, especially during the harvest season, into balls -with jaggery (crude sugar). These are carried about the country by -the men for sale to those engaged in reaping the crop and others. As -payment, they receive from, the reapers a portion of the grain which -they are cutting. A further occupation of the caste is fishing with -konti vala, or koyyala vala i.e., nets supported on a row of bamboo -sticks, which are placed in shallow water, and dragged by two men. - -The Naga (cobra) is reverenced by the caste. A Brahman officiates at -marriages, during which the sacred thread is worn. The remarriage of -widows is permitted, provided that the woman has no children by her -first husband. Divorce is not allowed. The dead are burnt, and the -chinna (little) and pedda rozu (big day) death ceremonies are observed. - -As a caste, the Neyyalas do not drink intoxicating liquor, and eat -only in Brahman houses. Their usual title is Ayya. - -Neyye (clarified butter).--An occupational sub-division of Komati. - -Nila (blue).--An exogamous sept of Medara. - -Nilagara (indigo people).--The name of a class of dyers, who are, -in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, included in the Kumbara or potter -caste. - -Nili (indigo).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale and Togata. - -Nirganti.--Recorded, in the Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer, as a regulator -and distributor of water to irrigated lands. He is usually a Holeya -by caste. - -Nirpusi (wearers of sacred ashes).--Recorded, at times of census, -as a sub-division of Pandya Vellalas. Nirpusi Vellala is described, -in the Gazetteer of the South Arcot district, as a name current -in the South Arcot district meaning Vellalas who put on holy ash, -in reference to certain Jains, who formerly became Saivites taking -off their sacred threads, and putting holy ashes on their foreheads. - -Nityadasu.--Nityadasu, or Nityulu, meaning immortal slaves, is a name -by which some Mala Dasaris style themselves. - -Nodha.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a very small -caste of hill cultivators and earth-workers in the Oriya country. - -Nokkan.--The Nokkans, who often go by the name of Jadipillais -(children of the caste), are a class of mendicants, who beg from -members of the Palli caste. The word Nokkan is said to mean 'he who -looks'. The Nokkans make periodical visits to villages where Pallis -live, and receive from them a small fee in money. They attend at Palli -marriages, and, during processions, carry flags (palempores) bearing -devices of Hanuman, tigers, Agni, etc., which are made at Kalahasti. - -The Nokkans claim fees from the Pallis, because one of their ancestors -helped them. The legend runs as follows. During the reign of a Palli -king at Conjeeveram, a car, bearing the idol of the god, stood still, -and could not be moved. A human sacrifice was considered necessary, -but no one would offer himself as a victim. A Nokkan came forward, and -allowed his only daughter, who was pregnant, to be sacrificed. Pleased -at his behaviour, the king ordered that the Pallis should in future -treat the Nokkans as their Jadipillais. Some Nokkans say that they -were presented with copper-grants, one of which is reputed to be in -the possession of one Nokka Ramaswami of Mulavayal village in the -Ponneri taluk of the Chingleput district. - -In the course of their rounds, the Nokkans repeat the story of the -origin of the Pallis, one version of which runs as follows. Two -Asuras, Vathapi and Enadhapi, who were ruling at Ratnagiripatnam, -obtained at the hands of Siva, by means of severe tapas (penance), -the following boon. No child should die within their dominions, and -the Asuras should be invincible, and not meet their death at the hands -of uterine-born beings. The Devatas and others, unable to bear the -tyranny of the Asuras, prayed to Brahma for rescue. He directed them -to the Rishi Jambuvamuni, who was doing penance on the banks of the -river Jumna. This Rishi is said to have married a woman named Asendi, -who was born from the cheeks of Parvati. Hearing the request of the -Devatas, the Rishi lighted the sacred fire, and therefrom arose a -being called Rudra Vanniyan, and forty other warriors, including -Nilakanta, Gangabala, and Vajrabahu. The Pallis are descended from -these fire-born heroes. (See Palli) - -Nokkans wear the sacred thread, and carry with them a big drum and -a gourd pipe like that used by snake-charmers. - -Noliya.--A synonym used by Oriya castes for the Telugu Jalaris. - -Nonaba.--A territorial sub-division of Vakkaliga. The name is derived -from Nonambavadi, one of the former great divisions of the Tanjore -country. - -Nottakaran.--The office of village Nottakaran, or tester, has been -abolished in modern times. It was generally held by a goldsmith, -whose duty was to test the rupees when the land revenue was being -gathered in, and see that they were not counterfeit. - -Nuchchu (broken rice).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Nukala (coarse grain powder).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale. - -Nulayan.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, ninety-six individuals -are recorded as belonging to a small caste of Malayalam fishermen -and boatmen. The Nulayans are found in Travancore, and were returned -in the census of Malabar, as the two small British settlements of -Anjengo and Tangacheri in Travancore are under the jurisdiction of -the Collector of Malabar. - -Nune (oil).--An occupational sub-division of Komati. - -Nunia (nuno, salt).--A sub-division of Odiya. - -Nurankurup.--An occupational name for Paravans settled in Malabar, -whose employment is that of lime-burners (nuru, lime). - -Nurbash.--Recorded, at the census, 1901, as a synonym of Dudekula. A -corruption of nurbaf (weaving). - -Nuvvala (gingelly: Sesamum indicum).--An exogamous sept of Kamma -and Medara. Gingelly seeds, from which an oil is extracted, "form an -essential article of certain religious ceremonies of the Hindus, and -have therefore received the names of homa-dhanya or the sacrificial -grain, and pitri-tarpana or the grain that is offered as an oblation -to deceased ancestors." (U. C. Dutt.) During the death ceremonies of -some Brahmans, libations of water mixed with gingelly seeds, called -tilothakam, and a ball of rice, are offered daily to two stones -representing the spirit of the deceased. - -Nyayam (justice).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale. - - - - - - - -O - - -Occhan.--The Occhans are a class of temple priests, usually officiate -as pujaris at Pidari and other Amman (Grama Devata) temples. They -are for the most part Saivites, but some belong to the Vadagalai or -Tengalai Vaishnava sects. Some of the pujaris wear the sacred thread -when within the temple. Their insignia are the udukkai, or hour-glass -shaped drum, and the silambu, or hollow brass ring filled with bits -of brass, which rattle when it is shaken. In the Chingleput district, -some Occhans act as dancing-masters to Devadasis, and are sometimes -called Nattuvan. - -The name Occhan is derived from the Tamil ochai, meaning sound, in -reference to the usual mode of invoking the Grama Devatas (village -deities) by beating on a drum and singing their praises. It has been -suggested that Occhan is a contracted form of Uvacchan, which occurs -in certain old inscriptions. [172] Of these, the oldest is dated -Sakha 1180 (A.D. 1258), and refers to the tax on Uvacchas. Another -inscription, in which the same tax is referred to, is dated Sakha 1328 -(A.D. 1406). In both these inscriptions, Uvacchan has been interpreted -as referring to Jonakas, who are a class of Muhammadans. This is one -of the meanings given by Winslow, [173] who also gives "a caste of -drummers at temples, Occhan." - -In the northern districts, the Occhans are divided into five -sections, called Marayan, Pandi, Kandappan, Periya or Pallavarayan, -and Pulavan. Marayan is also the name of temple priests in Travancore, -on whom the title Occhan is bestowed as a mark of royal favour by -the Travancore sovereigns. [174] The Occhans have many titles, e.g., -Archaka or Umai Archaka, Devar, Parasaivan, Mudaliar, Vallabarayan, -Pusali, Pulavar, and Kamban. Of these, the last two are said to be -derived from the Tamil epic poet Kamban, who is traditionally believed -to have belonged to the Occhan caste. There is a legend that Kamban was -on his way to the residence of a king, when he heard an oil-monger, -who was driving his bulls, remonstrate with them, saying "Should you -kick against each other because the poet Kamban, like the Occhan he is, -hums his verse?" On hearing this, Kamban approached the oil-monger, -and went with him to the king, to whom he reported that he had been -insulted. By order of the king, the oil-monger burst forth into verse, -and explained how his bulls had taken fright on hearing Kamban's -impromptu singing. Kamban was greatly pleased with the poet oil-monger, -and begged the king to let him go with honours heaped on him. - -In the southern districts, more especially in Madura and Tinnevelly, -it is usual for an Occhan to claim his paternal aunt's daughter -in marriage. In the northern districts, a man may also marry his -maternal uncle's or sister's daughter. Brahman Gurukkals officiate -at marriages. In their puberty, marriage, and death ceremonies, the -Occhans closely follow the Pallis or Vanniyans. The dead are burnt, -and Brahmans officiate at the funeral ceremonies. - -The caste is an organised one, and there is usually a headman, called -Periyathanakaran, at places where Occhans occur. - -Oda vandlu (boatmen).--A synonym of Mila, a fishing caste in Ganjam -and Vizagapatam. Some prosperous Milas have adopted Oda Balija as -their caste name. (See Vada.) - -Odan.--An occupational name of a class of Nayars, who are tile-makers. - -Odari.--The Odaris or Vodaris are Tulu-speaking potters in the South -Canara district. Those who have abandoned the profession of potter call -themselves Mulia, as also do some potters, and those who are employed -as pujaris (priests) at bhuthasthanas (devil shrines). In many cases, -the headman combines the duties of that office with those of pujari, -and is called Mulia. Otherwise his title is Gurikara. - -The Canarese potters in South Canara, in making pots, use the ordinary -wheel, which is rotated by means of a long stick. The wheel of the -Odaris is more primitive, consisting of a small disc, concave above, -made of unburnt clay, fitting by means of a pebble pivot into a pebble -socket, which is rotated by hand. - -Like other Tulu castes, the Odaris worship bhuthas, but also reverence -Venkataramana. - -In their marriage ceremonial, the Odaris follow the Bant type. At the -betrothal, the headmen or fathers of the contracting couple exchange -betel, and the party of the future bridegroom give a ring to the -people of the bride-elect. The marriage rites are completed in a -single day. A bench is placed within the marriage pandal (booth), and -covered with clothes brought by the Madivali (washerman caste). The -bridegroom is conducted thither by the bride's brother, and, after -going round three times, takes his seat. He is generally preceded by -women carrying lights, rice and fruits before him. The lamp is hung -up, and the other articles are deposited on the ground. One by one, -the women throw a grain of rice, first over the lamp, and then a few -grains over the head of the bridegroom. Then the barber comes, and, -after throwing rice, shaves the face of the bridegroom, using milk -instead of water. The bride is also shaved by a barber woman. The -pair are decorated, and brought to the pandal, where those assembled -throw rice over their heads, and make presents of money. Their hands -are then united by the headman, and the dhare water poured over them -by the maternal uncle of the bride. - -An interesting rite in connection with pregnancy is the presentation -of a fowl or two to the pregnant woman by her maternal uncle. The -fowls are tended with great care, and, if they lay eggs abundantly, -it is a sign that the pregnant woman will be prolific. - -The dead are either buried or cremated. If cremation is resorted to, -the final death ceremonies (bojja) must be celebrated on the eleventh -or thirteenth day. If the corpse has been buried, these ceremonies -must not take place before the lapse of at least a month. - -Odde.--The Oddes or Voddas, who are commonly called Wudders, are -summed up by Mr. H. A. Stuart [175] as being "the navvies of the -country, quarrying stone, sinking wells, constructing tank bunds, and -executing other kinds of earthwork more rapidly than any other class, -so that they have got almost a monopoly of the trade. They are Telugu -people, who came originally from Orissa, whence their name. Were -they more temperate, they might be in very good circumstances, but, -as soon as they have earned a small sum, they strike work and have -a merry-making, in which all get much intoxicated, and the carouse -continues as long as funds last. They are very ignorant, not being -able even to calculate how much work they have done, and trusting -altogether to their employer's honesty. They are an open-hearted, -good-natured lot, with loose morals, and no restrictions regarding -food, but they are proud, and will only eat in the houses of the -higher castes, though most Sudras look down upon them. Polygamy and -divorce are freely allowed to men, and women are only restricted from -changing partners after having had eighteen. Even this limit is not -set to the men." - -Women who have had seven husbands are said to be much respected, -and their blessing on a bridal pair is greatly praised. There is a -common saying that a widow may mount the marriage dais seven times. - -In the Census Report, 1871, the Oddes are described as being "the -tank-diggers, well-sinkers, and road-makers of the country who live in -detached settlements, building their huts in conical or bee-hive form, -with only a low door of entrance. They work in gangs on contract, -and every one, except very old and very young, takes a share in the -work. The women carry the earth in baskets, while the men use the -pick and spade. The babies are usually tied up in cloths, which are -suspended, hammock fashion, from the boughs of trees. They are employed -largely in the Public Works Department, and in the construction and -maintenance of railways. They are rather a fine-looking race, and -all that I have come across are Vaishnavites in theory, wearing the -trident prominently on their foreheads, arms, and breasts. The women -are tall and straight. They eat every description of animal food, -and especially pork and field-rats, and all drink spirituous liquors." - -Of the Oddes, the following brief accounts are given in the Nellore, -Coimbatore, and Madura Manuals:-- - -Nellore.--"These people are the tank-diggers. They sometimes engage in -the carrying trade, but beyond this, they only move about from place -to place as they have work. The word Vodde or Odde is said to be a -corruption of the Sanskrit Odhra, the name for the country now called -Orissa, and the people are ordinarily supposed to have emigrated from -the Uriya country. Besides Telugu, they are said to speak a peculiar -dialect among themselves; and, if this should turn out to be Uriya, -the question might be regarded as settled. The laborious occupation -of the men tends to develop their muscles. I have seen some very fine -men among the tribe." - -Coimbatore.--"Numerous, owing to the hard nature of the subsoil and the -immense and increasing number of irrigation wells, which demand the -labour of strong men accustomed to the use of the crowbar, pick-axe, -and powder. They are black, strong, and of good physique, highly paid, -and live on strong meat and drink." - -Madura.--"An itinerant caste of tank-diggers and earth-workers. They -are Telugus, and are supposed to have come southward in the time -of the Nayyakkans. Possibly Tirumala sent for them to dig out his -great teppakulam, and assist in raising gopuras. They are a strong, -hard-working class, but also drunken, gluttonous, and vicious. And -but little faith can be placed in their most solemn promises. They -will take advances from half a dozen employers within a week, and -work for none of them, if they can possibly help it." - -In Mysore numbers of Oddes are now permanently settled in the outskirts -of large towns, where both sexes find employment as sweepers, etc., -in connection with sanitation and conservancy. Some Oddes are, at -the present time (1908), employed at the Mysore manganese mines. The -tribe is often found concerting with the Korachas, Koramas, and -other predatory classes in committing dacoities and robberies, and it -has passed into a proverb that they would rather bear any amount of -bodily torture than confess or disclose the truth regarding the crimes -attributed to them. Some Oddes have settled down as agriculturists -and contractors, and some are very prosperous. For example, there are -a few Oddes near Kuppam in the North Arcot district, whose credit -is so good that any rich merchant would advance them large sums of -money. A wealthy Odde, worth nearly a lakh of rupees, worried my -assistant for half an anna, wherewith to purchase some betel leaf. It -is recorded by Bishop Whitehead, [176] in the diary of a tour in the -Nizam's Dominions, that, at Khammamett, "the Waddas who have become -Christians have for some time past possessed land and cattle of their -own, and are well-to-do people. One of the headmen, who was presented -to me after service, said that he had 80 acres of land of his own." - -Some of the timber work in the Nallamalai hills, in the Kurnool -district, is done by Oddes, who fell trees, and keep bulls for dragging -the timber out of the forests. Under the heading "Uppara and Vadde -Vandlu," the Rev. J. Cain gives [177] the following account of the -distribution of wages. "The tank-diggers had been paid for their work, -and, in apportioning the share of each labourer, a bitter dispute -arose because one of the women had not received what she deemed her -fair amount. On enquiry it turned out that she was in an interesting -condition, and therefore could claim not only her own, but also a -share for the expected child." - -A legend is current to the effect that, long ago, the Oddes were -ordered to dig a tank, to enable the Devatas and men to obtain -water. This was done, and they demanded payment, which was made in -the form of a pinch of the sacred ashes of Siva to each workman, -in lieu of money. When they reached home, the ashes turned into -money, but they were not satisfied with the amount, and clamoured -for more. The god, growing angry, cursed them thus: "What you obtain -in the forests by digging shall be lost as soon as you reach high -ground." Parvati, taking pity on them, asked Siva to give them large -sums of money. Whereon Siva, hollowing out a measuring-rod, filled -it with varahans (gold coins), and gave it to the maistry. He also -filled a large pumpkin with money, and buried it in a field, where the -Oddes were working. The measuring-rod was pawned by the maistry for -toddy. The Oddes, noticing the raised mound caused by the burying of -the pumpkin, left it untouched to show the depth that they had dug. A -buffalo, which was grazing in a field close by, exposed the pumpkin, -which the Oddes, not suspecting its contents, sold to a Komati. - -According to another legend, the Oddes were employed by God, who had -assumed a human form, and was living amongst them. On one occasion, -God had to perform a certain ceremony, so he gave the Oddes an advance -of three days' pay, and ordered them not to worry him. This they failed -to do, and were accordingly laid under a curse to remain poor for ever. - -A further legend is current among the Oddes to the effect that, when -Siva and Parvati were walking one sultry day upon the earth, they -got very hot and thirsty. The drops of perspiration which fell from -Siva were changed by him into a man with a pick and crowbar, while -those falling from Parvati turned into a woman carrying a basket. The -man and woman quickly sunk a well, with the cooling waters of which -the god and goddess refreshed themselves, and in gratitude promised -the labourers certain gifts, the nature of which is not now known, -but neither was satisfied, and both grumbled, which so incensed Siva -that he cursed them, and vowed that they and their descendants should -live by the sweat of their brows. - -Among the Oddes, the following sayings are current:-- - -The Oddes live with their huts on their heads (i.e., low huts), with -light made from gathered sticks, on thin conji (gruel), blessing -those who give, and cursing those who do not. - -Cobras have poison in their fangs, and Oddes in their tongues. - -Though wealth accumulates like a mountain, it soon disappears like -mist. - -At recent times of census, the following occupational -sub-divisions were returned:--Kallu or Rati (stone-workers) and -Mannu (earth-workers), Manti or Bailu (open space), between which -there is said to be no intermarriage. The endogamous sub-divisions -Natapuram and Uru (village men), Bidaru (wanderers), and Konga -(territorial) were also returned. Beri was given as a sub-caste, -and Odderazu as a synonym for the caste name. In Ganjam, Bolasi is -said to be a sub-division of the Oddes. The caste titles are Nayakan -and Boyan. The similarity of the latter word to Boer was fatal, for, -at the time of my visit to the Oddes, the South African war was just -over, and they were afraid that I was going to get them transported, -to replace the Boers who had been exterminated. Being afraid, too, -of my evil eye, they refused to fire a new kiln of bricks for the -new club chambers at Coimbatore until I had taken my departure. - -It is noted, in the Mysore Census Report, 1891, that "the caste divides -itself into two main branches, the Kallu and Mannu Vaddas, between whom -there is no social intercourse of any kind, or intermarriage. The -former are stone-workers and builders, and more robust than the -latter, and are very dexterous in moving large masses of stone -by rude and elementary mechanical appliances. They are hardy, and -capable of great exertion and endurance. The Kallu Vaddas consider -themselves superior to the Mannu Vaddas (earth diggers). Unlike the -Kallu Vaddas, the Mannu Vaddas or Bailu Vaddas are a nomadic tribe, -squatting wherever they can find any large earthwork, such as deepening -and repairing tanks, throwing up embankments, and the like. They are -expert navvies, turning out within a given time more hard work than -any other labouring class." The Mannu Oddes eat rats, porcupines, -and scaly ant-eaters or pangolins (Manis pentadactyla). - -Of exogamous septs, the following may be cited:-- - - - Bandollu, rock. - Bochchollu, hairs. - Cheruku, sugarcane. - Enumala, buffalo. - Goddali, axe. - Gampa, basket. - Idakottu, break-down. - Jambu (Eugenia Jambolana). - Komali, buffoon. - Santha, a fair. - Sivaratri, a festival. - Manchala, cot. - Sampangi (Michelia Champaca). - Thatichettu, palmyra palm. - Bandari (Dodonoea viscosa). - Devala, belonging to god. - Donga, thief. - Malle, jasmine. - Panthipattu, pig-catcher. - Panthikottu, pig-killer. - Upputholuvaru, salt-carrier. - Pitakala, dais on which a priest sits. - Thappata, drum. - - -At the Mysore census, 1901, a few returned gotras, such as arashina -(turmeric), huvvina (flowers), honna (gold), and akshantala (rice -grain). - -"The women of the Vaddevandlu section of the tank-digger caste," the -Rev. J. Cain writes, [178] "only wear the glass bracelets on the left -arm, as, in years gone by (according to their own account), a seller -of these bracelets was one day persuading them to buy, and, leaving -the bracelets on their left arms, went away, promising to return with a -fresh supply for their right arms. As yet he has not re-appeared." But -an old woman explained that they have to use their right arm when at -work, and if they wore bangles on it, they would frequently get broken. - -In some places, tattooing on the forehead with a central vertical -line, dots, etc., is universally practiced, because, according to the -Odde, they should bear tattoo marks as a proof of their life on earth -(bhulokam) when they die. Oddes, calling themselves Pachcha Botlu, -are itinerant tattooers in the Ganjam, Vizagapatam and Godavari -districts. While engaged in performing the operation, they sing Telugu -songs, to divert the attention of those who are being operated on. - -The office of headman, who is known as Yejamanadu, Samayagadu, or -Pedda (big) Boyadu, is hereditary, and disputes, which cannot be -settled at a council meeting, are referred to a Balija Desai Chetti, -whose decision is final. In some cases, the headman is assisted by -officers called Chinna (little) Boyadu, Sankuthi, and Banthari. An -Odde, coming to a place where people are assembled with shoes on, -is fined, and described as gurram ekki vachchinavu (having come on -a horse). The Oddes are very particular about touching leather, and -beating with shoes brings pollution. Both the beater and the person -beaten have to undergo a purificatory ceremony, and pay a fine. When -in camp at Dimbhum, in the Coimbatore district, I caught hold of a -ladle, to show my friend Dr. Rivers what were the fragrant contents -of a pot, in which an Odde woman was cooking the evening meal. On -returning from a walk, we heard a great noise proceeding from the -Odde men who had meanwhile returned from work, and found the woman -seated apart on a rock and sobbing. She had been excommunicated, not -because I touched the ladle, but because she had afterwards touched -the pot. After much arbitration, I paid up the necessary fine, and -she was received back into her caste. - -When a girl reaches puberty, she is confined in a special hut, in -which a piece of iron, margosa leaves (Melia Azadirachta), sticks -of Strychnos Nux-vomica, and the arka plant (Calotropis gigantea) -are placed, to ward off evil spirits. For fear of these spirits she -is not allowed to eat meat, though eggs are permitted. On the seventh -day, a fowl is killed, waved in front of the girl, and thrown away. At -the end of the period of pollution, the hut is burnt down. Sometimes, -when the girl bathes on the first day, a sieve is held over her head, -and water poured through it. In some places, on the eleventh day, -chicken broth, mixed with arrack (liquor), is administered, in order -to make the girl's back and waist strong. The hen, from which the -broth is made, must be a black one, and she must have laid eggs for -the first time. The flesh is placed in a mortar, pounded to a pulp, -and boiled, with the addition of condiments, and finally the arrack. - -Both infant and adult marriages are practiced. The marriage ceremony, -in its simplest form, is, according to Mr. F. S. Mullaly, [179] -not a tedious one, the bride and bridegroom walking three times -round a stake placed in the ground. In the more elaborate ritual, -on the betrothal day, the bride-price, etc., are fixed, and an -adjournment is made to the toddy shop. The marriage rites are, as -a rule, very simple, but, in some places, the Oddes have begun to -imitate the marriage ceremonies of the Balijas. On the third day, the -contracting couple go in procession to a tank, where the bridegroom -digs up some mud, and the bride carries three basketfuls thereof to -a distance. The following story is narrated in connection with their -marriage ceremonies. A certain king wanted an Odde to dig a tank, -which was subsequently called Nidimamidi Koththacheruvu, and promised -to pay him in varahalu (gold coins). When the work was completed, the -Odde went to the king for his money, but the king had no measure for -measuring out the coins. A person was sent to fetch one, and on his -way met a shepherd, who had on his shoulders a small bamboo stick, -which could easily be converted into a measure. Taking this stick, -he returned to the king, who measured out the coins, which fell short -of the amount expected by the Oddes, who could not pay the debts, -which they had contracted. So they threw the money into the tank, -saying "Let the tank leak, and the land lie fallow for ever." All -were crying on account of their misery and indebtedness. A Balija, -coming across them, took pity on them, and gave them half the amount -required to discharge their debts. After a time they wanted to marry, -and men were sent to bring the bottu (marriage badge), milk-post, -musicians, etc. But they did not return, and the Balija suggested the -employment of a pestle for the milk-post, a string of black beads -for the bottu, and betel leaves and areca nuts instead gold coins -for the oli (bride-price). - -The Oddes are in some places Vaishnavites, in others Saivites, -but they also worship minor deities, such as Ellamma, Ankamma, -etc., to whom goats and sheep are sacrificed, not with a sword or -knife, but by piercing them with a spear or crowbar. Writing at the -commencement of the nineteenth century, Buchanan states [180] that -"although the Woddaru pray to Vishnu, and offer sacrifices to Marima, -Gungama, Durgama, Putalima, and Mutialima, yet the proper object of -worship belonging to the caste is a goddess called Yellama, one of the -destroying spirits. The image is carried constantly with their baggage; -and in her honour there is an annual feast, which lasts three days. On -this occasion they build a shed, under which they place the image, -and one of the tribe officiates as priest or pujari. For these three -days offerings of brandy, palm wine, rice, and flowers are made to the -idol, and bloody sacrifices are performed before the shed. The Woddas -abstain from eating the bodies of the animals sacrificed to their -own deity, but eat those which they sacrifice to the other Saktis." - -The dead are generally buried. By some Oddes the corpse is carried -to the burial-ground wrapped up in a new cloth, and carried in a -dhubati (thick coarse cloth) by four men. On the way to the grave, -the corpse is laid on the ground, and rice thrown over its eyes. It is -then washed, and the namam (Vaishnavite sect mark) painted, or vibuthi -(sacred ashes) smeared on the forehead of a man, and kunkumam (coloured -powder) on that of a female. Earth is thrown by those assembled into -the grave before it is filled in. On the karmandhiram day, or last day -of the death ceremonies, the relations repair to a tank or well outside -the village. An effigy is made with mud, to which cooked rice, etc., -is offered. Some rice is cooked, and placed on an arka (Calotropis) -leaf as an offering to the crows. If a married woman has died, the -widower cuts through his waist thread, whereas a widow is taken to -the water's edge, and sits on a winnow. Her bangles are broken, and -the bottu is snapped by her brother. Water is then poured over her -head three times through the winnow. After bathing, she goes home, -and sits in a room with a lamp, and may see no one till the following -morning. She is then taken to one or more temples, and made to pull -the tail of a cow three times. The Oddes of Coimbatore, in the Tamil -country, have elaborated both the marriage and funeral ceremonies, -and copy those of the Balijas and Vellalas. But they do not call in -the assistance of a Brahman purohit. - -A woman, found guilty of immorality, is said to have to carry a -basketful of earth from house to house, before she is re-admitted to -the caste. - -The following note on a reputed cure for snake poisoning used by Oddes -was communicated to me by Mr. Gustav Haller. "A young boy, who belonged -to a gang of Oddes, was catching rats, and put his hand into a bamboo -bush, when a cobra bit him, and clung to his finger when he was drawing -his hand out of the bush. I saw the dead snake, which was undoubtedly -a cobra. I was told that the boy was in a dying condition, when a man -of the same gang said that he would cure him. He applied a brown pill -to the wound, to which it stuck without being tied. The man dipped -a root into water, and rubbed it on the lad's arm from the shoulder -downwards. The arm, which was benumbed, gradually became sensitive, -and at last the fingers could move, and the pill dropped off. The -moist root was rubbed on to the boy's tongue and into the corner of -the eye before commencing operations. The man said that a used pill -is quite efficacious, but should be well washed to get rid of the -poison. In the manufacture of the pill, five leaves of a creeper are -dried, and ground to powder. The pill must be inserted for nine days -between the bark and cambium of a margosa tree (Melia Azadirachta) -during the new moon, when the sap ascends." The creeper is Tinospora -cordifolia (gul bel) and the roots are apparently those of the same -climbing shrub. There is a widespread belief that gul bel growing on -a margosa tree is more efficacious as a medicine than that which is -found on other kinds of trees. - -The insigne of the caste at Conjeeveram is a spade. [181] - -"In the Ceded Districts," Mr. F. S. Mullaly writes, [182] "some of -the Wudders are known as Donga Wuddiwars, or thieving Wudders, from -the fact of their having taken to crime as a profession. Those of -the tribe who have adopted criminal habits are skilful burglars and -inveterate robbers. They are chiefly to be found among the stone -Wudder class, who, besides their occupation of building walls, -are also skilful stone-cutters. By going about under the pretence -of mending grindstones, they obtain much useful information as to -the houses to be looted, or parties of travellers to be attacked. In -committing a highway robbery or dacoity, they are always armed with -stout sticks. Burglary by Wudders may usually be traced to them, -if careful observations are made of the breach in the wall. The -implement is ordinarily the crowbar used by them in their profession -as stone-workers, and the blunt marks of the crowbar are, as a rule, -noticeable. They will never confess, or implicate another of their -fraternity, and, should one of them be accused of a crime, the women -are most clamorous, and inflict personal injuries on themselves -and their children, to deter the police from doing their duty, -and then accuse them of torture. Women and children belonging to -criminal gangs are experts in committing grain thefts from kalams or -threshing-floors, where they are engaged in harvest time, and also in -purloining their neighbours' poultry. Stolen property is seldom found -with Wudders. Their receivers are legion, but they especially favour -liquor shopkeepers in the vicinity of their encampment. Instances have -been known of valuable jewellery being exchanged for a few drams of -arrack. In each Wudder community, there is a headman called the Ganga -Raja, and, in the case of criminal gangs of these people, he receives -two shares of spoil. Identifiable property is altered at once, many of -the Wudders being themselves able to melt gold and silver jewellery, -which they dispose of for about one-tenth of the value." - -It has been said of the navvies in England that "many persons are quite -unaware that the migratory tribe of navvies numbers about 100,000, and -moves about from point to point, wherever construction works are going -forward, such as railways, harbour, canals, reservoirs and drainage -works. Generally the existence of these works is unknown to the public -until their completion. They then come into use, but the men who risked -their lives to make them are gone nobody knows where. They are public -servants, upon whose labours the facilities of modern civilised life -largely depend, and surely, therefore, their claim on our sympathies -is universal." And these remarks apply with equal force to the Oddes, -who numbered 498,388 in the Madras Presidency at the census, 1901. - -In the Census Report, 1901, Odderazulu is given as a synonym of -Odde. One of the sections of the Yerukalas is also called Odde. Vadde -(Odde) Cakali (Tsakala) is recorded, in the Vizagapatam Manual, as -the name for those who wash clothes, and carry torches and palanquins. - -Oddilu.--The Oddilu are described [183] by the Rev. J. Cain as -principally raftsmen on the Godavari river, who have raised themselves -in life, and call themselves Sishti Karanamalu. He states further that -they are Kois (or Koyis) who are regarded as more honourable than any -of the others, and have charge of the principal velpu (tribal gods). - -Odhuvar (reader or reciter).--A name for Pandarams, who recite hymns -in temples. - -Odisi.--A sub-division of Bhondari. - -Odiya.--It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "this -is the principal Uriya caste of farmers in Ganjam. Odia and Uriya -are different forms of one and the same word, and this caste name -simply means a native of the Odia or Uriya country, as Telaga means -a man of the Telugu country. In both cases, therefore, we find -a number of persons included, who are in reality members of some -other caste. The total number of sub-divisions of Odia, according -to the census schedules, is 146, but a number of these are names -of various Uriya castes, and not true sub-divisions. The largest -sub-division is Benaito, which is returned by 62,391 persons. The Nunia -sub-division, the next largest, was returned by 9,356 individuals." It -is further recorded, in the Census Report, 1901, that Odiya, Oriya, -or Uriya "is one of the vaguest terms in the whole of Table XIII -(Caste and Tribe). The Odiyas are a race by themselves, split up -into many castes. 'Odiya' also often means merely a man who speaks -Oriya. The term is, however, so constantly returned by itself without -qualification, that Odiya has perforce figured in the tables of all -the censuses as a caste. The Odiyas of the hills differ, however, -from the Odiyas of the plains, the Odiyas of Ganjam from those of -Vizagapatam, and the customs of one muttah (settlement) from those -of the next." Mr. Narasing Doss writes to me that "Odiya literally -means an inhabitant of Odissa or Orissa. There is a separate caste -called Odiya, with several sub-divisions. They are cultivators by -profession. Marriage is infant or adult. They employ Brahmans at -ceremonials. Widows and divorcees are remarried. They eat fish and -meat, but not fowls or beef, and do not drink liquor. They burn -the dead. Members of the Nagabonso sept claim to be descendants of -Nagamuni, the serpent rishi." - -I gather that there are three main sections among the Odiyas, viz., -Benaito, Nuniya, and Baraghoria, of which the first-named rank above -the others in the social scale. From them Oriya Brahmans and Koronos -will accept water. The Benaitos and Nuniyas are found all over Ganjam, -whereas the Baraghorias are apparently confined to villages round about -Aska and Purushothapur. There are numerous exogamous gotras within -the caste, among which are Nagasira (cobra), Gonda (rhinoceros), -Kochipo (tortoise), and Baraha (boar). The gods of the gotra should -be worshipped at the commencement of any auspicious ceremony. The -Odiyas also worship Jagannatha, and Takuranis (village deities). A -number of titles occur in the caste, e.g., Bissoyi, Podhano, Jenna, -Bariko, Sahu, Swayi, Gaudo, Pulleyi, Chando, Dolei, and Torei. - -When an unmarried girl is ill, a vow is taken that, if she recovers, -she shall be married to the dharma devata (sun), which is represented -by a brass vessel. - -People of mixed origin sometimes call themselves Odiyas, and pass as -members of this caste. Some Bhayipuos, for example, who correspond -to the Telugu Adapapas, call themselves Odiyas or Beniya Odiyas. - -Odiya Toti.--A Tamil synonym for Oriya Haddis employed as scavengers -in municipalities in the Tamil country. - -Ojali.--The Ojali, Vojali, or Ozolu are summed up, in the Madras -Census Report, 1901, as being "Telugu blacksmiths in the Vizagapatam -Agency. They eat beef, but are somewhat superior to the Paidis and -Malas in social position. They are also called Mettu Kamsali." It -is stated in the Vizagapatam Manual that, during the reign of -Chola Chakravati, the Kamsalas (artisans) claimed to be equal -to Brahmans. This offended the sovereign, and he ordered their -destruction. Some only escaped death by taking shelter with people of -the 'Ozu' caste. As an acknowledgment of their gratitude many of the -Kamsalas have ozu affixed to their house-name, e.g., Kattozu, Lakkozu. - -Okkiliyan.--Okkiliyan is the Tamil synonym for Vakkaliga, the large -caste of Canarese cultivators, and the name is derived from okkalu, -meaning cultivation or agriculture. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, -the Vakkaligas or Okkiliyans are described as "Canarese cultivators, -who originally belonged to Mysore, and are found mainly in Madura -and Coimbatore. The caste is split up into several sub-divisions, -the names of two of which, Nonaba and Gangadikara, are derived from -former divisions of the Mysore country. Each of these is again split up -into totemistic exogamous sections or kulas, some of which are Chinnada -(gold), Belli (silver), Khajjaya (cake), Yemme (buffalo), Alagi (pot), -Jola (cholum: a millet)." The Vakkaligas say they are descendants -of the Ballal Rajah of Anegundi, and that they left their homes in -pursuit of more suitable occupation, and settled themselves in Konganad -(Coimbatore). The Okkiliyans, whom I have investigated, were settled -in the Tamil country in the Coimbatore district, where they were -engaged as cultivators, bakers, milk-vendors, bricklayers, merchants, -cart-drivers, tailors, cigar manufacturers, and coolies. They returned -the following eight endogamous sub-divisions:-- - - - (1) Gangadikara, or those who lived on the banks of the Ganges. - (2) Gudi, temple. - (3) Kire (Amarantus), which is largely cultivated by them. - (4) Kunchu, a tassel or bunch. - (5) Kamati, foolish. Said to have abandoned their original - occupation of cultivating the land, and adopted the - profession of bricklayer. - (6) Gauri, Siva's consort. - (7) Bai. - (8) Sanu. - - -Like other Canarese castes, the Okkiliyans have exogamous septs -(kuttam or kutta), such as Belli (silver), Kasturi (musk), Pattegara -(headman), Aruva, Hattianna, etc. By religion they are both Saivites -and Vaishnavites. Those of the Aruva sept are all Saivites, and -the Hatti sept are Vaishnavites. Intermarriage between Saivites and -Vaishnavites is permitted, even though the former be Lingayats. The -Okkiliyans also worship village deities, and sacrifice goats and -fowls to Magaliamma and Koniamma. - -The Kiraikkarans of Coimbatore, whose main occupation is cultivating -kirai (Amarantus) and other vegetables, are said to be Kempati -Okkiliyans, i.e. Okkiliyans who emigrated from Kempampatti in Mysore. - -The hereditary headman of the caste, at Coimbatore, is called -Pattakaran, who has under him a Chinna (little) Pattakaran. The -headman presides over the caste council meetings, settles disputes, -and inflicts fines and other forms of punishment. If a person is -accused of using coarse language, he is slapped on the cheek by the -Chinna Pattakaran. If, during a quarrel, one person beats the other -with shoes, he has to purify himself and his house, and feed some -of his fellow castemen. The man who has been slippered also has to -undergo purificatory ceremony, but has not to stand a feast. In cases -of adultery, the guilty persons have to carry a basket of sand on the -head round the quarters of the community, accompanied by the Chinna -Pattakaran, who beats them with a tamarind switch. In some places, I -am informed, there is a headman for the village, called Uru Goundan, -who is subject to the authority of the Nattu Goundan. Several nadus, -each composed of a number of villages, are subject to a Pattakar, -who is assisted by a Bandari. All these offices are hereditary. - -When a Gangadikara girl reaches puberty, her maternal uncle, or his -son, constructs a hut of stems of cocoanut leaves, reeds and branches -of Pongamia glabra. Every day her relations bring her a cloth, -fruits, and flowers. On alternate days she is bathed, and dressed -in a cloth supplied by the washerwoman. The hut is broken up, and a -new one constructed on the third, fifth, and seventh days. During -the marriage ceremony, the bridegroom carries a dagger (katar) -with a lime stuck on its tip, and partly covered with a cloth, -when he proceeds to the bride's house with a bamboo, new clothes, -the tali (marriage badge), jewels, wrist-thread (kankanam), fruits, -cocoanuts, rice, and a new mat, camphor, etc. He must have the -dagger with him till the wrist-threads are untied. The barber cuts -the nails of the bridegroom. The Pattakaran, or a Brahman priest, -takes round the tali to be blessed by those assembled, and gives it -to the bridegroom, who ties it on the bride's neck. The ends of the -cloths of the contracting couple, with betel leaves and areca nuts in -them, are tied together, and they link together the little finger of -their right hands. They then look at the sky, to see the pole-star, -Arundati, who was the wife of the ascetic Vasishta, and the emblem -of chastity. The marriage booth has four posts, and the milk-post is -made of the milk hedge (Euphorbia Tirucalli), to which are tied mango -leaves and a wrist-thread. At some Okkiliyan marriages, the caste -priest, called Kanigara (soothsayer), officiates at the tali-tying -ceremony. Very great importance is attached to the linking of the -fingers of the bridal couple by the Kanigara or maternal uncle. The -dowry is not given at the time of marriage, but only after the -birth of a child. For her first confinement, the woman is taken to -her parents' home, and, after delivery, is sent back to her husband -with the dowry. This is not given before the birth of a child, as, -in the event of failure of issue or death of his wife, the husband -might claim the property, which might pass to a new family. - -Among some Okkiliyans the custom is maintained by which the father of a -young boy married to a grown-up girl cohabits with his daughter-in-law -until her husband has reached maturity. - -A dead person, I was informed at Coimbatore, is buried in a sitting -posture, or, if young and unmarried, in a recumbent position. As -the funeral procession proceeds on its way to the burial-ground, -the relations and friends throw coins, fruits, cakes, cooked rice, -etc., on the road, to be picked up by poor people. If the funeral is -in high life, they may even throw flowers made of gold or silver, -but not images, as some of the higher classes do. At the south -end of the grave, a hollow is scooped out for the head and back to -rest in. A small quantity of salt is placed on the abdomen, and the -grave is filled in. Leaves of the arka plant (Calotropis gigantea), -or tangedu (Cassia auriculata), are placed in three corners, and a -stone is set up over the head. The son, having gone round the grave -with a pot of water and a fire-brand, breaks the pot on the stone -before he retires. The widow of the deceased breaks her bangles, and -throws them on the grave. The son and other mourners bathe, and return -home, where they worship a lighted lamp. On the third day, dried twigs -of several species of Ficus and jak tree (Artocarpus integrifolia), -milk, a new cloth, plantains, tender cocoanuts, cheroots, raw rice, -betel, etc., required for worship, are taken to the grave. The twigs -are burnt, and reduced to ashes, with which, mixed with water, the -figure of a human being is made. It is covered with a new cloth, -and flowers are thrown on it. Puja is done to plantains, cocoanut, -etc., placed on a plantain leaf, and milk is poured over the figure by -relations and friends. The widow breaks her tali string, and throws it -on the figure. The son, and the four bearers who carried the corpse -to the grave, are shaved. Each of the bearers is made to stand up, -holding a pestle. The barber touches their shoulders with holy grass -dipped in gingelly (Sesamum) oil. Raw rice, and other eatables, are -sent to the houses of the bearers by the son of the deceased. At -night the cloths, turban, and other personal effects of the dead -man are worshipped. Pollution is removed on the eleventh day by a -Brahman sprinkling holy water, and the caste people are fed. They -perform sradh. By some Okkiliyans, the corpse is, like that of a -Lingayat Badaga, etc., carried to the burial-ground in a structure -called teru kattu, made of a bamboo framework surmounted by a canopy, -whereon are placed five brass vessels (kalasam). The structure is -decorated with cloths, flags, and plantain trees. - -The Morasu Vakkaligas, who sacrifice their fingers, are dealt with -separately (see Morasu). - -Olai.--A sub-division of Palli, the members of which wear an ear -ornament called olai. - -Olaro.--A sub-division of Gadaba. - -Olekara.--See Vilyakara. - -Olikala (pyre and ashes).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Omanaito.--The Omanaitos or Omaitos are an Oriya cultivating caste, -for the following account of which I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana -Rao. According to a tradition, the ancestor of the caste was one -Amatya, a minister of Sri Rama at Ayodhya. After Rama had gone to -heaven, there was no one to take care of them, and they took to -agriculture. The caste is divided into two endogamous sections, -called Bodo (big) and Sanno (little). The latter are regarded as -illegitimate children of the former by a Bottada, Gaudo, or other -woman. The Bodo section is divided into septs, called Sva (parrot), -Bhag (tiger), Kochchimo (tortoise), Naga (cobra), Sila (stone), Dhudho -(milk), Kumda (Cucurbita maxima), and Kukru (dog). - -The caste headman is called Bhatha Nayak, whose office is -hereditary. He arranges council meetings for settling social questions, -and takes a leading part in excommunicating members of the caste. Like -the Gonds, the Omanaitos cannot tolerate a man suffering from sores, -and he is formally excommunicated. To be received back into the caste, -he has to give a caste feast, of which the Bhatha Nayak is the first -to partake. - -Girls are married before or after puberty. A man claims his paternal -aunt's daughter in marriage. As soon as a young man's parents think -it is time that he should get married, they set out, with some -sweets and jaggery (crude sugar), for the house of the paternal -aunt, where the hand of her daughter is asked for. A second visit -of a similar nature is made later on, when the marriage is decided -on. An auspicious day is fixed by the Desari. A messenger is sent to -the house of the bride-elect with some rice, three rupees, a sheep, -and a new cloth, which are presented to her parents, who invite the -bridegroom and his party to come on the appointed day. On that day, -the bridegroom is conducted in procession, sometimes on horseback, -to the bride's village. There, in front of her hut, a pandal (booth) -has been constructed of eight posts of the sal tree (Shorea robusta), -and a central post of the ippa (Bassia) tree, to which seven pieces of -turmeric and seven mango leaves are tied. At the auspicious moment, the -bridegroom is conducted in procession to the booth, and the messenger -says aloud to the paternal aunt "The bridegroom has come. Bring the -bride quickly." She stands by the side of the bridegroom, and the -Desari links together their little fingers, while the women throw -rice coloured with turmeric over them. Water, which has been brought -from the village stream at early morn, and coloured with turmeric, -is poured over the couple from five pots. They then dress themselves -in new cloths presented by their fathers-in-law. A feast is given by -the bride's party. On the following day, the bride is conducted to -the home of the bridegroom, at the entrance to which they are met by -the bridegroom's mother, who sprinkles rice coloured with turmeric -over them, and washes their feet with turmeric-water. Liquor is then -distributed, and a meal partaken of. The Desari takes seven grains -of rice and seven areca nuts and ties them up in the ends of the -cloths of the contracting couple. On the following day, a feast is -held, and, next day, the parties of the bride and bridegroom throw -turmeric-water over each other. All then repair to the stream, and -bathe. A feast follows, for which a sheep is killed. - -It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam District, that in -the course of an Omanaito wedding there is a free fight, with mud -for missiles. - -The remarriage of widows is permitted, and a younger brother may marry -the widow of his elder brother. Divorce is allowed, and divorcées -may marry again. - -The Omanaitos worship Takurani and Chamariya Devata, as priest of -whom a member of the caste officiates. An annual festival is held in -the month of Chaitro. - -The dead are burnt. Pollution on account of a death in a family lasts -for ten days, during which the caste occupation is not carried out, -and the mourners are fed by people of another sept. On the eleventh -day a feast is held, at which liquor is forbidden. - -The caste title, is usually Nayako, but the more prosperous take the -title Patro. - -Ondipuli.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as -Telugu-speaking cultivators and cattle-breeders in the Salem -district. The name is sometimes applied to the beggars attached to -the Palli caste. - -Onnam Parisha (first party).--A section of Elayad. - -Onne (Pterocarpus Marsupium).--An exogamous sept of Toreyas, who are -not allowed to mark their foreheads with the juice which exudes from -the trunk of this tree. - -Onteddu.--Onteddu or Onti-eddu is the name of a sub-division of -Ganigas or Gandlas, who only use one bullock for their oil-mills. - -Opoto.--Opoto or Apoto is the name of the palanquin-bearing section -of Gaudos. - -Oppamtara.--A title conferred by the Raja of Cochin on some Nayars. - -Oppanakkaran (trader).--Telugu traders and agriculturists. Recorded -as a sub-division of Balija. - -Oppomarango (Achyranthes aspera).--An exogamous sept of Bhondari, -the members of which may not use the root as a tooth-brush. - -Ore.--An honorific title of Nayars. - -Origabhakthudu (saluting devotee).--A class of mendicants, who are -said to beg only from Perikes. - -Oriya.--Oriya, or Uriya, is a general term for those who speak -the Oriya language. At times of census, it has been recorded as a -sub-division of various castes, e.g., Sondi and Dhobi. - -Oruganti.--A sub-division of Kapu and Mutracha. - -Orunul (one string).--A sub-division of Marans, whose widows do -not remarry. - -Oshtama.--A corrupt form of the word Vaishnava, applied to Satanis, -who are called by illiterate folk Oishnamaru or Oshtamaru. - -Osta.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as the name -of a caste of barbers for Muhammadans. - -Otattu (tile-makers).--An occupational name for Nayars, who tile or -thatch temples and Brahman houses. - -Ottaisekkan.--The name, indicating those who work their oil-mill with -a single bullock, of a sub-division of Vaniyan. - -Ottikunda (empty pot).--An exogamous sept of Kamma. - - - - - - - -P - - -Paccha (green).--An exogamous sept of Kamma. The equivalent Pacchai -is a sub-division of Tamil Paraiyans, and of Malaiyalis who have -settled on the Pacchaimalais (green hills). Pacchi powaku (green -tobacco) occurs as an exogamous sept of Devanga. Pacchai Kutti is the -name given to Koravas who travel about the country as professional -tattooers, the operation of tattooing being known as pricking with -green. In like manner, Pacchai Botlu is the name for Oddes, who are -itinerant tattooers in the Ganjam, Vizagapatam, and Godavari districts. - -Pachilia.--A sub-division of Oriya Gaudos. - -Pada (fighting).--A sub-division of Nayar. - -Padaharu Madala (sixteen madalas).--The name, indicating the amount -of the bride-price, of a section of Upparas. A madala is equal to two -rupees. Some say that the name has reference to the modas, or heaps -of earth, in which salt was formerly made. - -Padaiyachi.--A synonym or title of Palli or Vanniyan, and Savalakkaran. - -Padal.--A title of headmen of the Bagatas. - -Padam.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-division of Nayar. Padamangalum or Padamangalakkar is also -recorded as a sub-division of Nayars, who escort processions in -temples. Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar writes that "Padamangalam and the -Tamil Padam are recorded as a division of Nayars, but they are said -to be immigrants to Travancore from the Tamil country." Padam also -occurs as an exogamous sept of Moosu Kamma. - -Padarti.--A title of pujaris (priests) in South Canara, and a name -by which Stanikas are called. - -Padavala (boat).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Padiga Raju.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, as the same as -Bhatrazu. The Padiga Rajulu are, however, beggars attached to the Padma -Sales, and apparently distinct from Bhatrazus. The name is probably -derived from padiga, a kind of vessel, and may bear reference to the -vessel which they carry with them on their begging expeditions. - -Padma (lotus).--A sub-division of Velama. - -Padma Sale.--The Padma (lotus) Sales are a Telugu-speaking caste -of weavers, who are scattered all over the Madras Presidency. The -majority are engaged in their hereditary occupation, but only the -minority possess looms of their own, and they work, for the most -part, for the more prosperous owners of hand-looms. As a class they -are poor, being addicted to strong drinks, and in the hands of the -money-lenders, who take care that their customers always remain in -debt to them. Like the Kaikolans, the Padma Sales weave the coarser -kinds of cotton cloths, and cannot compete with the Patnulkarans and -Khatres in the manufacture of the finer kinds. - -The Padma Sales have only one gotra, Markandeya. But, like other -Telugu castes, they have a number of exogamous septs or intiperus, -of which the following are examples:-- - -Bandari, treasurer. Bomma, an idol. Canji, gruel. Chinthaginjala, -tamarind seeds. Gorantla, Lawsonia alba. Jinka, gazelle. Kalava, -ditch. Kasulu, copper coins. Kongara, crane. Kadavala, pots. Manchi, -good. Nili, indigo. Nukalu, flour of grain or pulse. Nyayam, -justice. Utla, rope for hanging pots. Pothu, male. Paththi, -cotton. Putta, ant-hill. Thelu, scorpion. Tangedla, Cassia -auriculata. Tumma, Acacia arabica. Avari, indigo plant. Chinnam, -gold? Gurram, horse. Geddam, beard. Kota, fort. Meda, raised mound -Middala, storeyed house. Mamidla, mango. Narala, nerves. Pula, -flowers. Sadhu, quiet or meek. - -The Padma Sales profess to be Vaishnavites, but some are Saivites. All -the families of the exogamous sept Sadhu are said to be lingam-wearing -Saivites. In addition to their house-god Venkateswara, they worship -Pulikondla Rangaswami, Maremma, Durgamma, Narasappa, Sunkalamma, -Urukundhi Viranna, Gangamma, Kinkiniamma, Mutyalamma, Kalelamma, -Ankamma, and Padvetiamma. Their caste deity is Bhavana Rishi, to whom, -in some places, a special temple is dedicated. A festival in honour of -this deity is celebrated annually, during which the god and goddess -are represented by two decorated pots placed on a model of a tiger -(vyagra vahanam), to which, on the last day of the ceremonial, large -quantities of rice and vegetables are offered, which are distributed -among the loom-owners, pujari, headman, fasting celebrants, etc. - -The Padma Sales belong to the right-hand, and the Devangas to the -left-hand faction, and the latter aver that the Padma Sales took away -the body of the goddess Chaudeswari, leaving them the head. - -Three kinds of beggars are attached to the Padma Sales, viz., -Sadhana Surulu, Padiga Rajulu or Koonapilli vandlu, and Inaka-mukku -Bhatrazus. Concerning the Sadhana Surulu, Buchanan writes as -follows. [184] "The Vaishnavite section of the Samay Sale is called -Padma Sale. The whole Shalay formerly wore the linga, but, a house -having been possessed by a devil, and this sect having been called -on to cast him out, all their prayers were of no avail. At length -ten persons, having thrown aside their linga, and offered up their -supplications to Vishnu, they succeeded in expelling the enemy, and -ever afterwards they followed the worship of this god, in which they -have been initiated by their brethren. The descendants of these men, -who are called Sadana Asholu (Sadana Surulu), or the celebrated heroes, -never work, and, having dedicated themselves to god, live upon the -charity of the industrious part of the caste, with whom they disdain -to marry." - -The Padiga Rajulu are supposed to be the descendants of three persons, -Adigadu, Padigadu and Baludu, who sprang from the sweat of Bhavana -Rishi, and the following legend is current concerning the origin of -the Padma Sales and Padiga Rajulu. At the creation of the world, -men were naked, and one Markandeya, who was sixteen years old, -was asked to weave cloths. To enable him to do so, he did thapas -(penance), and from the sacred fire arose Bhavana Rishi, bearing a -bundle of thread obtained from the lotus which sprang from Vishnu's -navel. Bhavana Rishi made cloths, and presented them to the Devatas, -and offered a cloth to Bhairava also. This he refused to accept, as -it was the last, and not the first, which is usually rolled up, and -kept on the loom. Finding it unsuitable for wearing, Bhairava uttered a -curse that the cloths made should wear out in six months. Accordingly, -Siva asked Bhavana to procure him a tiger's skin for wearing. Narada -came to the assistance of Bhavana, and told him to go to Udayagiri, -where Bhadravati, the daughter of Surya, was doing penance to -secure Bhavana as her husband. She promised to secure a skin, -if he would marry her. To this he consented, and, in due course, -received the tiger's skin. Making the tiger his vahanam (vehicle), -he proceeded to the abode of Siva (Kailasam), and on his way thither -met a Rakshasa, whom he killed in a fight, in the course of which -he sweated profusely. From the sweat proceeded Adigadu, Padigadu, -and Baludu. When he eventually reached Siva, the tiger, on the sacred -ashes being thrown over it, cast its skin, which Siva appropriated. In -consequence of this legend, tigers are held in reverence by the Padma -Sales, who believe that they will not molest them. - -The legendary origin of the Padma Sales is given as follows in the -Baramahal Records. [185] "In former days, the other sects of weavers -used annually to present a piece of cloth to a rishi or saint, named -Markandeyulu. One year they omitted to make their offering at the -customary period, which neglect enraged the rishi, who performed a -yaga or sacrifice of fire, and, by the power of mantras or prayers, -he caused a man to spring up out of the fire of the sacrifice, -and called him Padma Saliwarlu, and directed him to weave a piece -of cloth for his use. This he did, and presented it to the rishi, -saying 'Oh! Swami, who is thy servant to worship, and how is he to -obtain moksham or admittance to the presence of the Supreme?' The -rishi answered 'Pay adoration to me, and thou wilt obtain moksham.'" - -The office of headman (Setti or Gaudu) is hereditary. The headman -has under him an assistant, called Ummidi Setti or Ganumukhi, who -is the caste messenger, and is exempt from the various subscriptions -for temple festivals, etc. - -When a girl reaches puberty, she is forbidden to eat meat or -Amarantus during the period of ceremonial pollution. In settling -the preliminaries of a marriage, a Brahman purohit takes part. With -some Padma Sales it is etiquette not to give direct answers when a -marriage is being fixed up. For example, those who have come to seek -the hand of a girl say "We have come for a sumptuous meal," to which -the girl's parents, if consenting to the match, will reply "We are -ready to feed you. You are our near relations." The marriage rites are -a blend of the Canarese and Telugu types. In the Ceded districts, the -bride is conveyed to the house of the bridegroom, seated on a bull, -after worship has been done to Hanuman. As she enters the house, -a cocoanut is waved, and thrown on the ground. She then bathes in an -enclosure with four posts, round which cotton thread has been wound -nine times. Wrist-threads of cotton and wool are tied on the bride and -bridegroom. The bottu (marriage badge) is tied round the bride's neck, -and she stands on a pile of cholum (Sorghum vulgare: millet) on the -floor or in a basket. The bridegroom stands on a mill-stone. While the -bottu is being tied, a screen is interposed between the contracting -couple. The bride's nose-screw ornament is dropped into a plate of -milk, from which she has to pick it out five times. Towards evening, -the bridal couple go in procession through the streets, and to the -temple, if there is one. On their return to the house, the bridegroom -picks up the bride, and dances for a short time before entering. This -ceremony is called dega-ata, and is performed by several Telugu castes. - -Some Padma Sales bury their dead in the usual manner, others, like -the Lingayats, in a sitting posture. It is customary, in some places, -to offer up a fowl to the corpse before it is removed from the house, -and, if a death occurs on a Saturday or Sunday, a fowl is tied to -the bier, and burnt with the corpse. This is done in the belief that -otherwise another death would very soon take place. The Tamilians, in -like manner, have a proverb "A Saturday corpse will not go alone." On -the way to the burial-ground, the corpse is laid down, and water -poured into the mouth. The son takes a pot of water round the grave, -and holes are made in it by the Ummidi Setti, through which the water -trickles out. On the fifth day, a sheep is killed, and eaten. During -the evening the Satani comes, and, after doing puja (worship), gives -the relatives of the deceased sacred arrack (liquor) in lieu of holy -water (thirtham) and meat, for which he receives payment. On the last -day of the death ceremonies (karmandiram), the Satani again comes with -arrack, and, according to a note before me, all get drunk. (See Sale.) - -Pagadala (trader in coral).--A sub-division or exogamous sept of -Balija and Kavarai. The Pagadala Balijas of the Vizagapatam district -are described as dealing in coral and pearls. Pagada Mukara (coral -nose-ring) has been returned as a sub-division of Kamma. - -Pagati Vesham.--A class of Telugu beggars, who put on disguises -(vesham) while begging. [186] At the annual festival at Tirupati in -honour of the goddess Gangamma, custom requires the people to appear -in a different disguise every morning and evening. These disguises -include those of a Bairagi, serpent, etc. [187] - -Paguththan.--A title of Sembadavan. - -Paida (gold or money).--An exogamous sept of Mala. The equivalent -Paidam occurs as an exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Paidi--The Paidis are summed up, in the Madras Census Report, -1891, as "a class of agricultural labourers and weavers, found in -the Vizagapatam district. Some of them are employed as servants and -village watchmen. They are closely akin to the Panos and Dombos of -the hills, and Malas of the plains. They speak a corrupt dialect of -Uriya." In the Census Report, 1901, Kangara (servant) is recorded as -a synonym for Paidi. - -For the following note on the Paidis of the Vizagapatam district, -I am mainly indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. There is a great deal -of confusion concerning this caste, and the general impression seems -to be that it is the same as Domb and Pano. I am informed that the -same man would be called Paidi by Telugus, Domb by the Savaras, and -Pano by the Konds. In the interior of the Jeypore Agency tracts the -Dombs and Paidis both repudiate the suggestion that they are connected -with each other. The Paidis, in some places, claim to belong to the -Valmiki kulam, and to be descended from Valmiki, the author of the -Ramayana. A similar descent, it may be noted, is claimed by the -Boyas. In the Vizagapatam Manual, the Paidimalalu or Paidi Malas -(hill Malas) are described as cultivating land, serving as servants -and village watchmen, and spinning cotton. It is said that they will -not eat food, which has been seen by Komatis. The Paidis stoutly deny -their connection with the Malas. - -When a Paidi girl reaches puberty, she is kept under pollution for a -varying number of days, and, on the last day, a Madiga is summoned, -who cuts her finger and toe nails, after which she bathes. Girls are -married either before or after puberty. The menarikam custom is in -force, according to which a man should marry his maternal uncle's -daughter. If he does so, the bride-price (voli) is fixed at five -rupees; otherwise it is ten rupees. The marriage ceremonies last over -four days, and are of the low-country Telugu type. The remarriage of -widows and divorce are permitted. - -The Paidis are Vaishnavites, and sing songs in praise of Rama during -the month Karthika (November-December). Each family feeds a few of -the castemen at least once during that month. They also observe the -Sankramanam festival, at which they usually wear new clothes. The -dead are either burnt or buried, and the chinna (small) and pedda rozu -(big day) death ceremonies are observed. - -Some Paidis are cultivators, but a large number are prosperous traders, -buying up the hill produce, and bringing it to the low-country, -where it is sold at markets. Their children study English in the hill -schools. The caste titles are Anna and Ayya. - -Some time ago some prisoners, who called themselves Billaikavu -(cat-eaters), were confined in the Vizagapatam jail. I am informed -that these people are Mala Paidis, who eat cat flesh. - -The following note refers to the Paidis who live in the southern part -of Ganjam. Some have settled as watchmen, or in other capacities, -among the Savaras, whose language they speak in addition to their -own. In their marriage ceremonies, they conform to the Telugu type, -with certain variations adopted from the Oriya ceremonial. On the -first day, a pandal (booth) is set up, and supported on twelve -posts. A feast is given to males during the day, and to females at -night. Like the Oriya Dandasis, they bring water from seven houses -of members of castes superior to their own. The auspicious time for -tying the pushte (gold marriage badge) on the following day is fixed -so as to fall during the night. At the appointed time, the bridegroom -rushes into the house of the bride, and the contracting couple throw -rice over each other. Taking the bride by the hand, the bridegroom -conducts her to the pandal, wherein they take their seats on the -dais. The bride should be seated before the bridegroom, and there is -a mock struggle to prevent this, and to secure first place for the -bridegroom. He then ties a mokkuto (chaplet) on the bride's forehead, -a thread on her wrist, and the pushte on her neck. After this has been -done, the couple bathe with the water already referred to, and once -more come to the dais, where a small quantity of rice, sufficient to -fill a measure called adda, is placed before them. Some amusement is -derived from the bride abstracting a portion of the rice, so that, -when the bridegroom measures it, there is less than there should -be. The marriage ceremonies conclude on the third day with offerings -to ancestors, and distribution of presents to the newly married couple. - -The death ceremonies are based on the Oriya type. On the day after -death, the funeral pyre is extinguished, and the ashes are thrown on -to a tree or an ant-hill. As they are being borne thither, the priest -asks the man who carries them what has become of the dead person, -and he is expected to reply that he has gone to Kasi (Benares) or -Jagannatham. A cloth is spread on the spot where the corpse was burnt, -and offerings of food are placed on it. On the fourth day, a pig is -killed and cooked. Before being cooked, one of the legs is hung up near -the spot where the deceased breathed his last. Death pollution is got -rid of by touching oil and turmeric, and the ceremonies conclude with a -feast. An annual offering of food is made, in the month of November, to -ancestors, unless a death takes place in the family during this month. - -The Ganjam Paidis worship the Takuranis (village deities), and -sacrifice goats and sheep at local temples. As they are a polluting -caste, they stand at a distance opposite the entrance to the temple, -and, before they retire, take a pinch or two of earth. This, on their -return home, they place on a cloth spread on a spot which has been -cleansed, and set before it the various articles which have been -prepared as offerings to the Takurani. When a Paidi is seriously -ill, a male or female sorcerer (Bejjo or Bejjano) is consulted. A -square, divided into sixteen compartments, is drawn on the floor -with rice-flour. In each compartment are placed a leaf, cup of Butea -frondosa, a quarter-anna piece, and some food. Seven small bows and -arrows are set up in front thereof in two lines. On one side of the -square a big cup, filled with food, is placed. A fowl is sacrificed, -and its blood poured thrice round this cup. Then, placing water -in a vessel near the cup, the sorcerer or sorceress throws into it -a grain of rice, giving out at the same time the name of some god -or goddess. If the rice sinks, it is believed that the illness is -caused by the anger of the deity, whose name has been mentioned. If -the rice floats, the names of various deities are called out, until -a grain sinks. - -It is recorded [188] that, in the Parvatipur country of the Vizagapatam -district, "the Paidis (Paidi Malas) do most of the crime, and often -commit dacoities on the roads. Like the Konda Doras, they have induced -some of the people to employ watchmen of their caste as the price -of immunity from theft. They are connected with the Dombus of the -Rayagada and Gunupur taluks, who are even worse." - -Paik.--It is noted by Yule and Burnell, [189] under the heading Pyke -or Paik, that "Wilson gives only one original of the term so expressed -in Anglo-Indian speech. He writes 'Paik or Payik, corruptly Pyke, -Hind., etc. (from S. padatika), Paik or Payak, Mar., a footman, an -armed attendant, an inferior police and revenue officer, a messenger, a -courier, a village watchman. In Cuttack the Paiks formerly constituted -a local militia, holding land of the Zamindars or Rajas by the tenure -of military service.' But it seems clear to us that there are here -two terms rolled together: (a) Pers. Paik, a foot-runner or courier; -(b) Hind. paik and payik (also Mahr.) from Skt. padatika, and padika, -a foot-soldier." - -In the Madras Census Report, 1891, Paiko is defined as "rather an -occupational than a caste name. It means a foot-soldier, and is -used to denote the retainers of the Uriya Chiefs of Ganjam and -Vizagapatam. These men were granted lands on feudal tenure, and -belonged to various castes. They are now ordinary agriculturists. Some -are employed in the police, and as peons in the various public -departments." In the records relating to human sacrifice and -infanticide, 1854, the Paiks are referred to as matchlock men, -by whom the Konds and Gonds are kept in abject servitude. In the -Vizagapatam Manual, 1869, various castes are referred to as being -"all paiks or fighting men. Formerly they were a very numerous body, -but their numbers are much diminished now, that is as fighting men, -for the old army used to be paid, some in money, and some in grants -of land. Now there are very few paiks kept up as fighting men; those -discharged from service have taken to trading with the coast, and to -cultivating their pieces of land. The fort at Kotapad on the Bustar -frontier always had a standing garrison of several hundred paiks. They -are gradually being disbanded since we have put police there. The men -are a fine race, brave, and capital shots with the matchlock." Paiko -has been recorded, at times of census, as a synonym or sub-division -of Rona. And Paikarayi occurs as a title of Badhoyis. - -Paiki.--A division of Toda. - -Pailman.--Pailman or Pailwan has been described [190] as "an -occupational term meaning a wrestler, used by all classes following -the occupation, whether they are Hindus or Musalmans. The Hindus -among them are usually Gollas or Jettis." In the Telugu country, -the Pailmans wrestle, and perform various mountebank, conjuring, -and juggling feats. A wandering troupe of Maratha Pailwans performed -before me various stick-exercises, acrobatic and contortionist feats, -and balancing feats on a bamboo pole supported in the kamerband -(belly-band) of a veteran member of the troupe. The performance wound -up with gymnastics on a lofty pole kept erect by means of ropes tied -to casual trees and tent-pegs, and surmounted by a pliant bamboo, on -which the performer swung and balanced himself while playing a drum, -or supporting a pile of earthen pots surmounted by a brass vessel -on his head. The entertainment took place amid the music of drum -and clarionet, and the patter of one of the troupe, the performers -playing the drum in the waits between their turns. - -Painda.--A synonym of Paidi. - -Pakanati (eastern territory).--A sub-division of various Telugu -classes, e.g., Balija, Golla, Kamsala, Kapu, Mala, and Tsakala. - -Paki.--Recorded by the Rev. J. Cain [191] as a sweeper caste in the -Godavari district, members of which have come from the neighbourhood -of Vizagapatam, and are great sticklers for their caste rules. - -Pakinadu.--A territorial sub-division of Kamsalas and other Telugu -castes, corresponding to Pakanati. - -Pakirithi.--Pakirithi or Parigiri, meaning Vaishnavite, is a -sub-division of Besthas, who, on ceremonial occasions, wear the -Vaishnava sect mark. - -Pal (milk).--Pal or Pala has been recorded as a sub-division of -Idaiyan and Kurumba, and an exogamous sept of Mala. (See Halu.) - -Palakala (planks).--An exogamous sept of Kamma. - -Palamala.--Palama is recorded as a sub-division of the Kanikars of -Travancore and Palamalathillom, said to denote the mountain with -trees with milky juice, as an exogamous sept of the same tribe. - -Palavili.--A gotra of Gollas, who are not allowed to erect palavili, -or small booths inside the house for the purpose of worship. - -Palayakkaran.--See Mutracha. - -Paligiri.--A sub-division of Mutracha. - -Palissa (shield) Kollan.--A class of Kollans in Malabar, who make -leather shields. It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that, -at the tali-kettu ceremony, "the girl and manavalan (bridegroom) -go to the tank on the last day of the ceremony. The girl, standing -in the tank, ducks her whole body under water thrice. As she does -so for the third time, a pandibali or triangular platter made of -cocoanut fronds and pieces of plantain stem and leaf plaited together -and adorned with five lighted wicks, is thrown over her into the -water, and cut in half as it floats by an enangan, who sings a song -called Kalikkakam. Lastly, the girl chops in two a cocoanut placed -on the bank. She aims two blows at it, and failure to sever it with -a third is considered inauspicious. Among Palissa Kollans and some -other castes, the lucky dip ceremony is performed on the last day -(called nalam kalyanam or fourth marriage). An enangan, drawing out -the packets at random, distributes them to the manavalan, the girl, -and himself in turn. It is lucky for the manavalan to get the gold, -and the girl the silver. A significant finish to the ceremony in -the form of a symbolical divorce is not infrequent in South Malabar -at all events. Thus, among the Palissa Kollans the manavalan takes a -piece of thread from his mundu (cloth), and gives it, saying 'Here is -your sister's accharam' to the girl's brother, who breaks it in two -and puffs it towards him. In other cases, the manavalan gives the -girl a cloth on the first day, and cuts it in two, giving her one -half on the last; or the manavalan and an enangan of the girl hold -opposite ends of a cloth, which the manavalan cuts and tears in two, -and then gives both pieces to the girl." - -Paliyans of Madura and Tinnevelly. In a note on the Malai (hill) -Paliyans of the Madura district, the Rev. J. E. Tracy writes -as follows. "I went to their village at the foot of the Periyar -hills, and can testify to their being the most abject, hopeless, and -unpromising specimens of humanity that I have ever seen. There were -about forty of them in the little settlement, which was situated in -a lovely spot. A stream of pure water was flowing within a few feet -of their huts, and yet they were as foul and filthy in their personal -appearance as if they were mere animals, and very unclean ones. Rich -land that produced a luxuriant crop of rank reeds was all around -them, and, with a little exertion on their part, might have been -abundantly irrigated, and produced continuous crops of grain. Yet -they lived entirely on nuts and roots, and various kinds of gum that -they gathered in the forest on the slopes of the hills above their -settlement. Only two of the community had ever been more than seven -miles away from their village into the open country below them. Their -huts were built entirely of grass, and consisted of only one room each, -and that open at the ends. The chief man of the community was an old -man with white hair. His distinctive privilege was that he was allowed -to sleep between two fires at night, while no one else was allowed -to have but one--a distinction that they were very complaisant about, -perhaps because with the distinction was the accompanying obligation -to see that the community's fire never went out. As he was also -the only man in the community who was allowed to have two wives, -I inferred that he delegated to them the privilege of looking after -the fires, while he did the sleeping, whereas, in other families, -the man and wife had to take turn and turn about to see that the fire -had not to be re-lighted in the morning. They were as ignorant as they -were filthy. They had no place of worship, but seemed to agree that -the demons of the forest around them were the only beings that they -had to fear besides the Forest Department. They were barely clothed, -their rags being held about them, in one or two cases, with girdles of -twisted grass. They had much the same appearance that many a famine -subject presented in the famine of 1877, but they seemed to have had -no better times to look back upon, and hence took their condition -as a matter of course. The forest had been their home from time -immemorial. Yet the forest seemed to have taught them nothing more -than it might have been supposed to have taught the prowling jackal -or the laughing hyæna. There were no domesticated animals about their -place: strange to say, not even a pariah dog. They appeared to have -no idea of hunting, any more than they had of agriculture. And, as -for any ideas of the beauty or solemnity of the place that they had -selected as their village site, they were as innocent of such things -as they were of the beauties of Robert Browning's verse." - -In a note written in 1817, Mr. T. Turnbull states that the Madura -Pulliers "are never seen unless when they come down to travellers -to crave a piece of tobacco or a rag of cloth, for which they have a -great predilection. The women are said to lay their infants on warm -ashes after delivery, as a substitute for warm clothing and beds." - -The Palayans, or Pulleer, are described by General Burton [192] as -"good trackers, and many of them carried bows and arrows, and a few -even possessed matchlocks. I met one of these villagers going out on -a sporting excursion. He had on his head a great chatty (earthen pot) -full of water, and an old brass-bound matchlock. It was the height -of the dry season. He was taking water to a hollow in a rock, which -he kept carefully replenished, and then ensconced himself in a clump -of bushes hard by, and waited all day, if necessary, with true native -patience, for hog, deer, or pea-fowl to approach his ambush." - -In the Madura Manual, it is noted that "the Poleiyans have always been -the prædial slaves of the Kunuvans. According to the survey account, -they are the aborigines of the Palni hills. The marriage ceremony -consists merely of a declaration of consent made by both parties at -a feast, to which all their relatives are invited. As soon as a case -of small-pox occurs in one of their villages, a cordon is drawn round -it, and access to other villages is denied to all the inhabitants -of the infected locality, who at once desert their homes, and camp -out for a sufficiently long period. The individual attacked is left -to his fate, and no medicine is exhibited to him, as it is supposed -that the malady is brought on solely by the just displeasure of the -gods. They bury their dead." - -The Paliyans are described, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, -as a "very backward caste, who reside in small scattered parties -amid the jungles of the Upper Palnis and the Varushanad valley. They -speak Tamil with a peculiar intonation, which renders it scarcely -intelligible. They are much less civilised than the Pulaiyans, but do -not eat beef, and consequently carry no pollution. They sometimes build -themselves grass huts, but often they live on platforms up trees, in -caves, or under rocks. Their clothes are of the scantiest and dirtiest, -and are sometimes eked out with grass or leaves. They live upon roots -(yams), leaves, and honey. They cook the roots by putting them into -a pit in the ground, heaping wood upon them, and lighting it. The -fire is usually kept burning all night as a protection against wild -beasts, and it is often the only sign of the presence of the Paliyans -in a jungle, for they are shy folk, who avoid other people. They make -fire with quartz and steel, using the floss of the silk-cotton tree as -tinder. Weddings are conducted without ceremonies, the understanding -being that the man shall collect food and the woman cook it. When -one of them dies, the rest leave the body as it is, and avoid the -spot for some months. - -A detailed account of the Paliyans of the Palni hills by the -Rev. F. Dahmen has recently been published, [193] to which I am -indebted for the following information. "The Paliyans are a nomadic -tribe, who for the most part rove in small parties through the -jungle-clad gorges that fringe the Upper Palnis plateau. There they -maintain themselves mostly on the products of the chase and on roots -(yams, etc.), leaves and wild fruits (e.g., of the wild date tree), -at times also by hiring their labour to the Kunnuvan or Mannadi -villagers. The find of a bee-hive in the hollow of some tree is a -veritable feast for them. No sooner have they smoked the bees out -than they greedily snatch at the combs, and ravenously devour them -on the spot, with wax, grubs, and all. Against ailments the Paliyans -have their own remedies: in fact, some Paliyans have made a name for -themselves by their knowledge of the medicinal properties of herbs and -roots. Thus, for instance, they make from certain roots (periya uri -katti ver) a white powder known as a very effective purgative. Against -snake-bite they always carry with them certain leaves (naru valli ver), -which they hold to be a very efficient antidote. As soon as one of them -is bitten, he chews these, and also applies them to the wound. Patience -and cunning above all are required in their hunting-methods. One of -their devices, used for big game, e.g., against the sambar (deer), or -against the boar, consists in digging pitfalls, carefully covered up -with twigs and leaves. On the animal being entrapped, it is dispatched -with clubs or the aruval (sickle). Another means consists in arranging -a heap of big stones on a kind of platform, one end of which is made -to rest on higher ground, the other skilfully equipoised by a stick -resting on a fork, where it remains fixed by means of strong twine so -disposed that the least movement makes the lever-like stick on the -fork fly off, while the platform and the stones come rapidly down -with a crash. The string which secures the lever is so arranged as -to unloose itself at the least touch, and the intended victim can -hardly taste the food that serves for bait without bringing the -platform with all its weight down upon itself. Similar traps, but -on a smaller scale, are used to catch smaller animals: hares, wild -fowl, etc. Flying squirrels are smoked out of the hollows of trees, -and porcupines out of their burrows, and then captured or clubbed to -death on their coming out. The first drops of blood of any animal the -Paliyans kill are offered to their god. A good catch is a great boon -for the famished Paliyan. The meat obtained therefrom must be divided -between all the families of the settlement. The skins, if valuable, -are preserved to barter for the little commodities they may stand in -need of, or to give as a tribute to their chief. One of their methods -for procuring fish consists in throwing the leaves of a creeper called -in Tamil karungakodi, after rubbing them, into the water. Soon the -fish is seen floating on the surface. Rough fashioned hooks are also -used. When not engaged on some expedition, or not working for hire, -the Paliyans at times occupy themselves in the fabrication of small -bird-cages, or in weaving a rough kind of mat, or in basket-making. The -small nicknacks they turn out are made according to rather ingenious -patterns, and partly coloured with red and green vegetable dyes. These, -with the skins of animals, and the odoriferous resin collected from -the dammer tree, are about the only articles which they barter or -sell to the inhabitants of the plains, or to the Mannadis." - -Concerning the religion and superstitions of the Paliyans, the -Rev. F. Dahmen writes as follows. "The principal religious ceremony -takes place about the beginning of March. Mayandi (the god) is usually -represented by a stone, preferably one to which nature has given -some curious shape, the serpent form being especially valued. I said -'represented,' for, according to our Paliyans, the stone itself is not -the god, who is supposed to live somewhere, they do not exactly know -where. The stone that represents him has its shrine at the foot of -a tree, or is simply sheltered by a small thatched covering. There, -on the appointed day, the Paliyans gather before sunrise. Fire is -made in a hole in front of the sacred stone, a fine cock brought in, -decapitated amidst the music of horn and drum and the blood made to -drip on the fire. The head of the fowl ought to be severed at one -blow, as this is a sign of the satisfaction of the god for the past, -and of further protection for the future. Should the head still -hang, this would be held a bad omen, foreboding calamities for -the year ensuing. The instrument used in this sacred operation is -the aruval, but the sacrificial aruval cannot be used but for this -holy purpose. Powers of witchcraft and magic are attributed to the -Paliyans by other castes, and probably believed in by themselves. The -following device adopted by them to protect themselves from the -attacks of wild animals, the panther in particular, may be given as an -illustration. Four jackals' tails are planted in four different spots, -chosen so as to include the area within which they wish to be safe -from the claws of the brute. This is deemed protection enough: though -panthers should enter the magic square, they could do the Paliyans -no harm; their mouths are locked." It is noted by the Rev. F. Dahmen -that Paliyans sometimes go on a pilgrimage to the Hindu shrine of -Subrahmaniyam at Palni. - -Writing concerning the Paliyans who live on the Travancore frontier -near Shenkotta, Mr. G. F. D'Penha states [194] that they account for -their origin by saying that, at some very remote period, an Eluvan -took refuge during a famine in the hills, and there took to wife -a Palliyar woman, and that the Palliyars are descended from these -two. "The Palliyar," he continues, "is just a shade lower than the -Eluvan. He is permitted to enter the houses of Eluvans, Elavanians -(betel-growers), and even of Maravars, and in the hills, where the -rigour of the social code is relaxed to suit circumstances, the -higher castes mentioned will even drink water given by Palliyars, -and eat roots cooked by them. The Palliyars regard sylvan deities -with great veneration. Kurupuswami is the tribe's tutelary god, and, -when a great haul of wild honey is made, offerings are given at some -shrine. They pretend to be followers of Siva, and always attend the Adi -Amavasai ceremonies at Courtallum. The Palliyar cultivates nothing, -not even a sweet potato. He keeps no animal, except a stray dog or -two. An axe, a knife, and a pot are all the impedimenta he carries. An -expert honey-hunter, he will risk his neck climbing lofty precipices -or precipitous cliffs. A species of sago-palm furnishes him with a -glairy glutinous fluid on which he thrives, and such small animals -as the iguana (Varanus), the tortoise, and the larvae of hives are -never-failing luxuries." - -The Paliyans, whom I investigated in North Tinnevelly, were living -in the jungles near the base of the mountains, in small isolated -communities separated from each other by a distance of several -miles. They speak Tamil with a peculiar intonation, which recalls -to mind the Irulas. They are wholly illiterate, and only a few can -count up to ten. A woman has been known to forget her own name. At -a marriage, the father, taking the hand of the bride, and putting it -into that of the bridegroom, says "I give this girl to you. Give her -roots and leaves, and protect her." The value of a bride or bridegroom -depends very much on the quantity of roots, etc., which he or she can -collect. When a widow does not remarry, the males of the community -supply her with roots and other products of the jungle. Marriages -are, as a rule, contracted within the settlement, and complications -occasionally occur owing to the absence of a girl of suitable age for -a young man. Indeed, in one settlement I came across two brothers, who -had for this reason resorted to the adelphous form of polyandry. It -would be interesting to note hereafter if this custom, thus casually -introduced, becomes established in the tribe. As an exception to the -rule of marriage within the settlement, it was noted that a party -of Paliyans had wandered from the Gandamanaikanur forests to the -jungle of Ayanarkoil, and there intermarried with the members of the -local tribe, with which they became incorporated. The Paliyans admit -members of other castes into their ranks. A case was narrated to me, -in which a Maravan cohabited for some time with a Paliya woman, who -bore children by him. In this way is the purity of type among the -jungle tribes lost as the result of civilisation, and their nasal -index reduced from platyrhine to mesorhine dimensions. - -The Tinnevelly Paliyans say that Valli, the wife of the god -Subramaniya, was a Paliyan woman. As they carry no pollution, they -are sometimes employed, in return for food, as night watchmen at -the Vaishnavite temple known as Azhagar Koil at the base of the -hills. They collect for the Forest Department minor produce in the -form of root-bark of Ventilago madraspatana and Anisochilus carnosus, -the fruit of Terminalia Chebula (myrabolams), honey, bees-wax, etc., -which are handed over to a contractor in exchange for rice, tobacco, -betel leaves and nuts, chillies, tamarinds and salt. The food thus -earned as wages is supplemented by yams (tubers of Dioscorea) and -roots, which are dug up with a digging-stick, and forest fruits. They -implicitly obey the contractor, and it was mainly through his influence -that I was enabled to interview them, and measure their bodies, in -return for a banquet, whereof they partook seated on the grass in -two semicircles, the men in front and women in the rear, and eating -off teak leaf plates piled high with rice and vegetables. Though -the prodigious mass of food provided was greedily devoured till -considerable abdominal distension was visible, dissatisfaction was -expressed because it included no meat (mutton), and I had not brought -new loin-cloths for them. They laughed, however, when I expressed a -hope that they would abandon their dirty cloths, turkey-red turbans -and European bead necklaces, and revert to the primitive leafy garment -of their forbears. A struggle ensued for the limited supply of sandal -paste, with which a group of men smeared their bodies, in imitation -of the higher classes, before they were photographed. A feast given -to the Paliyans by some missionaries was marred at the outset by the -unfortunate circumstance that betel and tobacco were placed by the -side of the food, these articles being of evil omen as they are placed -in the grave with the dead. A question whether they eat beef produced -marked displeasure, and even roused an apathetic old woman to grunt -"Your other questions are fair. You have no right to ask that." If a -Paliyan happens to come across the carcase of a cow or buffalo near a -stream, it is abandoned, and not approached for a long time. Leather -they absolutely refuse to touch, and one of them declined to carry -my camera box, because he detected that it had a leather strap. - -They make fire with a quartz strike-a-light and steel and the floss -of the silk-cotton tree (Bombax malabaricum). They have no means -of catching or killing animals, birds, or fish with nets, traps, or -weapons, but, if they come across the carcase of a goat or deer in the -forest, they will roast and eat it. They catch "vermin" (presumably -field rats) by smoking them out of their holes, or digging them out -with their digging-sticks. Crabs are caught for eating by children, -by letting a string with a piece of cloth tied to the end down the -hole, and lifting it out thereof when the crab seizes hold of the -cloth with its claws. Of wild beasts they are not afraid, and scare -them away by screaming, clapping the hands, and rolling down stones -into the valleys. I saw one man, who had been badly mauled by a tiger -on the buttock and thigh when he was asleep with his wife and child in -a cave. During the dry season they live in natural caves and crevices -in rocks, but, if these leak during the rains, they erect a rough shed -with the floor raised on poles off the ground, and sloping grass roof, -beneath which a fire is kept burning at night, not only for warmth, -but also to keep off wild beasts. They are expert at making rapidly -improvised shelters at the base of hollow trees by cutting away the -wood on one side with a bill-hook. Thus protected, they were quite -snug and happy during a heavy shower, while we were miserable amid -the drippings from an umbrella and a mango tree. - -Savari is a common name among the Tinnevelly Paliyans as among other -Tamils. It is said to be a corruption of Xavier, but Savari or Sabari -are recognised names of Siva and Parvati. There is a temple called -Savarimalayan on the Travancore boundary, whereat the festival takes -place at the same time as the festival in honour of St. Xavier among -Roman Catholics. The women are very timid in the presence of Europeans, -and suffer further from hippophobia; the sight of a horse, which they -say is as tall as a mountain, like an elephant, producing a regular -stampede into the depths of the jungle. They carry their babies -slung in a cloth on the back, and not astride the hips according to -the common practice of the plains. The position, in confinement, is -to sit on a rock with legs dependent. Many of these Paliyans suffer -from jungle fever, as a protection against which they wear a piece -of turmeric tied round the neck. The dead are buried, and a stone is -placed on the grave, which is never re-visited. - -Like other primitive tribes, the Paliyans are short of stature -and dolichocephalic, and the archaic type of nose persists in some -individuals. - -Average height 150.9 cm. Nasal index 83 (max. 100). - -Pallan.--The Pallans are "a class of agricultural labourers found -chiefly in Tanjore, Trichinopoly, Madura and Tinnevelly. They are also -fairly numerous in parts of Salem and Coimbatore, but in the remaining -Tamil districts they are found only in very small numbers." [195] - -The name is said to be derived from pallam, a pit, as they were -standing on low ground when the castes were originally formed. It -is further suggested that the name may be connected with the -wet cultivation, at which they are experts, and which is always -carried out on low ground. In the Manual of the Madura district -(1868), the Pallans are described as "a very numerous, but a most -abject and despised race, little, if indeed at all, superior to the -Paraiyas. Their principal occupation is ploughing the lands of more -fortunate Tamils, and, though nominally free, they are usually slaves -in almost every sense of the word, earning by the ceaseless sweat -of their brow a bare handful of grain to stay the pangs of hunger, -and a rag with which to partly cover their nakedness. They are to be -found in almost every village, toiling and moiling for the benefit -of Vellalans and others, and with the Paraiyas doing patiently nearly -all the hard and dirty work that has to be done. Personal contact with -them is avoided by all respectable men, and they are never permitted -to dwell within the limits of a village nattam. Their huts form a -small detached hamlet, the Pallacheri, removed from a considerable -distance from the houses of the respectable inhabitants, and barely -separated from that of the Paraiyas, the Parei-cheri. The Pallans -are said by some to have sprung from the intercourse of a Sudra and -a Brahman woman. Others say Devendra created them for the purpose of -labouring in behalf of Vellalans. Whatever may have been their origin, -it seems to be tolerably certain that in ancient times they were the -slaves of the Vellalans, and regarded by them merely as chattels, and -that they were brought by the Vellalans into the Pandya-mandala." Some -Pallans say that they are, like the Kallans, of the lineage of Indra, -and that their brides wear a wreath of flowers in token thereof. They -consider themselves superior to Paraiyans and Chakkiliyans, as they -do not eat beef. - -It is stated in the Manual of Tanjore (1883) that the "Pallan and -Paraiya are rival castes, each claiming superiority over the other; and -a deadly and never-ending conflict in the matter of caste privileges -exists between them. They are prædial labourers, and are employed -exclusively in the cultivation of paddy (rice) lands. Their women -are considered to be particularly skilled in planting and weeding, -and, in most parts of the delta, they alone are employed in those -operations. The Palla women expose their body above the waist--a -distinctive mark of their primitive condition of slavery, of which, -however, no trace now exists." It is noted by Mr. G. T. Mackenzie -[196] that "in the first quarter of the nineteenth century, the female -converts to Christianity in the extreme south ventured, contrary to -the old rules for the lower castes, to clothe themselves above the -waist. This innovation was made the occasion for threats, violence, -and a series of disturbances. Similar disturbances arose from the same -cause nearly thirty years later, and, in 1859, Sir Charles Trevelyan, -Governor of Madras, interfered, and granted permission to the women -of lower caste to wear a cloth over the breasts and shoulders." - -In connection with disputes between the right-hand and left-hand -factions, it is stated [197] that "whatever the origin of the factions, -feeling still runs very high, especially between the Pallans and the -Paraiyans. The violent scenes which occurred in days gone by [198] -no longer occur, but quarrels occur when questions of precedence -arise (as when holy food is distributed at festivals to the village -goddesses), or if a man of one faction takes a procession down a -street inhabited chiefly by members of the other. In former times, -members of the opposite faction would not live in the same street, -and traces of this feeling are still observable. Formerly also the -members of one faction would not salute those of the other, however -much their superiors in station; and the menials employed at funerals -(Paraiyans, etc.) would not salute the funeral party if it belonged -to the rival faction." - -In the Coimbatore Manual it is noted that "the Pallan has in all -times been a serf, labouring in the low wet lands (pallam) for his -masters, the Brahmans and Goundans. The Pallan is a stout, shortish -black man, sturdy, a meat-eater, and not over clean in person or -habit; very industrious in his favourite wet lands. He is no longer a -serf." The occupations of the Pallans, whom I examined at Coimbatore, -were cultivator, gardener, cooly, blacksmith, railway porter, tandal -(tax-collector, etc.), and masalchi (office peon, who looks after -lamps, ink-bottles, etc.). Some Pallans are maniyagarans (village -munsifs or magistrates). - -In some places a Pallan family is attached to a land-holder, for -whom they work, and, under ordinary conditions, they do not change -masters. The attachment of the Pallan to a particular individual is -maintained by the master paying a sum of money as an advance, which -the Pallan is unable to repay. - -The Pallans are the Jati Pillais of the Pandya Kammalans, or Kammalans -of the Madura country. The story goes that a long while ago the -headman of the Pallans came begging to the Kollan section of the -Pandya Kammalans, which was employed in the manufacture of ploughs -and other agricultural implements, and said "Worshipful sirs, we are -destitute to the last degree. If you would but take pity on us, we -would become your slaves. Give us ploughs and other implements, and -we shall ever afterwards obey you." The Kollans, taking pity on them, -gave them the implements and they commenced an agricultural life. When -the harvest was over, they brought the best portion of the crop, -and gave it to the Kollans. From that time, the Pallans became the -"sons" of the Pandya Kammalans, to whom even now they make offerings -in gratitude for a bumper crop. - -At times of census the Pallans return a number of sub-divisions, -and there is a proverb that one can count the number of varieties of -rice, but it is impossible to count the divisions of the Pallans. As -examples of the sub-divisions, the following may be quoted:-- - - - Aiya, father. - Amma, mother. - Anja, father. - Atta, mother. - Devendra.--The sweat of Devendra, the king of gods, is said to - have fallen on a plant growing in water from which arose a child, - who is said to have been the original ancestor of the Pallans. - Kadaiyan, lowest or last. - Konga.--The Kongas of Coimbatore wear a big marriage tali, said to - be the emblem of Sakti, while the other sections wear a small tali. - Manganadu, territorial. - Sozhia, territorial. - Tondaman, territorial. - - -These sub-divisions are endogamous, and Aiya and Amma Pallans of the -Sivaganga zemindari and adjacent parts of the Madura district possess -exogamous septs or kilais, which, like those of the Maravans, Kallans, -and some other castes, run in the female line. Children belong to -the same kilai as that of their mother and maternal uncle, and not -of their father. - -The headman of the Pallans is, in the Madura country, called -Kudumban, and he is assisted by a Kaladi, and, in large settlements, -by a caste messenger entitled Variyan, who summons people to attend -council-meetings, festivals, marriages and funerals. The offices of -Kudumban and Kaladi are hereditary. When a family is under a ban of -excommunication, pending enquiry, the caste people refuse to give them -fire, and otherwise help them, and even the barber and washerman are -not permitted to work for them. As a sign of excommunication, a bunch -of leafy twigs of margosa (Melia Azadirachta) is stuck in the roof -over the entrance to the house. Restoration to caste necessitates -a purificatory ceremony, in which cow's urine is sprinkled by the -Variyan. When a woman is charged with adultery, the offending man -is brought into the midst of the assembly, and tied to a harrow or -hoeing plank. The woman has to carry a basket of earth or rubbish, with -her cloth tied so as to reach above her knees. She is sometimes, in -addition, beaten on the back with tamarind switches. If she confesses -her guilt, and promises not to misconduct herself again, the Variyan -cuts the waist-thread of her paramour, who ties it round her neck as -if it was a tali (marriage badge). On the following day, the man and -woman are taken early in the morning to a tank (pond) or well, near -which seven small pits are made, and filled with water. The Variyan -sprinkles some of the water over their heads, and has subsequently to -be fed at their expense. If the pair are in prosperous circumstances, -a general feast is insisted on. - -At Coimbatore, the headman is called Pattakaran, and he is assisted -by various subordinate officers and a caste messenger called -Odumpillai. In cases of theft, the guilty person has to carry a man -on his back round the assembly, while two persons hang on to his -back-hair. He is beaten on the cheeks, and the Odumpillai may be -ordered to spit in his face. A somewhat similar form of punishment -is inflicted on a man proved guilty of having intercourse with a -married woman. - -In connection with the caste organisation of the Pallans in the -Trichinopoly district, Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes as follows. "They -generally have three or more headmen for each village, over whom is -the Nattu Muppan. Each village also has a peon called Odumpillai (the -runner). The main body of the caste, when attending council-meetings, -is called ilam katchi (the inexperienced). The village councils are -attended by the Muppans and the Nattu Muppan. Between the Nattu -Muppan and the ordinary Muppans, there is, in the Karur taluk, -a Pulli Muppan. All these offices are hereditary. In this taluk a -rather different organisation is in force, to regulate the supply of -labour to the landholders. Each of the village Muppans has a number -of karais or sections of the wet-land of the village under him, -and he is bound to supply labourers for all the land in his karai, -and is remunerated by the landowner with 1 1/4 marakkals of grain -for every 20 kalams harvested. The Muppans do not work themselves, -but maintain discipline among their men by flogging or expulsion -from the caste. In the Karur taluk, the ordinary Pallans are called -Manvettaikarans (mamoty or digging-tool men)." - -The Pallans have their own washermen and barbers, who are said to -be mainly recruited from the Sozhia section, which, in consequence, -holds an inferior position; and a Pallan belonging to another section -would feel insulted if he was called a Sozhian. - -When a Pallan girl, at Coimbatore, attains puberty, she is bathed, -dressed in a cloth brought by a washerwoman, and presented with -flowers and fruits by her relations. She occupies a hut constructed -of cocoanut leaves, branches of Pongamia glabra, and wild sugarcane -(Saccharum arundinaceum). Her dietary includes jaggery (crude sugar) -and milk and plantains. On the seventh day she is again bathed, and -presented with another cloth. The hut is burnt down, and for three days -she occupies a corner of the pial of her home. On the eleventh day -she is once more bathed, presented with new cloths by her relations, -and permitted to enter the house. - -It is stated by Dr. G. Oppert [199] that "at a Pallan wedding, before -the wedding is actually performed, the bridegroom suddenly leaves -his house and starts for some distant place, as if he had suddenly -abandoned his intention of marrying, in spite of the preparations that -had been made for the wedding. His intended father-in-law intercepts -the young man on his way, and persuades him to return, promising to -give his daughter as a wife. To this the bridegroom consents." I have -not met with this custom in the localities in which the Pallans have -been examined. - -In one form of marriage among the Pallans of the Madura district, the -bridegroom's sister goes to the house of the bride on an auspicious -day, taking with her the tali string, a new cloth, betel, fruits and -flowers. She ties the tali round the neck of the bride, who, if a -milk-post has been set up, goes round it. The bride is then conducted -to the house of the bridegroom, where the couple sit together on the -marriage dais, and coloured water, or coloured rice balls with lighted -wicks, are waved round them. They then go, with linked fingers, thrice -round the dais. In a more complicated form of marriage ceremonial, -the parents and maternal uncle of the bridegroom, proceed, on the -occasion of the betrothal, to the bride's house with rice, fruit, -plantains, a cocoanut, sandal paste, and turmeric. These articles -are handed over, with the bride's money, to the Kudumban or Kaladi -of her village. Early in the morning of the wedding day, a pandal -(booth) is erected, and the milk-post, made of Thespesia populnea -or Mimusops hexandra, is set up by the maternal uncles of the -contracting couple. The bride and bridegroom bring some earth,with -which the marriage dais is made. These preliminaries concluded, -they are anointed by their maternal uncles, and, after bathing, the -wrist-threads (kankanam) are tied to the bridegroom's wrist by his -brother-in-law, and to that of the bride by her sister-in-law. Four -betel leaves and areca nuts are placed at each corner of the dais, and -the pair go round it three times, saluting the betel as they pass. They -then take their place on the dais, and two men stretch a cloth over -their heads. They hold out their hands, into the palms of which the -Kudumban or Kaladi pours a little water from a vessel, some of which -is sprinkled over their heads. The vessel is then waved before them, -and they are garlanded by the maternal uncles, headmen, and others. The -bride is taken into the house, and her maternal uncle sits at the -entrance, and measures a new cloth, which he gives to her. She clads -herself in it, and her uncle, lifting her in his arms, carries her -to the dais, where she is placed by the side of the bridegroom. The -fingers of the contracting couple are linked together beneath a cloth -held by the maternal uncles. The tali is taken up by the bridegroom, -and placed by him round the bride's neck, to be tightly tied thereon -by his sister. Just before the tali is tied, the headman bawls out -"May I look into the bride's money and presents"? and, on receiving -permission to do so, says thrice "Seven bags of nuts, seven bags of -rice, etc., have been brought." - -At a marriage among the Konga Pallans of Coimbatore, the -bridegroom's wrist-thread is tied on at his home, after a lamp -has been worshipped. He and his party proceed to the house of -the bride, taking with them a new cloth, a garland of flowers, -and the tali. The milk-post of the pandal is made of milk-hedge -(Euphorbia Tirucalli). The bride and bridegroom sit side by side and -close together on planks within the pandal. The bridegroom ties the -wrist-thread on the bride's wrist, and the caste barber receives -betel from their mouths in a metal vessel. In front of them are -placed a Pillayar (figure of Ganesa) made of cow-dung, two plantains, -seven cocoanuts, a measure of paddy, a stalk of Andropogen Sorghum, -with a betel leaf stuck on it, and seven sets of betel leaves and -areca nuts. Camphor is burnt, and two cocoanuts are broken, and placed -before the Pillayar. The tali is taken round to be blessed in a piece -of one of the cocoanuts. The Mannadi (assistant headman) hands over the -tali to the bridegroom, who ties it round the bride's neck. Another -cocoanut is then broken. Three vessels containing, respectively, -raw rice, turmeric water and milk, each with pieces of betel leaf, -are brought. The hands of the contracting couple are then linked -together beneath a cloth, and the fourth cocoanut is broken. The -Mannadi, taking up a little of the rice, turmeric water, milk, and -betel leaves, waves them before the bride and bridegroom, and throws -them over their heads. This is likewise done by five other individuals, -and the fifth cocoanut is broken. The bride and bridegroom go round -the plank, and again seat themselves. Their hands are unlinked, -the wrist-threads are untied, and thrown into a vessel of milk. The -sixth cocoanut is then broken. Cooked rice with plantains and ghi -(clarified butter) is offered to Alli Arasani, the wife of Arjuna, -who was famed for her virtue. The rice is offered three times to -the contracting couple, who do not eat it. The caste barber brings -water, with which they cleanse their mouths. They exchange garlands, -and the seventh cocoanut is broken. They are then taken within the -house, and sit on a new mat. The bridegroom is again conducted to the -pandal, where cooked rice and other articles are served to him on a -tripod stool. They are handed over to the Odumpillai as a perquisite, -and all the guests are fed. In the evening a single cloth is tied to -the newly married couple, who bathe, and pour water over each other's -heads. The Pillayar, lamp, paddy, Andropogon stalk, and two trays with -betel, are placed before the guests. The Mannadi receives four annas -from the bridegroom's father, and, after mentioning the names of the -bridegroom, his father and grandfather, places it in one of the trays, -which belongs to the bride's party. He then receives four annas from -the bride's father, and mentions the names of the bride, her father -and grandfather, before placing the money in the tray which belongs -to the bridegroom's party. The relations then make presents of money -to the bride and bridegroom. When a widow remarries, her new husband -gives her a white cloth, and ties a yellow string round her neck in -the presence of some of the castemen. - -At a marriage among the Kadaiya Pallans of Coimbatore, the wrist-thread -of the bride is tied on by the Mannadi. She goes to a Pillayar shrine, -and brings back three trays full of sand from the courtyard thereof, -which is heaped up in the marriage pandal. Three painted earthen -pots, and seven small earthen trays, are brought in procession from -the Mannadi's house by the bridegroom, and placed in the pandal. To -each of the two larger pots a piece of turmeric and betel leaf are -tied, and nine kinds of grain are placed in them. The bridegroom has -brought with him the tali tied to a cocoanut, seven rolls of betel, -seven plantains, seven pieces of turmeric, a garland, a new cloth -for the bride, etc. The linked fingers of the contracting couple are -placed on a tray containing salt and a ring. They go thrice round -a lamp and the plank within the pandal, and retire within the house -where the bridegroom is served with food on a leaf. What remains after -he has partaken thereof is given to the bride on the same leaf. The -wrist-threads are untied on the third day, and a Pillayar made of -cow-dung is carried to a river, whence the bride brings back a pot -of water. - -In some places, the bridegroom is required to steal something from -the bride's house when they return home after the marriage, and the -other party has to repay the compliment on some future occasion. - -When a death occurs among the Konga Pallans of Coimbatore, the big -toes and thumbs of the corpse are tied together. A lighted lamp, -a metal vessel with raw rice, jaggery, and a broken cocoanut are -placed near its head. Three pieces of firewood, arranged in the -form of a triangle, are lighted, and a small pot is placed on them, -wherein some rice is cooked in turmeric water. The corpse is bathed, -and placed in a pandal made of four plantain trees, and four green -leafy branches. The nearest relations place a new cloth over it. If -the deceased has left a widow, she is presented with a new cloth by -her brother. The corpse is laid on a bier, the widow washes its feet, -and drinks some of the water. She then throws her tali-string on the -corpse. Her face is covered with a cloth, and she is taken into the -house. The corpse is then removed to the burial-ground, where the son -is shaved, and the relations place rice and water in the mouth of the -corpse. It is then laid in the grave, which is filled in, and a stone -and some thorny twigs are placed over it. An earthen pot full of water -is placed on the right shoulder of the son, who carries it three times -round the grave. Each time that he reaches the head end thereof, -a hole is made in the pot with a knife by one of the elders. The -pot is then thrown down, and broken near the spot beneath which the -head lies. Near this spot the son places a lighted firebrand, and -goes away without looking back. He bathes and returns to the house, -where he touches a little cow-dung placed at the entrance with his -right foot, and worships a lamp. On the third day, three handfuls -of rice, a brinjal (Solanum Melongena) fruit cut into three pieces, -and leaves of Sesbania grandiflora are cooked in a pot, and carried -to the grave together with a tender cocoanut, cigar, betel, and other -things. The son places three leaves on the grave, and spreads the -various articles thereon. Crows are attracted by clapping the hands, -and it is considered a good omen if they come and eat. On the fourth -day the son bathes, and sits on a mat. He then bites, and spits -out some roasted salt fish three times into a pot of water. This is -supposed to show that mourning has been cast away, or at the end. He -is then presented with new cloths by his uncle and other relations. On -the ninth or eleventh day, cooked rice, betel, etc., are placed near a -babul (Acacia arabica) or other thorny tree, which is made to represent -the deceased. Seven small stones, representing the seven Hindu sages, -are set up. A cocoanut is broken, and puja performed. The rice is -served on a leaf, and eaten by the son and other near relations. - -The Pallans are nominally Saivites, but in reality devil worshippers, -and do puja to the Grama Devata (village deities), especially those -whose worship requires the consumption of flesh and liquor. - -It is recorded, [200] in connection with a biennial festival in -honour of the local goddess at Attur in the Madura district, that -"some time before the feast begins, the Pallans of the place go -round to the adjoining villages, and collect the many buffaloes, -which have been dedicated to the goddess during the last two years, -and have been allowed to graze unmolested, and where they willed, -in the fields. These are brought in to Attur, and one of them is -selected, garlanded, and placed in the temple. On the day of the -festival, this animal is brought out, led round the village in state, -and then, in front of the temple, is given three cuts with a knife -by a Chakkiliyan, who has fasted that day, to purify himself for -the rite. The privilege of actually killing the animal belongs by -immemorial usage to the head of the family of the former poligar -of Nilakkottai, but he deputes certain Pallans to take his place, -and they fall upon the animal and slay it." - -It is noted by Mr. Hemingway [201] that the Valaiyans and the class of -Pallans known as Kaladis who live in the south-western portion of the -Pudukkottai State are professional cattle-lifters. They occasionally -take to burglary for a change. - -The common titles of the Pallans are said [202] to be "Muppan and -Kudumban, and some style themselves Mannadi. Kudumban is probably -a form of Kurumban, and Mannadi is a corruption of Manradi, a title -borne by the Pallava (Kurumban) people. It thus seems not improbable -that the Pallas are representatives of the old Pallavas or Kurumbas." - -Pallavarayan.--The title, meaning chief of the Pallavas, of the leader -of the Krishnavakakkar in Travancore. Also a sub-division of Occhans. - -Palle.--In the Telugu country, there are two classes of Palles, -which are employed respectively in sea-fishing and agriculture. The -former, who are the Min (fish) Palles of previous writers, are also -known as Palle Kariyalu, and do not mingle or intermarry with the -latter. They claim for themselves a higher position than that which -is accorded to them by other castes, and call themselves Agnikula -Kshatriyas. Their title is, in some places, Reddi. All belong to one -gotra called Ravikula. - -The caste headman is entitled Pedda Kapu,' and he is assisted by -an Oomadi. - -In puberty, marriage, and death ceremonies, the Palles follow the -Telugu form of ceremonial. There is, however, one rite in the marriage -ceremonies, which is said to be peculiar to the fishing section. On -the fifth day after marriage, a Golla perantalu (married woman) is -brought to the house in procession, walking on cloths spread on the -ground (nadapavada). She anoints the bridal couple with ghi (clarified -butter), and after receiving a cloth as a present, goes away. - -The fishing class worship the Akka Devatalu (sister gods) periodically -by floating on the surface of the water a flat framework made of -sticks tied together, on which the various articles used in the -worship are placed. - - - - - - - -NOTES - - -[1] Gazetteer of the South Arcot District. - -[2] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[3] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[4] The Rangaris are Maratha dyers and tailors. - -[5] Ind. Ant., VII, 1878. - -[6] Our Viceregal Life in India, 1884-88. - -[7] Loc. cit. - -[8] Ind. Ant., II, 1874. - -[9] The word Genoa occurs on several blades in the Madras Museum -collection. - -[10] The bas-relief of the statue of Lord Cornwallis in the Connemara -Public library, Madras, represents him receiving Tipu's two youthful -sons as hostages. - -[11] Brahmanism and Hinduism. - -[12] Gazetteer of the Bellary district. - -[13] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[14] Madras Review, 1899. - -[15] F. Fawcett. Journ. Anthrop. Inst., XXXIII, 1903. - -[16] F. Fawcett, loc. cit. - -[17] Madras Journ. Lit. Science, 1890. - -[18] Sketch of the Dynasties of South India. - -[19] Numismata Orient. Ancient Coins and Measures of Ceylon. - -[20] Kalith-thokai. - -[21] Kanakasabhai Pillai. The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years ago. 1904. - -[22] Manual of the Tinnevelly district, 1879. - -[23] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[24] Notes on Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency. - -[25] Tinnevelly, being an account of the district, the people, and -the missions. Mission Field, 1897. - -[26] Madras Journ. Lit. Science, IV, 1836. - -[27] Journ. Anthrop. Inst., XXXIII, 1903. - -[28] F. Fawcett, loc. cit. - -[29] Madras Journ. Lit. Science, IV, 1836. - -[30] Madras Journ. Lit. Science, IV, 1836. - -[31] Manual of the Madura district. - -[32] Madras Journ. Lit, Science, XXV. - -[33] Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879. - -[34] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[35] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[36] G. Richter. Manual of Coorg. - -[37] Madras Museum Bull., V, 3, 1907. - -[38] For portions of this article I am indebted to a note by -Mr. J. D. Samuel. - -[39] Hobson-Jobson. - -[40] Gazetteer of the Tanjore district. - -[41] Malabar Law and Custom. - -[42] Madras Museum Bull. III, 3, 1901. - -[43] Hobson-Jobson. - -[44] Sea Fisheries of India. - -[45] Journey from Madras through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar, 1807. - -[46] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[47] Section III, Inhabitants, Government Press, Madras, 1907. - -[48] East India Gazette. - -[49] Hindu Manners, Customs, and Ceremonies Ed., 1897. - -[50] History of Mysore. - -[51] Ind. Antiquary, II, 1873. - -[52] Mysore. - -[53] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[54] Journey through Mysore, etc. - -[55] Monograph of Tanning and Working in Leather, Madras, 1904. - -[56] G. D. Iyah Pillay, Madras, 1878. - -[57] Notes on Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency. - -[58] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[59] Manual of the Coimbatore district. - -[60] Madras Journ. Lit. Science, I, 1833. - -[61] Agricult: Ledger Series, Calcutta, No. 7, 1904. - -[62] Journey through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar, 1807. - -[63] A New Account of the East Indies, 1744. - -[64] I am informed that the Mukkuvans claim to be a caste distinct -from the Arayans. - -[65] For further details concerning the fisheries and fish-curing -operations of the West Coast, see Thurston, Madras Museum Bull. III, -2, 1900. - -[66] Spelt Pusler in a recent educational report. - -[67] Madras Museum Bull., III, 3, 1901. - -[68] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[69] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[70] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[71] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[72] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[73] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[74] Mysore Census Reports, 1891, 1901. - -[75] Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer. - -[76] Hobson-Jobson. - -[77] Wigram : Malabar Law and Customs. - -[78] Ibid., 3rd ed., 1905. - -[79] A Forgotten Empire, Vijayanagar. - -[80] Fifth Report of the Committee on the affairs of the East India -Company. Reprint, Higginbotham, Madras. - -[81] College History of India, 1888. - -[82] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[83] Ibid. - -[84] M.J. Walhouse. Journ. Anthrop. Inst., V, 1876. - -[85] Devil Worship of the Tuluvas, Ind. Ant., XXIII, 1894. - -[86] Devil Worship of the Tuluvas. Ind. Ant., XXIII, XXIV, XXV, -XXVI, 1894-7. - -[87] With the exception of the notes by Mr. Subramani Aiyar, this -article is a reproduction, with very slight changes, of an account -of the Nambutiris by Mr. F. Fawcett, which has already been published -in the Madras Bulletin Series (III, I, 1900). - -[88] N. Subramani Aiyar, Malabar Quart. Review, VII, I, 1908. - -[89] A New Account of the East Indies, 1744. - -[90] The Nambutiris everywhere believe that Europeans have tails. - -[91] The Todas, 1906. - -[92] Taravad or tarwad: a marumakkatayam family, consisting of all -the descendants in the female line of one common female ancestor. - -[93] The Lusiad. - -[94] Chela, the cloth worn by Muppillas (Muhammadans in Malabar). There -are also Chela Nayars. The word is said to mean the rite of -circumcision. - -[95] Malabar Quart. Review, I, 1, 1902. - -[96] In all ceremonies, and indeed in all arrangements connected -with labour in rural Malabar, it is the rule to reckon in the old, -and not in the existing, currency. - -[97] Brahmanism and Hinduism. - -[98] Op. cit. - -[99] Ibid. - -[100] The Nambutiris take objection to a statement of Mr. Logan, in -the Manual of Malabar, that the Vadhyar shuts the door, and locks it. - -[101] Orissa. Annals of Rural Bengal. - -[102] By keeping a lamp lighted at the fire perpetually alight, or -by heating a piece of plasu or darbha grass in the fire, and putting -it away carefully. - -[103] An amana palaga or ama palaga, literally tortoise plank, is -a low wooden seat of chamatha wood, supposed to be shaped like a -tortoise in outline. - -[104] The accounts of marriage and death ceremonies in the Gazetteer -of Malabar are from a grandhavari. - -[105] Ind. Law Reports, Madras Series, XII, 1889. - -[106] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[107] The proverb Chetti Chidambaram is well known. - -[108] Malabar Quart: Review, 1905. - -[109] C. Hayavadana Rao, Indian Review, VIII, 8, 1907. - -[110] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[111] Gazetteer of the Madura district. - -[112] Indian Review, VIII, 8, 1907. - -[113] Indian Law Reports, Madras Series, XXIX, 1906. - -[114] C. Hayavadana Rao, Loc. cit. - -[115] C. Hayavadana Rao. Loc. cit. - -[116] Historical Sketches of the South of India, 1810. - -[117] Malabar and its Folk. - -[118] Malabar and its Folk. - -[119] This note is based mainly on articles by Mr. S. Appadorai Aiyar -and Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna Aiyar. - -[120] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[121] Gazetteer of the Malabar district. - -[122] Manual of the Malabar district. - -[123] The author of Tahafat-ul-Mujahidin or hints for persons seeking -the way to God, as it is frequently translated, or more literally an -offering to warriors who shall fight in defence of religion against -infidels. Translated by Rowlandson. London, 1833. - -[124] See Manual of the Malabar district, 164, sq., and Fawcett, -Madras Museum Bull., III, 3, 1901. - -[125] E. Hultzsch, South-Indian Inscriptions, III, 2, 1203. - -[126] Description of the Coasts of East Africa and -Malabar. Translation. Hakluyt Society, 1866. - -[127] New Account of the East Indies, 1744. - -[128] Voyage to the East Indies, 1774 and 1781. - -[129] Journey through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar, 1807. - -[130] Malabar Law and Custom, 3rd ed., 1905. - -[131] Vide R. Sewell. A Forgotten Empire (Vijayanagar), 1900. - -[132] Father Coleridge's Life and Letters of St. Francis Xavier. - -[133] History of Tinnevelly. - -[134] Coleridge's Xavier. - -[135] Burnell. Translation of the Daya Vibhaga, Introduction. Vide -also Elements of South Indian Palæography (2nd ed., p. 109), where -Dr. Burnell says that it is certain that the Vijayanagar kings were -men of low caste. - -[136] Vide Glossary, Report of the Malabar Marriage Commission, p. 2, -and Day's Land of the Permauls, p. 44. - -[137] Fifth Report of the Committee on the affairs of the East India -Company, II, 499, 530. Reprint by Higginbotham, Madras. - -[138] Lives of the Lindsays. By Lord Lindsay, 1849. - -[139] Madras Museum Bull., III, 3, 1901. - -[140] A manchil is a conveyance carried on men's shoulders, and more -like a hammock slung on a pole, with a flat covering over it, than -a palanquin. - -[141] Tarwad or taravad, a marumakkathayam family, consisting of all -the descendants in the female line of one common female ancestor. - -[142] The Voyage and Travell of M. Cæsar Fredericke, Merchant -of Venice, into the East Indies and beyond the Indies -(1563). Translation. Hakluyt Voyages, V, 394. - -[143] Travels to the East Indies. - -[144] Voyage to the East Indies, 1774 and 1781. - -[145] R. Kerr. General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, -1811, History of the Discovery and Conquest of India by the Portuguese -between the years 1497 and 1525, from the original Portuguese of -Herman Lopes de Castaneda. - -[146] Wigram, Malabar Law and Custom, Ed. 1900. - -[147] T. A. Kalyanakrishna Aiyar, Malabar Quart. Review, II, 1903. - -[148] Op cit. - -[149] Malabar and its Folk, 1900. - -[150] Malabar Law and Custom, 1882. - -[151] Report of the Malabar Marriage Commission, 1894. - -[152] The rights and obligations of Karanavans are fully dealt with -by Moore, Malabar Law and Custom, 3rd edition, 1905. - -[153] Journ. Anthrop. Inst., XII, 1883. - -[154] Op. cit. - -[155] Malabar Quart. Review, VII, 3, 1908. - -[156] Op. cit. - -[157] Gazetteer of Malabar. - -[158] An Enangan or Inangan is a man of the same caste and sub-division -or marriage group. It is usually translated "kinsman," but is at once -wider and narrower in its connotation. My Enangans are all who can -marry the same people that I can. An Enangatti is a female member of -an Enangan's family. - -[159] The aimpuli or "five tamarinds" are Tamarindus indica, Garcinia -Cambogia, Spondias mangifera, Bauhinia racemosa, and Hibiscus hirtus. - -[160] The eldest male member of the taravad is called the -Karanavan. All male members, brothers, nephews, and so on, who are -junior to him, are called Anandravans of the taravad. - -[161] All caste Hindus who perform the sradh ceremonies calculate -the day of death, not by the day of the month, but by the thithis -(day after full or new moon). - -[162] Nineteenth Century, 1904. - -[163] L'Inde (sans les Anglais). - -[164] Letters from Malabar. - -[165] January, 1899. - -[166] See Thurston. Catalogue of Roman, etc., Coins, Madras Government -Museum, 2nd ed., 1894. - -[167] Malabar and its Folk, 1900. - -[168] The Vettuvans were once salt-makers. - -[169] Malabar and its Folk, Madras, 1900. - -[170] Buchanan, Mysore, Canara and Malabar. - -[171] Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879. - -[172] E. Hultzsch. South Indian Inscriptions, I. 82, 108, 1890. - -[173] Comprehensive Tamil and English Dictionary. - -[174] Travancore Census Report, 1901. - -[175] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[176] Madras Dioc. Magazine, April, 1908. - -[177] Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879. - -[178] Ind. Ant., V, 1876. - -[179] Notes on Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency. - -[180] Journey through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar. - -[181] J. S. F. Mackenzie. Ind. Ant., IV, 1875. - -[182] Op. cit. - -[183] Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879. - -[184] Journey through Mysore, Canara and Malabar, 1807. - -[185] Section III. Inhabitants. Madras Government Press, 1907. - -[186] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[187] See Manual of the North Arcot district, 1, 187. - -[188] Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district. - -[189] Hobson-Jobson. - -[190] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[191] Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879. - -[192] An Indian Olio. - -[193] Anthropos, III, 1908. - -[194] Ind. Ant., XXX, 1902. - -[195] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[196] Christianity in Travancore, 1901. - -[197] Gazetteer of the Trichinopoly district. - -[198] See Nelson, the Madura Country, II, 4--7, and Coimbatore District -Manual, 477. - -[199] Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsa or India. - -[200] Gazetteer of the Madura district. - -[201] Op Cit. - -[202] Madras Census Report, 1891. - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Castes and Tribes of Southern India, by -Edgar Thurston - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA *** - -***** This file should be named 42995-8.txt or 42995-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/2/9/9/42995/ - -Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project -Gutenberg. - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, -set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to -copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to -protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project -Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you -charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you -do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the -rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose -such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and -research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do -practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is -subject to the trademark license, especially commercial -redistribution. - - - -*** START: FULL LICENSE *** - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project -Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at - www.gutenberg.org/license. - - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy -all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. -If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the -terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or -entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement -and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic -works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" -or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the -collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an -individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are -located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from -copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative -works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg -are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project -Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by -freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of -this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with -the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by -keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project -Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in -a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check -the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement -before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or -creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project -Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning -the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United -States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate -access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently -whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, -copied or distributed: - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived -from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is -posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied -and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees -or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work -with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the -work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 -through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the -Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or -1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional -terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked -to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the -permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any -word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or -distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than -"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version -posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), -you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a -copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon -request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other -form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided -that - -- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is - owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he - has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the - Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments - must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you - prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax - returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and - sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the - address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to - the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." - -- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or - destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium - and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of - Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any - money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days - of receipt of the work. - -- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set -forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from -both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael -Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the -Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm -collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic -works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain -"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or -corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual -property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a -computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by -your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with -your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with -the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a -refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity -providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to -receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy -is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further -opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO OTHER -WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO -WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. -If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the -law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be -interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by -the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any -provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance -with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, -promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, -harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, -that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do -or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm -work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any -Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. - - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers -including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists -because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from -people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. -To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation -and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 -and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive -Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent -permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. -Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered -throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at 809 -North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email -contact links and up to date contact information can be found at the -Foundation's web site and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To -SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any -particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. -To donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic -works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm -concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared -with anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project -Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. -unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily -keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: - - www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - |