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diff --git a/42994-8.txt b/42994-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 26f505d..0000000 --- a/42994-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,15249 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's Castes and Tribes of Southern India, by Edgar Thurston - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: Castes and Tribes of Southern India - Vol. 4 of 7 - -Author: Edgar Thurston - -Contributor: K. Rangachari - -Release Date: June 21, 2013 [EBook #42994] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA *** - - - - -Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project -Gutenberg. - - - - - - - - - CASTES AND TRIBES - OF - SOUTHERN INDIA - - By - - EDGAR THURSTON, C.I.E., - - Superintendent, Madras Government Museum; Correspondant Étranger, - Société d'Anthropologie de Paris; Socio Corrispondante, Societa, - Romana di Anthropologia. - - Assisted by - - K. Rangachari, M.A., - of the Madras Government Museum. - - - - Volume IV--K to M - - Government Press, Madras - - 1909. - - - - - - - - CASTES AND TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA. - - VOLUME IV. - - -Kori (blanket).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Koriannayya (fowl sept).--An exogamous sept of Bant. - -Korono.--Karnam, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [1] "includes both -Karnam proper, and also Korono, the accountant caste of Ganjam and -Orissa. The following remarks relate solely to the Uriya Koronos. The -word Korono is said to be derived from kirani, which means a writer -or clerk. The origin of the Koronos is uncertain. One writer says -that they are Kayasts of Northern India, who are of Kshatriya -origin. Mr. R. C. Dutt says, in his History of Ancient India, that, -according to Manu, the Koronos belong to the Kshatriya Vratyas, who -do not perform the religious rites. And, in the Raghuvamsa, the poet -Kalidasa describes Koronos as the offspring of a Vaisya and a Sudra -woman, and he is supported by the lexicographer Amara Sinha. It is -said that the ancestors of the Koronos were brought from Northern -India by Yayatikesari, King of Orissa (447--526 A.D.), to supply the -want of writers and clerks in certain parts of Orissa. The Koronos are -worshippers of Vishnu. Their ceremonies are performed with the aid of -Brahman priests. The remarriage of widows is not permitted. They eat -fish, and the flesh of goats and deer. The Uriya Koronos observe the -gosha system, and carry it to such an extent that, after a girl attains -puberty, she is not allowed to appear before her elder brother. Their -titles are Patnaik and Mahanti." - -The heads of the Ganjam villages are, Mr. S. P. Rice informs us, -"called Korono, the doer, and Karji, the manager. The Korono, who is -really only the accountant, but who, by reason of his higher education, -is generally the ultimate authority in the village, appropriates -to himself the title Potonaiko, as his caste distinction. The word -signifies the Naik or head of the town." It has been noted that -"in the Telugu districts, the Karnam is usually a Brahman. Being in -some respects the most intelligent, and the most unpopular man in -the village, he is both feared and hated. Murders of accountants, -though infrequent, are not unknown." Of proverbs relating to Karnams, -the following may be quoted:-- - - - Even if a thousand pagodas are levied from a village, not even - a cash will be levied from the Karnam (a pagoda is a gold, and - a cash a copper coin). - - The Karnam is the cause of the Kapu's (cultivator caste) death. - - The hungry Karnam looks into his old accounts (to worry his - creditors). - - The co-operation of the Karnam is as necessary as the axles to - the wheels of a cart. - - One Karnam to one village. - - A quiet Karnam is as little cared for as a tame elephant. - - If a Karnam trusts another, his end is near. - - If an enemy is his neighbour; if another Karnam is his superior; - if the Kapu bears complaints against him, a Karnam cannot live on. - - -The Koronos are divided into various sections, e.g., Sishta or -Srishti, Vaisya, Majjula, and Matihansa, some of which wear the sacred -thread. The Vaisyas are not allowed to marry their girls after puberty, -whereas the others may marry them before or after this event. A woman -of the Bhondari caste is employed on the occasion of marriage and -other ceremonies, to perform certain duties, for which her services -are indispensable. - -Korra (millet: Setaria italica).--An exogamous sept of Gudala. - -Korti.--An occupational name, derived from korto, a saw, of woodsawyers -in Ganjam. - -Kosalya.--A sub-division of Mali, named after Kosala, the modern Oudh. - -Koshti.--Koshti or Koshta is the name of a weaving and cultivating -caste of Chota Nagpur, a few members of which have settled in the -Madras Presidency (see Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal). Koshta is -also the name by which the Khatris of Conjeeveram call the Patnulkaran -silk weavers. - -Kota.--According to Dr. Oppert [2] "it seems probable that the Todas -and Kotas lived near each other before the settlement of the latter on -the Nilagiri. Their dialects betray a great resemblance. According to a -tradition of theirs (the Kotas), they lived formerly on Kollimallai, -a mountain in Mysore. It is wrong to connect the name of the -Kotas with cow-slaying, and to derive it from the Sanskrit go-hatya -(cow-killer). The derivation of the term Kota is, as clearly indicated, -from the Gauda-dravidian word ko (ku) mountain, and the Kotas belong to -the Gandian branch." There is a tradition that the Kotas were formerly -one with the Todas, with whom they tended the herds of buffaloes in -common. But, on one occasion, they were found to be eating the flesh of -a buffalo which had died, and the Todas drove them out as being eaters -of carrion. A native report before me suggests that "it is probable -that, after the migration of the Kotas to the hills, anthropology -was at work, and they got into them an admixture of Toda blood." - -The Kotas inhabit seven villages (Kotagiri or kokal), of which -six--Kotagiri, Kil Kotagiri, Todanad, Sholur, Kethi and Kunda--are -on the Nilgiri plateau, and one is at Gudalur at the north-west base -of these hills. They form compact communities, and, at Kotagiri, -their village consists of detached huts, and rows of huts arranged -in streets. The huts are built of mud, brick, or stone, roofed with -thatch or tiles, and divided into living and sleeping apartments. The -floor is raised above the ground, and there is a verandah in front -with a seat on each side whereon the Kota loves to "take his siesta, -and smoke his cheroot in the shade," or sleep off the effects of a -drinking bout. The door-posts of some of the huts are ornamented with -carving executed by wood-carvers in the plains. A few of the huts, -and one of the forges at Kotagiri, have stone pillars sculptured with -fishes, lotuses, and floral embellishments by stone-carvers from the -low country. It is noted by Breeks [3] that Kurguli (Sholur) is the -oldest of the Kota villages, and that the Badagas believe that the -Kotas of this village were made by the Todas. At Kurguli there is -a temple of the same form as the Toda dairy, and this is said to be -the only temple of the kind at any Kota village. - -The Kotas speak a mixture of Tamil and Kanarese, and speak Tamil -without the foreign accent which is noticeable in the case of the -Badagas and Todas. According to orthodox Kota views, a settlement -should consist of three streets or keris, in one of which the Terkaran -or Devadi, and in the other two the Munthakannans or Pujaris live. At -Kotagiri the three streets are named Kilkeri, Nadukeri, and Melkeri, -or lower, central, and upper street. People belonging to the same keri -may not intermarry, as they are supposed to belong to the same family, -and intermarriage would be distasteful. The following examples of -marriage between members of different keris are recorded in my notes:-- - - - Husband. Wife. - Kilkeri. Nadukeri. - Kilkeri. Melkeri. - Nadukeri. Melkeri. - Melkeri. Nadukeri. - Nadukeri. First wife Kilkeri, second wife Melkeri. - - -The Kota settlement at Sholur is divided into four keris, -viz.:--amreri, kikeri, korakeri, and akkeri, or near street, lower -street, other street, and that street, which resolve themselves into -two exogamous groups. Of these, amreri and kikeri constitute one group, -and korakeri and akkeri the other. - -On the day following my arrival at Kotagiri, a deputation of Kotas -waited on me, which included a very old man bearing a certificate -appointing him headman of the community in recognition of his services -and good character, and a confirmed drunkard with a grog-blossom -nose, who attributed the inordinate size thereof to the acrid juice -of a tree, which he was felling, dropping on it. The besetting -vice of the Kotas of Kotagiri is a partiality for drink, and they -congregate together towards dusk in the arrack shop and beer tavern -in the bazar, whence they stagger or are helped home in a state of -noisy and turbulent intoxication. It has been said [4] that the Kotas -"actually court venereal disease, and a young man who has not suffered -from this before he is of a certain age is looked upon as a disgrace." - -The Kotas are looked down on as being unclean feeders, and eaters of -carrion; a custom which is to them no more filthy than that of eating -game when it is high, or using the same tooth-brush week after week, -is to a European. They have been described as a very carnivorous race, -who "have a great craving for flesh, and will devour animal food of -every kind without any squeamish scruples as to how the animal came by -its death. The carcase of a bullock which has died of disease, or the -remains of a deer half devoured by a tiger, are equally acceptable to -him." An unappetising sight, which may be witnessed on roads leading to -a Kota village, is that of a Kota carrying the flesh of a dead buffalo, -often in an advanced stage of putridity, slung on a stick across his -shoulders, with the entrails trailing on the ground. Colonel Ross -King narrates [5] how he once saw a Kota carrying home a dead rat, -thrown out of a stable a day or two previously. When I repeated this -story to my Kota informant, he glared at me, and bluntly remarked -in Tamil "The book tells lies." Despite its unpleasant nature, the -carrion diet evidently agrees with the Kotas, who are a sturdy set -of people, flourishing, it is said, most exceedingly when the hill -cattle are dying of epidemic disease, and the supply of meat is -consequently abundant. - -The missionary Metz narrates [6] that "some years ago the Kotas -were anxious to keep buffaloes, but the headmen of the other tribes -immediately put their veto upon it, declaring that it was a great -presumption on the part of such unclean creatures to wish to have -anything to do with the holy occupation of milking buffaloes." - -The Kotas are blacksmiths, goldsmiths, silversmiths, carpenters, -tanners, rope-makers, potters, washermen, and cultivators. They -are the musicians at Toda and Badaga funerals. It is noted by -Dr. W. H. R. Rivers [7] that "in addition they provide for the first -Toda funeral the cloak (putkuli) in which the body is wrapped, and -grain (patm or s(=a)mai) to the amount of five to ten kwa. They give -one or two rupees towards the expenses, and, if they should have no -grain, their contribution of money is increased. At the marvainolkedr -(second funeral ceremony) their contributions are more extensive. They -provide the putkuli, together with a sum of eight annas, for the -decoration of the cloak by the Toda women. They give two to five -rupees towards the general expenses, and provide the bow and arrow, -basket (tek), knife (kafkati), and the sieve called kudshmurn. The -Kotas receive at each funeral the bodies of the slaughtered buffaloes, -and are also usually given food." - -Though all classes look down on the Kotas, all are agreed that they -are excellent artisans, whose services as smiths, rope and umbrella -makers, etc., are indispensable to the other hill tribes. The strong, -durable ropes, made out of buffalo hide, are much sought after by -Badagas for fastening their cattle. The Kotas at Gudalur have the -reputation of being excellent thatchers. The Todas claim that the -Kotas are a class of artisans specially brought up from the plains -to work for them. Each Toda, Badaga, Irula, and Kurumba settlement -has its Muttu Kotas, who work for the inhabitants thereof, and supply -them with sundry articles, called muttu, in return for the carcasses of -buffaloes and cattle, ney (clarified butter), grain, plantain, etc. The -Kotas eat the flesh of the animals which they receive, and sell the -horns to Labbai (Muhammadan) merchants from the plains. Chakkiliyans -(leather-workers) from the plains collect the bones, and purchase the -hides, which are roughly cured by the Kotas with chunam (lime) and -avaram (Cassia auriculata) bark, and pegged out on the ground to dry. - -The Kota blacksmiths make hatches, bill-hooks, knives, and other -implements for the various hill tribes, especially the Badagas, and -also for European planters. Within the memory of men still living, -they used to work with iron ore brought up from the low country, -but now depend on scrap iron, which they purchase locally in the -bazar. The most flourishing smithy in the Kotagiri village is made -of bricks of local manufacture, roofed with zinc sheets, and fitted -with anvil pincers, etc., of European manufacture. - -As agriculturists the Kotas are said to be quite on a par with the -Badagas, and they raise on the land adjacent to their villages crops -of potatoes, bearded wheat (akki or rice ganji), barley (beer ganji), -kirai (Amarantus), samai (Panicum miliare), korali (Setaria italica), -mustard, onions, etc. - -At the revenue settlement, 1885, the Kotas were treated in the same way -as the Badagas and other tribes of the Nilgiris, except the Todas, and -the lands in their occupation were assigned to them at rates varying -from ten to twenty annas per acre. The bhurty or shifting system of -cultivation, under which the Kotas held their lands, was formally, but -nominally, abolished in 1862-64; but it was practically and finally -done away with at the revenue settlement of the Nilgiri plateau. The -Kota lands are now held on puttas under the ordinary ryotwari tenure. - -In former days, opium of good quality was cultivated by the Badagas, -from whom the Kotas got poppy-heads, which their herbalists used for -medicinal purposes. At the present time, the Kotas purchase opium in -the bazar, and use it as an intoxicant. - -The Kota women have none of the fearlessness and friendliness of the -Todas, and, on the approach of a European to their domain, bolt out of -sight, like frighted rabbits in a warren, and hide within the inmost -recesses of their huts. As a rule they are clad in filthily dirty -clothes, all tattered and torn, and frequently not reaching as low as -the knees. In addition to domestic duties, the women have to do work -in the fields, fetch water and collect firewood, with loads of which, -supported on the head by a pad of bracken fern (Pteris aquilina) -leaves, and bill-hook slung on the shoulder, old and young women, -girls and boys, may continually be seen returning to the Kotagiri -village. The women also make baskets, and rude earthen pots from -a black clay found in swamps on a potter's wheel. This consists of -a disc made of dry mud, with an iron spike, by means of which it is -made to revolve in a socket in a stone fixed in the space in front -of the houses, which also acts as a threshing-floor. The earthenware -vessels used by the Todas for cooking purposes, and those used in -dairy work, except those of the inner room of the ti (sacred dairy), -are said by Dr. Rivers to be made by the Kotas. - -The Kota priesthood is represented by two classes, Munthakannan or -Pujari, and Terkaran or Devadi, of whom the former rank higher than -the latter. There may be more than two Terkarans in a village, but -the Munthakannans never exceed this number, and they should belong -to different keris. These representatives of the priesthood must -not be widowers, and, if they lose their wives while holding office, -their appointment lapses. They may eat the flesh of buffaloes, but -not drink their milk. Cow's flesh, but not its milk, is tabu. The -Kotas may not milk cows, or, under ordinary conditions, drink the -milk thereof in their own village, but are permitted to do so if -it is given to them by a Pujari, or in a village other than their -own. The duties of the Munthakannan include milking the cows of the -village, service to the god, and participation in the seed-sowing -and reaping ceremonial. They must use fire obtained by friction, and -should keep a fire constantly burning in a broken pot. In like manner, -the Terkarans must not use matches, but take fire from the house of -the Munthakannan. The members of the priesthood are not allowed to -work for others, but may do so on their own account in the fields or -at the forge. They should avoid pollution, and may not attend a Toda -or Badaga funeral, or approach the seclusion hut set apart for Kota -women. When a vacancy in the office of Munthakannan occurs, the Kotas -of the village gather together, and seek the guidance of the Terkaran, -who becomes inspired by the deity, and announces the name of the -successor. The selected individual has to be fed at the expense of -the community for three months, during which time he may not speak to -his wife or other woman direct, but only through the medium of a boy, -who acts as his assistant. Further, during this period of probation, -he may not sleep on a mat or use a blanket, but must lie on the ground -or on a plank, and use a dhupati (coarse cloth) as a covering. At -the time of the annual temple festival, neither the Munthakannans -nor the Terkarans may live or hold communion with their wives for -fear of pollution, and they have to cook their food themselves. - -The seed-sowing ceremony is celebrated in the month of Kumbam -(February-March) on a Tuesday or Friday. For eight days the Pujari -abstains from meat and lives on vegetable dietary, and may not -communicate directly with his wife, a boy acting as spokesman. On the -Sunday before the ceremony, a number of cows are penned in a kraal, -and milked by the Pujari. The milk is preserved, and, if the omens are -favourable, is said not to turn sour. If it does, this is attributed -to the Pujari being under pollution from some cause or other. On the -day of the ceremony, the Pujari bathes in a stream, and proceeds, -accompanied by a boy, to a field or the forest. After worshipping -the gods, he makes a small seed-pan in the ground, and sows therein -a small quantity of ragi (Elusine Coracana). Meanwhile, the Kotas of -the village go to the temple, and clean it. Thither the Pujari and the -boy proceed, and the deity is worshipped with offerings of cocoanuts, -betel, flowers, etc. Sometimes the Terkaran becomes inspired, and -gives expression to oracular utterances. From the temple all go to -the house of the Pujari, who gives them a small quantity of milk and -food. Three months later, on an auspicious day, the reaping of the -crop is commenced with a very similar form of ceremonial. - -During the seed-sowing festival, Mr. Harkness, writing in 1832, [8] -informs us, "offerings are made in the temples, and, on the day of the -full moon, after the whole have partaken of a feast, the blacksmith -and the gold and silversmith, constructing separately a forge and -furnace within the temple, each makes something in the way of has -avocation, the blacksmith a chopper or axe, the silversmith a ring -or other kind of ornament." - -"Some rude image," Dr. Shortt writes, [9] "of wood or stone, a rock -or tree in a secluded locality, frequently forms the Kota's object of -worship, to which sacrificial offerings are made; but the recognised -place of worship in each village consists of a large square of ground, -walled round with loose stones, three feet high, and containing in its -centre two [10] pent-shaped sheds of thatch, open before and behind, -and on the posts (of stone) that support them some rude circles and -other figures are drawn. No image of any sort is visible here." These -sheds, which at Kotagiri are a very short distance apart, are dedicated -to Siva and his consort Parvati under the names of Kamataraya and -Kalikai. Though no representation thereof is exhibited in the temples -at ordinary times, their spirits are believed to pervade the buildings, -and at the annual ceremony they are represented by two thin plates of -silver, which are attached to the upright posts of the temples. The -stones surrounding the temples at Kotagiri are scratched with various -quaint devices, and lines for the games of kote and hulikote. The -Kotas go, I was told, to the temple once a month, at full moon, and -worship the gods. Their belief is that Kamataraya created the Kotas, -Todas, and Kurumbas, but not the Irulas. "Tradition says of Kamataraya -that, perspiring profusely, he wiped from his forehead three drops of -perspiration, and out of them formed the three most ancient of the -hill tribes--the Todas, Kurumbas, and Kotas. The Todas were told to -live principally upon milk, the Kurumbas were permitted to eat the -flesh of buffalo calves, and the Kotas were allowed perfect liberty -in the choice of food, being informed that they might eat carrion -if they could get nothing better." According to another version of -this legend given by Dr. Rivers, Kamataraya "gave to each people a -pot. In the Toda pot was calf-flesh, and so the Todas eat the flesh -of calves at the erkumptthpimi ceremony; the Kurumba pot contained -the flesh of a male buffalo, so this is eaten by the Kurumbas. The -pot of the Kotas contained the flesh of a cow-buffalo, which may, -therefore, be eaten by this people." - -In addition to Kamataraya and Mangkali, the Kotas at Gudalur, which is -near the Malabar frontier, worship Vettakaraswami, Adiral and Udiral, -and observe the Malabar Onam festival. The Kotas worship further -Magali, to whose influence outbreaks of cholera are attributed, and -Mariamma, who is held responsible for smallpox. When cholera breaks out -among the Kota community, special sacrifices are performed with a view -to propitiating the wrath of the goddess. Magali is represented by an -upright stone in a rude temple at a little distance from Kotagiri, -where an annual ceremony takes place, at which some man becomes -possessed, and announces to the people that Magali has come. The -Pujari offers up plantains and cocoanuts, and sacrifices a sheep and -fowls. My informant was, or pretended to be ignorant of the following -legend recorded by Breeks as to the origin of the worship of the -smallpox goddess. "A virulent disease carried off a number of Kotas of -Peranganoda, and the village was abandoned by the survivors. A Badaga -named Munda Jogi, who was bringing his tools to the Kotagiri to be -sharpened, saw near a tree something in the form of a tiger, which -spoke to him, and told him to summon the run-away Kotas. He obeyed, -whereupon the tiger form addressed the Kotas in an unknown tongue, and -vanished. For some time, the purport of this communication remained -a mystery. At last, however, a Kota came forward to interpret, and -declared that the god ordered the Kotas to return to the village on -pain of a recurrence of the pestilence. The command was obeyed, and -a Swami house (shrine) was built on the spot where the form appeared -to the Badaga (who doubtless felt keenly the inconvenience of having -no Kotas at hand to sharpen his tools)." The Kotas are not allowed -to approach Toda or Badaga temples. - -It was noted by Lieutenant R. F. Burton [11] that, in some hamlets, -the Kotas have set up curiously carved stones, which they consider -sacred, and attribute to them the power of curing diseases, if the -member affected be only rubbed against the talisman. - -A great annual festival is held in honour of Kamataraya with the -ostensible object of propitiating him with a view to his giving the -Kotas an abundant harvest and general prosperity. The feast commences -on the first Monday after the January new moon, and lasts over many -days, which are observed as a general holiday. The festival is said to -be a continuous scene of licentiousness and debauchery, much indecent -dancing taking place between men and women. According to Metz, -[12] the chief men among the Badagas must attend, otherwise their -absence would be regarded as a breach of friendship and etiquette, -and the Kotas would avenge themselves by refusing to make ploughs or -earthen vessels for the Badagas. The programme, when the festival is -carried out in full detail, is, as far as I have been able to gather, -as follows:-- - -First day. A fire is kindled by one of the priests in the temple, -and carried to the Nadukeri section of the village, where it is -kept burning throughout the festival. Around the fire men, women, -adolescent boys and girls, dance to the weird music of the Kota band, -whose instruments consist of clarionet, drum, tambourine, brass horn -and flute (buguri). - - -[**TODO: Verify table] - Second day Dance at night. - Third day - Fourth day - Fifth day - - -Sixth day. The villagers go to the jungle and collect bamboos and -rattans, with which to re-roof the temple. Dance at night. - -The seventh day is busily spent in re-roofing and decorating the -temples, and it is said to be essential that the work should be -concluded before nightfall. Dance at night. - -Eighth day. In the morning the Kotas go to Badaga villages, and -cadge for presents of grain and ghi (clarified butter), which they -subsequently cook, place in front of the temple as an offering to -the god, and, after the priests have eaten, partake of, seated round -the temple. - -Ninth day. Kotas, Todas, Badagas, Kurumbas, Irulas, and 'Hindus' -come to the Kota village, where an elaborate nautch is performed, -in which men are the principal actors, dressed up in gaudy attire -consisting of skirt, petticoat, trousers, turban and scarves, and -freely decorated with jewelry, which is either their own property, -or borrowed from Badagas for the occasion. Women merely dressed in -clean cloths also take part in a dance called kumi, which consists -of a walk round to time beaten with the hands. I was present at a -private performance of the male nautch, which was as dreary as such -entertainments usually are, but it lacked the go which is doubtless -put into it when it is performed under natural conditions away from -the restraining influence of the European. The nautch is apparently -repeated daily until the conclusion of the festival. - -Eleventh and twelfth days. A burlesque representation of a Toda -funeral is given, at which the part of the sacrificial buffaloes is -played by men with buffalo horns fixed on the head, and body covered -with a black cloth. - -At the close of the festival, the Kota priests and leading members -of the community go out hunting with bows and arrows, leaving the -village at 1 A.M., and returning at 3 A.M. They are said to have -formerly shot 'bison' (Bos gaurus) at this nocturnal expedition, -but what takes place at the present day is said to be unknown to -the villagers, who are forbidden to leave their houses during the -absence of the hunting party. On their return to the village, a fire -is lighted by friction. Into the fire a piece of iron is put by one -of the priests, made red hot with the assistance of the bellows, -and hammered. The priests then offer up a parting prayer to the god, -and the festival is at an end. - -The following is a translation of a description by Dr. Emil Schmidt -[13] of the dancing at the Kota annual festival, at which he had the -good fortune to be present as an eye-witness:-- - -"During my stay at Kotagiri the Kotas were celebrating the big -festival in honour of their chief god. The feast lasted over twelve -days, during which homage was offered to the god every evening, and a -dance performed round a fire kept burning near the temple throughout -the feast. On the last evening but one, females, as well as males, -took part in the dance. As darkness set in, the shrill music, which -penetrated to my hotel, attracted me to the Kota village. At the end of -the street, which adjoins the back of the temple, a big fire was kept -up by continually putting on large long bundles of brushwood. On one -side of the fire, close to the flames, stood the musicians with their -musical instruments, two hand-drums, a tambourine, beaten by blows on -the back, a brass cymbal beaten with a stick, and two pipes resembling -oboes. Over and over again the same monotonous tune was repeated by the -two latter in quick four-eight time to the accompaniment of the other -instruments. On my arrival, about forty male Kotas, young and old, were -dancing round the fire, describing a semicircle, first to one side, -then the other, raising the hands, bending the knees, and executing -fantastic steps with the feet. The entire circle moved thus slowly -forwards, one or the other from time to time giving vent to a shout -that sounded like Hau! and, at the conclusion of the dance, there was -a general shout all round. Around the circle, partly on the piles of -stone near the temple, were seated a number of Kotas of both sexes. A -number of Badagas of good position, who had been specially invited -to the feast, sat round a small fire on a raised place, which abuts -on the back wall of the temple. The dance over, the circle of dancers -broke up. The drummers held their instruments, rendered damp and lax -by the moist evening breeze, so close to the flames that I thought -they would get burnt. Soon the music began again to a new tune; first -the oboes, and then, as soon as they had got into the proper swing, -the other instruments. The melody was not the same as before, but its -two movements were repeated without intercession or change. In this -dance females, as well as males, took part, grouped in a semicircle, -while the men completed the circle. The men danced boisterously and -irregularly. Moving slowly forwards with the entire circle, each -dancer turned right round from right to left and from left to right, -so that, after every turn, they were facing the fire. The women danced -with more precision and more artistically than the men. When they set -out on the dance, they first bowed themselves before the fire, and -then made left and right half turns with artistic regular steps. Their -countenances expressed a mixture of pleasure and embarrassment. None of -the dancers wore any special costume, but the women, who were nearly -all old and ugly, had, for the most part, a quantity of ornaments in -the ears and nose and on the neck, arms and legs. In the third dance, -played once more in four-eight times, only females took part. It was -the most artistic of all, and the slow movements had evidently been -well rehearsed beforehand. The various figures consisted of stepping -radially to and fro, turning, stepping forwards and backwards, etc., -with measured seriousness and solemn dignity. It was for the women, -who, at other times, get very little enjoyment, the most important -and happiest day in the whole year." - -In connection with Kota ceremonials, Dr. Rivers notes that "once a year -there is a definite ceremony, in which the Todas go to the Kota village -with which they are connected, taking an offering of clarified butter, -and receiving in return an offering of grain from the Kotas. I only -obtained an account of this ceremony as performed between the people -of Kars and the Kota village of Tizgudr, and I do not know whether -the details would be the same in other cases. In the Kars ceremony, -the Todas go on the appointed day to the Kota village, headed by a -man carrying the clarified butter. Outside the village they are met -by two Kota priests whom the Todas call teupuli, who bring with them a -dairy vessel of the kind the Todas call mu, which is filled with patm -grain. Other Kotas follow with music. All stand outside the village, -and one of the Kotas puts ten measures (kwa) of patm into the pocket -of the cloak of the leading Toda, and the teupuli give the mu filled -with the same grain. The teupuli then go to their temple and return, -each bringing a mu, and the clarified butter brought by the Todas is -divided into two equal parts, and half is poured into each mu. The -leading Toda then takes some of the butter, and rubs it on the heads -of the two Kota priests, who prostrate themselves, one at each foot -of the Toda, and the Toda prays as follows:-- - -May it be well; Kotas two, may it be well; fields flourish may; -rain may; buffalo milk may; disease go may. - -"The Todas then give the two mu containing the clarified butter -to the Kota priests, and he and his companions return home. This -ceremony is obviously one in which the Todas are believed to promote -the prosperity of the Kotas, their crops, and their buffaloes. - -"In another ceremonial relation between Todas and Kotas, the -kwòdrdoni ti (sacred dairy) is especially concerned. The chief annual -ceremony of the Kotas is held about January in honour of the Kota -god Kambataraya. In order that this ceremony may take place, it is -essential that there should be a palol (dairy man) at the kwòdrdoni ti, -and at the present time it is only occupied every year shortly before -and during the ceremony. The palol gives clarified butter to the Kotas, -which should be made from the milk of the arsaiir, the buffaloes of -the ti. Some Kotas of Kotagiri whom I interviewed claimed that these -buffaloes belonged to them, and that something was done by the palol -at the kwòdrdoni ti in connection with the Kambataraya ceremony, -but they could not, or would not, tell me what it was." - -In making fire by friction (nejkol), the Kotas employ three forms of -apparatus:--(1) a vertical stick, and horizontal stick with sockets -and grooves, both made of twigs of Rhodomyrtus tomentosus; (2) a -small piece of the root of Salix tetrasperma is spliced into a stick, -which is rotated in a socket in a piece of the root of the same tree; -(3) a small piece of the root of this tree, made tapering at each -end with a knife or fragment of bottle glass, is firmly fixed in the -wooden handle of a drill. A shallow cavity and groove are made in a -block of the same wood, and a few crystalline particles from the ground -are dropped into the cavity. The block is placed on several layers of -cotton cloth, on which chips of wood, broken up small by crushing them -in the palm of the hand, are piled up round the block in the vicinity -of the grove. The handle is, by means of a half cocoanut shell, pressed -firmly down, and twisted between the palms, or rotated by means of a -cord. The incandescent particles, falling on to the chips, ignite them. - -In a report by Lieutenant Evans, written in 1820, it is stated that -"the marriages of this caste (the Kothewars) remind one of what is -called bundling in Wales. The bride and bridegroom being together for -the night, in the morning the bride is questioned by her relatives -whether she is pleased with her husband-elect. If she answers -in the affirmative, it is a marriage; if not, the bridegroom is -immediately discharged, and the lady does not suffer in reputation -if she thus discards half a dozen suitors." The recital of this -account, translated into Tamil, raised a smile on the face of my -Kota informant, who volunteered the following information relating -to the betrothal and marriage ceremonies at the present day. Girls as -a rule marry when they are from twelve to sixteen years old, between -which years they reach the age of puberty. A wife is selected for a -lad by his parents, subject to the consent of the girl's parents; -or, if a lad has no near relatives, the selection is made for him -by the villagers. Betrothal takes place when the girl is a child -(eight to ten). The boy goes, accompanied by his father and mother, -to the house where the girl lives, prostrates himself at the feet of -her parents, and, if he is accepted, presents his future father-in-law -with a four-anna piece, which is understood to represent a larger sum, -and seals the contract. According to Breeks, the boy also makes a -present of a birianhana of gold, and the betrothal ceremony is called -balimeddeni (bali, bracelet, meddeni, I have made). Both betrothal -and marriage ceremonies take place on Tuesday, Wednesday, or Friday, -which are regarded as auspicious days. The ceremonial in connection -with marriage is of a very simple nature. The bridegroom, accompanied -by his relatives, attends a feast at the house of the bride, and the -wedding day is fixed. On the appointed day the bridegroom pays a dowry, -ranging from ten to fifty rupees, to the bride's father, and takes the -girl to his house, where the wedding guests, who have accompanied them, -are feasted. The Kotas as a rule have only one wife, and polyandry is -unknown among them. But polygamy is sometimes practiced. My informant, -for example, had two wives, of whom the first had only presented him -with a daughter, and, as he was anxious to have a son, he had taken -to himself a second wife. If a woman bears no children, her husband -may marry a second, or even a third wife; and, if they can get on -together without fighting, all the wives may live under the same roof. - -Divorce may, I was told, be obtained for incompatibility of temper, -drunkenness, or immorality; and a man can get rid of his wife 'if she -is of no use to him', i.e., if she does not feed him well, or assist -him in the cultivation of his land. Divorce is decided by a panchayat -(council) of representative villagers, and judgment given, after the -evidence has been taken, by an elder of the community. Cases of theft, -assault, or other mild offence, are also settled by a panchayat, -and, in the event of a case arising which cannot be settled by the -members of council representing a single village, delegates from -all the Kota villages meet together. If then a decision cannot be -arrived at, recourse is had to the district court, of which the Kotas -steer clear if possible. At a big panchayat the headman (Pittakar) -of the Kotas gives the decision, referring, if necessary, to some -'sensible member' of the council for a second opinion. - -When a married woman is known to be pregnant with her first child, -her husband allows the hair on the head and face to grow long, -and leaves the finger nails uncut. On the birth of the child, he -is under pollution until he sees the next crescent moon, and should -cook his own food and remain at home. At the time of delivery a woman -is removed to a hut (a permanent structure), which is divided into -two rooms called dodda (big) telullu and eda (the other) telullu, -which serve as a lying-in chamber and as a retreat for women at -their menstrual periods. The dodda telullu is exclusively used for -confinements. Menstruating women may occupy either room, if the -dodda telullu is not occupied for the former purpose. They remain in -seclusion for three days, and then pass another day in the raised -verandah of the house, or two days if the husband is a Pujari. A -woman, after her first confinement, lives for three months in the -dodda telullu, and, on subsequent occasions, until the appearance of -the crescent moon. She is attended during her confinement and stay in -the hut by an elderly Kota woman. The actual confinement takes place -outside the hut, and, after the child is born, the woman is bathed, -and taken inside. Her husband brings five leafy twigs of five different -thorny plants, and places them separately in a row in front of the -telullu. With each twig a stick of Dodonæa viscosa, set alight with -fire made by friction, must be placed. The woman, carrying the baby, -has to enter the hut by walking backwards between the thorny twigs. - -A common name for females at Kotagiri is Madi, one of the synonyms -of the goddess Kalikai, and, at that village, the first male child is -always called Komuttan (Kamataraya). At Sholur and Gudalur this name -is scrupulously avoided, as the name of the god should not be taken -by mortal man. As examples of nicknames, the following may be cited. - - - Small mouth. - Head. - Slit nose. - Burnt-legged. - Monkey. - Dung or rubbish. - Deaf. - Tobacco. - Hunchback. - Crooked-bodied. - Long-striding. - Dwarf. - Opium eater. - Irritable. - Bad-eyed. - Curly-haired. - Cat-eyed. - Left-handed. - Stone. - Stammerer. - Short. - Knee. - Chank-blower. - Chinaman. - - -The nickname Chinaman was due to the resemblance of a Kota to the -Chinese, of whom a small colony has squatted on the slopes of the -hills between Naduvatam and Gudalur. - -A few days after my arrival at Kotagiri, the dismal sound of mourning, -to the weird strains of the Kota band, announced that death reigned -in the Kota village. The dead man was a venerable carpenter, of -high position in the community. Soon after daybreak, a detachment of -villagers hastened to convey the tidings of the death to the Kotas -of the neighbouring villages, who arrived on the scene later in the -day in Indian file, men in front and women in the rear. As they drew -near the place of mourning, they all, of one accord, commenced the -orthodox manifestations of grief, and were met by a deputation of -villagers accompanied by the band. Meanwhile a red flag, tied to the -top of a bamboo pole, was hoisted as a signal of death in the village, -and a party had gone off to a glade, some two miles distant, to obtain -wood for the construction of the funeral car (teru). The car, when -completed, was an elaborate structure, about eighteen feet in height, -made of wood and bamboo, in four tiers, each with a canopy of turkey -red and yellow cloth, and an upper canopy of white cloth trimmed with -red, surmounted by a black umbrella of European manufacture, decorated -with red ribbands. The car was profusely adorned with red flags and -long white streamers, and with young plantain trees at the base. Tied -to the car were a calabash and a bell. During the construction of the -car the corpse remained within the house of the deceased man, outside -which the villagers continued mourning to the dirge-like music of the -band, which plays so prominent a part at the death ceremonies of both -Todas and Kotas. On the completion of the car, late in the afternoon, -it was deposited in front of the house. The corpse, dressed up in a -coloured turban and gaudy coat, with a garland of flowers round the -neck, and two rupees, a half-rupee, and sovereign gummed on to the -forehead, was brought from within the house, lying face upwards on a -cot, and placed beneath the lowest canopy of the car. Near the head -were placed iron implements and a bag of rice, at the feet a bag of -tobacco, and beneath the cot baskets of grain, rice, cakes, etc. The -corpse was covered with cloths offered to it as presents, and before it -those Kotas who were younger than the dead man prostrated themselves, -while those who were older touched the head of the corpse and bowed to -it. Around the car the male members of the community executed a wild -step-dance, keeping time with the music in the execution of various -fantastic movements of the arms and legs. During the long hours of the -night mourning was kept up to the almost incessant music of the band, -and the early morn discovered many of the villagers in an advanced -stage of intoxication. Throughout the morning, dancing round the car -was continued by men, sober and inebriated, with brief intervals of -rest, and a young buffalo was slaughtered as a matter of routine form, -with no special ceremonial, in a pen outside the village, by blows on -the back and neck administered with the keen edge of an adze. Towards -midday presents of rice from the relatives of the dead man arrived on -the back of a pony, which was paraded round the car. From a vessel -containing rice and rice water, water was crammed into the mouths -of the near relatives, some of the water poured over their heads, -and the remainder offered to the corpse. At intervals a musket, -charged with gunpowder, which proved later on a dangerous weapon in -the hands of an intoxicated Kota, was let off, and the bell on the car -rung. About 2 P.M., the time announced for the funeral, the cot bearing -the corpse, from the forehead of which the coins had been removed, -was carried to a spot outside the village called the thavachivadam, -followed by the widow and a throng of Kotas of both sexes, young and -old. The cot was then set down, and, seated at some distance from it, -the women continued to mourn until the funeral procession was out of -sight, those who could not cry spontaneously mimicking the expression -of woe by contortion of the grief muscles. The most poignant sorrow was -displayed by a man in a state of extreme intoxication, who sat apart -by himself, howling and sobbing, and wound up by creating considerable -disturbance at the burning-ground. Three young bulls were brought from -the village, and led round the corpse. Of these, two were permitted -to escape for the time being, while a vain attempt, which would have -excited the derision of the expert Toda buffalo-catchers, was made by -three men, hanging on to the head and tail, to steer the third bull -up to the head of the corpse. The animal, however, proving refractory, -it was deemed discreet to put an end to its existence by a blow on the -poll with the butt-end of an adze, at some distance from the corpse, -which was carried up to it, and made to salute the dead beast's -head with the right hand, in feeble imitation of the impressive Toda -ceremonial. The carcase of the bull was saluted by a few of the Kota -men, and subsequently carried off by Pariahs. Supported by females, -the exhausted widow of the dead man was dragged up to the corpse, -and, lying back beside it, had to submit to the ordeal of removal -of all her jewellery, the heavy brass bangle being hammered off the -wrist, supported on a wooden roller, by oft-repeated blows with mallet -and chisel delivered by a village blacksmith assisted by a besotten -individual noted as a consumer of twelve grains of opium daily. The -ornaments, as removed, were collected in a basket, to be worn again -by the widow after several months. This revolting ceremony concluded, -and a last salutation given by the widow to her dead husband, arches -of bamboo were attached to the cot, which was covered over with a -coloured table-cloth hiding the corpse from sight. A procession was -then formed, composed of the corpse on the cot, preceded by the car -and musicians, and followed by male Kotas and Badagas, Kota women -carrying the baskets of grain, cakes, etc., a vessel containing -fire, and burning camphor. Quickly the procession marched to the -burning-ground beyond the bazar, situated in a valley by the side of -a stream running through a glade in a dense undergrowth of bracken -fern and trailing passion-flower. On arrival at the selected spot, -a number of agile Kotas swarmed up the sides of the car, and stripped -it of its adornments including the umbrella, and a free fight for the -possession of the cloths and flags ensued. The denuded car was then -placed over the corpse, which, deprived of all valuable ornaments and -still lying on the cot, had been meanwhile placed, amid a noisy scene -of brawling, on the rapidly constructed funeral pyre. Around the car -faggots of wood, supplied in lieu of wreaths by different families -in the dead man's village as a tribute of respect, were piled up, and -the pyre was lighted with torches kindled at a fire which was burning -on the ground close by. As soon as the pyre was in a blaze, tobacco, -cigars, cloths, and grain were distributed among those present, and -the funeral party dispersed, leaving a few men behind in charge of the -burning corpse, and peace reigned once more in the Kota village. A few -days later, the funeral of an elderly woman took place with a very -similar ceremonial. But, suspended from the handle of the umbrella -on the top of the car, was a rag doll, which in appearance resembled -an Aunt Sally. I was told that, on the day following the funeral, -the smouldering ashes are extinguished with water, and the ashes, -collected together, and buried in a pit, the situation of which -is marked by a heap of stones. A piece of the skull, wrapped in -bracken fronds, is placed between two fragments of an earthen pot, -and deposited in the crevice of a rock or in a chink in a stone wall. - -The Kotas celebrate annually a second funeral ceremony in imitation of -the Todas. For eight days before the day appointed for its observance, -a dance takes place in front of the houses of those Kotas whose -memorial rites are to be celebrated, and three days before they are -performed invitations are issued to the different Kota villages. On -a Sunday night, fire is lighted by friction, and the time is spent in -dancing. On the following day, the relatives of the departed who have -to perform the ceremony purify the open space in front of their houses -with cow-dung. They bring three basketfuls of paddy (unhusked rice), -which are saluted and set down on the cleansed space. The Pujari and -the rest of the community, in like manner, salute the paddy, which is -taken inside the house. On the Monday, cots corresponding in number to -that of the deceased whose dry funeral is being held, are taken to the -thavachivadam, and the fragments of skulls are laid thereon. Buffaloes -(one or more for each skull) are killed, and a cow is brought near -the cots, and, after a piece of skull has been placed on its horns, -sacrificed. A dance takes place around the cots, which are removed to -the burning-ground, and set on fire. The Kotas spend the night near -the thavachivadam. On the following day a feast is held, and they -return to their homes towards evening, those who have performed the -ceremony breaking a small pot full of water in front of their houses. - -Like the Todas, the Kotas indulge in trials of strength with heavy -spherical stones, which they raise, or attempt to raise, from the -ground to the shoulders, and in a game resembling tip-cat. In another -game, sides are chosen, of about ten on each side. One side takes -shots with a ball made of cloth at a brick propped up against a wall, -near which the other side stands. Each man is allowed three shots at -the brick. If it is hit and falls over, one of the 'out-side' picks -up the ball, and throws it at the other side, who run away, and try -to avoid being hit. If the ball touches one of them, the side is put -out, and the other side goes in. A game, called hulikote, which bears -a resemblance to the English child's game of fox and geese, is played -on a stone chiselled with lines, which forms a rude game-board. In one -form of the game, two tigers and twenty-five bulls, and in another -three tigers and fifteen bulls engage, and the object is for the -tigers to take, or, as the Kotas express it, kill all the bulls. In -a further game, called kote, a labyrinthiform pattern, or maze, -is chiselled on a stone, to get to the centre of which is the problem. - -The following notes are taken from my case-book:-- - - - Man--Blacksmith and carpenter. Silver bangle on right wrist; - two silver rings on right little finger; silver ring on each - first toe. Gold ear-rings. Languti (cloth) tied to silver chain - round loins. - - Man--Light blue eyes, inherited from his mother. His children - have eyes of the same colour. Lobes of ears pendulous from heavy - gold ear-rings set with pearls. Another man with light blue eyes - was noticed by me. - - Man--Branded with cicatrix of a burn made with a burning cloth - across lower end of back of forearm. This is a distinguishing - mark of the Kotas, and is made on boys when they are more than - eight years old. - - Woman--Divorced for being a confirmed opium-eater, and living - with her father. - - Woman--Dirty cotton cloth, with blue and red stripes, covering - body and reaching below the knees. - - Woman--Two glass bead necklets, and bead necklet ornamented - with silver rings. Four brass rings, and one steel ring on left - forearm. Two massive brass bangles, weighing two pounds each, and - separated by cloth ring, on right wrist. Brass bangle with brass - and steel pendants, and shell bangle on left wrist. Two steel - rings, and one copper ring on right ring-finger; brass rings on - left first, ring, and little fingers. Two brass rings on first - toe of each foot. Tattooed lines uniting eyebrows. Tattooed on - outer side of both upper arms with rings, dots, and lines; rows - of dots on back of right forearm; circle on back of each wrist; - rows of dots on left ankle. As with the Todas, the tattooed devices - are far less elaborate than those of the women in the plains. - - Woman--Glass necklet ornamented with cowry shells, and charm - pendant from it, consisting of a fragment of the root of some - tree rolled up in a ball of cloth. She put it on when her baby - was quite young, to protect it against devils. The baby had a - similar charm round its neck. - - -In the course of his investigation of the Todas, Dr. Rivers found that -of 320 males 41 or 12.8 per cent. and of 183 females only two or 1.1 -per cent. were typical examples of red-green colour-blindness. The -percentage in the males is quite remarkable. The result of examination -of Badaga and Kota males by myself with Holmgren's wools was that -red-green colour-blindness was found to be present in 6 out of -246 Badagas, or 2·5 per cent. and there was no suspicion of such -colour-blindness in 121 Kotas. - -Kota (a fort).--A sub-division of Balija, and an exogamous sept -of Padma Sale. The equivalent Kotala occurs as an exogamous sept of -Boya. There are, in Mysore, a few Kotas, who are said to be immigrants -from South Canara, and to be confined to the Kadur district. According -to a current legend, they were originally of the Kota community, -but their ancestors committed perjury in a land-case, and were cursed -to lose their rank as Brahmans for seven hundred years. [14] Kota is -also the name of a section of Brahmans. - -Kotari.--A class of domestic servants in South Canara, who claim to -be an independent caste, though some regard them as a sub-caste of -Bant. [15] - -Kotegara or Koteyava.--See Servegara. - -Koti (monkey).--The name for Koravas, who travel about the country -exhibiting monkeys. - -Kotippattan.--The Kotippattans are described, in the Travancore -Census Report, 1901, as "a class of Tamil Brahmans, who, at a very -early age in Malabar history, were declared by society to have lost -the original Brahmanical status. The offence was, it is said, their -having taken to the cultivation of the betel-vine as their chief -occupation. The ordinances of caste had prescribed other duties for -the Brahmans, and it is not unlikely that Sankaracharya, to whose -curse the present position of the Kotippattan is traced, disapproved -of the change. In general appearance as regards thread, position of -hair-tuft, and dress of men as well as women, and in ceremonials, the -Kotippattans cannot be easily distinguished from the Brahman class. Sad -instances have occurred of Brahman girls having been decoyed into -matrimonial alliances with Kotippattans. They form a small community, -and the state of social isolation into which they have been thrown -has greatly checked their increase, as in the case of many other -Malabar castes. Their priests are at present Tamil Brahmans. They do -not study the Vedas, and the Gayatri hymn is recited with the first -syllable known as the pranavam. In the matter of funeral ceremonies, -a Kotippattan is treated as a person excommunicated. The cremation is a -mere mechanical process, unaccompanied by any mantras (sacred formulæ) -or by any rites, anantarasamskara (deferred funeral rites) being done -after the lapse of ten days. They have their annual sraddhas, but no -offerings of water (tarpanam) on the new-moon day. Their household -deity is Sasta. Their inheritance is from father to son. Their -household language is Malayalam. Their chief seat is Vamanapuram, -twenty miles from Trivandrum." - -Kotlu (cow-shed).--An exogamous sept of Yanadi. - -Kottaipaththu.--A sub-division of Agamudaiyans, who believe that they -are the same as the Kottai (fort) Vellalas of Tinnevelly. - -Kottai Vellala.--"The Kottai Vellalas," Mr. J. A. Boyle writes, -[16] have been "shut up within narrow walls, the others between two -rivers. The result of insulation has been the same, and they have -developed from small families into small, but perfectly distinct, -castes. In the centre of the town of Srivaiguntam, in the Tinnevelly -district, is a small fort, composed of a mud enclosure, containing -the houses of a number of families known as Kottai (fort) Vellalas, -who are separated from social intercourse and intermarriage with -other families of the great Vellala caste. The traditional origin -of this settlement is dated nearly a thousand years ago, when their -ancestors were driven by a political revolution from their home in -the valley of the Veigay (the river which flows past Madura). Under -the Pandya dynasty of Madura, these Vellalas were, they allege, the -chamberlains or treasurers, to whom belonged the hereditary dignity -of crowning the newly-succeeded kings. And this is still commemorated -by an annual ceremony, performed in one of the Tinnevelly temples, -whither the heads of families still repair, and crown the head of -the swami (god). Their women never leave the precincts of the mud -enclosure. After seven years of age, no girl is allowed to pass -the gates, and the restriction is supported by the tradition of a -disobedient little girl, who was murdered for a thoughtless breach -of this law. Into the fort no male stranger may enter, though there -is no hindrance to women of other castes to enter. After marriage, -no woman of the caste may be seen by man's eyes, except those of her -husband, father, brothers, and maternal uncles. When the census was -taken, they refused to say how many women there were inside the fort, -and infanticide is not only possible, but most probable; for there -is a suspicious absence of increase in the colony, which suggests -some mode of disposing of the 'useless mouths,' unknown to health -officers and policemen. Until recent times, housed within the fort, -were certain prædial slaves (Kottar, smiths) of inferior social status, -who worked for their masters, and lived in the same rigid seclusion -as regards their women. They have been turned out, to live beyond -the enclosure, but work for their masters." - -It is said that, during the days of oppression at the hands of -Muhammadan and Poligar rulers, the Kottai Vellalas had to pay -considerable sums of money to secure immunity from molestation. The -Kottai Pillai, or headman of the community, is reported to possess -the grants made from time to time by the rulers of the country, -guaranteeing them the enjoyment of their customs and privileges. The -fort, in which the Kottai Vellalas live, is kept in good preservation -by Government. There are four entrances, of which one is kept closed, -because, it is said, on one occasion, a child who went out by it to -witness the procession of a god was killed. Brahmans who are attached -to the fort, male members of various castes who work for the inmates -thereof, and Pallans may freely enter it. But, if any one wishes to -speak to a man living in the fort, the Paraiyan gatekeeper announces -the presence of the visitor. Females of all castes may go into the -fort, and into the houses within it. - -On marriage and other festive occasions, it is customary for the -Kottai Vellalas to give raw rations to those invited, instead of, -as among other castes, a dinner. The Kottans eat and drink at the -expense of their masters, and dance. - -Like the Nangudi Vellalas (Savalai Pillais), the Kottai Vellalas have -kilais (septs) running in the female line, and they closely follow -them in their marriage customs. It is usual for a man to marry his -paternal aunt's daughter. The bridegroom goes in state, with his and -the bride's relations and their respective Kottans, to the bride's -house. Arrived at the marriage pandal (booth), they are welcomed by -the bride's party. The homam (sacrificial fire) is then raised by the -officiating Brahman priest, who blesses the tali (marriage badge), -and hands it to a Kottan female, who passes it on to the elder sister -of the bridegroom, or, if he has no such sister, to a female who takes -her place. She takes it inside the house, and ties it on the neck of -the bride, who has remained within during the ceremony. The contracting -couple are then man and wife. The husband goes to live with his wife, -who, after marriage, continues to live in her father's house. On the -death of her father, she receives half of a brother's share of the -property. If she has no brothers, she inherits the whole property. [17] - -Kottai Vellala women wear ordinary jewels up to middle life, when they -replace them by a jewel called nagapadam, which is a gold plate with -the representation of a five-headed cobra. This is said to be worn -in memory of the occasion when a Pandyan king, named Thennavarayan, -overlooking the claims of his legitimate son, gave the kingdom to -an illegitimate son. The fort Vellalas living at Sezhuvaimanagaram -refused to place the crown on the bastard's head. They were -consequently persecuted, and had to leave the country. They decided -to throw themselves into a fire-pit, and so meet their death in a -body. But, just as they were about to do so, they were prevented by -a huge five-headed cobra. Hearing of this marvellous occurrence, the -Pandyan king who was ruling in Tinnevelly invited them to settle at -Srivaiguntam. The fort Vellalas claim that one of the Pandyan kings -gave them extensive lands on the bank of the Vaigai river when they -lived at Sezhuvaimanagaram. They claim further that the ministers -and treasurers of the Pandyan kings were selected from among them. - -The dead are usually cremated. The corpses are borne by Kottans, who -carry out various details in connection with the death ceremonies. The -corpses of women are placed in a bag, which is carefully sewn up. - -I am informed that, owing to the scarcity of females, men are at the -present day obliged to recruit wives from outside. - -The Kottaipaththu Agamudaiyans believe that they are the same as the -Kottai Vellalas. - -Kottakunda (new pot).--An exogamous sept of Medara. - -Kottan.--An occupational name, meaning bricklayer, returned, at times -of census, by some Pallis in Coimbatore. Some Pallis are also employed -as bricklayers in the City of Madras. Kottan is also recorded as a -title of Katasan. - -Kottha.--A sub-division of Kurubas, the members of which tie a woollen -thread round the wrist at marriages. - -Kottiya Paiko.--A sub-division of Rona. - -Kove (ant-hill).--An exogamous sept of Gangadikara Vakkaliga. - -Kovila (Indian cuckoo, Eudynamis honorata).--A gotra of Medara. - -Kovilar (temple people).--The name adopted by a section of Pallis -or Vanniyans, who wear the sacred thread, and have temples of their -own, in which they worship. Koil Adiyan (temple servant) has been -returned by some Balijas at times of census. Kovilammamar or Koilpat, -denoting ladies of, or those who live in palaces, is a title of some -Samanta ladies. Kovilagam is the usual term for the house of a Raja -or Tirumalpad, and Koilpantala is recorded, from Travancore, as a -synonym for Koil Tamburan. The Nattukottai Chettis have exogamous -septs, or koils, named after temples, e.g., Mathur koil. - -Koya.--The land and boat-owning class of Muhammadans in the Laccadive -islands. The name is said to be a corrupt form of Khoja, meaning a -man of distinction. Mappillas use Koya as a suffix to their names, -e.g., Hassan Koya, Mahomed Koya (see Mappilla). - -Koyappan.--Koyappan or Koyavappan are corrupt forms of Kusavan -(Malabar potters). - -Koyi.--The Koyis, Kois, or Koyas, are a tribe inhabiting the hills -in the north of the Godavari district, and are also found in the -Malkangiri taluk of the Jeypore Zamindari. They are said to belong -to the great Gond family, and, when a man of another caste wishes to -be abusive to a Koyi, he calls him a Gondia. The Koyi language is -said by Grierson to be a dialect of Gondi. Writing concerning the -Koyis of the Godavari district, the Rev. J. Cain states [18] that -"in these parts the Kois use a great many Telugu words, and cannot -always understand the Kois who come from the plateau in Bustar. A -few years ago, when Colonel Haig travelled as far as Jagdalpuram, -the Kois from the neighbourhood of Dummagudem who accompanied him -were frequently unable to carry on any conversation with many of -the Kois on this plateau. There are often slight differences in the -phraseology of the inhabitants of two villages within a mile of each -other. When two of my teachers, living not more than a mile apart, -were collecting vocabularies in the villages in which they lived, they -complained that their vocabularies often differed in points where they -expected to find no variety whatever." A partial vocabulary of the Koyi -language is given by the Rev. J. Cain, who notes that all the words -borrowed from Telugu take purely Koi terminations in the plural. "Its -connection," he writes, "with the Gond language is very apparent, and -also the influence of its neighbour Telugu. This latter will account -for many of the irregularities, which would probably disappear in -the language spoken by the Kois living further away from the Telugu -country." Mr. G. F. Paddison informs me that all the Gonds whom he -met with in the Vizagapatam district were bholo loko (good caste), -and would not touch pork or mutton, whereas the Koyi shares with the -Dombs the distinction of eating anything he can get in the way of meat, -from a rat to a cow. It is noted by Mr. H. A. Stuart [19] that "the -Khonds call themselves Kui, a name identical with Koi or Koya." And, -in 1853, an introduction to the grammar of the Kui or Kandh language -was produced by Lingum Letchmajee. [20] - -It is recorded by the Rev. J. Cain that "until the talukas were handed -over to British rule, the Bhadrachallam Zamindar always kept up a -troop of Rohillas, who received very little pay for their services, -and lived chiefly by looting the country around. In attendance upon -them were one hundred Kois, and one hundred Madigas. Twenty-five Koi -villages form a samutu, and, in the Bhadrachallam taluka, there are -ten samutus. In the territory on the opposite side of the river, which -also belonged to the Ashwa Rau family, there were ten samutus. Each -samutu was bound in turn to furnish for a month a hundred Kois -to carry burdens, fetch supplies, etc., for the above-mentioned -Rohillas. During the month thus employed they had to provide their -own batta (subsistence money). The petty Zamindars of Albaka, Cherla, -Nagar, Bejji and Chintalanada, likewise had their forces of Nayaks and -Kois, and were continually robbing and plundering. All was grist which -came to their mill, even the clothes of the poor Koi women, who were -frequently stripped, and then regarded as objects of ridicule. The Kois -have frequently told me that they could never lie down to rest without -feeling that before morning their slumbers might be rudely disturbed, -their houses burnt, and their property all carried off. As a rule, they -hid their grain in caves and holes of large trees." It is recorded, -in the Vizagapatam Manual, that, in 1857, the headman of Koraturu, -a village on the Godavari river, was anxious to obtain a certain rich -widow in marriage for his son. Hearing, however, that she had become -the concubine of a village Munsiff or Magistrate of Buttayagudem, he -attempted, with a large body of his Koi followers, to carry her off -by force. Failing in the immediate object of his raid, he plundered -the village, and retreated with a quantity of booty and cattle. - -Those Koyis, the Rev. J. Cain writes, who live in the plains "have a -tradition that, about two hundred years ago, they were driven from -the plateau in the Bustar country by famine and disputes, and this -relationship is also acknowledged by the Gutta Kois, i.e., the hill -Kois, who live in the highlands of Bustar. These call the Kois who -live near the Godavari Gommu Kois and Mayalotilu. The word Gommu is -used to denote the banks and neighbourhood of the Godavari. Thus, for -instance, all the villages on the banks of the Godavari are called -Gommu ullu. Mayalotilu means rascal. The Gutta Kois say the lowland -Kois formerly dwelt on the plateau, but on one occasion some of them -started out on a journey to see a Zamindar in the plains, promising -to return before very long. They did not fulfil their promise, -but settled in the plains, and gradually persuaded others to join -them, and at times have secretly visited the plateau on marauding -expeditions.... The Kois regard themselves as being divided into -five classes, Perumboyudu, Madogutta, Peregatta, Matamuppayo, and -Vidogutta." The Rev. J. Cain states further that "the lowland Kois -say that they are divided into five tribes, but they do not know -the first of these. The only names they can give are Paredugatta, -Mundegutta, Peramboyina, and Wikaloru, and these tribes are again -sub-divided into many families. The members of the different tribes -may intermarry, but not members of the same tribe." - -It is recorded by Mr. F. R. Hemingway [21] that "exogamous septs, -called Gattas, occur in the tribe. Among them are Mudo (third), -Nalo (fourth) or Paredi, Aido (fifth) or Rayibanda, Aro (sixth), -Nutomuppayo (130th), and Peramboya. In some places, the members of -the Mudo, Nalo, and Aido Gattas are said to be recognisable by the -difference in the marks they occasionally wear on their foreheads, -a spot, a horizontal, and a perpendicular line respectively being -used by them. The Aro Gatta, however, also uses the perpendicular -line." It is further noted by Mr. Hemingway that the Racha or Dora -Koyas consider themselves superior to all other sub-divisions, except -the Oddis (superior priests). - -It is noted by the Rev. J. Cain that at Gangolu, a village about -three miles from Dummagudem, "live several families who call -themselves Basava Gollavandlu, but on enquiry I found that they are -really Kois, whose grandfathers had a quarrel with some of their -neighbours, and separated themselves from their old friends. Some of -the present members of the families are anxious to be re-admitted -to the society and privileges of the neighbouring Kois. The word -Basava is commonly said to be derived from bhasha, a language, -and the Gollas of that class are said to have been so called in -consequence of their speaking a different language from the rest of -the Gollas. A small but well-known family, the Matta people, are all -said to have been originally Erra Gollas, but six generations ago -they were received into the Koi people. Another well-known family, -the Kaka people, have the following tradition of their arrival -in the Koi districts. Seven men of the Are Kapulu caste of Hindus -once set out on a journey from the neighbourhood of Warangal. Their -way led through dense jungle, and for a very long time they could -find no village, where they and their horses could obtain food and -shelter. At length they espied a small hut belonging to a poor widow, -and, riding up to it, they entered into conversation with her, when -they learned that the whole country was being devastated by a nilghai -(blue bull: Boselaphus tragocamelus), which defied all attempts to -capture it. In despair, the king of the country, who was a Koi of the -Emu family, had promised his youngest daughter in marriage to any man -who would rid the country of the pest. Before very long, the youngest -of the Kapus was out wandering in the neighbouring jungle, and had an -encounter with the formidable beast, which ran at him very fiercely, -and attempted to knock him down. The young man raised a small brass -pot, which he was carrying, and struck the animal so forcible a blow -on the head that it fell dead on the spot. He then cut off its tail, -nose, and one ear, and carried them away as trophies of his victory; -and, having hidden his ring in the mutilated head of the animal, -he buried the body in a potter's pit close to the scene of the -encounter. He and his elder brothers then resumed their journey, -but they had not gone far before they received news from the widow -that the potter, hearing of the death of the animal, had gone to the -king with the tidings, and asserted that he himself was the victor, -and was therefore entitled to the promised reward. The king, however, -declined to comply with his request, unless he produced satisfactory -evidence of the truth of the story. The real victor, hearing all -this, bent his steps to the king's court and asserted his claim, -showing his trophies in proof of his statements, and requesting the -king to send and dig up the carcase of the animal, and see whether -the ring was there or not. The king did so, and, finding everything -as the claimant had asserted, he bestowed his daughter on him, and -assigned to the newly married couple suitable quarters in his own -house. Before very long, the next elder brother of the bridegroom -came to pay him a visit, riding in a kachadala, i.e., a small cart -on solid wooden wheels. He found all the city in great trouble in -consequence of the ravages of a crow with an iron beak, with which -it attacked young children, and pecked out their brains. The king, -deeply grieved at his subjects' distress, had it proclaimed far and -wide that the slayer of this crow should receive in reward the hand -of his youngest remaining daughter. The young man had with him a new -bamboo bow, and so he fitted an arrow to the string, and let fly at -the crow. His aim was so good that the crow fell dead at once, but -the force of the blow was so great that one of the wings was driven -as far south as the present village of Rekapalli (wing village), -its back fell down on the spot now occupied by Nadampalli (loin or -back village), its legs at Kalsaram (leg village), and its head at -Tirusapuram (head village), whilst the remainder fell into the cart, -and was carried into the presence of the king. The king was delighted -to see such clear proofs of the young man's bravery, and immediately -had the marriage celebrated, and gave the new son-in-law half the -town. He then made an agreement with his sons-in-law and their -friends, according to which they were in future to give him as many -marriageable girls as could be enclosed and tied up by seven lengths -of ropes used for tying up cattle, and he was to bestow upon them as -many as could be tied up by three lengths. In other words, he was to -receive seventy children, and to give thirty, but this promise has -never been fulfilled. The victor received the name of Kaka (crow), -and his descendants are called the Kaka people." - -The Koyis of the Godavari district are described in the Manual as being -"a simple-minded people. They look poor and untidy. The jungles in -which they reside are very unhealthy, and the Kois seem almost to -a man to suffer from chronic fever. They lead an unsophisticated, -savage life, and have few ideas, and no knowledge beyond the daily -events of their own little villages; but this withdrawal from -civilised existence is favourable to the growth of those virtues -which are peculiar to a savage life. Like the Khonds, they are noted -for truthfulness, and are quite an example in this respect to the -civilised and more cultivated inhabitants of the plains. They call -themselves Koitors, the latter part of which appellation has been -very easily and naturally changed by the Telugu people, and by the -Kois who come most closely into contact with them, into Dorala, -which means lords; and they are always honoured by this title in -the Godavari district. [The Rev. J. Cain expresses doubts as to the -title Dora being a corruption of tor, and points out that it is a -common title in the Telugu country. Some Koyis on the Bastar plateau -call themselves Bhumi Razulu, or kings of the earth.] The villages -are small, but very picturesque. They are built in groups of five or -six houses, in some places even a smaller number, and there are very -rarely so many as ten or fifteen. A clearing is made in the jungle, -and a few acres for cultivation are left vacant round the houses. In -clearing away the wood, every tree is removed except the ippa (Bassia -latifolia) and tamarind trees, which are of the greatest service -to the people on account of their fruit and shade. The Kois do not -remain long in the same place. They are a restless race. Four years -suffice to exhaust the soil in one locality, and they do not take the -trouble to plough deeper, but migrate to another spot, where they make -a fresh clearing, and erect a new village. Their huts are generally -covered with melons and gourds, the flowing tendrils of which give -them a very graceful appearance, but the surrounding jungle makes them -damp and unhealthy. When the cultivation season is over, and the time -of harvest draws on, the whole of the village turns out by families, -and lives on the small wooden scaffoldings erected in the fields, for -the purpose of scaring away the wild animals and birds, which come -to feed on the ripening grain. Deer and wild pigs come by night to -steal it, and herds of goats by day. Tigers and cheetas (leopards) -often resort to the fields of Indian corn, and conceal themselves -among the lofty plants. Poorer kinds of grain are also grown, such -as millet and maize, out of which the people make a kind of porridge, -called java. They likewise grow a little cotton, from which they make -some coarse cloth, and tobacco. The ippa tree is much prized. The -Koyis eat the flowers of this tree, which are round and fleshy. They -eat them either dried in the sun, or fried with a little oil. Oil both -for lights and for cooking is obtained from the nut, from which also -an intoxicating spirit is extracted." I gather that the Koyis further -use the oil for anointing the hair, whereas, in Kurnool, the forest -officers barter with the Chenchus for the fruits, which they will part -with, as they do not require them for the toilette or other purpose. - -The cultivation of the Koyis has been described as "of the simplest, -most unprofitable kind. A piece of jungle is selected, and all -the trees, except the fruit-bearing ones, are cut down and burned, -the ashes being used for manure. Then, without removing the stumps -or further clearing, the land is scratched along the top, and the -seed sown. For three or four years the natural fertility of the soil -yields them a crop, but then, when the undergrowth begins to appear -and the soil to be impoverished, being too lazy to plough and clean -it properly or to give it manure, they abandon it, and the land again -becomes scrub jungle." - -In a note on cultivation in the Agency tracts of the Godavari district, -F. R. Hemingway writes as follows. [22] "The majority of the hill -Reddis and the Koyas in the Agency carry on shifting cultivation, -called podu, by burning clearings in the forests. Two methods prevail: -the ordinary (or chalaka) podu, and the hill (or konda) podu. The -former consists in cultivating certain recognised clearings for a -year or two at a time, allowing the forest to grow again for a few -years, and then again burning and cultivating them; while, under the -latter, the clearing is not returned to for a much longer period, -and is sometimes deserted for ever. The latter is in fashion in -the more hilly and wilder parts, while the former is a step towards -civilisation. In February or March, the jungle trees and bushes are cut -down, and spread evenly over the portion to be cultivated; and, when -the hot weather comes on, they are burnt. The ashes act as a manure, -and the cultivators think that the mere heat of the burning makes -the ground productive. The land is ploughed once or twice in chalaka -podus before and after sowing, but not at all in konda podus. The seed -is sown in June. Hill cholam and samai are the commonest crops. The -former is dibbled into the ground. Grain is usually stored in regular -granaries (kottu), or in thatched bamboo receptacles built on a raised -foundation, and called gadi. These are not found in Bhadrachalam or -the central delta, where a high, round receptacle made of twisted straw -(puri) is used. Grain is also stored, as elsewhere, in pits." - -It is noted by Mr. Hemingway that the houses of the Koyis "are made of -bamboo, with a thatch of grass or palmyra. They are very restless, and -families change frequently from one village to another. Before morning, -they consult the omens, to see whether the change will be auspicious or -not. Sometimes the hatching of a clutch of eggs provides the answer, -or four grains of four kinds of seed, representing the prosperity -of men, cattle, sheep, and land, are put on a heap of ashes under a -man's bed. Any movement among them during the night is a bad omen. The -Koyas proper are chiefly engaged in agriculture. Their character is -a curious medley. They excite admiration by their truthfulness and -simplicity; contempt by their drunkenness, listlessness, and want of -thrift; amusement by their stupidity and their combination of timidity -and self-importance; and disgust by their uncanny superstitions and -thinly veiled blood-thirstiness. Their truthfulness is proverbial, -though it is said to be less characteristic than of yore, and they -never break their word. Their drunkenness is largely due to the -commonness of the ippa tree (Bassia latifolia), from the flowers of -which strong spirit is distilled, and is most noticeable when this -is blossoming. Their laziness is notorious, and their stupidity is -attested by numerous stories. One, vouched for by the Rev. J. Cain, -relates how some of them, being despatched with a basket of fruit and -a note describing its contents, and being warned that the note would -betray any pilfering, first buried the note so that it could not see, -then abstracted some of the fruit, afterwards disinterred the note and -delivered it and the basket, and were quite at a loss, when charged -with the theft, to know how the note could have learnt about it. They -are terribly victimised by traders and money-lenders from the low -country, who take advantage of their stupidity to cheat them in every -conceivable way. Their timidity has on occasions driven them to seek -refuge in the jungle on the appearance of a Hindu in clean clothes, -but, on the other hand, they insist upon, and receive a considerable -measure of respect from lowlanders whom they encounter. They are -perfectly aware that their title Dora means lord, and they insist -upon being given it. They tolerate the address 'uncle' (mama) from -their neighbours of other castes, but they are greatly insulted if -called Koyas. When so addressed, they have sometimes replied 'Whose -throat have I cut?' playing on the word koya, which means to slice, -or cut the throat. When driven to extremes, they are capable of much -courage. Blood feuds have only recently become uncommon in British -territory, and in 1876 flourished greatly in the Bastar State." - -Concerning the marriage custom of the Koyis the Rev. J. Cain writes -that "the Koyis generally marry when of fair age, but infant marriage -is unknown. The maternal uncle of a girl has always the right to -dispose of her hand, which he frequently bestows upon one of his own -sons. If the would-be bridegroom is comparatively wealthy, he can -easily secure a bride by a peaceable arrangement with her parents; -but, if too poor to do this, he consults with his parents and friends, -and, having fixed upon a suitable young girl, he sends his father and -friends to take counsel with the headman of the village where his -future partner resides. A judicious and liberal bestowal of a few -rupees and arak (liquor) obtain the consent of the guardian of the -village to the proposed marriage. This done, the party watch for a -favourable opportunity to carry off the bride, which is sure to occur -when she comes outside her village to fetch water or wood, or, it may -be, when her parents and friends are away, and she is left alone in -the house. The bridegroom generally anxiously awaits the return home -of his friends with their captive, and the ceremony is proceeded -with that evening, due notice having been sent to the bereaved -parents. Some of the Koyis are polygamists, and it not unfrequently -happens that a widow is chosen and carried off, it may be a day or -two after the death of her husband, whilst she is still grieving on -account of her loss. The bride and bridegroom are not always married -in the same way. The more simple ceremony is that of causing the woman -to bend her head down, and then, having made the man lean over her, -the friends pour water on his head, and, when the water has run off -his head to that of the woman, they are regarded as man and wife. The -water is generally poured out of a bottle-gourd. (These gourds are -used by the Koyis as bottles, in which they carry drinking water when -on a journey. Very few Koyis stir far from their homes without one of -these filled with water.) Generally, on this all-important occasion, -the two are brought together, and, having promised to be faithful to -each other, drink some milk. Some rice is then placed before them, -and, having again renewed their promises, they eat the rice. They then -go outside the house, and march round a low heap of earth which has -been thrown up under a small pandal (booth) erected for the occasion, -singing a simple love song as they proceed. Afterwards they pay their -respects to the elders present, and beg for their blessing, which -is generally bestowed in the form of 'May you be happy! may you not -fight and quarrel!' etc. This over, all present fall to the task of -devouring the quantity of provisions provided for the occasion, and, -having well eaten and drunk, the ceremony is concluded. If the happy -couple and their friends are comparatively wealthy, the festivities -last several days. Dancing and singing are kept up every evening, -and, when the fun waxes fast and furious, the mother-in-law takes -up her new son-in-law on her shoulders, and his mother her new -daughter-in-law, and dance round as vigorously as age and strength -permit. If the mothers-in-law are not able, it is the duty of the -respective maternal aunts to perform this ludicrous office. When the -bridegroom is a fine strapping young man, this is a duty rather than a -pleasure. Some do not object to run away with the wife of another man, -and, in former years, a husband has been known to have been murdered -for the sake of his wife. Even at present, more disputes arise from -bride-stealing than from any other cause, especially as up to the -present time (1876) the Government officials have not been able to -stop this practice. In the case of a man running away with another -man's wife, the samatu dora (headman), on its being reported to him, -goes to the village where the culprit lives, assembles the headman, -and calls the offender before him. He then fines the man twelve rupees, -and orders him to give another twelve to the husband of the woman whom -he has stolen, and then demands two rupees' worth of liquor, a goat, -and grain for a feast. On these being brought, the night is spent in -feasting and drinking, and the fault is forgiven. In cases of breach -of the seventh commandment, the offender is often placed between two -logs of wood, upon which as many men sit as can be accommodated, and -press it down as long as they can without endangering the unfortunate -man's life. In all the Koi villages there is a large house, where -the young unmarried men have to sleep, and another which the young -unmarried girls have to occupy at night." - -It is noted by Mr. Hemingway that, "if a Koya youth is refused by the -maiden of his choice, he generally carries her off by force. But a -boy can reserve a girl baby for himself by giving the mother a pot, -and a cloth for the baby to lie upon, and then she may not be carried -off. Girls who consort with a man of low caste are purified by having -their tongues branded with a hot golden needle, and by being made -to pass through seven arches of palmyra leaves which are afterwards -burnt." (cf. Koraga.) According to Mr. R. E. Enthoven, [23] "the -suggestion seems to be a rapid representation of seven existences, -the outcast regaining his (or her) status after seven generations -have passed without further transgression. The parallel suggested -is the law of Manu that seven generations are necessary to efface a -lapse from the law of endogamous marriage." - -In a note on marriage among the Koyis of Vizagapatam, Mr. C. Hayavadana -Rao writes that the parents and other relations of the bridegroom go -to the bride's home with a present (voli) of three or four head-loads -of fermented liquor made from ragi (Eleusine Coracana) seeds, a pair -of new cloths for the girl's father and mother, and a pig. A feast is -held, and, on the following day, the bride is conducted to the home -of the bridegroom. The marriage ceremony is then conducted on lines -similar to those already described. - -In connection with birth ceremonies, the Rev. J. Cain writes that -"the Koi women are very hardy, and careless about themselves. After -the birth of a child, they do not indulge in the luxury of a cot, but, -according to their usual custom, continue to lie upon the ground, -bathe in cold water, and eat their accustomed food. Directly the -child is born, it is placed upon a cot, and the mother resumes her -ordinary work of fetching water, wood, leaves, etc., cooking for -the family, and so on. On the seventh day the child is well washed, -and all the neighbours and near relatives assemble together to -name the child. Having placed the child on a cot, they put a leaf -of the mohwa tree (Bassia) in the child's hand, and pronounce some -name which they think suitable. If the child closes its hand over -the leaf, it is regarded as a sign that the child acquiesces, but, -if the child rejects the leaf or cries, they take it as a sign that -they must choose another name, and so they throw away the leaf, -and substitute another leaf and another name, until the child shows -its approbation. If the name chosen is that of any person present, -the owner of that name generally expresses his appreciation of the -honour thus conferred by placing a small coin in the hand of the child, -otherwise the father is bound to do so. This ceremony is followed by -a night of dancing and singing, and the next day the father gives -a feast to his neighbours and friends, or, if too poor for that, -treats the male friends to liquor. Most Kois now name their children -without all the elaborate ceremonial mentioned above." - -"The bodies of children," the Rev. J. Cain writes, "and of young -men and young women are buried. If a child dies within a month of -its birth, it is usually buried close to the house, so that the rain -dropping from the eaves may fall upon the grave, and thereby cause the -parents to be blessed with another child in due course of time. With -the exception of the above mentioned, corpses are usually burnt. A -cow or bullock is slain, and the tail cut off and put in the dead -person's hand, after the cot on which the corpse is carried has been -placed upon the funeral pile. If a pujari, or Koi priest, is present, -he not unfrequently claims a cloth or two belonging to the dead -person. The cot is then removed, and the body burnt. Mr. Vanstavern -reports having seen part of the liver of the slain animal placed in the -mouth of the corpse. The friends of the deceased retire, and proceed -to feast upon the animal slain for the occasion. Three days afterwards -they generally return, bringing contributions of cholam (grain), and, -having slain one or more animals, have a second feast. In some parts, -immediately after the corpse is consumed, the ashes are wetted, rolled -into balls, and deposited in a hole about two feet deep, dug on the -roadside just outside their village. Over the hole is placed a slab of -stone, and at the head an upright stone, and, whenever friends pass -by these monuments, they endeavour to place a few leaves of tobacco -on the slabs, remarking at the same time how fond the deceased were -of tobacco in their lifetime. The hill Kois have erected very large -slabs in days gone by, and it is not uncommon to see rows of ten to -fifteen outside the villages close to well-frequented roads, but at -present they seldom take the trouble to put up any monuments. In the -Malkanagiri taluk, the Kois every now and then erect these stones, -and, when encamped in a village, we were struck by the height of one, -from the top of which was suspended an ox tail. On enquiry we found -that it was the tomb of the late headman, who had been enterprising -enough to build some large bunds (embankments), and thus improve his -rice fields. Success attended his efforts, and five crops rewarded -him. But, alas, envious persons plotted his downfall, he became ill, -and called in the diviner, who soon discovered the cause of the fatal -illness in the shape of balls of mud, which had been surreptitiously -introduced into his stomach by some demoness at the instigation -of some foes. Three days after the funeral feast, a second one -is frequently held, and, if means are forthcoming, another on the -seventh and fifteenth days. The nights are always spent in dancing to -the beating of the tom-tom or drum. All believe that these feasts are -necessary for the repose of the spirits of the deceased, and that, if -these are not thus duly honoured, they will wander about the jungle in -the form of pisachas (devils) ready to avenge their friends' neglect -of their comfort by bringing evil upon their children or cattle. If -they are not satisfied as to the cause of the death of any of their -friends, they continue to meet at intervals for a whole year, offer the -sacrificial feasts, and inquire of the diviner whether he thinks that -the spirit of the deceased has been able to associate with spirits -or its predeceased friends, and, when they obtain an answer in the -affirmative, then and then only do they discontinue these feasts." - -In connection with death ceremonies, Mr. Hemingway notes that "when a -Koya dies, a cow or bullock is slaughtered, and the tail is cut off, -and put in the dead man's hand. The liver is said to be sometimes put -in his mouth. His widow's tali (marriage badge) is always placed there, -and, when a married woman dies, her tali is put in her mouth. The -pyre of a man is lighted by his nephew, and of a woman by her son. No -pollution is observed by those attending the funeral. The beef of -the slain animal provides a feast, and the whole party returns home -and makes merry. On the eighth day, a pot of water is placed in the -dead man's house for him to drink, and is watched by his nephew. Next -morning another cow is slaughtered, and the tail and a ball of cooked -rice are offered to the soul at the burning ground." - -Concerning the death ceremonies in the Vizagapatam district, -Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes that the corpses of young children are -buried far away from the home of their parents. It is customary, -among the more prosperous families, to put a few rupees into the -mouth of a corpse before the funeral pyre is lighted. The money is -made to represent the value of the animal sacrificed in the Godavari -district. Death pollution is not observed, but on the eighth day -the relations kill a fowl, and burn it at the spot where the body -was cremated. The ashes of a dead person are carried to a spot set -apart close to the highway. Water is poured over them, and they -are made into small balls. A hole, two or three feet deep, is dug, -into which the balls, a few of the pots belonging to the deceased, -and some money are put. They are covered over with a stone slab, -at one end of which an upright slab is set up. A cow is killed, -and its tail cut off, and tied to the upright slab, to appease the -ghost of the dead person. The remainder of the animal is carried off, -and used for a feast. Ghasias are notorious for opening up these Koyi -sepulchres, and stealing the money buried in them. - -Mr. H. Tyler informs me that he came across the burning funeral pyre -of a Koyi girl, who had died of syphilis. Across a neighbouring path -leading to the Koyi village, were a basket fish-trap containing grass, -and on each side thorny twigs, which were intended to catch the malign -spirit of the dead girl, and prevent it from entering the village. The -twigs and trap, containing the captured spirit, were to be burnt by -the Koyis on the following day. - -It is noted by Mr. Hemingway that "people who are neither good enough -for heaven, nor bad enough for hell, are born again in their former -family. Children with hare-lip, moles, etc., are often identified as -re-incarnations of deceased relations. Tattooing is common. It is, -for various reasons, considered very important for the soul in the -next world that the body should have been adequately tattooed." - -Concerning the religion of the Koyis, the Rev. J. Cain writes that -they say "that the following gods and goddesses were appointed to -be worshipped by Sudras:--Muttelamma, Maridimahalakshmi, Poturazu -and Korrazulu; and the following were to receive adoration from -the Koyis:--Kommalamma, Katurudu, Adamarazu. The goddess Mamili -or Pele must be propitiated early in the year, or else the crops -will undoubtedly fail; and she is said to be very partial to human -victims. There is strong reason to think that two men were murdered -in 1876 near a village not far from Dummagudem, as offerings to this -devata, and there is no reason to doubt that every year strangers -are quietly put out of the way in the Bastar country, to ensure the -favour of this blood-thirsty goddess. All the Koyis seem to hold in -great respect the Pandava brothers, especially Arjuna and Bhima. The -wild dogs or dhols are regarded as the dutas or messengers of these -brothers, and the long black beetles which appear in large numbers -at the beginning of the hot weather are called the Pandava flock of -goats. Of course they would on no account attempt to kill a dhol, -even though it should happen to attack their favourite calf, and -they even regard it as imprudent to interfere with these dutas, when -they wish to feast upon their cattle." The tradition among the Koyis -is that, when the Pandava brothers were in exile, Bhima, whom they -call Bhimador, went hunting in the jungle, and met a wild woman of -the woods, whom he fell in love with and married. The fruit of this -union was the Koyi people. The tradition further states that this wild -woman was not a human being. [24] "A Koi," the Rev. J. Cain continues, -"whom Mr. Alexander met in a village about two miles from Dummagudem, -caused him to infer that the Kois think heaven to be a great fort, -and in it plenty of rice to eat for those who enter it; that hell is -a dismal place, where a crow, made of iron, continually gnaws off the -flesh of the wicked. This must have been that particular Koi's own -peculiar belief, for it certainly is not that of any of the Kois with -whom I so frequently come in contact. The mention of the iron crow -reminds me that, about two years ago, a rumour rapidly spread in some -of the villages that an iron cock was abroad very early in the morning, -and upon the first village in which it heard one or more cocks begin -to crow it would send a grievous pestilence, and at least decimate the -village. In one instance at least, this led to immediate extermination -of all the unfortunate cocks in that village. Last year (1878) -the inhabitants of a village on the left bank of the Godavari were -startled by the tallaris (village peons) of the neighbouring village -bringing about twenty fowls, and ordering them to be sent on the next -village south of Dummagudem. On being asked the reason of this order, -they replied that the cholera goddess was selecting her victims in the -villages further north, and that, to induce her to leave their parts, -some of these villages had sent these fowls as offerings to her, but -they were to be passed on as far as possible before they were slain, -for then she would follow in anticipation of the feast, and so might -be tempted quite out of these regions. The Police, however, interfered, -and they were passed back into the Upper Godavari district." - -Writing further concerning the religion of the Koyis, the Rev. J. Cain -adds that "one Sunday afternoon, some Kois came to us from a village -nine miles away, and begged for medicine for a man, whose right -cheek, they said, had been torn away by a tiger, just as if it had -been cut out by a knife. A few days afterwards we heard a story, -which was far more credible. The people of the village were very -anxious for good crops, and resolved to return to the practice of -offering a stranger passing by to the goddess Mamili, and so two -of them were on the look-out for a victim. They soon saw one, and -began to pursue him, but he, a Koi, knowing the former evil repute -of the village, suspected their design and fled, and at last took -refuge up a manchan. They began to ascend too, when he took out of -his belt a knife, and struck at his assailants, and cut away his -right cheek. This caused the two assailants to retreat, and the man -escaped. As human sacrifices are now illegal, a langur monkey is -frequently substituted, and called for occasion Ekuromma Potu, i.e., -a male with small breasts. This name is given in the hope of persuading -the goddess that she is receiving a human sacrifice. Mutyalamma is the -goddess, who is supposed to preside over small-pox and cholera. When -the villages have determined to appease this dread goddess, they erect -a pandal (booth) outside their village under a nim (Melia Azadirachta) -tree, search all round for the soft earth of a white-ant heap, and -proceed at once to mould this earth into the form of an image of a -woman, tie a cloth or two round her, hang a few peacock's feathers -around her neck, and place her under the pandal on a three-legged -stool, which has been made of the wood of Cochlospermum Gossypium -(silk-cotton tree) for the occasion. They then bring forward a chicken -and try to persuade it to eat some of the grains they have thrown -down before the image, requesting the goddess to inform them whether -she will leave their village or not. If the chicken picks up some of -the grains, they regard it as a most favourable omen, but, if not, -their hearts are immediately filled with dread of the continued anger -of the goddess. They then bring forward two sheep or goats, and then -present to them a dish of toddy, and, if the toddy is drunk by the -animals, they are quite assured of the speedy departure of the plague -which is devastating their village. The sheep are then tied up till -the next morning. In the meantime a sorcerer is brought to the front, -and they enquire of him the determination of the goddess. After this -they return to the village, and they all drink well, and the night -is spent in dancing, in which the women join. The next morning the -pandal and its inmate are removed to a site still farther away from -the village, after which the fowl is killed over the image, on which -some drops of blood are allowed to fall. The sheep then have garlands -hung round their necks, and their heads are adorned with turmeric, -and pots of cold water are poured over them. The deity is at the -same time again asked whether she intends to leave them alone, and, -if she is disposed to be favourable towards them, she replies by -causing the sheep to shiver. The animals are immediately killed, -the left ear and left leg being cut off and placed in the mouth, and -the head cut off and left as an offering before the image. The rest -of the sacrifice is then carried away, to be cooked and enjoyed by -all the worshippers before they reach home, as their wives are not -allowed to partake of the sacrificial feast. - -"Another goddess or demoness, of which many stand in dread, is called -a Pida, and her they propitiate in the month of December. All the men -of the village gather together and collect from each house a handful -of cholam, which they give to the wife of the pujari, directing her -to make bread with it for her husband. After he has partaken of it, -they bring pots of warm water and pour it over his head, and then -all in the village spend some time in dancing. A chatty (pot) is -brought after a time, in which are placed leaves of the Diospyros -Embryopteris, and two young men carry it between them, suspended from -a pole cut from the same tree, all around the village. The pujari, -carrying a cock, accompanies them, and also the rest of the men of -the village, each one carrying a staff cut from the above mentioned -tree, with which he strikes the eaves of each house passed in -their perambulations. When they have been all around the village, -they all march off some little distance, and tie up the stick on -which the pot is suspended to two neighbouring trees, and place -their staves close by. The pujari sets to work to kill the cock, -and they all beg the demoness, whom they suppose to have entered the -pot, not to come to their village again. The pujari then cooks and -eats the cock with food which has been supplied him, and the other -worshippers also satisfy the cravings of hunger with food they have -brought with them. On no account do they return home until after dark, -lest the demoness should see the road to their village, and follow -in their wake. Very frequently on these occasions, votive offerings, -promised long before, are sacrificed and eaten by the pujari. It is -not at all uncommon for a Koi to promise the Pida a seven-horned male -(i.e., a cock) as a bribe to be let alone, a two-horned male (i.e., -a goat) being set apart by more wealthy or more fervent suppliants. - -"The Kois acknowledge that they worship the devatalu or the dayyamulu -(demons of the mountains). The Korra Razu is supposed to be the deity -who has supreme control over tigers, and a friend of mine once saw a -small temple devoted to his worship a few miles from the large village -of Gollapalli, Bastar, but it did not seem to be held in very great -respect. There is no Koi temple in any village near Dummagudem, and -the Kois are seldom, if ever, to be found near a Hindu temple. Some -time ago there was a small mud temple to the goddesses Sarlamma and -Kommalamma at Pedda Nallapalli, and the head Koi of the village was -the pujari, but he became a Christian, and the temple fell into ruins, -and soon melted away. A few families have added to their own faith -the worship of Siva, and many of them are proud of the appellation -of Linga Kois." "In times of drought," Mr. Hemingway writes, "a -festival to Bhima, which lasts five days, is held. When rain appears, -the Koyis sacrifice a cow or pig to their patron. Dancing plays an -important part at all these feasts, and also at marriages. The men -put on head-dresses of straw, into which buffalo horns are stuck, -and accompany themselves with a kind of chant." - -"There is," the Rev. J. Cain writes, "generally one velpu for each -gens, and in a certain village there is the chief velpu for the -whole tribe of Kois. When any of the inferior velpus are carried -about, contributions in kind or cash are collected by its guardians -almost exclusively from the members of the gens to which the velpu -belongs. When the superior velpu is taken to any village, all the -inferior velpus are brought, and, with the exception of two, are -planted some little distance in front of their lord. There are two, -however, which are regarded as lieutenants of the paramount power, -and these are planted one on each side of their superior. As it -was expressed to me, the chief velpu is like the Raja of Bastar, -these two are like his ministers of state, and the rest are like the -petty zamindars (land-owners) under him. The largest share of the -offerings goes to the chief, the two supporters then claim a fair -amount, and the remainder is equally divided amongst those of the -third rank.... Ancestral worship prevails among the Kois, especially -on the occasions when the velpu of the family is carried round. The -velpu is a large three-cornered red cloth, with a number of figures of -various ancestors roughly cut out of different coloured cloth, white, -green, blue, or yellow, and stitched to the main cloth. Whenever any -important male member of the family dies, a new figure is added to -commemorate his services. It is usually kept in the custody of the -leading man of the family, and taken round by him to all members of -that family once a year, when each member is bound to give an offering -to the velpu. No one belonging to a different family takes any part -in the ceremonies. On the occasion of its being carried round, it is -fixed to a long bamboo ornamented at the top with the hair from the -tail of a yak, and with loudly sounding brass bells. On arriving at a -village where there are a sufficient number of Kois of the particular -family to make it worth while to stay, the priest in charge of the -velpu and his attendant Doli give due notice of their arrival, and, -having planted the velpu in the ground, the night is spent by all -the members of the family to which the velpu belongs in dancing and -making merry to the sound of the drum, which is beaten by the Doli -only. The priest in charge has to fast all night, and keep himself -ceremonially pure. In the morning they all proceed to the nearest -stream or tank (pond), with the velpu in front carried by the priest, -and there bathe, and also enjoy the fun of sprinkling each other -with water to their hearts' content. This done, they come up out of -the water, plant the velpu on the bank, and send for the bullock to -be sacrificed. When this is brought, its legs are tied together, and -it is then thrown on the ground, and the priest (or, if he is weak, -a strong younger man) has to kill it at one blow. It is then cut up, -and, after the attendant priest has received his share, it is divided -amongst the attendant crowd, who spend the rest of the day in feasting -and drinking. As a rule, no act of obeisance or worship is even paid to -the velpu, unless the offering of money to the custodian be regarded -as such. Sometimes a woman very desirous of having a child brings a -cock, throws it down before the velpu and makes obeisance to it, but -this is not a very common custom. The Dolivandlu or Dolollu always -attend the velpu, and are present at all the marriage feasts, when -they recite old stories, and sing national songs. They are not Kois, -but really a section of the Mala caste, although they will not mix -with the rest of the Malas of their own family, excepting when on the -Bastar plateau among the hill Kois. The Kois have very amusing stories -as to how the hair from the tail of the yak is obtained. They say that -the yak is a hairy animal which lives in a country far away, but that -its great peculiarity is that it has only one leg, and that this leg -has no joints in it. Being a very swift animal, it is impossible to -capture it in any ordinary way, but, as it rests at night by leaning -against one particular tree, the hunters carefully mark this tree, and -some time during the day cut the trunk through as far as advisable, -and watch the result. When night comes on, the animal returns to -its resting place, leans against the tree, which is no longer able -to give support to the yak, and both fall to the ground. The hunters -immediately rush in, and seize their prey. A friend has supplied me -with the following reference in 'De Bello Gallico.' They (the hunters) -either undermine all the trees in that place at the roots, or cut them -so far as to leave the external appearance of a standing tree. Then -the elk, which has no knots or joints, comes, leans, as usual, and -down comes tree, elk and all." - -Concerning the velpus, Mr. Hemingway writes that "they consist of small -pieces of metal, generally iron and less than a foot in length, which -are kept in a hollow bamboo deposited in some wild and unfrequented -spot. They are guarded with great secrecy by those in charge of them, -and are only shown to the principal worshippers on the rare occasions -when they are taken out to be adored. The Koyas are very reticent -about them. Mr. Cain says that there is one supreme velpu, which is -recognised as the highest by the whole Koya tribe, and kept hidden -in the depths of Bastar. There are also velpus for each gatta, and -for each family. The former are considered superior to the latter, -and are less frequently brought out of their retreats. One of them -called Lakkala (or Lakka) Ramu, which belongs either to the Aro or -Peramboya gatta, is considered more potent than the others. It is -ornamented with eyes of gold and silver, and is kept in a cave near -Sitanagaram in the Bhadrachalam taluk. The others are deposited in -different places in the Bastar state. They all have names of their own, -but are also known by the generic term Adama Razu. Both the gatta and -family velpus are worshipped only by members of the sept or family to -which they appertain. They are taken round the country at intervals, -to receive the reverence and gifts of their adherents. The former -are brought out once in every three or four years, especially during -widespread sickness, failure of crops, or cattle disease. An animal -(generally a young bullock) is stabbed under the left shoulder, the -blood is sprinkled over the deity, and the animal is next killed, -and its liver is cut out and offered to the deity. A feast, which -sometimes lasts for two days, takes place, and the velpu is then put -back in its hiding-place. - -"At present," the Rev. J. Cain writes, "the Kois around here -(Dummagudem) have very few festivals, except one at the harvest of -the zonna (Sorghum vulgare). Formerly they had one not only for every -grain crop, but one when the ippa flowers were ready to be gathered, -another when the pumpkins were ripe, at the first tapping of the -palm tree for toddy, etc. Now, at the time the zonna crop is ripe -and ready to be cut, they take a fowl into the field, kill it, and -sprinkle its blood on any ordinary stone put up for the occasion, -after which they are at liberty to partake of the new crop. In many -villages they would refuse to eat with any Koi who has neglected this -ceremony, to which they give the name Kottalu, which word is evidently -derived from the Telugu word kotta (new). Rice-straw cords are hung -on trees, to show that the feast has been observed." In some places, -Mr. Hemingway tells us, the victim is a sheep, and the first fruits are -offered to the local gods, and to the ancestors. Another singular feast -occurs soon after the cholam (zonna) crop has been harvested. Early -on the morning of that day, all the men of each village have to turn -out into the forest to hunt, and woe betide the unlucky individual -who does not bring home some game, be it only a bird or a mouse. All -the women rush after him with cow-dung, mud or dirt, and pelt him -out of their village, and he does not appear again in that village -until the next morning. The hunter who has been most successful then -parades the village with his game, and receives presents of paddy -(rice) from every house. Mr. Vanstavern, whilst boring for coal at -Beddadanolu, was visited by all the Koi women of the village, dressed -up in their lords' clothes, and they told him that they had that -morning driven their husbands to the forest, to bring home game of -some kind or other. This quaint festival is said by Mr. Hemingway to -be called Bhudevi Pandaga, or the festival of the earth goddess. When -the samalu crop is ripe, the Kois summon the pujari on a previously -appointed day, and collect from every house in the village a fowl and -a handful of grain. The pujari has to fast all that night, and bathe -early the next morning. After bathing, he kills the fowls gathered the -previous evening in the names of the favourite gods, and fastens an -ear of samalu to each house, and then a feast follows. In the evening -they cook some of the new grain, and kill fresh fowls, which have -not to be curried but roasted, and the heart, liver, and lights of -which are set apart as the especial food of their ancestral spirits, -and eaten by every member of each household in their name. The bean -feast is an important one, as, until it is held, no one is allowed -to gather any beans. On the second day before the feast, the village -pujari must eat only bread. The day before, he must fast the whole -twenty-four hours, and, on the day of the feast, he must eat only -rice cooked in milk, with the bird offered in sacrifice. All the men -of the village accompany the pujari to a neighbouring tree, which -must be a Terminalia tomentosa, and set up a stone, which they thus -dedicate to the goddess Kodalamma. Every one is bound to bring for the -pujari a good hen and a seer of rice, and for himself a cock and half -a seer of rice. The pujari also demands from them two annas as his -sacrificing fee. Each worshipper then brings his cock to the pujari, -who holds it over grains of rice which have been sprinkled before -the goddess, and, if the bird pecks at the rice, good luck is ensured -for the coming year, whilst, if perchance the bird pecks three times, -the offerer of that particular cock can scarcely contain himself for -joy. If the bird declines to touch the grains, then ill-luck is sure -to visit the owner's house during the ensuing year. - -"The Kois have but little belief in death from natural causes. Some -demon or demoness has brought about the death by bringing fever -or small-pox, or some other fell disease, and this frequently at -the instigation of an enemy of the deceased. In days gone-by, the -taking of the ordeal to clear oneself was the common practice, but at -present it is quite the exception. But, if there are very suspicious -circumstances that ill-will has brought about the death, the friends of -the deceased assemble, place the corpse on a cot, and make straight for -the suspected enemy. If he or she is unfortunate enough to be at home, -a trial takes place. A pot is partly filled with water, on the top -of which ghee (clarified butter) and milk are poured, and then it is -placed on the fire. As soon as it begins to boil, stones are thrown -in, and the accused is summoned to take them out. If this is done -without any apparent injury to the unfortunate victim, a verdict of not -guilty is returned; but, if there are signs of the hand being at all -scalded or burnt, the unhappy wight has to eat a bone of the deceased, -which is removed and pounded, and mixed with boiled rice and milk. In -days gone-by, the sentence was death." According to Mr. Hemingway, -when a death occurs, "an enquiry is held as to who is guilty. Some -male member of the family, generally the nephew of the deceased, -throws coloured rice over the corpse as it lies stretched on the bed, -pronouncing as he does so the names of all the known sorcerers who -live in the neighbourhood. It is even now solemnly asserted that, -when the name of the wizard responsible is pronounced, the bed gets -up, and moves towards the house or village where he resides." "For -some months," the Rev. J. Cain continues, "a poor old Koi woman was -living in our compound, because she had been driven out of village -after village in Bastar from the suspicion that she was the cause of -the death of more than one relative, and she was afraid that she might -fall a victim to their just(?) vengeance. The fear that some envious -person will persuade a demon to plague them affects their whole life -and conduct. Over and over again we have been told by men and women, -when we have remonstrated with them on account of their scanty attire -'Yes, it is quite true that we have abundance of clothes at home, but, -if we were always to wear them, some enemy or other would prevail -on a demon to take possession of us, and kill us.' A young Koi was -once employed to teach a few children in his own village, but, alas, -ere long he became unwell of some strange disease, which no medicine -could remove. As a last resource, a diviner was called in, who made a -careful diagnosis of the case, and the illness was declared to have -been brought on by a demoness at the instigation of some enemy, who -was envious of the money which the lad had received for teaching. I -once saw one of these diviners at work, discovering the sickness which -had laid prostrate a strong man. The diviner had in his hand a leaf -from an old palmyra leaf book, and, as he walked round and round the -patient, he pretended to be reading. Then he took up a small stick, -and drew a number of lines on the ground, after which he danced and -sang round and round the sick man, who sat looking at him, evidently -much impressed with his performance. Suddenly he made a dart at the -man, and, stooping down, bit him severely in two or three places in -the back. Then, rushing to the front, he produced a few grains which -he said he had found in the man's back, and which were evidently the -cause of the sickness. In the case of the young man before mentioned, -the diviner produced a little silver, which he declared to be a sure -sign that the sickness was connected with the silver money he was -receiving for teaching. The diviners have to wear their hair long, -like Samson, and, if it falls off or is cut short, their power is -supposed to leave them." It is noted by Mr. Hemingway that in some -parts, when any one falls ill, the professional sorcerer is consulted, -and he reads both the cause and the remedy in a leaf platter of rice, -which he carries thrice round the invalid. - -The name Chedipe (prostitute) is applied to sorceresses among -various classes in the Godavari district. She is believed to ride on -a tiger at night over the boundaries of seven villages, and return -home at early morn. When she does not like a man, she goes to him -bare-bodied at dead of night, the closed doors of the house in which -he is sleeping opening before her. She sucks his blood by putting his -toe in her mouth. He will then be motionless and insensible like a -corpse. Next morning he feels intoxicated, as if he had taken ganja -(Cannabis sativa), and remains in that condition all day. If he -does not take medicine from one skilled in treating such cases, -he will die. If he is properly treated, he will be as well as ever -in about ten days. If he makes no effort to get cured, the Chedipe -will molest him again and again, and, becoming gradually emaciated, -he will die. When a Chedipe enters a house, all those who are awake -will become insensible, those who are seated falling down as if they -had taken a soporific drug. Sometimes she drags out the tongue of -the intended victim, who will die at once. At other times, slight -abrasions will be found on the skin of the intended victim, and, when -the Chedipe puts pieces of stick thereon, they burn as if burnt by -fire. Sometimes she will hide behind a bush, and, undressing there, -fall on any passer-by in the jungle, assuming the form of a tiger -with one of the four legs in human form. When thus disguised, she is -called Marulupuli (enchanting tiger). If the man is a brave fellow, -and endeavours to kill the Chedipe with any instrument he may have -with him, she will run away; and, if a man belonging to her village -detects her mischief, she will assume her real form, and answer meekly -that she is only digging roots. The above story was obtained by a -native revenue official when he visited a Koyi village, where he was -told that a man had been sentenced to several years' imprisonment for -being one of a gang who had murdered a Chedipe for being a sorceress. - -In the Godavari district, a sorcerer known as the Ejjugadu (male -physician) is believed, out of spite or for payment, to kill another -by invoking the gods. He goes to a green tree, and there spreads -muggu or chunam (lime) powder, and places an effigy of the intended -victim thereon. He also places a bow and arrow there, and recites -certain spells, and calls on the gods. The victim is said to die in -a couple of days. But, if he understands that the Ejjugadu has thus -invoked the gods, he may inform another Ejjugadu, who will carry out -similar operations under another tree. His bow and arrow will go to -those of the first Ejjugadu, and the two bows and arrows will fight -as long as the spell remains. The man will then be safe. The second -Ejjugadu can give the name of the first, though he has never known him. - -"The leading man," the Rev. J. Cain writes, "of the Koyi samatu is -called the Samatu Dora, and he is assisted by two others, who are -called Pettandarulu. The duties of the Samatu Dora are to preside over -all meetings, to settle all tribal disputes, and to inflict fines -for all breaches of caste rules, of which fines he always receives -a certain share. The office is not necessarily hereditary, and the -appointment is generally confirmed by the landlord of the majority -of the villages, be the landlord the Zemindar or the Government." - -The Koyis say that their dance is copied from Bhima's march after a -certain enemy. The dance is described by Mr. G. F. Paddison as being -"a very merry business. They sing for a couple of beats, and then take -two steps round, and sing again. They first sang to us a song in their -own lingo, and then broke into Telugu 'Dora Babu yemi istavu'--What -will the great man give us? They then burst into a delightful Autolycus -song, 'Will you give us a cloth, a jewel for the hair?' and so on." - -For the following account of a dance at the Bhudevi Pandaga festival -at Ankagudem in the Polavaram taluk of the Godavari district, I am -indebted to Mr. N. E. Marjoribanks. "Permission having been given -to dance in our presence, the whole village turned out, and came to -our camp. First came about half a dozen young men, got up in their -best clothes, with big metal ear-rings, basket caps adorned with -buffalo horns and pendants of peacock skins (the neck feathers), and -scanty torn cloths, and provided, some with barrel-shaped tom-toms, -others with old rusty flintlocks, and swords. Next came all the adult -women, two by two, each pair clasping hands, and hanging on to the -next pair by holding their waist-cloths with their free hands. The -young men kept up a steady monotonous beat on their drums, and went -through various pantomimes of the chase, e.g., shooting and cutting -up an animal, or a fight between two bulls. The women sang a chaunt, -and came along slowly, taking one step back after two steps forwards, -copied by the village old men, women, and children. At the camp, the -women went round in this fashion in circles, the pantomime among the -men continuing, and each vying with the others in suggesting fresh -incidents. The women then went through a series of figures. First -the older ones stood in a circle with their arms intertwined, -and the younger girls perched aloft, standing astraddle on their -shoulders. Like this the circle proceeded half round, and then back -again till some of the smaller girls looked as if they would split in -half, their discomfort causing great merriment among the others. Next -all stood in a circle, and jumped round, two steps one way and then -back. This was varied by a backwards and forwards movement, the -chaunt continuing all the time. Inam (present of money) having been -duly disbursed, the double chain of women went round the camp twice, -and made off to the village, all standing and raising a shout twice as -they turned out of the circle to go. The next day, we were told that -the men of the village were all going hunting in the forest. About the -middle of the day, we saw a procession approaching as on the previous -day, but it consisted entirely of women, the drummers and swordsmen -being women dressed up as men. The chaunt and dance were as before, -except that the pantomime abounded in the most indecent gestures and -attitudes, all illustrative of sexual relations. One girl slipped -(or pretended to) and fell. Whereupon, one of those playing a man's -part fell upon her to ravish her. A rescue ensued amidst roars of -merriment, and the would-be ravisher was in process of being stripped -when our modesty compelled us to call an interval. In the evening the -men returned unsuccessful, and, we were told (but did not see it), -were pelted with dung and rubbish. The next day they went out again, -and so did we. Our beats yielded nothing, and we returned to find to -our horror the women of the village awaiting our return. Fortunately -we had noticed some whistling teal on a tank, and had shot some for -the pot. I verily believe this glorious bag was our salvation from -dire humiliation. The same dance and antics were repeated round -the bodies of the two tigers and panther that we shot during our -stay. The Koyis insisted on singeing the whiskers of the beasts, -saying we should never get any more if this was not done. Of course -we reduced the ceremony to the barest form." I gather that, if the -Koyis shoot a sambar (deer) or 'bison,' the head is stuck up on the -outskirts of the village, and there are very few villages, which have -not got one or two such trophies. Besides beating for game, the Koyis -sit up at night over salt-licks or water, and thus secure their game." - -It is recorded in the Catalogue Raisonné of Oriental Manuscripts [25] -that "the Coya people reside within their forest boundaries. If any -traveller attempt to pluck fruit from any tree, his hand is fastened -to the spot, so that he cannot move; but if, on seeing any one of -the Coya people, he calls out to that person, explaining his wishes, -and gets permission, then he can take the fruit and move away, while -the Coya forester, on the receipt of a small roll of tobacco leaf, is -abundantly gratified. Besides which, the Coya people eat snakes. About -forty years since, a Brahman saw a person cooking snakes for food, and, -expressing great astonishment, was told by the forester that these were -mere worms; that, if he wished to see a serpent, one should be shown -him; but that, as for themselves, secured by the potent charms taught -them by Ambikesvarer, they feared no serpents. As the Brahman desired -to see this large serpent, a child was sent with a bundle of straw -and a winnowing fan, who went, accompanied by the Brahman, into the -depths of the forest, and, putting the straw on the mouth of a hole, -commenced winnowing, when smoke of continually varying colours arose, -followed by bright flame, in the midst of which a monstrous serpent -having seven heads was seen. The Brahman was speechless with terror -at the sight, and, being conducted back by the child, was dismissed -with presents of fruits." - -The Mission school at Dummagudem in the Godavari district, where the -Rev. J. Cain has laboured so long and so well, was primarily intended -for Koyis, but I gather that it has been more successful in dealing -with the Malas. In 1905, the lower primary school at Butchampet in -the Kistna district was chiefly attended by Koyi children. - -Koyippuram.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-division of Nayar. - -Krishnavakakkar.--The Krishnavakakkars are, in Travancore, practically -confined to the southern taluks of Eraniel and Kalkulam. The caste -name literally means belonging to Krishna, but probably means nothing -more than belonging to the pastoral class, as the titular suffixes, -Ayan and Acchi, to the names of males and females, found in the early -settlement accounts of the State, indicate. In modern times the title -Pillai has been adopted. By some castes, e.g., the Shanars, they are -called Kuruppu. - -The tradition is that, in ancient times, a large section of them -migrated from Ambadi, the place of Krishna's nativity and early -childhood, to Conjeeveram, in the vicinity of which place there is -still a village called Ayarpati. Here they resided for some time, -and then seventy-two families, seeking fresh fields and pastures new, -proceeded to Kerala, and presented an image of Krishna, which they -had brought from northern India to the reigning king Maharaja Udaya -Martanda Varma. According to another account, the recipient of the -image was one Pallivana Perumal at an earlier date. The Maharaja, -according to the legend, observing the interesting customs of the -immigrants, and especially their devotion to Krishna, called them -Krishnanvaka, and ordered them to serve in the temple of Krishna -(Tiruvampadi within the pagoda of Sri Padmanabha at Trivandrum). Their -leader was given the title of Ananthapadmanabha Kshetra Pallava -Rayan. This migration is supposed to have occurred in the first year of -the Malabar era. A neet, or royal grant, engraved on a copper plate, -was issued to them, by which they were entrusted with the management -of the temple, and commanded to live at Vanchiyur in Trivandrum. In -the pollution consequent on a birth or death among the seventy-two -families, the image of Krishna, which they had brought, was believed -to share for three days as a distant relation, and, in consequence, -the daily ceremonies at the temple were constantly interrupted. They -were told to remove to a place separated from Trivandrum by at least -three rivers, and settled in the Eraniel and Kalkulam taluks. They -were, as a tax in kind for lands given to them for cultivation, -ordered to supply peas for the Tiruvampati temple. During the reign of -Martanda Varma the Great, from 904 to 933 M.E., successive neets were -issued, entrusting them with diverse duties at this temple. Such, -briefly, is the tradition as to the early history of the caste in -Travancore. The title Pallava Rayan (chief of the Pallavans) seems -to indicate the country, from which they originally came. They must -have been originally a pastoral class, and they probably proceeded -from Conjeeveram, the capital of the Pallavas, to Travancore, where, -being worshippers of Vishnu, they were entrusted with the discharge -of certain duties at the shrine of Krishna in Trivandrum. - -The Krishnavakakkar are not strict vegetarians, as fish constitutes -a favourite diet. Intoxicating liquors are forbidden, and rarely -drunk. In respect to clothing and ornaments, those who follow the -makkathayam system of inheritance (from father to son) differ from -those who follow the marumakkathayam system (through the female line), -the former resembling the Vellalas in these matters, and the latter -the Nayars. The only peculiarity about the former is the wearing -of the mukkuthi (nose ornament), characteristic till recently of -all Nayar women in south Travancore, in addition to the ordinary -ornaments of Chettis and other Tamilians. Widows, too, like the -latter, are dressed in white, and the pampadam and melitu in the -ears form their only ornaments. They tie up their hair, not in front -like Nayar women, nor at the back like Tamil women, but in the middle -line above the crown--the result of a blend between an indigenous and -exotic custom. The hair is passed through a cadjan ring secured by a -ring of beads, and wound round it. The ring is decorated with arali -(Nerium odorum) flowers. Tattooing was very common among women in -former times, but is going out of fashion. - -They worship both Siva and Vishnu, and special adoration is paid to -Subramaniya, for whose worship a great shrine is dedicated at Kumara -Koil. Sasta, Bhutattan, and Amman have small shrines, called ilankams, -dedicated to them. They live in large groups, each presided over -by a headman called Karyastan, who is assisted by an accountant and -treasurer. The offices are elective, and not hereditary. Their priest -is known as Karnatan or Asan. At present there is apparently only one -family of Karnatans, who live at Mepra in the Eraniel taluk. The female -members of this priestly family are known as Mangalyama, and do not -intermarry or feed with the general community. The marumakkathayam -Krishnavakakkar speak Malayalam, while the makkathayis speak a very -corrupt Tamil dialect intermixed with Malayalam. - -The names of the seventy-two houses of the caste are remembered, like -the gotras of the Brahmans, and marriage between members of the same -house are absolutely forbidden. Among the marumakkathayam section, -the talikettu is celebrated in childhood, and supplemented by the -actual wedding after the girl reaches puberty. On the marriage day, -the bridegroom goes in procession to the house of the bride, sword -in hand, and martially clad, probably in imitation of Krishna on -his marriage expedition to the Court of Kundina. On the third day -of the marriage ceremonies, the bride's party go to the house of the -bridegroom with an air of burning indignation, and every effort is made -to appease them. They finally depart without partaking of the proffered -hospitality. On the seventh day, the newly-married couple return to the -bride's house. The custom is said to be carried out as symbolising -the act of bride-capture resorted to by their ancestor Krishna -in securing the alliance of Rukmani. It is generally believed that -fraternal polyandry once prevailed among these people, and even to-day -a widow may be taken as wife by a brother of the deceased husband, -even though he is younger than herself. Issue, thus procreated, -is the legitimate issue of the deceased, and acquires full right of -inheritance to his property. If one brother survives the deceased, -his widow is not required to remove her marriage ornament during life. - -The origin of the marumakkathayam custom is alleged to have been that -the first immigrants came with a paucity of women, and had to contract -alliances with the indigenous Travancoreans. At the present day only -about a hundred families follow the law of inheritance through the -female line. Their children are known by the name of the mother's -illam (house). The male, but not the female members of makkathayam and -marumakkathayam sections, will eat together. A daughter, in default -of male issue, succeeds to the property of her father, as opposed to -his widow. The Krishnavakakkar believe that, in these matters, they -imitate the Pandavas. A peculiar feature of their land-tenure is what -is known as utukuru--a system which exists to a smaller extent among -the Shanars of Eraniel and the adjacent taluks. In the ayakkettu or old -settlement register, it is not uncommon to find one garden registered -in the name of several persons quite unconnected with each other by any -claim of relationship. In some instances the ground is found registered -in the name of one person, and the trees on it in the name of another. - -The dead are generally cremated, and the ashes taken to the foot of -a milky tree, and finally thrown into the sea. On the sixteenth day, -the Asan is invited to perform the purificatory ceremony. A quantity -of paddy (unhusked rice), raw rice, and cocoanuts, are placed on a -plantain leaf with a cup of gingelly (Sesamum) oil, which is touched -by the Asan, and poured into the hands of the celebrants, who, after -an oil bath, are free from pollution. [26] - -Kshatriya.--The second, or ruling and military caste of the four -castes of Manu. In the Madras Census Report, 1891, it is recorded -that "the term Kshatriya is, of course, wholly inapplicable to the -Dravidian races, who might with as much, perhaps more, accuracy -call themselves Turks. There possibly are a few representatives -of the old Kshatriya castes, but the bulk of those who figure in -the returns under this head are pure Dravidian people. The claim -to the title is not confined to the old military classes desirous -of asserting their former position, for we find it put forward by -such castes as Vannias and Shanans, the one a caste of farmers and -labourers, the other toddy-drawers. It is not possible to distribute -these pseudo-Kshatriyas among their proper castes, as 70,394 of them -have given Kshatriya as the sub-division also." It is noted, in the -Madras Census Report, 1901, that "Parasurama is said to have slain -all the Kshatriyas seven times over, but 80,000 persons have returned -themselves as such in this Presidency alone. Strictly speaking, there -are very few persons in the Presidency who have any real title to -the name, and it has been returned mainly by the Pallis or Vanniyas -of Vizagapatam, Godavari, and Chingleput, who say they are Agnikula -Kshatriyas, by the Shanans of Tinnevelly, and by some Mahratis in -South Canara. In Tinnevelly, Kammas and Balijas have also returned -the name." It is further recorded, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, -that the castes grouped under the head Kshatriya are "the Arasus, -Rajaputs, Coorgs, and Sikhs. To the Arasu section belongs the Royal -Family of Mysore." Some Rachevars style themselves Arya Kshatriyalu. - -For the following note on Malayala 'Kshatriyas,' I am indebted -to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. There is an old Sanskrit verse, which -describes eight classes of Kshatriyas as occupying Kerala from very -early times, namely, Bhupala or Maharaja, as those of Travancore and -Cochin, Rajaka or Raja, as those of Mavelikkara and Cranganore, Kosi -or Koil Tampuran, Puravan or Tampan, Sri Purogama or Tirumulppad, -Bhandari or Pandarattil, Audvahika or Tirumulppad, and Cheta or -Samanta. The Samantas cannot be looked upon as Malayala Kshatriyas -proper. The indigenous Kshatriyas of Kerala are divided into four -well distinguishable septs, viz., the Koil Pandala, the Raja, the -Tampan; and the Tirumulppad. The total number of Malayala Kshatriyas -in Travancore is 1,575, the largest number living in the taluks of -Tiruvella, Vaikam, and Mavelikara. Tampans live mostly at Vaikam, -and Tirumulppads at Shertallay and Tiruvella. The remaining two septs -are not so much caste septs as isolated groups of families. Koil -Pandala literally means the keeper of the royal treasury. Tampan -is a corruption of Tampuran, the latter being a title directly -applied to the Rajas, while the term Tirumulppad, in its literal -sense, conveys the idea of those who wait before kings. Women are -known as Tumpurattis in the first two, as Tampattis in the third, -and Nampishthatiris in the fourth division. The Pantalam Rajas have -the title of Sriviradhara, and those of Mullanikkadu of Narasimha. - -According to immemorial tradition, Koil Tampurans were the nephews of -the Cheraman Perumals or viceroys of Chera, who ruled at Cranganore, -their earliest residence being Beypore in British Malabar, where -three or four families of this sept lived at the beginning of the -Christian era. From one of these families, male members were invited -about 300 M.E., for marrying the ladies of the Venadswarupam, i.e., -the Travancore royal house. They began to live at Kilimanur in the -Chirayinkil taluk, six miles from Attingal, where the female members of -the royal family permanently resided. In 963 M.E., the year in which -Tipu Sultan invaded Malabar, eight persons, five females and three -males, belonging to the Alyankodu Kovilakam in North Malabar fled, -and found shelter in Travancore. All their expenses were commanded to -be met from the State treasury. As the five women were only cousins -and not uterine sisters, one of them removed herself to the rural -village Kirtipuram near Kandiyur in the Mavelikkara taluk, and thence -to Gramam, a little further in the interior. Another, in course of -time, settled at Pallam in Kottayam, and a third at Paliyakkara -in Tiruvella, while the fourth, having no issue, stayed with the -youngest at the Nirazhi palace of Changanacheri. This last lady gave -birth to five children, being three females and two males. The first -of these branches removed to Anantapuram in Kartikapalli in 1040, -and the second to Chemprol in Tiruvella in 1041, while the third -continued to reside at Changanacheri. After 1040 M.E., three more -Koil Pandala families immigrated from British Malabar, and settled -at Cherukol, Karamma, and Vatakkematham. These, however, are not so -important as the previous ones. As already stated, the Kilimanur Koil -Tampurans were among these the earliest settlers in Travancore, and -a whole property (revenue village) was granted to them in freehold -in 1728 A.D., in recognition of the sacrifice a member of the family -made in saving the life of a Travancore prince from the murderous -attack of the Ettuveetil Pillamar. The first family of Kolasvarupam -Rajas immigrated into Travancore in the fifth century M.E. As the -Travancore royal house then stood in need of adoption, arrangements -were made through a Koil Tampuran of the Tattari Kovilakam to bring -two princesses for adoption from Kolattunad, and the first family of -Rajas, known as the Putupalli Kovilakam, settled at Kartikapalli. The -family is now extinct, as the last member died in 1033 M.E. The next -family that migrated was Cheriyakovilakam between 920 and 930, also -invited for purposes of adoption. These latter lived at Aranmula. The -third series of migrations were during the invasion of Malabar by Tipu -Sultan in 964 M.E., when all the Rajas living at the time went over -to Travancore, though, after the disturbance was over, many returned -home. The Rajas of the Kolasvarupam began to settle permanently -in the country, as they could claim relationship with the reigning -sovereigns, and were treated by them with brotherly affection. There -were only two branches at the beginning, namely, Pallikovilakam and -Udayamangalam. The families of Mavelikara, Ennaykkad and Prayikkara -are divisions of the Chengakkovilakam house. The Udayamangalam house -has branched off into three divisions, Mittil, whose descendants now -live at Mariyapalli, Nedumprum, and Kartikapalli. Naduvilekkovilakam -members live at Perinjel in Aranmula, and Cheriyakovilakam, whose -members are divided into five other families, in the same locality. No -branch of the Udayamangalam house resides in British Malabar. Some of -these branches even now own large estates in that collectorate. There -are two other important families of Rajas in Travancore, viz., those -of Pantalam and Punjat. Both of them are believed to have been related -to the early Pandyan kings. The reason alleged for the immigration -of the Pantalam Rajas into Travancore is the persecution of a Nayak -minister in mediæval times, who compelled them to change their mode of -inheritance from marumakkathayam (in the female line) to makkathayam -(from father to son), and then marry his daughter. They are supposed to -have sojourned at Sivagiri and Tenkasi in the Tinnevelly district on -their way to Travancore. Ilattur in the Shenkottah taluk originally -belonged to them, but was afterwards taken over by Travancore in -default of payment of the annual subsidy. Tampans are believed -by tradition to have had territorial sovereignty in Kerala, until -they were deprived of it by the Ilayetasvarupam kings. This does not -appear to have any basis of truth, as the Ilayetasvarupam kings lived -in Central Travancore, while the Tampans live in the north, where -the former are never known to have led any invasion. In mediæval -times, both Tampans and Tirumalppads were invariably commanders of -armies. With the invasion of Malabar by Tipu Sultan, many sought -refuge in the kingdom of Travancore, and continued to live here after -the passing of the storm. - -The Malayala Kshatriyas are as a class learned. Both men and women -are, in the main, accomplished Sanskrit scholars. Mr. Kerla Varma, -C.S.I., Valiyakoil Tampuran, a finished poet and an accomplished -patron of letters, and Mr. Ravi Varma, the talented artist, are both -Koil Tampurans. The houses of the Koil Tampurans and Rajas are known -as kottarams or kovilakams, i.e., palaces, while those of the Tampans -and Tirumalppads are known as kovilakams and mathams. The Malayala -Kshatriyas resemble the Brahmans in their food and drink. The males -dress like the Nambutiris, while the dress and ornaments of the -women are like those of other classes in Malabar There are, however, -three special ornaments which the Kshatriya ladies particularly wear, -viz., cheru-tali, entram, and kuzhal. The Koil Pandalas and Rajas -are landlords of considerable wealth, and a few have entered the -Civil Service of the State. The Tampans and Tirumalppads, besides -being landlords and agriculturists, are personal servants of the -ruling families of Kerala, the latter holding this position to even a -greater extent than the former. The Kshatriya personal attendants of -the Maharajas of Travancore serve them with characteristic fidelity -and devotion. - -The Malayala Kshatriyas are a particularly religious community. In -a place within their houses, called tevarappura or the room for -religious worship, the Vaishnavite salagrama and Saivite linga are -kept together with the images of other deities, and Brahmans officiate -at their worship. Ganapati puja (worship), and antinamaskaram are -regularly observed. - -As all the Koil Tampurans belong to one sept or gotra, that of -Visvamitra, and all the Rajas to another, that of Bhargava, neither -of these divisions are permitted to marry among themselves. The -Tirumalppads also, with their local divisions such as Ancherri, -Koyikkal, Plamtanam, and Kannezham, own Visvamitra, and hence do not -marry among themselves. As for the Tampans, all the families belonging -to that group trace their descent to a common ancestor, and belong to -the same sept as the Koil Tampurans and Tirumalppads. As a consequence, -while the Koil Tampurattis are married to Nambutiri husbands, the Koil -Tampurans themselves take wives from the families of Rajas. Rajas -may keep Nayar or Samanta ladies as mistresses, the same being the -case with the Tampans and Tirumalppads also. The Ranis of Pantalam -take Nambutiri husbands, while Tampan and Tirumalppad women live -with any class of Brahmans. No Kshatriya lady is permitted to leave -her home for that of her husband, and so no grihaprevesa ceremony -prevails among them. Thirteen is the proper age for marrying girls, -but the marriage may be postponed until the choice of a fit husband -is made. In the branches of the Kolattunad family, girls who attain -puberty as maids are obliged to keep a vow, in honour of Ganapati. - -The Tampan and Tirumalppad women, as also those of the Pantalam family, -have their talis (marriage badge) tied by Aryappattars. Remarriage of -widows is permitted. Polygamy is rare. Divorce may take place at the -will of either party, and prevails largely in practice. The Rajas make -a donation of Rs. 50 to 70 as stridhanam, excepting those of Pantalam, -who only pay about Rs. 35. - -Some time before the auspicious hour for the marriage of a Koil -Tampuratti, the Brahmanipattu, or recitation of certain Puranic songs -by a female of the Brahmani caste, begins. Four lighted lamps are -placed in the middle of the hall, with a fifth dedicated to Ganapati in -the centre. While these songs are being sung, the bride appears in the -tattu dress with a brass minu and a bunch of flowers in her hand, and -sits on a wooden seat kept ready for the purpose. The songs generally -relate to the conception of Devaki, and the birth of Krishna. Then -a Nayar of the Illam sept waves a pot containing cocoanut, flowers, -burning wicks, etc., before the bride, after which she rises to wash -her feet. At this point the bridegroom arrives, riding on an elephant, -with a sword in his hand, and the procession is conducted with much -ceremony and ostentation. He then bathes, and two pieces of cloth, -to be worn by him thereafter, are touched by the bride. Wearing them, -the bridegroom approaches the bride, and presents her with a suit of -clothes known as the mantrakoti. One of the clothes is worn as a tattu, -and with the other the whole body is covered. The mother of the bride -gives her a brass mirror and a garland, both of which she takes in -her hand to the altar where the marriage is to be performed. After -the punyaha, accompanied by a few preliminary homas or sacrifices -to the fire, by the Nambutiri family priest, the first item in the -ceremony, known as mukhadarsana or seeing each other, begins. The -bride then removes the cloth covering her body. The next events are -udakapurva, panigrahana, and mangalyadharana, which are respectively -the presentation by the bride of water to the bridegroom, his taking -her hand in token of the union, and tying the tali round the neck of -the bride. The next item is the saptapadi (seven feet), and the last -dikshaviruppu, peculiar to the Malayalam Kshatriyas. A particular room -is gaily decorated, and a long piece of white cotton cloth is spread -on the floor. Upon this a black carpet is spread, and a lighted lamp, -which should never be extinguished, placed in the vicinity. The -bride has to remain in this room throughout the marriage. On the -marriage night commences the aupasana, or joint sacrifice to the -fire. On the fourth day are the mangalasnana or auspicious bath, -and procession through the town. On that night consummation takes -place. The procession of the bridegroom (mappilapurappat) to the house -of the bride is a noticeable item. The brother of the bride receives -him at the gate, and, after washing his feet, informs him that he may -bathe and marry the girl. The uduku-purva rite is performed by the -brother himself. When the bridegroom leaves the marriage hall with -the bride, an armed Pandala stops them, and a fixed present is given -to him. Every rite is performed according to the method prescribed by -Bodhayana among the Koil Tampurans and Rajas, the family at Pantalam -alone following the directions of Asvalayana. On the fourth day, -the contracting couple bathe, and wear clothes previously dipped in -turmeric water. At night, while the Brahmani song is going on, they -sit on a plank, where jasmine flowers are put on, and the goddess -Bhagavathi is worshipped. The bride's maternal uncle ties a sword -round her loins, which is immediately untied by the bridegroom in -token of the fact that he is her future supporter. Panchamehani is -a peculiar rite on the fifth day, when an atti (Ficus, sp.) tree is -decorated, and an offering of food made on the grass before it. The -couple also make a pretence of catching fish. In modern times, -the Pantalam Rajas do not patronise the songs of the Brahmani, and, -among them, the panchamehani is conspicuous by its absence. - -Women are in theory the real owners of property, though in practice -the eldest male has the management of the whole. There is no division -of property, but, in some cases, certain estates are specially -allotted for the maintenance of specific members. The authorities -of the Malayala Kshatriyas in all matters of social dispute are the -Nambutiri Vaidikas. - -When a girl reaches puberty, she is kept in a room twelve feet apart -from the rest for a period of three days. On the fourth day, after -a bath, she puts on a new cloth, and walks, with a brass mirror -in her hand, to her house. Among the Kolattunad Rajas there are a -few additional rites, including the Brahmani's song. The pumsavana -and simanta are performed by the family priest. On the birth of a -child, the jatakarma is performed, when women mix honey and clarified -butter with gold, to be given to the child. On the twelfth day, the -Nambutiri priest performs the namakarna, after a purifying ceremony -which terminates the birth pollution. The eldest child is generally -named Raja Raja Varma. Udaya Varma and Martanda Varma are names found -among the Rajas, but absent among the Koil Tampurans. Martanda Varma -was once exclusively used only among the members of the Travancore -Royal Family. The full style and titles of the present Maharaja of -Travancore are His Highness the Maharaja Sir Sri Padmanabha Dasa -Vanchi Bala Rama Varma, Kulasekhara Kiritapati Sultan Manne Maharaja -Raja Ramaraja Bahadur Samsher Jung, G.C.S.I., G.C.I.E. Raghava Varma -is a name peculiar to the Pantalam Rajas. Women are, as in the case of -Tirumalppads and Tampans, called Amba, Ambika, Ambalika, Mangala, etc. - -The annaprasana and nishkramana are performed consecutively on the -same day. The mother takes the child to the foot of a jak (Artocarpus -integrifolia) tree, and, going thrice round it, touches it with the leg -of the child, and then dips a golden ring in the payasa, and applies -it to the child's lips. The same act is then repeated by the maternal -uncle, father, and next of kin. The Yatrakali is attended with much -éclat during the night. The upanayana, or investiture with the sacred -thread, takes place as late as the sixteenth year. As a preliminary -rite on the same day, the chaula or tonsure ceremony is performed. It -is formally done by the Nambutiri priest in the capacity of guru or -preceptor, and left to be completed by the Maran. The priest then -invests the boy with the thread, and, with the sacrificial fire -as lord and witness, initiates him into the Gayatri prayer. All -Kshatriyas are obliged to repeat this prayer ten times morning -and evening. On the fourth day, the youth listens to a few Vaidic -hymns recited by the priest. There is not the prolonged course of -discipline of a Brahmanical Brahmachari, such as the Nambutiris so -religiously observe. The samavartana, or completion of the pupilage -ceremony, takes place on the fourth day. The ceremony of proceeding -to Benares, the pre-eminent seat of learning in ancient days, which is -the natural after-event of the Vaidic pupilage, is then gone through, -as in the case of Brahmans. A would-be father-in-law intercedes, and -requests the snataka to bless his daughter, and settle in life as a -grihastha. The Nambutiri priest then reminds the boy of his duty as -a Kshatriya, and gives him a sword as a symbol of his pre-ordained -function in society. He then becomes a grihastha, and may chew betel -leaf. The Saivite panchakshara, and the Vaishnavite ashtakshara are -also taught, and are invariably recited after the performance of the -daily duties. For girls only the chaula is performed, and that along -with her marriage. On the occasion of birthdays, the family priest -performs the ayushya homa, and shashtipurti, or celebration of the -sixtieth birthday, is also observed as an important religious occasion. - -The funeral ceremonies are almost the same as those of Nambutiris. When -a Koil Tampuran dies, he is placed on the bare floor, some hymns -being recited in his ears. The corpse is placed on a stretcher made -of plantain stems, and the head is touched with a razor in token of -shaving. It is bathed, covered with a new cloth, and decorated with -flowers and sandal paste. Kusa grass is received at the hands of -a Maran. The funeral rites are performed by the nephews. Pollution -is observed for eleven days and nights. A religious vow is observed -for a year. The offering to the spirit of the deceased is not in the -form of cooked food, but of presents to Brahmans. All the Malayala -Kshatriyas are adherents of the Yajur-veda. The anniversary of -maternal grandmothers, and even sisters is punctiliously observed. If -a maternal aunt or grandaunt dies without children, their sraddhas -must be performed as for the rest. - -The Malayala Kshatriyas hold rank next to the Brahmans, and above the -Ilayatus. They are permitted to take their meal in the same row with -the Brahmans, and receive prasada from the temples directly from the -priest, and standing at the right side of the inner gate. - -Further information concerning the Malayala Kshatriyas is contained -in an article by Mr. K. Rama Varma Raja, [27] who concludes -as follows:--"The Kshatriya community is an intermediate caste -between the Brahmin (Namburi) and the Sudra (Nair) classes, and has -affinities to both; to the former in matters of ablution, ceremonies, -food and drink, and to the latter in those of real matrimonial -relations and inheritance, i.e., the constitution and propagation -of the family.... The intermediate caste must be the Aryans more -Dravidianised, or the Dravidians more Aryanised, that is, the Aryans -degraded or the Dravidians elevated, more probably the latter." - -It is recorded, [28] in a note on the ancestry of the Rajas of Jeypore, -that "the family chronicles ascribe a very ancient origin to the line -of the Jeypore Zamindars. Beginning with Kanakasena of the solar race, -a general and feudatory of the king of Kashmir, they trace the pedigree -through thirty-two generations down to Vinayaka Deo, a younger son, -who left Kashmir rather than hold a subordinate position, went to -Benares, did penance to Kasi Visvesvarasvami there, and was told by -the god in a dream to go to the kingdom of Nandapuram belonging to -the Silavamsam line, of which he would become king. Vinayaka Deo, -continues the legend, proceeded thither, married the king's daughter, -succeeded in 1443 A.D. to the famous throne of thirty-two steps there, -and founded the family of Jeypore. Vinayaka Deo and his six successors, -say the family papers, had each only one son, and the sixth of them, -Vira Vikrama (1637-69) accordingly resolved to remove his residence -elsewhere. The astrologers and wise men reported that the present -Jeypore was 'a place of the Kshatriya class,' and it was accordingly -made the capital, and named after the famous Jeypore of the north." - -The Maharaja of Mysore belongs to the Arasu caste of Kshatriyas. - -Kshauraka.--A Sanskrit name for barber, by which barbers of various -classes--Mangala, Ambattan, Kelasi, etc.--are sometimes called. It is -commonly used by Canarese-speaking barbers of the Madras Presidency -and Mysore. - -Kshetravasinah (those who live in temples).--A name for Ambalavasis. - -Kudaikatti (basket-making).--A sub-division of Palli or Vanniyan. At -the census, 1901, some Koravas also returned themselves as Kudaikatti -Vanniyan. - -Kudan.--For the following note on the Kudans, or "Kootans" of the -west coast, I am indebted to Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna Aiyar [29]:-- - -The Kootans are agricultural labourers, and take part in every kind of -work connected with agriculture, such as turning the soil, ploughing, -sowing, manuring, weeding, transplanting, and the like. As soon as the -monsoon is over, they work in gardens, turning the soil, watering, -and fencing. They form one of the divisions of the slave castes, -working under some landlord or farmer for a daily wage of an edangazhy -of paddy (unhusked rice) during the rainy months of June, July, and -August and of two edangazhis during the other months of the year. They -receive, for the Onam and Vishu festivals, a para of paddy, some salt, -cocoanuts, oil, and chillies. On the day of the village festival, every -male gets a mundu (cloth) or two, and every female a kacha (cloth) -or two, in addition to toddy and arrack (spirituous liquor), and the -other articles mentioned above. They dress themselves in their cloths, -and are treated to a sumptuous dinner. With shouts of joy, they attend, -and take part in the village festival. When they fall ill, they are -properly looked after by their masters, both on account of their good -feelings towards them, and also of the loss of work they may have to -sustain, should they be laid up for a long time. Whenever a landlord -or farmer has more men than he can afford to give work and wages to, -he generally lends their services to some one else on a pattom of -four paras of paddy a year for a male, and three for a female. The new -master gives them work and wages, and sends them back when they are no -longer wanted. Should a Kootan run away from his master, he is brought -back either by threat or mild word; but, should these fail, there is -no remedy to force him back. In spite of the abolition of slavery -some sixty years ago, the Kootans are in a state of bondage. They -live in small huts with insufficient food, plodding on from day to -day with no hope of improving their condition. Their huts are erected -on four bamboo posts. The roofs are thatched, and the sides protected -by mud walls, or covered with palm leaves. A bamboo framework, with -similar leaves, serves the purpose of a door. There is a verandah in -front. The Kootans have a few earthen and bamboo utensils for domestic -use. They take rice kanji (gruel) prepared the previous night, with -salt and chillies. They have some leisure at midday, during which -they go to their huts, and take kanji with a fish or two boiled in -it, or sometimes with some vegetable curry. At night, boiled rice, -or kanji with fish or curry made of vegetables from their kitchen -garden, form their chief food. All their provisions are acquired by -exchange of paddy from a petty shop-keeper in their vicinity. - -They eat and drink at the hands of all castes except Paraiyans, -Pulayans, Ulladans, and Nayadis. In some parts of the State, they -approach the houses of Izhuvas, and no other castes eat with them. They -have to keep at a distance of forty-eight feet from all high-caste -Hindus. They are polluted by Pulayas, Nayadis, and Ulladans, who -have to stand at some distance from them. They may take water from -the wells of Mappillas. They are their own barbers and washermen, -and may approach the temple of their village goddess Kali on some -special days, while, at other times, they have to stand far away. - -When a girl attains puberty, she is lodged in a corner of the hut. The -inmates thereof may neither touch nor approach her on the score of -pollution. Four or seven girls, who are invited, bathe the girl on -the first day. The pollution lasts for seven days, and, on the morning -of the seventh day, seven girls take her to a tank (pond) or river to -bathe. A kai-bali is waved round her face, and, as she bathes, it is -floated on the water. On their return to the hut, the girls are fed, -and allowed to depart with a present of an anna each. Their relatives, -and others who are invited, are well entertained. A kai-bali is an -offering held in the hand of a woman, and may take the form of a -sacrificed fowl, plantain fruits, boiled rice, etc. - -Girls are generally married after puberty. A Kootan can enter into -a sambandham (alliance) with a woman of his own caste, or with a -Pulaya woman. He has to bathe before he returns to his hut, if he -should stay for the night with a woman of the latter caste. This -proves that he belongs to a caste superior to that of the Pulayas, -and the union resembles that of a Brahman with a Sudra woman. Should -a woman of the Kootan caste mate with a Pulaya, she is at once turned -out of caste. A Kootan, who wishes to enter into a sambandham with -a woman of his own or the Pulaya caste, goes to her hut with one or -two of his relations or friends, to recommend him to the parents of -the woman to permit him to enter into conjugal relations with their -daughter, or form kutikuduka. With their permission, they become a -kind of husband and wife. In most cases, the will of the man and the -woman is sufficient for the union. The woman generally stays with her -parents, and very often her lover comes to her with his wages after -the day's hard work, and stays with her for the night. Should she -wish to accompany him to his hut, she does so with her wages in the -evening. They exercise sexual license even before marriage. If a woman -who has no open lover becomes pregnant, her fault is condoned when she -mentions her lover's name. When one dislikes the other for some reason -or other, they separate, and are at liberty to form new unions. Widows -may remarry, and may even associate with their brothers-in-law. The -Kootans follow the marumakkathayam law of inheritance (in the female -line). They have no property, except sometimes a sheep or a few fowls. - -The Kootans believe in magic and sorcery. Mannans and Muhammadan -Mappillas are sometimes consulted, and these dupe them. They profess -the lower forms of Hinduism, and worship the local village deity -(Kali), and the spirits of their ancestors, whom they represent by -means of stones placed on a raised floor under a tree, and to whom -boiled rice, parched grain, toddy, plantain fruits, and cocoanuts -are offered at the Vishu and Onam festivals, and on Karkatakam, -Thulam, and Makara Sankranti. Care is always taken to have the -offerings served separately on leaves, lest the ancestors should -quarrel with one another, and do them harm. Should illness, such -as cholera, small-pox, or fever occur in a family, some fowls and -an anna or two are offered at the temple to the goddess Bhagavathi, -who is believed to be able to save them from the impending calamity. - -When a member of the caste breathes his last, the landlord gives -a spade to dig the grave, an axe or knife for cutting wood to -serve as fuel if the corpse is to be burned, a piece of cloth for -covering the dead body, and also some paddy and millet to meet the -funeral expenses. A cocoanut is broken, and placed on the neck of -the corpse, which is covered with the cloth, and carried on a bier -to the burial-ground, which is sprinkled over with water mixed with -turmeric. When the funeral is over, the people who attended it, -including the relatives and friends of the deceased, bathe, and go -to the hut of the dead person, where they are served with kanji and -toddy, after which they depart. The members of the family, and close -relatives of the deceased, fast for the night. In the case of a man -dying, his nephew is the chief mourner, while, in that of a woman, her -eldest son and daughter are the chief mourners, who do not go to work -for two weeks. The chief mourners bathe in the early morning, cook a -small quantity of rice, and offer it to the spirit of the deceased. It -is eaten up by the crows. This is continued for fourteen days, and, -on the fourteenth night, all fast. On the fifteenth morning, they -regard themselves as having been cleansed from the pollution. All the -castemen of the kara (settlement) are invited, and bring with them -rice, curry-stuffs, and toddy. Their Enangan cleans and sweeps the -hut, while the rest go to the grave-yard, turn the earth, and make -it level. They bathe, and the Enangans sprinkle cow-dung water on the -grave. They return home, and partake of a sumptuous meal, after which -they all take leave of the chief mourner, who observes the diksha, -bathes in the early morning, and offers the bali (ball of rice) -before he goes to work. This he continues for a whole year, after -which he gets shaved, and celebrates a feast in honour of the dead. - -Kudianavar (cultivator).--A name commonly assumed by Pallis and -Vellalas. - -Kudikkar (those who belong to the house).--A name for Deva-dasis -(dancing-girls) in Travancore, who are given a house rent-free by -the Sirkar (Government). - -Kudimaghan (sons of the ryot).--A name for Tamil Ambattans. - -Kudire (horse).--An exogamous sept or gotra of Vakkaliga and -Kurni. Gurram, also meaning horse, has been recorded as an exogamous -sept of Chenchu, Golla, Mala, Padma Sale, and Togata. Gurram Togatas -will not ride on horseback. - -Kudiya.--The Kudiyas or Male (hill) Kudiyas are found at Neriya, -Darmasthala, and Sisila in the South Canara district. Those who -live at the two former places are agrestic slaves of landlords -who own cardamom plantations on the ghats. They live for the most -part in the jungles, beneath rocks, in caves, or in low huts, and -shift from one spot to another. At the season of the cardamom crop, -they come down to the plains once a week with the produce. They are -said to carry off cardamoms to the Mysore frontier, and sell them -fraudulently to contractors or merchants. They make fire traces for -the Forest Department. - -Except in stature, the Kudiyas have not retained the characters of a -primitive race, and, as the result of racial admixture, or contact -metamorphosis, some individuals are to be seen with comparatively -light coloured skins, and mesorhine or leptorhine noses. In the matter -of personal names, septs, and ceremonial observances, they have -been much influenced by other castes. They speak a corrupt form of -Tulu, and say that they follow the aliya santana law of inheritance -(in the female line), though some, especially at Sisala and on the -Mysore frontier, follow the law of succession from father to son -(makkala santana). They are not regarded as a polluting class, and -can enter all parts of their landlords' houses, except the kitchen and -dining-room. They are presided over by a headman, called Gurikara, who -inquires into transgression of caste rules, and assists on ceremonial -occasions. Their chief deities are Bhairava, Kamandevaru, and the -Pancha Pandavas (the five Pandava brothers), but they also believe -in certain bhuthas (devils), such as Male Kallurti and Ambatadaiva. - -The Kudiyas do not object to marriage between a widowed woman and -her eldest son. Among those attached to a landlord at Neriya, two -such cases were pointed out. In one, there was no issue, but in the -other a son had been born to the mother-wife. - -When the arrangement of a match is in contemplation, the father -of the prospective bridegroom goes, accompanied by two women, to -the girl's home, and takes with him betel leaves, areca-nuts, and -gingelly (Sesamum) oil. If the girl's parents consent to the match, -they accept the oil; otherwise they refuse it. The binding part of -the marriage ceremony consists of the bridal couple standing with -their hands united, and the pouring of water thereon by the bride's -father. The Kudiyas who have settled on the plains have adopted the -ceremonial observances of the Bants and other castes. The remarriage -of widows is permitted. There is no elaborate marriage ceremony, -but sometimes the contracting couple stand in the presence of the -headman and a few others, and make a round mark with sandal paste on -each other's foreheads. - -If a member of the tribe dies near the settlement, the body is -cremated, and, if far away therefrom, buried. On the third day, a visit -is paid to the place where cremation took place, and the son or some -near relative of the deceased goes round the spot on which the corpse -was burnt three times, and sprinkles rice thereon thrice. Five leaves -of the teak or plantain, or other big leaves, are spread on the ground, -and fowl's flesh, cooked rice, and vegetables are placed thereon, and -the ancestors are invoked in the words "Oh! old souls, gather up the -new soul, and support it, making it one of you." On the sixteenth day, -food is again offered on leaves. In cases where burial is resorted to, -an effigy of the deceased is made in straw, and burnt. On the third -day, the ashes are taken to the grave, and buried. - -In a note on the Kudiyas of the plains, it is recorded [30] that -"the dead are either burned or buried, the former being the custom in -the case of rich men. On the seventh day after cremation or burial, -a pandal (booth) is erected over the grave or the place of cremation, -and a bleached cloth is spread on it by the washerman. A wick floating -in half a cocoanut shell full of oil is then lighted, and placed at -each corner of the pandal. The relations of the deceased then gather -round the place, and weep, and throw a handful of rice over the spot." - -The Kudiyas are fond of toddy, and eat black monkeys, and the big -red squirrel, which they catch with snares. - -Kudiyalu (farmer).--A synonym for Lambadi, apparently used by members -of the tribe who have settled down to agriculture. - -Kudlukara.--Kudlukara or Kudaldeshkara is a sub-division of Rajapuri. - -Kudubi.--The Kudubis are found mainly in the Kundapur taluk of the -South Canara district. Among themselves, they use Kaluvadi as the caste -name. They say that they are divided into the following sections: Are, -Goa, Jogi, Kodiyal, and Kariya. Of these, the Are, Goa, and Kodiyal -Kudubis are confined to the Kundapur taluk, and the other two sections -are found in villages near Mudbidri. Both the Are and Jogi sections -speak Marathi, and the latter are considered inferior to the former, -who will not eat in their houses. Are women clad themselves in black -or red garments, whereas Jogi women are said to wear white cloths. The -Goa and Kariya Kudubis speak Konkani, and do not mix with the Ares -and Jogis, even for meals. They are much influenced by Brahmanical -priests, by whom they are guided in their ceremonial observances, and -have adopted the dhare form of marriage (see Bant). The Goa Kudubis -say that they emigrated to South Canara owing to the oppression from -which they suffered, bringing with them the sweet potato (Ipomoea -Batatas), cashew nut (Anacardium occidentale), chrysanthemum, and -Indian spinach (Basella alba). Among the Goa Kudubis, an adulterer -has to undergo a curious form of punishment. His head is clean-shaved, -and his moustache removed. He then stands in a pit, and leaf-platters, -off which food has been eaten, are thrown on his head. A money fine -is imposed by the headman. If a woman does not confess her guilt, -she is made to stand in the sun with an iron rod on her shoulders. - -The Are Kudubis have exogamous septs, or wargs. Each warg is said -to have its own god, which is kept in the house of some elderly or -respected member of the sept. A corner of the house, or a special -room, is set apart for the god, and a member of the family is -the pujari (priest). He is expected to do puja to the god every -Monday. Ordinarily, rice, fruits, etc., are offered to it; but, during -the big festival in November-December, fowls are sacrificed. Like -other Marathi castes, the Are Kudubis regard the Holi festival. On -the first day, they collect together, and worship the tulsi katte--a -square structure on which a tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) plant is growing. On -the following days, they go about in detached groups, some males being -dressed up as females, with drums and cymbals, and dance and sing. On -the last day of the festival, rice is cooked, offered with liquor to -Kalabhairava, and eaten. The Are Kudubis sometimes worship bhuthas -(devils), e.g., Jettiga, and Hola Hayaguli. Special reverence is -shown to the tulsi plant, and, at almost every house, it is planted -in a brindhavan or katte. To it vegetables and fruits are offered. - -Girls are married either before or after puberty. Widows are -allowed to remarry, but may not marry a man of the sept to which her -deceased husband belonged. Marriage ceremonies last over five days, -and commence with the ide karuchi, or betrothal, at the house of the -bride-elect. Pan-supari (betel leaves and areca-nuts) is distributed to -at least one member of each warg present according to a recognised code -of precedence, commencing with the Hivelekar warg, which is considered -superior. On the second day, a post made of the wood of the silk-cotton -tree (Bombax malabaricum) is set up beneath the marriage pandal -(booth). The bridegroom and his party go in procession to the bride's -house, where the contracting couple are decorated with jewels, and -turmeric-dyed strings are tied round their necks. The bride's father -ties a kankanam (thread) on his own wrist. The couple stand facing -each other, with a screen stretched between them. After the exchange -of garlands, their hands are joined, and the screen is removed. They -then go five times round the Bombax post and marriage dais, and sit -down. Dhare water is poured over their united hands by the bride's -father. Rice is then thrown over them, and presents are given. The -proceedings terminate with the waving of coloured water, a light, -etc. The dhare ceremony is celebrated at night. On the third day, -the bridal couple go five times round the Bombax post set up at the -bridegroom's house, and take their seats on the dais. Rice is thrown, -and betel leaves and areca-nuts are distributed. On the fourth and -fifth days, the same items are gone through at the bride's house. - -In the case of the remarriage of a widow, the bride and bridegroom -take their seats, and rice is thrown over them. The dhare water is -not poured over their hands. Sometimes, the marriage consists merely -in the holding of a feast. - -The dead are buried in a sitting posture, with the legs crossed -tailor-wise. Before the grave is filled in, a small quantity of -cooked rice is put in the mouth of the corpse. On the third day, -a small mound is made over the grave, and food offered to it. The -final death ceremonies take place on the eleventh day, and consist -in the sprinkling of holy water, and giving presents to Brahmans. By -the prosperous members of the community, a caste feast is given on -the twelfth day. - -The main occupation of the Kudubis is shifting (kumari) -cultivation. Some, however, are employed in the preparation of cutch -(catechu) from the wood of Acacia Catechu, of which the following -account is given by Mr. H. A. Latham [31] of the Forest Department. "In -South Canara, one of our most profitable sources of revenue is the -extract obtained by boiling the wood of the catechu tree. The tree is -confined to the laterite plateaux in the Coondapur taluk, situated -as a rule within 15 miles of the sea, and gradually dies out as we -proceed southwards, until near Coondapur itself the tree will hardly -grow. It appears again to a small extent in the Kasaragod taluk -80 miles further south, but no extraction is done there now. The -extract is astringent, and, besides the other uses it is put to, -it appears to be a remedy for diarrhoea, dysentery, and diabetes. It -is, however, chiefly used for chewing with pan supari. Locally, it -is used pure in small pieces, the size of a pea, and rolled up with -the other ingredients in the betel leaf to form a chew. In Mysore, -the catechu bought by the merchants from us is dissolved in water, -and the areca-nut is, after being boiled and sliced, steeped in the -solution, and then put out in the sun on mats to dry, this operation -being repeated until sufficient catechu has been taken up to form -a red, shining, semi-transparent film, through which the ruminated -albumen of the areca-nut is just visible; the brighter the red colour -so obtained, the better the quality of the nut. As we sell it, the -catechu is in the shape of hard round balls covered with a whitish -dust, the ashes with which the balls are covered to prevent them -adhering to one another. On breaking, the interior of the balls should -show a vitreous conchoidal fracture similar to quartz, and be of a warm -reddish brown colour. The manufacture of catechu is carried out under -departmental supervision by a contractor, who is paid on the outturn, -and is bound, for the actual boiling, to employ only Kudubis. So far -as the department is concerned, a locality where there are plenty of -catechu trees is selected, and all trees over 6 inches in diameter -are allowed to be cut. The contractor has to engage the Kudubis and -select the site for the ovens, conveniently situated both for water -and firewood, and also as close to the majority of catechu trees as -he can get it. The site usually selected is a rice field, for which -the contractor may have to pay a small rent. Generally, however, -no rent is charged, as the owner is only too glad to have the ashes, -obtained in extracting, to plough into his field. On this field the -encampment is made, consisting of rows of thatched huts made of grass -and bamboos. The first thing to do is to erect the ovens, known as -wolle. These are made by a party of men a fortnight or so before the -main body come. The ordinary soil of the field is used, and the ovens -are built to a height of 18 inches, and placed about 5 yards in front -of the huts at irregular distances, 1 or 2 to each hut. The oven is an -oblong, about 2 feet wide by 3 feet long, with two openings above about -1 foot in diameter, on which the boilers, common ovoid earthenware pots -(madike) are placed. The opening for the fire is placed on the windward -side, and extends to the far side of the second opening in the top of -the oven, the smoke, etc., escaping through the spaces between the -boilers and the oven. The earth forms the hearth. To proceed to the -details of the working, the guard and the watcher go out the first -thing in the morning, and mark trees for the Kudubis to cut, noting -the name of the man, the girth and length of the workable stem and -branches. The Kudubi then cuts the tree, and chips off the sapwood, -a ring about 1 inch wide, with his axe, and brings it into the camp, -where a Forester is stationed, who measures the length and girth of -the pieces, and takes the weight of wood brought in. The Kudubi then -takes it off to his shelter, and proceeds to chip it. In the afternoon -he may have to go and get firewood, but generally he can get enough -firewood in a day to serve for several days' boiling. So much for -the men's work. Mrs. Kudubi puts the chips (chakkai) into the pot -nearest the mouth of the oven, and fills it up with water, putting a -large flat wooden spoon on the top, partly to keep the chips down, -and, lighting her fire, allows it to boil. As soon as this occurs, -the pot is tipped into a wooden trough (marige) placed alongside the -oven, and the pot with the chips is refilled. This process is repeated -six times. The contents of the trough are put into the second pot, -which is used purely for evaporating. The contents of this pot are -replenished from the trough with a cocoanut bailer (chippu) until all -the extract obtained from the chips has been evaporated to a nearly -solid residue. The contents are then poured into a broken half pot, -and allowed to dry naturally, being stirred at intervals to enable the -drying to proceed evenly. The extract (rasa) is of a yellowish brown -colour when stirred, the surface being of rich red-brown. This stirring -is done with a one-sided spoon (satuga). To make the balls, the woman -covers her hands with a little wood ash to prevent the extract adhering -to them, and takes up as much catechu as she can close her hands on, -and presses it into shape. These balls are paid for at Rs. 1-2-0 per -100, and are counted before the Forester next morning, and delivered -to the contractor. This ends the work done by the Kudubis. When the -balls have been counted, they are rolled by special men engaged for -the purpose on a board sprinkled with a little wood ash, and this is -repeated daily for three or four days to consolidate them. After this -daily rolling, the balls are spread out in the receiving shed to dry, -in a single layer for the first day or two, and after that they may -be in two layers. After the fourth or fifth day's rolling, they are -put in a pit, and covered with wood ashes on which a little water is -poured, and, on being taken out the next day, are gone over, and all -balls which are soft or broken are then rejected, the good ones being -put on the upper storey of the stone shed to get quite hard and dry." - -Before the commencement of operations, the Kudubis select an Areca -Catechu tree, and place a sword, an axe, and a cocoanut on the -ground near it. They prostrate themselves before the tree, with -hands uplifted, burn incense, and break cocoanuts. The success of -the operations is believed to depend on the good will of a deity -named Siddedevaru. Before the Kudubis commence work, they pray to -him, and make a vow that, if they are successful, they will offer a -fowl. Failure to produce good balls of catechu is attributed to the -wrath of the deity. At the close of the work, if it has prospered, -a kalasam (brass vessel) is set up, and fowls are killed. Sometimes, -goats are sacrificed, cooked food and meat are placed on leaves round -the kalasam, and after worshipping, the viands are partaken of. - -Like some other castes, the Kudubis do not eat new rice until after -the Hosthu (new crop) festival. Just before reaping, a few plants are -plucked, laid in the field, and worshipped. The ears are then cut, and -carried to their houses, where they are tied to pillars or to the roof. - -There are, among the Kudubis, magicians called Gardi, who are sought -after during illness. To show his magical skill, a Gardi should be -able to cut a single grain of rice in twain with a big knife. - -Kudugudukaran.--The Kudugudukarans or Kuduguduppukarans are a mendicant -caste, who beat a small hour-glass-shaped drum while begging from -house to house. - -Kudumala (cake).--An exogamous sept of Bonthuk Savara, Gamalla, -and Madiga. - -Kudumba.--A sub-division of Savara. - -Kudumban.--A title sometimes used by Pallans, the headman among whom -goes by this name. - -Kudumi or Kudumikkar.--The Kudumis are mainly found in the sea-board -taluks of Parur, Shertally, and Ambalapuzha, in Travancore. The -name is believed to be a corruption of the Sanskrit Kudumbi, -meaning one connected with a family. By others it is derived from a -Konkani word, meaning Sudra. The popular name for the caste is Idiya -(pounder), in reference to the occupation of pounding rice. Kadiya, -apparently derived from Ghatiyal, or a person possessed, is a term -of reproach. The title Chetti is now assumed by members of the -caste. But the well-known title is Muppan, or elder, conferred on -some respectable families by former Rajas of Cochin. The authority -of the Trippanithoray Muppan is supreme in all matters relating -to the government of the caste. But his authority has passed, in -Travancore, to the Turavur Muppan, who has supreme control over the -twenty-two villages of Kudimis. The belief that the Muppans differ -from the rest of the Kudimis, so as to make them a distinct sept, -does not appear to be based on fact. Nor is it true that the Muppans -represent the most ancient families of Konkana Sudras, who emigrated to -Kerala independently of the Konkanis. Chief among them is the Koratti -Muppan of Trippanithoray, who has, among other privileges, those of -the drinking vessel and lighted lamp conferred on him by the Cochin -rulers. Every Kudumi village has a local Muppan. A few families enjoy -the surname Kammatti, which is believed to be of agricultural origin. - -The Kudumis speak a corrupt form of the Konkani dialect of -Marathi. They are the descendants of these Konkana Sudras, who -emigrated from Goa on account of the persecutions of the Portuguese -in the sixteenth century, and sought refuge along with their masters, -the Konkana Brahmans, on the coast of Travancore and Cochin. Most of -them set out as the domestic servants of the latter, but a few were -independent traders and agriculturists. Two varieties of rice grain, -chethivirippu and malarnellu, brought by them from the Konkan, are -still sown in Travancore. One of the earliest occupations, in which -they engaged, was the manufacture of fireworks, and, as they were -bold and sturdy, they were enlisted as soldiers by the chieftains -of Malabar. Relics of the existence of military training-grounds are -still to be found in many of their houses. - -On a raised mud platform in the court-yard of the Kudumi's house, -the tulasi (Ocimum sanctum) or pipal (Ficus religiosa) is invariably -grown. Fish and flesh, except beef, are eaten, and intoxicating -liquor is rather freely imbibed. The women wear coloured cloths, -usually black, and widows are not obliged to be clad in white. A -gold mukkutti is an indispensable nose ornament. Tattooing is largely -resorted to by the women. - -The occupation of the Kudumis is service in the houses of the Konkana -Brahmans. They also prepare beaten rice, act as boatmen, porters, -and agricultural labourers, clean tanks and wells, and thatch -houses. The Muppans manufacture, and give displays of fireworks, -which have a local reputation at the great Konkani temple of Turavur -in the Shertallay taluk. - -They worship at the temples of the Konkana Brahmans, as well as -their own. But they are not pronounced Vaishnavites, like the -Brahmans, as the teachings of Madhvacharya did not reach the -lower ranks of Hinduism. On Sunday only one meal is taken. Maddu -or Madan is their chief minor deity, and water-sheds are erected to -propitiate him. Brahma is adored for nine days in the month of Kumbham -(February-March) from the full-moon day. The pipal tree is scrupulously -worshipped, and a lighted lamp placed beside it every evening. - -A woman, at the menstrual period, is considered impure for four -days, and she stands at a distance of seven feet, closing her mouth -and nostrils with the palm of the hand, as the breath of such -a woman is believed to have a contaminating effect. Her shadow, -too, should not fall on any one. The marriage of girls should take -place before puberty. Violation of this rule would be punished by -the excommunication of the family. During the marriage ceremony, -the tulasi plant is worshipped, and the bride and bridegroom husk a -small quantity of rice. The mother of the bridegroom prepares a new -oven within the house, and places a new pot beside it. The contracting -couple, assisted by five women, throw five handfuls of rice into the -pot, which is cooked. They then put a quantity of paddy (unhusked rice) -into a mortar, and after carefully husking it, make rice flour from -it. A quantity of betel and rice is then received by the bride and -bridegroom from four women. The tali is tied round the bride's neck -by the bridegroom, and one of his companions then takes a thread, -and fastens it to their legs. On the fifth day of the marriage rites, -a piece of cloth, covering the breasts, is tied round the bride's neck, -and the nose is pierced for the insertion of the mukkutti. - -Inheritance is generally from father to son (makkathayam), but, in a -few families, marumakkathayam (inheritance through the female line) is -observed. Widow remarriage is common, and the bridegroom is generally a -widower. Only the oldest members of a family are cremated, the corpses -of others being buried. The Kudumis own a common burial-ground in -all places, where they reside in large numbers. Pollution lasts for -sixteen days. - -The Kudumis and the indigenous Sudras of Travancore do not accept food -from each other. They never wear the sacred thread, and may not enter -the inner courtyard of a Brahmanical temple. They remove pollution -by means of water sprinkled over them by a Konkana Brahman. Their -favourite amusement is the koladi, in which ten or a dozen men execute -a figure dance, armed with sticks, which they strike together keeping -time to the music of songs relating to Krishna, and Bhagavati. [32] - -Kudumi.--Concerning the Kudumi medicine-men. I gather [33] that "the -Kudumi is a necessary adjunct to the village. His office implies -a more or less intimate acquaintance with the curative herbs and -roots in the forests, and their proper application to the different -ailments resulting from venomous bites or stings. It is the Kudumi who -procures leeches for the gouty Reddi or the phlegmatic Moodeliar, when -he finds that some blood-letting will benefit their health. He prays -over sprains and cricks, and binds the affected parts with the sacred -cord made of the hair taken from the patient's head. He is an expert -practitioner at phlebotomy, and many old Anglo-Indians domiciled in -the country will recall the Kudumi when his services were in demand to -heal some troublesome limb by the letting of blood. This individual is -believed to possess a magic influence over wild animals and snakes, -and often comes out in public as a dexterous snake-charmer. It is -principally in the case of poisonous bites that the Kudumi's skill -is displayed. It is partly by the application of medicinal leaves -ground into a paste, and partly by exercising his magical powers, -that he is believed to cure the most dangerous bites of snakes and -other venomous animals." - -The Kudumi often belongs to the Irula or Jogi caste. - -Kudumi.--The kudumi is the tuft of hair, which is left when the head -of Hindus is shaved. "For some time past," Bishop Caldwell writes, -[34] "a considerable number of European missionaries in the Tamil -country have come to regard the wearing of the tuft as a badge of -Hinduism, and hence require the natives employed in their missions -to cut off the kudumi as a sine quâ non of their retention of mission -employment". The kudumi, as the Bishop points out, would doubtless have -been admired by our grandfathers, who wore a kudumi themselves, viz., -the queue which followed the wig. "The Vellalas of the present day," -he continues, "almost invariably wear the kudumi, but they admit -that their forefathers wore their hair long. Some of the Maravars -wear the kudumi, and others do not. It makes a difference in their -social position. The kudumi, which was originally a sign of Aryan -nationality, and then of Aryan respectability, has come to be a sign -of respectability in general, and hence, whilst the poorer Maravars -generally wear their hair long, the wealthier members of the caste -generally wear the kudumi. The Pallars in Tinnevelly used to wear their -hair long, but most of them have recently adopted the kudumi, and the -wearing of the kudumi is now spreading even among the Pariahs. In -short, wherever higher notions of civilization, and a regard for -appearances extend, the use of the kudumi seems to extend also". Even -a Toda has been known to visit the Nanjengod temple at the base of -the Nilgiris, to pray for offspring, and return with a shaved head. - -Kudumo.--See Kurumo. - -Kukkundi.--Kukkundi or Kokkundia is the name of a small class of Oriya -cultivators and fishermen, who are said to be expert in spearing fish -with a long spear. - -Kukru.--Kukru or Kukkuro, meaning dog, occurs as the name of a sept -of Bottada, Domb, and Omanaito. The equivalent Kukkala is a sept of -the Orugunta Kapus and Boyas. - -Kulala.--Some members of the potter caste style themselves Kulala -vamsam, as being a more dignified caste name than Kusavan, and claim -descent from Kulalan, the son of Brahma. - -Kulanji.--A sub-division of Maran. - -Kulappan.--A synonym of Kusavan. - -Kulasekhara.--A sub-division of Satanis, who claim descent from the -Vaishnavite saint Kulasekhara Alvar. - -Kulloi.--A sub-division of Gadaba. - -Kulodondia.--A title, meaning headman of the caste, used by some -Tiyoros. - -Kuluvadi.--A synonym of Kudubi. - -Kumda (red gourd: Cucurbita maxima).--A sept of Omanaito. - -Kummara, Kumbara, Kumbaro.--"The potters of the Madras Presidency," -Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [35] "outside the Tamil country and Malabar, -are called Kummara in Telugu, Kumbaro in Uriya, and Kumbara in -Canarese, all these names being corrupted forms of the Sanskrit -word Kumbhakara, pot-maker (ku, earth). In social position they are -considered to be a superior class of Sudras. The Telugu Kummaras -were cooks under the ancient kings, and many of them still work in -that capacity in Sudra houses. The Kumbaros are purely Vaishnavites -and employ Boishnob priests, while the Kummaras and Kumbaras call -in Brahmans. Widow remarriage is allowed among the Uriya section -alone. All of them eat flesh." Concerning the potter classes, -Mr. Stuart writes further [36] that "Kummaras or Kusavans (q.v.) are -the potters of the country, and were probably at one time a single -caste, but are now divided into Telugus, Northern Tamilians and -Southern Tamilians, who have similar customs, but will not intermarry -or eat together. The northern and southern potters differ in that -the former use a wheel of earthenware, and the latter one made of -wood. The Telugu potters are usually followers of Vishnu and the -Tamilians of Siva, some being also Lingayats, and therefore burying -their dead. All the potters claim an impure Brahmanical descent, -telling the following story regarding their origin. A learned Brahman, -after long study, discovered the day and hour in which he might -beget a mighty offspring. For this auspicious time he waited long, -and at its approach started for the house of his selected bride, -but floods detained him, and, when he should have been with her, -he was stopping in a potter's house. He was, however, resolved not -to lose the opportunity, and by the daughter of his host he had a -son, the celebrated Salivahana. This hero in his infancy developed -a genius for pottery, and used to amuse himself by making earthen -figures of mounted warriors, which he stored in large numbers in a -particular place. After a time Vikramarka invaded Southern India, and -ordered the people to supply him with pots for his army. They applied -to Salivahana, who miraculously infused life into his clay figures, -and led them to battle against the enemy, whom he defeated, and the -country (Mysore) fell into his hands. Eventually he was left as its -ruler, and became the ancestor of the early Mysore Rajas. Such is -the story current among the potters, who generally believe that they -are his progeny. They all live in a state of poverty and ignorance, -and are considered of a low rank among other Sudras." - -At the village of Karigeri in the North Arcot district, there is -carried on by some of the local potters an interesting industry in -the manufacture of ornamental pottery, for which a medal was awarded -at the Delhi Darbar Exhibition. "The soft pottery," Surgeon-General -G. Bidie writes, "receives a pretty green glaze, and is made into -vases and other receptacles, some of which are imitations of Delft -ware and other European manufactures of the fifteenth and sixteenth -centuries; patterns having been introduced by Collectors. [37] -Some of the water-bottles are double, the outer shell being pierced -so as to allow air to circulate around the inner." The history of -this little industry is, I gather, as follows. [38] "Mr. Robinson, a -Collector in the sixties of the last century, started the manufacture -of tea-pots, milk jugs, and sugar bowls with a dark green glaze, -but his dream of supplying all India with chota hazri (early tea) -sets was not realised. Then came Mr. Whiteside, and the small Grecian -vases and the like are due to his and Mrs. Barlow's influence. He had -accurate wooden models made by his well-known wood-carvers. He further -altered the by no means pretty green glaze, and reddish browns and -yellows were produced. Then came Mr. Stuart, who pushed the sale at -exhibitions and railway stations. He also gave the potters models of -fancy flower-pots for in-door use. The pottery is exceedingly fragile, -and unsuitable for rough usage. Unglazed water and butter coolers -were the earliest and best articles the potters produced." - -Concerning the Kumbaras of South Canara, Mr. Stuart writes, [39] that -they "seem to be a branch of the Telugu and Canarese potter castes, -but many of them have Tulu for their home speech, and follow the -aliyasantana rule of inheritance (in the female line). Some of them -officiate as pujaris (priests) in the temples of the local deities -or demons, and are employed to perform funeral rites. Unlike the -Tamil potters, the Kumbaras do not wear the sacred thread. Infant -and widow marriages are very common. On the birth of a child, the -family observe pollution for fifteen days, and on the sixteenth -day the village barber and dhobi (washerman) get holy water from -the village temple, and purify the family by sprinkling it on their -head. There are two endogamous sub-divisions, the Kannada and Tulu -Kumbara, and each of these is divided into exogamous balis. Their -ordinary title is Handa, which is also sometimes used as the name -of the caste. In Uppinangadi a superior kind of pottery is made -(by the Kannada Kumbaras). It is made of clay powdered, mixed with -water, and strained. It is then poured into a pit specially prepared -for the purpose, where it is allowed to remain for about a month, -by which time it becomes quite dry. It is then removed, powdered, -moistened, and made into balls, which are one by one placed upon a -wheel and fashioned into various kinds of vessels, including vases, -goglets, tea-pots, cups and saucers. The vessels are dried in the -shade for about eight days, after which they are baked for two days, -when they are ready for sale. They have a glazed appearance, and are -sometimes beautifully ornamented." - -In the Census Report, 1901, Vodari, Bandi, and Mulya are returned as -sub-castes of the Canarese potters. - -The Kumbaras of the Mysore Province are, Mr. T. Ananda Row informs us, -[40] "potters and tile-makers. There are two great divisions among -them mutually exclusive, the Kannada and Telugu, the former claiming -superiority over the latter. The Telugu Kumbaras trace their descent -to Salivahana, and wear the sacred thread. They abstain from eating -meat. There are both Saivites and Vaishnavites among Kumbaras. The -former acknowledge the Smartha Brahman's sway. Polygamy is permitted, -and divorce can only be for adultery. Widows are not permitted to -remarry. This caste also includes dyers known as Nilagara (nil, -indigo). It is curious that these two trades, quite distinct from -one another, are followed by persons of the same family according -to inclination. The Kumbaras worship all the Hindu deities, but pay -special reverence to their kiln. They are recognised members of the -village hierarchy." Of the Mysore Kumbaras, Mr. L. Rice writes [41] -that the "pot-makers were not stationed in every village, one or two -being generally sufficient for a hobli or taraf. He furnished pots -for all the ryats (agriculturists) of his taraf, and was entitled to -ayam in an equal proportion as the other Ayagar (hereditary village -officers). For liberty of exposing his wares for sale to travellers -in the markets, he paid chakra-kanke to the Sirkar (Government)." At -Channapatna, in Mysore, I purchased for three annas a large collection -of articles of pottery made out of black and brown clay. They are -said to be made at a village near Channapatna, and consist of rudely -ornamented miniature lamps of various patterns, models of native -kitchen-ranges, pots, tobacco-pipes, dishes, etc. At the Mysore census, -1891, some potters described themselves as Gundu (round) Brahmans. - -The Oriya Kumbaro (kumbho, a pot) are said to practice both infant and -adult marriage, and to permit the remarriage of widows. A sub-caste, -named Bhande, derives its name from the Sanskrit bhanda, a pot. The -Madras Museum possesses a quaint series of painted clay figures, -made by a potter at Venkatarayapalle in Ganjam, which are set up in -shrines on the seashore, and worshipped by fishermen. They include -the following:-- - -Bengali Babu.--Wears a hat, and rides on a black horse. He blesses -the fishermen, secures large hauls of fish for them, and guards them -against danger when out fishing. - -Rajamma.--A female figure, with a sword in her right hand, riding on -a black elephant. She blesses barren women with children, and favours -her devotees with big catches when they go out fishing. - -Veyyi Kannalu Ammavaru, or the goddess of a thousand eyes, represented -by a pot pierced with many holes, in which a gingelly (Sesamum) oil -light is burnt. She attends to the general welfare of the fishing folk. - -Further details relating to the South Indian potters will be found -under the heading Kusavan. - -Kumbi (potter).--A sub-division of Savara. - -Kummidichatti.--Recorded, in the North Arcot Manual, as a sub-division -of Vellalas, who carried the chatty, or pot of fire, at Vellala -funerals. In Tamil, the name kumbidu chatti is applied to a pot, in -which fire is always kept burning. Such a pot is used for obtaining -fire for domestic purposes, and by old people, to keep themselves -warm in cold weather. - -Kumpani.--Returned by some Kurubas at the Census, 1901. The name -refers to the East India Company, which was known as Kumpani Jahan -(or John Company). - -Kunapilli.--A synonym of Padigarajulu, a class of mendicants, who -beg from Padma Sales. - -Kunbi.--Recorded, at times of Census, as a Bombay cultivating -caste. (See Bombay Gazetteer, XVIII, Part I, 284.) It is also a -sub-division of Marathis, generally agriculturists, in the Sandur -State. - -Kuncheti.--A sub-division of Kapu. - -Kunchigar.--The Kunchigars, Kunchitigas, or Kunchiliyans, are a -class of cultivators in the Salem district, who speak Canarese, -and have migrated southward to the Tamil country. Their tradition -concerning their origin is that "a certain Nawab, who lived north -of the Tungabadra river, sent a peon (orderly) to search for ghi -(clarified butter), twelve years old. In his travels south of -the river, the peon met a lovely maid drawing water, who supplied -his want. Struck by her beauty, he watched her bathing place, and -stole one hair which fell from her head in bathing, which he took -to the Nawab. The latter conceived the idea of marrying the girl, -and sent an embassy, which was so far successful that the girl and -her family came to his residence, and erected a marriage pandal -(booth). Subsequently they repented, and, thinking that the marriage -would be a mésalliance (the Nawab was probably a Muhammadan), fled -in the night, leaving a dog in the pandal. In their flight they came -to the Tungabadra, which was in full flood, and, eager to escape, -they consented to marry the maiden to a Kurumban who ferried them -across the river. The Kunchigars are the descendants of this girl -and the Kurumban. When running away they, in their haste, forgot a -little girl, and left her behind them. She was seized by the Nawab, -who thirsted for vengeance, and thrown into the air so as to fall on -knives placed so as to transfix her. Some miracle interposed to save -her, and the Are Kunchigars of Mysore are her descendants." [42] - -Kunchu (a tassel or bunch).--A sub-division of Okkiliyans, and of -Koravas who make brushes used by weavers. Kuncham, meaning either a -measure used in measuring grain or a tassel, occurs as an exogamous -sept of Madiga and Mala. - -Kundanakkaran.--An occupational Tamil name for those who cut, enchase, -and set precious stones. - -Kundaton.--A name for chunam (lime) workers in Malabar. - -Kundu (nest).--A sub-division of the Irulas of South Arcot. - -Kungiliyan.--A title of some Kallans. - -Kunjamma.--A name for Elayad females. - -Kunnuvan.--The Kunnuvans are described, in the Gazetteer of -the Madura district, as "the principal cultivating caste on the -Palni hills. They speak Tamil. Their own traditions say that their -ancestors were Vellalans from the Dharapuram and Kangayam country in -Coimbatore, who went up the Palnis some four or five centuries ago -because the low country was so disturbed by war (other accounts say -devastated by famine), and they call themselves Kunnuva Vellalas, -and state that the name Kunnuva is derived from Kunnur village in -Coimbatore. Other traditions add that the Virupakshi and Ayyakudi -poligars (feudal chieftains) helped them to settle on their land -in the hills, which up to then had only been cultivated by indolent -Pulaiyans. The Kunnuvans ousted these latter, and eventually turned -them into predial serfs--a position from which they have hardly yet -freed themselves. In every village is a headman, called the Mannadi, -who has the usual powers. The caste is divided into three endogamous -sections, called Vaguppus, namely, Periya (big) Kunnuvar, Kunnuvar, -and Chinna (little) Kunnuvar. They will eat together. The dress of the -women is characteristic. They wear rough metal necklets, brass bangles -and anklets, silver bangles on their upper arms, and rings in their -noses; and they knot their upper cloths in front across the breasts, -and bind them round their waists in a sort of bandage. White cloths -used to be forbidden them, but are common enough nowadays. [It was -noted by Mr. M. J. Walhouse, in 1881, [43] in connection with the -Kuneivar on the lower slopes of the Palnis, that women were never -allowed to wear white clothes. None could tell why, but it was said -that, within memory, women offending against the rule had been cast -from a high rock.] The claim of a man to his paternal aunt's daughter -is rigidly maintained, and the evasions of the rule allowed by other -castes when the ages of the parties are disproportionate are not -permitted. Consequently, a boy sometimes marries more than one of -these cousins of his, and, until he reaches manhood, those of them -who are much older than he is live with other men of the caste, the -boy being the nominal father of any children which may be born. A boy -of nine or ten may thus be the putative father of a child of two or -three. [In this connection, Mr. J. H. Nelson writes [44] that Madura -Collectors have sometimes been puzzled not a little by evidence adduced -to show that a child of three or four years was the son or daughter of -a child of ten or twelve.] When a man has no children except a girl, -and his family is in danger of coming to an end, a curious practice, -called keeping up the house, is followed. The girl cannot be claimed -by her maternal uncle's son as usual, but may be married to one of -the door-posts of the house. A silver bangle is put on her right wrist -instead of a tali (marriage badge) round her neck; she is allowed to -consort with any man of her caste; her earnings go to her parents; -she becomes their heir, and, if she has a son, the boy inherits their -property through her. The custom is a close parallel to the system of -making girls Basavis, which is so common in the western part of Bellary -and the neighbouring parts of Dharwar and Mysore. Divorce is readily -obtained, on the petitioner paying the amount of the bride-price, but -the children all go to the father. Divorcées and widows may remarry, -and they do so with a frequency which has made the caste a byword -among its neighbours. The Kunnuvans worship the usual deities of the -plains. They generally burn their dead." - -It is recorded, in the Manual of the Madura district, that the -Kunnuvans of the western parts of the Palni hills differ in many -of their customs from those of the eastern. With both divisions, -incompatibility of temper is a sufficient ground for divorce, and -a husband can at any time get rid of his wife by taking her to her -parents together with a pair of oxen if he be an eastern Kunnuvan, -and a vatti or round metal dish if he be a western. On the other hand, -if the wife dislikes her partner, she may leave him upon giving up -her golden jewels--the silver she retains--and may, according to -her pleasure, either go back to her father's house, or marry another -man. In the west, however, she takes with her only such property as -she may have possessed at the time of her marriage. Her children must -all be made over to the deserted husband; and, if she be pregnant -when she goes away, and a child be born while she is living with -her second husband, it must nevertheless be given up to the first, -upon payment of the expense of rearing it if in the east, upon mere -demand in the west. In this way a woman may legally marry any number -of men in succession, though she may not have two husbands at one and -the same time. She may, however, bestow favours on paramours without -hindrance, provided they be of equal caste with her. On the other -hand, a man may indulge in polygamy to any extent he pleases, and -the wealthier Kunnuvans keep several wives as servants, especially -for agricultural purposes. The religion of the Kunnuvans appear to -be the Saiva, but they worship their mountain god Valapan with far -more devotedness than any other. - -The name Kunnuvan is derived by Mr. Nelson from kunru, a hill. - -Kunta.--A division of Kuravas of Travancore, who derive their name -from their first ancestor having appeared from a sacrificial altar -(homakunta). - -Kunte (pond).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Kurakula (vegetable class).--An occupational title, returned at times -of census, by Oriya and Telugu cultivators in Ganjam and Vizagapatam. - -Kurava.--For the following note on the Kuravas of Travancore, I am -indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. - -There are more than 50,000 Kuravas in Travancore, of whom the -largest numbers live in the taluks of Kunnatur, Chirayinkil, and -Kottarakkara. They were originally divided into four branches, called -Kunta Kuravan, Pum Kuravan, Kakka Kuravan, and Pandi Kuravan. Almost -all the Kuravas of this country belong to the first of these -sections. The Pum Kuravas are believed to have become a different -caste, called Velan. Similarly, the Kakka Kuravans have crystallised -into a distinct caste named Kakkalan. Pandi Kuravas speak Tamil, -and are chiefly found in Nanchinad, being there known as Nanchi -Kuravas. The Kunta Kuravas attribute the origin of their name to -the appearance of their first ancestor from a sacrificial altar -(homakunta). They are known in some places, such as Nedumangad, -by the name of Muli Kuravas, probably because they emit a drawling -noise when called. It has been suggested that the Kuravas are one of -the early tribes of Southern India, and one with the Kurumbas of the -Tamil country, and closely allied to the Vedans. Such of them as still -preserve their old practices, and do not mingle with the low-country -people, are known as Malan Kuravas. They form one of the sixteen -hill-tribes mentioned in the Keralolpatti. About three centuries -ago, Nanchinad in Travancore was governed by a line of Kurava kings, -called Nanchi Kuravans. - -The Kuravas are prædial slaves, who were liable in olden days to -be bought and sold along with the land they occupied. They are not -regarded as so faithful as the Pulayas. Their homes are, like those -of the Pulayas, low thatched sheds. They eat meat, and drink toddy -and arrack. Their women tie their hair in the centre of the head, -and not behind like the Pulayas. Tattooing is very largely resorted to. - -Though Hindu deities are worshipped, the Chavars, or spirits of the -dead, receive the most particular attention. The days considered -to be of religious importance are Onam in the month of Chingam, the -Ailiyam and Makam stars in Kanni, the 28th of Makaram, the Bharani -star in Kumbham and Minam, and the first day of Audi. The special -deities of the Kuravas are called Katiyatikal or mountain gods, -whom they worship on these days with an offering. On the 30th of -each month, and on days of festivity, all the Kuravas take beaten -rice and toddy, and offer them with a view to propitiating their -ancestors. Small sheds are dedicated to Chavars, where the priest, -called Piniyali or sorcerer, is the only important person. The Kuravas -have among themselves a special class of exorcisers, whom they call -Rarakkar (literally Vicharakkar), or those who make enquiries about -the occurrence of diseases. The Rarakkaran first becomes possessed, -and cries out the names of all the mountain deities in the vicinity, -violently shaking every limb of his body as he does so. Some of -these deities are Chavar, Ayiravalli, Chattan, Pakavati, Matan, Murti, -Taivam, Pakavan, Appuppan, and Maruta. He then takes a handful of paddy -(unhusked rice) from a quantity placed in front of him, and, after -counting, decides, upon the chance of one or two grains remaining in -the end after each of them is removed, whether some one in the house -is not attacked by, or liable to the attack of some evil spirit. The -same process is repeated, in order to find out the proper remedy for -appeasing them. The Rarakkaran at the end proceeds out of the house -in a northerly direction. The Urali, or headman of Peruvirutti Mala -in Kunnattur, becomes possessed on the evening of the third Monday of -Minam, and foretells coming events for such Kuravas as are assembled. - -The headmen of the Kuravas are called Urali and Panikkan, and they -must be paid a fee of not less than ten chuckrams on all religious -occasions. The priest is known as Kaikkaran. - -The Kuravas observe two forms of marriage ceremonial, viz., the -tali-kettu before puberty, and sambandham. At the former, an elderly -Kuratti (Kurava woman) ties the minnu or wedding ornament round the -neck of the girl. When a Kurava wishes to marry a girl, he must pay -twelve fanams to her maternal uncle. Widows remarry, and divorce, -though void without the consent of the headmen, is easily effected. The -form of inheritance is marumakkathayam (in the female line). - -The dead are buried, and death pollution is observed for twelve days. - -The Kuravas are obliged to stand, according to some at forty-eight, -and according to others at sixty-four paces from a high-caste -Hindu. They regard themselves as higher in the social scale than -Pulaiyas and Paraiyans. - -Kuravan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-division of Nayar. - -Kureshi.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a territorial -name returned by Muhammadans, Kureshi being a village in Arabia; -also one of the sub-divisions of the Navayat tribe. - -Kuricchan.--The Kuricchans, or Kuricchiyans, are described by -Mr. H. A. Stuart [45] as "the hunting caste of Malabar. Some derive the -word from kurikke, to mark or assign, as they say that this caste fixed -the hunting days. This must be the production of a highly imaginative -person. Dr. Gundert thinks it is derived from, or allied to, Canarese -Koracha (Korava). I would rather say it is allied to that word, -and that both are derivatives of kuru, a hill (cf. Tamil kurinchi), -kurunilam, etc., and Malayalam kurissi, a suffix in names of hilly -localities. With the exception of 2,240 persons in Kottayam, and 373 -in Kurumbranad, both bordering on Wynaad, all the Kuricchans are found -in Wynaad. They are excellent bowmen, and played an important part -in the Pyche Raja's rebellion at the beginning of the (nineteenth) -century. The Kuricchans affect a great contempt for Brahmans. When -a Brahman has been in a Kuricchan's house, the moment he leaves it, -the place where he was seated is besmeared with cowdung to remove the -pollution! They follow inheritance in the male line in some places, -and in the female line in others. Their god is called Muttappan, -which literally means grandfather. They now subsist mostly by punam -(shifting) cultivation." - -In the Gazetteer of Malabar, the Kuricchiyans (kuricchi, hill country) -are described as "a jungle tribe of punam cultivators, found in the -Wynaad and the slopes of the ghats, north of Calicut. They consider -themselves polluted by the approach of other hill tribes and by the -touch of Tiyans and Kammalans; and their women require water sanctified -by a Brahman to purify them. They perform the tali kettu ceremony -before puberty, and say that they follow the marumakkathayam family -system (of inheritance in the female line), though the wife usually -goes to live with her husband in a new hut, and the husband has to pay -a price for his bride. They act as oracles during the great festival -at Kottiyur. The performer becomes inspired after sitting for some time -gazing into a vessel containing gingelly oil, and holding in his hand a -curious-shaped wand of gold about a foot and a half long, and hollow." - -It is recorded by Mr. Logan, [46] in connection with a disturbance in -Malabar early in the last century, that "the first overt act occurred -at Panamaram in Wynad. Some five days previous to 11th October 1802, -one of the proscribed rebel leaders, Edachenna Kungan, chanced to -be present at the house of a Kurchiyan, when a belted peon came up, -and demanded some paddy (rice) from the Kurchiyan. Edachenna Kungan -replied by killing the peon, and the Kurchiyans (a jungle tribe) in -that neighbourhood, considering themselves thus compromised with the -authorities, joined Edachenna Kungan. This band, numbering about 150, -joined by Edachenna Kungan and his two brothers, then laid their plans -for attacking the military post at Panamaram, held by a detachment of -70 men of the 1st Battalion of the 4th Bombay Infantry under Captain -Dickenson and Lieutenant Maxwell. They first seized sentry's musket, -and killed him with arrows. Captain Dickenson killed and wounded -with his pistols, bayonet, and sword, 15 of the Kurchiyars, 5 of whom -died. The whole of the detachment was massacred." - -In a note on an inspection of a Kuriccha settlement, Mr. F. Fawcett -recorded that the houses were close to some rice-fields cultivated by -the Kuricchas. The Mappillas, however, took the crop as interest on -an outstanding debt. One house was noted as having walls of wattle -and mud, a thatched roof, and verandah. In the eastern verandah -were a bow and arrows, a fresh head of paddy (unhusked rice), some -withered grain, etc., dedicated to the god Muttappan. A man requested -Mr. Fawcett not to approach a hut, in which a meal was being cooked, -as he would pollute it. A child, a few months old, with a ring in each -ear, and a ring of shell or bone on a string to avert the evil eye, -was lying in a cradle suspended from the roof. Both by Mr. Fawcett and -others, the Kuricchas are given the character of remarkably innocent, -truthful, and trustworthy people. - -For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. E. Fernandez. The -Kuricchas usually live by cultivation, but it is considered a great -stroke of good luck to obtain a post as postal runner or amsham -peon. When on a hunting expedition, they are armed with bows and -arrows, or occasionally with guns, and surround a hill. Some of -them then enter the jungle with dogs, and drive the game, which is -killed by the dogs, or shot with arrows or bullets. The flesh of the -spoil is divided up between the sylvan deity, the jenmi (landlord), -the dogs, the man who put the first arrow or bullet into the animal, -and the other Kuricchas. In some places, the Kuricchas use arrows for -shooting fresh-water fish. The principle is described by Mr. Fawcett -as being the same as in the Greenlander's spear, and the dart used -with a blow-pipe on the west coast for catching sharks. - -From Malabar I have received two forms of blowpipe, used for killing -fish, birds, and small game. In one, the tube consists of a piece -of straight slender bamboo about 4' 6'' in length; the other, -which is about 7' in length, is made from the stem of the areca -palm. In the latter, two pieces of the stem are placed face to face, -so that a complete tube is made. Round the exterior, thin cloth or -tree-bark, steeped in gum, is tightly wrapped, so that the two halves -are kept together. Sometimes the blow-pipe is decorated with painted -designs. The arrow consists of a reed shaft and iron arrow-head, which, -by means of a socket, fits loosely on the conical end of the shaft. A -piece of string, several feet long, is tied round the arrow-head, -and wound closely round the shaft. When the arrow is discharged from -the tube, and enters, for example, the body of a fish, the string is -uncoiled from the shaft, which floats on the surface of the water, -and points out the position of the fish, which is hauled up. - -A Paniyan, Adiyan, Kurumba, or Pulayan, approaching within a -recognised distance of a Kuriccha, conveys pollution, which must -be removed by a bath, holy water, and the recitation of mantrams -(consecrated formulæ). The Kuricchas address Brahmans as Tambrakal, -and Nayars as Tamburan. They are themselves addressed by Paniyans -and Adiyans as Acchan and Pappan, by Jen Kurumbas as Muttappan, -and by Pulayans as Perumannom. - -In addition to Muttappan, the Kuricchas worship various other deities, -such as Karimbil Bhagavathi, Malakurathi, and Athirallan. No animal -sacrifices are performed, but each family celebrates annually -a ceremony called Kollu Kodukal, for which the Pittan (head of -the family) fixes an auspicious day. The temple is cleaned, and -smeared with cow-dung, and holy water is sprinkled, to remove all -pollution. Those who attend at the ceremony bathe before proceeding to -the temple, which is lighted with oil-lamps. Cocoanuts, sugar-candy, -plantains, beaten rice, a measure (edangali) full of rice, and another -full of paddy, are placed before the lamps, and offered to the deity -by the Pittan. One of the community becomes possessed, and gives -forth oracular utterances. Finally he falls down, and the deity is -supposed to have left him. The offerings are distributed among those -who have assembled. - -The management of tribal affairs is vested in the Pittans of the -different families, and the final appellate authority is the Kottayath -Raja, who authorises certain Nayars to hear appeals on his behalf. - -The Kuricchas celebrate the tali-kettu kalyanam. Marriages are arranged -by the Pittans. The wedding is a very simple affair. The bridegroom -brings a pair of cloths and rings made of white metal or brass as a -present for the bride, and a feast is held. - -Kurivi (sparrow).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Kurma (tortoise).--A gotra of Nagaralu. The equivalent Kurum is -recorded as a sept of Pentiya. - -Kurmapu.--The Kurmapuvallu are women, in the Vizagapatam district, -who have not entered into matrimony, but earn money by prostitution, -and acting as dancers at feasts. They are so called from the fact -that they were originally dancing-girls attached to the temple of -Sri Kurmam, a place of pilgrimage in Vizagapatam. [47] - -Kurni.--The name Kurni is, according to the Census Report, 1901, -"a corruption of kuri (sheep) and vanni (wool), the caste having been -originally weavers of wool. They now weave cotton and silk, and also -cultivate. They have two main sub-divisions, Hire (big) and Chikka -(small). The Hires are all Lingayats, and are said to have sixty-six -totemistic septs or gotras. They employ Jangams as priests, and also -men of their own caste, who are called Chittikaras. They will mess with -the non-Lingayat section, and with Lingayats of other castes. They -do not eat meat, or smoke or drink alcohol, but the Chikkas do all -three. Marriage before puberty is the rule in the caste. Divorces -are permitted. Widows may marry again, but have to spend two nights -alone at two different temples. Their wedding ceremonies are carried -out by widows only, and the woman is not afterwards allowed to take -part in religious or family observances." A synonym of both Kurnis -and Devangas is Jada or Jandra, meaning great men. A further synonym -of the Kurnis is said to be Kunigiri. The term Nese, meaning weaver, -is applied to several of the weaving castes, including the Kurnis. - -The following extract is taken from an appeal for subscriptions in -aid of the publication of the Bhavishyottara Purana by the Kurnis in -a village in the Bellary district. "Greetings from all the Kuruhine -Setti Virasaivas residing in Hirihala village of Bellary taluk. The -wish of the writers is that all, old and young, should rejoice in the -sixty-six gotras, sixty-six rudras, and sixty-six rishis. He who reads -the order of these sixty-six gotras of the Kuruhina Settis will enter -Sivaloka. His twenty-one generations will attain to the position of -ganas (attendants) of Sivaloka. Such was the order of Iswara. This is -the end of the chapter in the Nilakantha Mallikarjuna Bhavishyat purana -acquired by Shanmukha from the Iswara shruti of the Haravatula." The -gotras are described as being of the Brahman, Kshatriya, and Vaisya -sub-divisions of the caste, and of Shanmukha's Sudra caste:-- - - -Gotras. - - - Anasu, ferrule. - Anchu, edge or border. - Arashina, turmeric. - Are, Bauhinia racemosa. - Arya, venerable. - Banaju, trade or painted wooden toys. - Bandi, cart. - Banni, Prosopis spicigera. - Basari, fig tree. - Benne, butter. - Bile, white. - Dharma, conduct. - Durga, fort. - Gaduge, throne. - Gauda, headman. - Gikkili, rattle. - Gorige, Cyamopsis psoralioides. - Gullu, Solanum ferox. - Gundu, cannon-ball. - Halige, plank. - Halu, milk. - Heggu, nape of the neck. - Hemme, vanity. - Hittu, flour. - Hon, gold. - Hullu, grass. - Ime, eyelid. - In, sweet. - Inichi, squirrel. - Irani, earthen vessel used at marriages. - Jali, Acacia arabica. - Jirige, cummin seed. - Jiva, life. - Junju, cock's comb. - Kadi, blade of grass. - Katige, collyrium. - Kadle (Bengal gram, Cicer arietinum). - Kadu, wild. - Kakke, Cassia Fistula. - Kamadi, tortoise. - Kanni, rope. - Katte, embankment. - Ken, red. - Kenja, red ant. - Kere, tank. - Kesari, lion. - Kinkila, Indian cuckoo, Eudynamis honorata. - Koti, dagger. - Kudure, horse. - Kunte, pond. - Kurivi, sparrow. - Mallige, jasmine. - Maralu, sand. - Menasu, pepper or chillies. - Midichi, locust. - Mini, leather rope. - Muchchu, broken rice. - Muddu, kiss or love. - Mullu, thorn. - Naga, snake. - Nellu, unhusked rice. - Parama, highest. - Raksha, protecting. - Rama, lovely. - Rikki, feather ? - Salige, wire. - Sampige, Michelia Champaca. - Samsara, family. - Sara, string. - Sindhu, sea or flag ? - Swarabha, sound. - Tikke, gem. - Uttama, best. - Vanki, armlet. - Vatte, camel. - - -Some of the above names also occur as exogamous septs, or sub-divisions -of other Canarese or Telugu classes, e.g.-- - - - Arashina, turmeric. Agasa, Kuruba, Odde. - - Bandi, cart. Kapu, Kavarai, Kuruba, Kuravan, Mala, Odde, Yanadi. - - Halu, milk. Holeya, Kuruba, Vakkaliga. - - Hon, gold. Kuruba, Odde. - - Jirige, cummin. Kuruba. - - Kudure, horse. Vakkaliga. - - Mallige, Malli, or Mallela, jasmine. Holeya, Kamma, Kuruba, - Kuravan, Madiga, Mala, Odde, Tsakala. - - Menasu, pepper or chillies. Kuruba. - - Sampigi or Sampangi, Michelia Champaca. Odde. - - -Kuruba.--Though plucky in hunting bears and leopards, the Kurubas at -Hospet were exceedingly fearful of myself and my methods, and were -only partially ingratiated by an offer of a money prize at one of the -wrestling combats, in which they delight, and of which I had a private -exhibition. The wrestlers, some of whom were splendid specimens of -muscularity, had, I noticed, the moustache clipped short, and hair -clean shaved at the back of the head, so that there was none for the -adversary to grip. One man, at the entreaties of an angry spouse, -was made to offer up the silver coin, presented by me in return for -the loan of his body for measurement, as bad money at the shrine of -Udachallama, together with two annas of his own as a peace-offering -to the goddess. The wives of two men (brothers), who came to me for -measurement, were left sobbing in the village. One, at the last moment, -refused to undergo the operation, on the principle that one should -be taken, and the other left. A man was heard, at question time, to -mutter "Why, when we are hardworking and poor, do we keep our hair, -while this rich and lazy Sahib has gone bald?" Another (I believe, -the tame village lunatic) was more complimentary, and exclaimed "We -natives are the betel leaf and nut. You, Sir, are the chunam (lime), -which makes them perfect." - -Many of the Kurubas wear charms in the form of a string of black -sheep's wool, or thread tied round the arm or neck, sometimes with -sacred ashes wrapped inside, as a vow to some minor deity, or a four -anna piece to a superior deity. A priest wore a necklet of rudraksha -(Elæocarpus Ganitrus) beads, and a silver box, containing the material -for making the sacred marks on the forehead, pendent from a loin -string. His child wore a similar necklet, a copper ornament engraved -with cabalistic devices, and silver plate bearing a figure of Hanuman, -as all his other children had died, and a piece of pierced pottery -from the burial-ground, to ward off whooping-cough, suspended round -the neck. In colour-scale the Kurubas vary enormously, from very dark -to light brown. The possessor of the fairest skin, and the greatest -development of adipose tissue, was a sub-magistrate. At Hospet, -many had bushy mutton-chop whiskers. Their garments consisted of a -tight fitting pair of short drawers, white turban, and black kambli -(blanket), which does duty as overcoat, umbrella, and sack for bringing -in grass from the outlying country. - -Some of the Kurubas are petty land-owners, and raise crops of cholam -(Andropogon Sorghum), rice, Hibiscus cannabinus, etc. Others are -owners of sheep, shepherds, weavers, cultivators, and stone-masons. The -manufacture of coarse blankets for wearing apparel is, to a very large -extent, carried on by the Kurubas. In connection with this industry, -I may quote the following extracts from my "Monograph on the woollen -fabric industry of the Madras Presidency" (1898). - -Bellary.--In the Bellary Manual (1872), it is stated that "cumblies are -the great article of export, and the rugs made in the Kudligi taluk -are in great demand, and are sent to all parts of the country. They -are manufactured of various qualities, from the coarse elastic cumbly -used in packing raw cotton, price about six annas, to a fine kind -of blanket, price Rs. 6 to 8. In former times, a much finer fabric -was manufactured from the wool of the lamb when six months old, -and cumblies of this kind sold for Rs. 50 or Rs. 60. These are no -longer made." Coarse blankets are at present made in 193 villages, -the weavers being mostly Kurubas, who obtain the wool locally, -sun-dry it, and spin it into thread, which is treated with a watery -paste of tamarind seeds. The weaving is carried out as in the case of -an ordinary cotton cloth, the shuttle being a piece of wood hollowed -out on one side. Inside the ruined Maratha fort at Sandur dwells a -colony of Kurubas, whose profession is blanket-weaving. The preliminary -operations are performed by the women, and the weaving is carried out -by the men, who sit, each in his own pit, while they pass the shuttle -through the warp with repeated applications of tamarind paste from -a pot at their side. - -Kurnool.--Blankets are manufactured in 39 villages. Sheep's wool is -beaten and cleaned, and spun into yarn with hand spindles. In the -case of the mutaka, or coarse cumblies used by the poorer classes, the -thread used for the warp is well rubbed with a gruel made of tamarind -seeds before being fitted up in the loom, which is generally in the -open air. In the case of jadi, or cumblies of superior quality used -as carpets, no gruel is used before weaving. But, when they are taken -off the loom, the weavers spread them out tight on a country cot, -pour boiling water over them, and rub them well with their hands, -until the texture becomes thick and smooth. - -Kistna.--Both carpets and blankets are made at Masulipatam, -and blankets only, to a considerable extent, in the Gudivada -taluk. The Tahsildar of Nuzvid, in several villages of which taluk -the blanket-weaving industry is carried on, gives me the following -note. The sheep, of which it is intended to shear the wool, are first -bathed before shearing. If the wool is not all of the same colour, the -several colours are picked out, and piled up separately. This being -done, each separate pile is beaten, not as a whole, but bit by bit, -with a light stick of finger thickness. Then the cleaning process is -carried out, almost in the way adopted by cotton-spinners, but with a -smaller bow. Then the wool is spun into yarn with the help of a thin -short piece of stick, near the bottom of which a small flat, circular -or square weight of wood or pot-stone (steatite) is attached, so as -to match the force of the whirling given to the stick on the man's -thigh. After a quantity of yarn has been prepared, a paste is smeared -over it, to stiffen it, so that it can be easily passed through the -loom. The paste is prepared with kajagaddalu, or tamarind seeds, when -the former is not available. Kajagaddalu is a weed with a bulbous root, -sometimes as large as a water-melon. The root is boiled in water, and -the thin coating which covers it removed while it is still hot. The -root is then reduced to a pulp by beating in a mortar with frequent -sprinkling of water. The pulp is mixed with water, to make it sticky, -and applied to the yarn. Tamarind seeds are split in two, and soaked -in water for several hours. The outer coating then becomes detached, -and is removed. The seeds are beaten into a fine flour, and boiled -until this acquires the necessary consistency. They are then made -into a paste with water, and applied to the yarn. - -Madura.--Coarse blankets are manufactured to a small extent by Kuruba -women in twenty-two villages of the Melur, Dindigul, and Palni taluks. - -In the province of Mysore, parts of Chitaldrug and the town of Kolar -are noted for the manufacture of a superior kind of blanket, of fine -texture like homespun, by Kurubas. The wool is spun by the women. - -By one section of the Kurubas, called Sunnata or Vasa (new) only -white blankets are said to be made. - -The personal names of Kurubas are derived from their gods, Basappa, -Lingappa, Narasimha, Huliga, etc., with Ayya, Appa, or Anna as -affixes. An educational officer tells me that, when conducting a -primary examination, he came across a boy named Mondrolappa after -Sir Thomas Munro, who still lives in the affections of the people. - -"It has," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [48] "been suggested that the name -Kuruba is a derivative of the Canarese root kuru, sheep (cf. Tamil -kori); but it has been objected to this that the Kurumbas were not -originally a purely shepherd tribe, and it is contended that the -particular kind of sheep called kori is so called because it is -the sheep of the Kurumbas. Again, the ancient lexicographer of the -Tamil language, Pingala Muni, defines Kurumban as Kurunila Mannar, -or petty chieftains. But the most common derivation is from the Tamil -kurumbu, wickedness, so that Kurumban means a wicked man. With this -may be compared the derivation of Kallan from kalavu, theft, and the -Kallans are now generally believed to have been closely connected -with, if not identical with the original Kurumbas. On the other hand, -the true derivation may be in the other direction, as in the case of -the Sclavs. The language of the Kurumbas is a dialect of Canarese, -and not of Tamil, as stated by Bishop Caldwell. It resembles the old -Canarese." Concerning the affinities of the Kurubas, Mr. Stuart states -that "they are the modern representatives of the ancient Pallavas, -who were once so powerful in Southern India. In the seventh century, -the power of the Pallava kings seems to have been at its zenith, -though very little trace of their greatness now remains; but, soon -after this, the Kongu, Chola, and Chalukya chiefs succeeded in winning -several victories over them, and the final overthrow of the Kurumba -sovereignty was effected by the Chola King Adondai about the eighth -century A.D., and the Kurumbas were scattered far and wide. Many -fled to the hills, and, in the Nilgiris and Wynad, in Coorg and -Mysore, representatives of this ancient race are now found as wild -and uncivilised tribes." Let me call anthropometric evidence, and -compare the Kurubas of Mysore and Bellary with the jungle Kurumbas -of the Nilgiris and the allied Kadirs and Mala Vedars, by means of -the two important physical characters, stature and nasal index. - - - Stature. Nasal index. - Average. Maximum. Minimum. Average. Maximum. Minimum. - cm. cm. cm. - -Kurubas, 163.9 176.4 155 73.2 85.9 62.3 -Mysore -Kurubas, 162.7 175.4 153.4 74.9 92.2 63.3 -Bellary -Kurumbas, 157.5 163.6 149.6 88.8 111.1 79.1 -Nilgiris -Kadirs 157.7 169.4 148.6 89.8 115.4 72.9 -Mala 154.2 163.8 140.8 84.9 102.6 71.1 -Vedars - - -In this table, the wide gap which separates the domesticated Kurubas -of the Mysore Province and the adjacent Bellary district from the -conspicuously platyrhine and short-statured Kurumbas and other jungle -tribes, stands out prominently before any one who is accustomed to deal -on a large scale with bodies and noses. And I confess that I like to -regard the Kurumbas, Mala Vedars, Kadirs, Paniyans, and other allied -tribes of short stature with broad noses as the most archaic existing -inhabitants of the south of the Indian peninsula, and as having -dwelt in the jungles, unclothed, and living on roots, long before -the seventh century. The question of the connection between Kurubas -and Kurumbas is further discussed in the note on the latter tribe. - -The popular tradition as to the origin of the caste is as -follows. Originally the Kurubas were Kapus. Their ancestors were Masi -Reddi and Nilamma, who lived on the eastern ghats by selling firewood, -and had six sons. Taking pity on their poverty, Siva came begging to -their house in the disguise of a Jangam, and gave Nilamma some sacred -ashes, while promising prosperity through the birth of another son, -who was called Undala Padmanna. The family became prosperous through -agriculture. But, unlike his six brothers, Undala Padmanna never went -out to work in the fields. They accordingly contrived to get rid of him -by asking him to set fire to some brushwood concealing a white-ant -hill, in the hope that the snake within it would kill him. But, -instead of a snake, an innumerable host of sheep appeared. Frightened -at the sight of these strange black beasts, Undala Padmanna took to -his heels. But Siva appeared, and told him that they were created -for his livelihood, and that he should rear them, and live by their -milk. He taught him how to milk the sheep and boil the milk, and sent -him to a distant town, which was occupied by Rakshasas, to fetch -fire. There the giants were keeping in bondage a Brahman girl, who -fell in love with Undala Padmanna. They managed to escape from the -clutches of the Rakshasas by arranging their beds over deep pits, -which were dug for their destruction. To save her lover, the girl -transformed him into a lizard. She then went with him to the place -where his flock was, and Undala Padmanna married a girl of his own -caste, and had male offspring by her as well as the Brahman. At the -marriage of these sons, a thread kankanam (bracelet) was tied to the -wrist of the caste woman's offspring, and a woollen kankanam to that -of the Brahman girl's sons. The sons of the former were, therefore, -called Atti (cotton) Kankanadavaru, and those of the latter Unni -(woollen) Kankanadavaru. The latter are considered inferior, as they -are of hybrid origin. A third sub-division is that of the Ande Kurubas, -named after the small vessel (ande) used in milking goats. In a note -on the Kurubas of Alur, Thikka, meaning a simpleton, is given as -the name of an important division. It is noted in the Mysore Census -Report, 1901, that the Kurubas have not taken kindly to education, -and are by nature so simple that Kuruba has, in some places, become -a byword for a simpleton. The Kurubas are also known as Halu Mata, -or milk caste, as they believe that they were created out of milk -by Revana Siddeswara. In Hindustani they are called Dhangars, or -rich people. Some, in spite of their poor dress and appearance, -are well-to-do. At the Madras census, 1901, Kavadiga, Kumpani, -and Rayarvamsam (Raja's clan) were returned by some members of the -community. In Mysore, the Kurubas are said [49] to be divided into -Hande Kurubas and Kurubas proper, who have no intercourse with one -another. The latter worship Bire Devaru, and are Saivites. According -to another account, the Halu Kurubas of Mysore have sub-divisions -according to the day of the week, on which they offer puja to their -god, e.g., Aditya Varada (Sunday), Brihaspati Varada (Thursday), -Soma Varada (Monday). - -"The Kurubas," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, "are again sub-divided into -clans or gumpus, each having a headman or guru called a gaudu, who -gives his name to the clan. And the clans are again sub-divided -into gotras or septs, which are mostly of totemistic origin, and -retain their totemistic character to this day. The Arisana gotram is -particularly worthy of notice. The name means saffron (turmeric), -and this was originally taboo; but, as this caused inconvenience, -the korra grain has been substituted, although the old name of the -sept was retained." - - - Exogamous septs. - - Agni, fire. - Alige, drum. - Andara, booth. - Ane, elephant. - Arashina or Arisana, turmeric. - Arathi, wave offering. - Ari, ebony. - Ariya, noble. - Avu, snake. - Bandi, cart. - Banni (Prosopis spicigera). - Basale (Basella rubra). - Batlu, cup. - Belata (Feronia elephantum). - Belli, silver. - Belu (Ægle Marmelos). - Bende (Hibiscus esculentus). - Benise, flint. - Bevu or Bevina (Melia Azadirachta). - Binu, roll of woollen thread. - Bola, bangle. - Chandra, moon. - Chelu, scorpion. - Chilla (Strychnos potatorum). - Chinna or Sinnata, gold. - Deva, a tree. - Emme, buffalo. - Gali, devil. - Gauda, headman. - Gulimi, pick-axe. - Halu, milk. - Hatti, hut. - Honnungara, gold ring. - Ibabire, tortoise. - Irula, darkness. - Iruvu, black ant. - Jelakuppa, a fish. - Jirige, cummin. - Jivala, an insect. - Kalle, bengal gram. - Kanchu, bell-metal. - Kavada, coloured border of a cloth. - Kombu, stick. - Kori, blanket. - Mana, measure. - Malli, jasmine. - Menusu, pepper. - Minchu, metal toe-ring. - Mise, moustache. - Mugga, loom. - Muttu, pearl. - Nali, bamboo tube. - Nayi, dog. - Othu, goat. - Putta, ant-hill; snake hole. - Ratna, precious stones. - Samanti or Savanti (Chrysanthemum). - Same (millet: Panicum miliare). - Samudra, ocean. - Sankhu, conch-shell. - Sarige, lace. - Surya, sun. - Thuppa, clarified butter. - Turaka, Muhammadan. - Ungara, ring. - Uppiri, earth-salt. - - -The titles of members of the caste are Gauda or Heggade, and -the more prosperous go by the name of Kaudikiaru, a corruption -of Gaudikiaru. Many, at the present day, have adopted the title -Nayakkan. Some are called Gorava Vandlu. - -According to Mr. Stuart, "each community of Kurubas, residing in a -group of villages, has a headman or Gaudu. He acts the part of pujari -or priest in all their ceremonies, presides over their tribal meetings, -and settles disputes. He is paid four annas, or, as they call it, -one ruka per house per annum. He is a strict vegetarian, and will not -eat with other Kurubas." The headman or guru of the caste in Bellary -goes by the name of Revana Siddeswara, and he wears the lingam, and -follows the Lingayat creed. Sometimes he dines with his people, and, -on these occasions, new cooking pots must be used. He exercises the -power of inflicting fines, excommunicating those who have had illicit -intercourse with Boyas, Muhammadans, and others, etc. The Kurubas -in Bellary and Anantapur are said to pay three pies to their guru -for every blanket which they sell. The name of the tribal headman at -Alur is Kattaiyintivadu, i.e., shed with a pial or raised verandah -in front of it. Among both Kurubas and Bedars, a special building, -built by public subscription, and called the katta-illu or chavadi, is -set apart for council meetings, at which tribal affairs are discussed -and decided. - -When a girl reaches puberty, she is kept in a corner of the house for -eight days. On the ninth day she bathes, and food is taken to her by -an old woman of the house. Kuruba women are invited to be present in -the evening. The girl, covered with a blanket, is seated on a raised -place. Those assembled throw rice over her feet, knees, shoulders, -and head, and into her lap. Coloured turmeric and lime water is then -waved three or five times round her, and ravikes (body-cloths) are -presented to her. - -The following account of the marriage ceremonial was recorded in -Western Bellary. When a marriage has been settled between the parents -of the young people, visits are exchanged by the two families. On -a fixed day, the contracting couple sit on a blanket at the bride's -house, and five women throw rice over five parts of the body as at -the menstrual ceremony. Betel leaves and areca-nuts are placed before -them, of which the first portion is set apart for the god Birappa, -the second for the Gauda, another for the house god, and so on up -to the tenth. A general distribution then takes place The ceremony, -which is called sakshi vilya or witness betel-leaf, is brought to a -conclusion by waving in front of the couple a brass vessel, over the -mouth of which five betel leaves and a ball of ashes are placed. They -then prostrate themselves before the guru. For the marriage ceremony, -the services of the guru, a Jangam, or a Brahman priest, are called -into requisition. Early on the wedding morning, the bridal couple are -anointed and washed. A space, called the irani square, is marked out -by placing at the four corners a pot filled with water. Round each pot -a cotton thread is wound five times. Similar thread is also tied to -the milk-post of the marriage pandal (booth), which is made of pipal -(Ficus religiosa) wood. Within the square a pestle, painted with -red and white stripes, is placed, on which the bride and bridegroom, -with two young girls, seat themselves. Rice is thrown over them, and -they are anointed and washed. To each a new cloth is given, in which -they dress themselves, and the wrist-thread (kankanam) is tied on all -four. Presents are given by relations, and arathi (red water) is waved -round them. The bridegroom is decorated with a bashingam (chaplet -of flowers), and taken on a bull to a Hanuman shrine along with his -best man. Cocoanuts, camphor, and betel are given to the priest as -an offering to the god. According to another account, both bride and -bridegroom go to the shrine, where a matron ties on their foreheads -chaplets of flowers, pearls, etc. At the marriage house a dais has -been erected close to the milk-post, and covered with a blanket, on -which a mill-stone and basket filled with cholum (Andropogon Sorghum) -are placed. The bridegroom, standing with a foot on the stone and -the bride with a foot on the basket, the gold tali, after it has been -touched by five married women, is tied round the bride's neck by the -officiating priest, while those assembled throw rice over the happy -pair, and bless them. According to another version, a bed-sheet is -interposed as a screen, so that the bride and bridegroom cannot see -each other. On the three following days, the newly-married couple sit -on the blanket, and rice is thrown over them. In Western Bellary, the -bridegroom, on the third day, carries the bride on his waist to Hanuman -temple, where married women throw rice over them. On the fifth morning, -they are once more anointed and washed within the irani square, and, -towards evening, the bride's father hands her over to her husband, -saying "She was till this time a member of my sept and house. Now I -hand her over to your sept and house." On the night of the sixth day, -a ceremony called booma idothu (food placing) is performed. A large -metal vessel (gangalam) is filled with rice, ghi (clarified butter), -curds, and sugar. Round this some of the relations of the bride and -bridegroom sit, and finish off the food. The number of those, who -partake thereof must be an odd one, and they must eat the food as -quickly as possible. If anything goes wrong with them, while eating -or afterwards, it is regarded as an omen of impending misfortune. Some -even consider it as an indication of the bad character of the bride. - -Concerning the marriage ceremony of the Kurubas of North Arcot, -Mr. Stuart writes as follows. "As a preliminary to the marriage, -the bridegroom's father observes certain marks or curls on the -head of the proposed bride. Some of these are believed to forebode -prosperity, and others only misery to the family, into which the girl -enters. They are, therefore, very cautious in selecting only such -girls as possess curls (suli) of good fortune. This curious custom, -obtaining among this primitive tribe, is observed by others only in -the case of the purchase of cows, bulls, and horses. One of the good -curls is the bashingam found on the forehead; and the bad ones are the -peyanakallu at the back of the head, and the edirsuli near the right -temple. But widowers seeking for wives are not generally particular -in this respect. [As bad curls are supposed to cause the death of -the man who is their possessor, she is, I am informed, married to a -widower.] The marriage is celebrated in the bridegroom's house, and, -if the bride belongs to a different village, she is escorted to that -of the bridegroom, and is made to wait in a particular spot outside -it, selected for the occasion. On the first day of the marriage, -purna kumbam, a small decorated vessel containing milk or ghi, with -a two-anna piece and a cocoanut placed on the betel leaf spread over -the mouth of it, is taken by the bridegroom's relations to meet the -bride's party. Therethe distribution of pan supari takes place, -and both parties return to the village. Meanwhile, the marriage -booth is erected, and twelve twigs of naval (Eugenia Jambolana) -are tied to the twelve pillars, the central or milk post, under -which the bridal pair sit, being smeared with turmeric, and a yellow -thread being tied thereto. At an auspicious hour of the third day, -the couple are made to sit in the booth, the bridegroom facing the -east, and the bride facing west. On a blanket spread near the kumbam, -2 1/2 measures of rice, a tali or bottu, one cocoanut, betel leaf and -camphor are placed. The Gaudu places a ball of vibhuti (sacred ashes) -thereon, breaks a cocoanut, and worships the kumbam, while camphor -is burnt. The Gaudu next takes the tali, blesses it, and gives it to -the bridegroom, who ties it round the bride's neck. The Gaudu then, -throwing rice on the heads of the pair, recites a song, in which -the names of various people are mentioned, and concluding 'Oh! happy -girl; Oh! prosperous girl; Basava has come; remove your veil.' The -girl then removes her veil, and the men and women assembled throw -rice on the heads of the bridal pair. The ends of their garments are -then tied together, and two girls and three boys are made to eat out -of the plates placed before the married couple. A feast to all their -relations completes the ceremony. The Gaudu receives 2 1/2 measures -of rice, five handfuls of nuts and betel leaf, and twelve saffrons -(pieces of turmeric) as his fee. Even though the girl has attained -puberty, the nuptial ceremony is not coincident with the wedding, but -is celebrated a few months later." In like manner, among the Kammas, -Gangimakkulu, and other classes, consummation does not take place -until three months after the marriage ceremony, as it is considered -unlucky to have three heads of a family in a household during the -first year of marriage. By the delay, the birth of a child should -take place only in the second year, so that, during the first year, -there will be only two heads, husband and wife. At a marriage among -the Kurubas of the Madura district, a chicken is waved in front of -the contracting couple, to avert the evil eye. The maternal uncle's -consent to a marriage is necessary, and, at the wedding, he leads the -bride to the pandal. A Kuruba may, I am informed, marry two sisters, -either on the death of one of them, or if his first wife has no issue, -or suffers from an incurable disease. Some twenty years ago, when -an unmarried Kuruba girl was taken to a temple, to be initiated as -a Basavi (dedicated prostitute), the caste men prosecuted the father -as a protest against the practice. - -In the North Arcot district, according to Mr. Stuart, "the mother -and child remain in a separate hut for the first ten days after -delivery. On the eleventh day, all the Kuruba females of the village -bring each a pot of hot water, and bathe the mother and child. Betel -and nuts are distributed, and all the people of the village eat in -the mother's house. On the next market-day, her husband, with some of -his male friends, goes to a neighbouring market, and consults with -a Korava or Yerukala what name is to be given to the child, and the -name he mentions is then given to it." In a case which came before -the police in the Bellary district in 1907, a woman complained that -her infant child had been taken away, and concealed in the house of -another woman, who was pregnant. The explanation of the abduction was -that there is a belief that, if a pregnant woman keeps a baby in her -bed, she will have no difficulty at the time of delivery. - -Remarriage of widows is permitted. The ceremony is performed in -a temple or dark room, and the tali is tied by a widow, a woman -dedicated to the deity, or a Dasayya (mendicant) of their own -caste. According to another account, a widow is not allowed to wear a -tali, but is presented with a cloth. Hence widow marriage is called -Sire Udiki. Children of widows are married into families in which -no widow remarriage has taken place, and are treated like ordinary -members of the community. - -In Western Bellary I gathered that the dead are buried, those -who have been married with the face upwards, others with the face -downwards. The grave is dug north and south, and the head is placed -to the south. Earth is thrown into the grave by relations before it -is filled in. A mound is raised over it, and three stones are set up, -over the head, navel, and feet. The eldest son of the deceased places -on his left shoulder a pot filled with water, in the bottom of which -three small holes are made, through which the water escapes. Proceeding -from the spot beneath which the head rests, he walks round the grave, -and then drops the pot so that it falls on the mound, and goes home -without looking back. This ceremony is a very important one with both -Kurubas and Bedars. In the absence of a direct heir, he who carries the -pot claims the property of the deceased, and is considered to be the -inheritor thereof. For the propitiation of ancestors, cooked rice and -sweetmeats, with a new turban and cloth or petticoat, according to the -sex of the deceased, are offered up. Ancestors who died childless, -unless they left property, do not receive homage. It is noted, -in the Bellary Gazetteer, that "an unusual rite is in some cases -observed after deaths, a pot of water being worshipped in the house -on the eleventh day after the funeral, and taken the next morning and -emptied in some lonely place. The ceremony is named the calling back -of the dead, but its real significance is not clear." - -Of the death ceremonies in the North Arcot district, Mr. Stuart -writes that "the son, or, in his absence, a near relative goes round -the grave three times, carrying a pot of water, in which he makes -a hole at each round. On the third round he throws down the pot, -and returns home straight, without turning his face towards the -direction of the grave. For three days, the four carriers of the bier -are not admitted into their houses, but they are fed at the cost of -the deceased's heir. On the the third day, cooked rice, a fowl and -water are taken to the burial-ground, and placed near the grave, to -be eaten by the spirit of the dead. The son, and all his relations, -return home, beating on their mouths. Pollution is observed for ten -days, and, on the eleventh day, sheep and fowls are killed, and a -grand feast is given to the Kurumbas of the village. Before the feast -commences, a leaf containing food is placed in a corner of the house, -and worshipped. This is removed on the next morning, and placed over -the roof, to be eaten by crows. If the deceased be a male, the glass -bangles worn by his wife on her right arm are broken on the same day." - -The patron saint of the Kurubas is Birappa or Biradevaru, and they -will not ride on horses or ponies, as these are the vehicles of the -god. But they worship, in addition, various minor deities, e.g., -Uligamma, Mallappa, Anthargattamma, Kencharaya, and have their house -gods, who are worshipped either by a house or by an entire exogamous -sept. In some places, Mariamma and Sunkulamma are worshipped on Tuesday -and Friday, and the sheep and other offerings are the perquisite of -Boyas, Malas, and Madigas. Some families of Kuruba Dasaris reverence -a goddess called Hombalamma, who is worshipped secretly by a pujari -(priest) at dead of night. Everything used in connection with the rite -is buried or otherwise disposed of before morning. The Kurubas show -reverence for the jammi tree (Prosopis spicigera) and ashwatham (Ficus -religiosa) by not cutting them. It was noticed by Mr. F. Fawcett that, -at the temples of the village goddesses Wannathamma and Durgamma in the -Bellary district, an old Kuruba woman performs the daily worship. In -the mantapam of the temple at Lepakshi, in the Anantapur district, -"is the sculptured figure of a man leaning his chin upon his hands, -which is said to represent a Kuruba who once acted as mediator between -the builder of the temple and his workmen in a dispute about wages. The -image is still bathed in oil, and worshipped by the local Kurubas, -who are proud of the important part played by their caste-man." [50] -In Mysore, the Kurubas are said to worship a box, which they believe -contains the wearing apparel of Krishna under the name of Junjappa. One -of the goddesses worshipped by the Kurubas is named Kelu Devaru or Mane -Hennu Devaru, the pot or household deity. She is worshipped annually -at the Dasara festival, and, on occasions of marriage, just before -the tali is tied. The pot is made by a Kumbara (potter), who is well -paid for his work. During its manufacture, he has to take only one -meal daily, and to avoid pollution of all kinds. The clay should be -kneaded with the hands, and wetted with milk, milk of tender cocoanuts, -and water. When at work on it, the potter should close his mouth with -a bandage, so that his breath may not defile the pot. The Kurubas who -are settled in the Madura district reverence Vira Lakkamma (Lakshmi) -as their family deity, and an interesting feature in connection with -the worship of their goddess is that cocoanuts are broken on the head -of a special Kuruba, who becomes possessed by the deity. - -The Kurubas are ancestor worshippers, and many of them have in their -possession golden discs called hitharadha tali, with the figures of one -or more human beings stamped on them. The discs are made by Akasales -(goldsmiths), who stamp them from steel dies. They are either kept -in the house, or worn round the neck by women. If the deceased was -a celebrity in the community, a large plate is substituted for a disc. - -Concerning the religion of the Kurubas, Mr. Francis writes as -follows. "The most striking point about the caste is its strong -leaning towards the Lingayat faith. Almost everywhere, Jangams are -called in as priests, and allegiance to the Lingayat maths (religious -institutions) is acknowledged, and in places (Kamalapuram for example), -the ceremonies at weddings and funerals have been greatly modified -in the direction of the Lingayat pattern." [51] "In the North Arcot -district, the Gaudu is entrusted with the custody of a golden image -representing the hero of the clan, and keeps it carefully in a small -box filled with turmeric powder. There are also some images set up in -temples built for the purpose. Once a year, several neighbouring clans -assemble at one of their bigger temples, which is lighted with ghi, -and, placing their images in a row, offer to them flowers, cocoanuts, -milk, etc., but they do not slay any victim. On the last day of -their festival, the Kurumbas take a bath, worship a bull, and break -cocoanuts upon the heads of pujaris who have an hereditary right to -this distinction, and upon the head of the sacred bull. Some Kurumbas -do not adopt this apparently inhuman practice. A pujari or priest, -supposed to have some supernatural power, officiates, and begins by -breaking a few nuts on the heads of those nearest to him, and then the -rest go on, the fragments belonging by right to those whose skulls have -cracked them, and who value the pieces as sacred morsels of food. For -a month before this ceremony, all the people have taken no meat, and -for three days the pujaris have lived on fruits and milk alone. At -the feast, therefore, all indulge in rather immoderate eating, but -drink no liquor, calling excitedly upon their particular god to grant -them a prosperous year. The temples of this caste are usually rather -extensive, but rude, low structures, resembling an enclosed mantapam -supported upon rough stone pillars, with a small inner shrine, where -the idols are placed during festival time. A wall of stone encloses -a considerable space round the temple, and this is covered with -small structures formed of four flat stones, three being the walls, -and the fourth the roof. The stone facing the open side has a figure -sculptured upon it, representing the deceased Gaudu, or pujari, to -whom it is dedicated. For each person of rank one of these monuments -is constructed, and here periodically, and always during the annual -feasts, puja is made not only to the spirits of the deceased chiefs, -but also to those of all who have died in the clan. It seems impossible -not to connect this with those strange structures called by the natives -Pandava's temples. They are numerous where the Kurumbas are now found, -and are known to have been raised over the dead. Though the Kurumbas -bury, they do not now raise their monuments over the resting place of -the corpse. Nor can they build them upon anything approaching to the -gigantic scale of the ancient kistvaen or dolmen." [52] It was noted -by a correspondent of the Indian Antiquary [53] that, in the Kaladgi -'district,' he "came across the tomb of a Kuruba only four years -old. It was a complete miniature dolmen about eighteen inches every -way, composed of four stones, one at each side, one at the rear, and -a cap-stone. The interior was occupied by two round stones about the -size of a man's fist, painted red, the deceased resting in his mother -earth below." In the open country near Kadur in Mysore, is a shrine -of Biradevaru, which consists of four stone pillars several feet -in height surmounted by flat slabs as a cap-stone, within which the -deity is represented by round stones, and stones with snakes carved -on them are deposited. Within the Kuruba quarter of the town, the -shrine of Anthargattamma is a regular dolmen beneath a margosa (Melia -Azadirachta) tree, in which the goddess is represented by rounded -stones imbedded in a mound of earth. Just outside the same town, -close to a pipal tree (Ficus religiosa) are two smaller dolmen-like -structures containing stones representing two Kuruba Dasaris, one a -centenarian, who are buried there. - -"The village of Maliar, in the Hadagalli taluk of the Bellary district, -contains a Siva temple, which is famous throughout the district -for an annual festival held there in the month of February. This -festival has now dwindled more or less into a cattle fair. But the -fame of the temple continues as regards the karanika, which is a -cryptic sentence uttered by a priest, containing a prophecy of the -prospect of the agricultural season of the ensuing year. The pujari -of the temple is a Kuruba. The feast in the temple lasts for ten -days. On the last day of the feast, the god Siva is represented as -returning victorious from the battlefield after having slain Malla -with a huge bow. He is met half-way from the field of battle by the -goddess. The huge wooden bow is brought, and placed on end before -the god. The Kuruba priest climbs up the bow as it is held up by -two assistants, and then gets on the shoulders of these men. In -this posture he stands rapt in silence for a few minutes, looking -in several directions. He then begins to quake and quiver from head -to foot. This is the sign of the spirit of the Siva god possessing -him--the sign of the divine afflatus upon him. A solemn silence -holds the assembly, for the time of the karanika has approached. The -shivering Kuruba utters a cryptic sentence, such as Akasakke sidlu -bodiyuttu, or thunder struck the sky. This is at once copied down, -and interpreted as a prophecy that there will be much rain in the year -to come. Thus every year, in the month of February, the karanika of -Mailar is uttered and copied, and kept by all in the district as a -prophecy. This karanika prognostication is also pronounced now at the -Mallari temple in the Dharwar district, at Nerakini in the Alur taluk, -and at Mailar Lingappa in the Harapanahalli taluk." [54] - -The rule of inheritance among the Kurubas is said [55] to differ -very little from that current among Hindus, but the daughters, if -the deceased has no son, share equally with the agnates. They belong -to the right-hand faction, and have the privilege of passing through -the main bazars in processions. Some Mudalis and 'Naidus' are said -to have no objection to eat, drink, and smoke with Kurubas. Gollas -and some inferior flesh-eating Kapus will also do so. - -Kuruhina Setti Viraisaivar.--A synonym of Kurni. Kuruhina means -literally a sign, mark, or token. Kuruvina Banajiga occurs as a -synonym of Bilimagga. - -Kurukkal.--See Gurukkal (Brahman). - -Kurukula Vamsam.--The name, derived from Kuru, the ancestor of the -Kauravas, assumed by some Pattanavans. - -Kurumba or Kuruman.--As bearing on the disputed question of the -connection between the Kurumbas who dwell in the jungle, and the -Kurubas (shepherds and weavers) who live in the plains and open -country, I may quote the evidence of various witnesses:-- - -Madras Census Report, 1891.--"The Kurumbas or Kurrubas are the modern -representatives of the ancient Kurumbas or Pallavas, who were once -so powerful throughout Southern India, but very little trace of their -greatness now remains. In the seventh century, the power of the Pallava -kings seems to have been at its zenith; but, shortly after this, -the Kongu, Chola, and Chalukya chiefs succeeded in winning several -victories over them. The final overthrow of the Kurumba sovereignty -was effected by the Chola king Adondai about the seventh or eighth -century A.D., and the Kurumbas were scattered far and wide. Many -fled to the hills, and in the Nilgiris and the Wynad, in Coorg and -Mysore, representatives of this ancient race are now found as wild -and uncivilised tribes. Elsewhere the Kurumbas are more advanced, -and are usually shepherds, and weavers of coarse woollen blankets." - -"Kuruman.--This caste is found in the Nilgiris and the Wynad, with a -slight sprinkling in the Nilambur and Attapadi hills in Malabar. Their -principal occupations are wood-cutting, and the collection of forest -produce. The name is merely another form of Kurumban, but, as they -differ from the ordinary Kurumbas, it seemed better to show them -separately. I think, however, that they were originally identical with -the shepherd Kurumbans, and their present separation is merely the -result of their isolation in the fastnesses of the Western Ghats, -to which their ancestors fled, or gradually retreated after the -downfall of the Kurumba dynasty. The name Kurumbranad, a sub-division -of Malabar, still bears testimony to their once powerful position." - -Madras Census Report, 1901--"Kuruba; Kurumban.--These two have always -been treated as the same caste. Mr. Thurston (Madras Mus. Bull. II, -i) thinks they are distinct. I have no new information, which will -clearly decide the matter, but the fact seems to be that Kurumban is -the Tamil form of the Telugu or Canarese Kuruba, and that the two -terms are applied to the same caste according to the language in -which it is referred to. There was no confusion in the abstraction -offices between the two names, and it will be seen that Kuruba is -returned where Canarese and Telugu are spoken, and Kurumban where -the vernacular is Tamil. There are two sharply defined bodies of -Kurumbans--those who live on the Nilgiri plateau, speak the Kurumba -dialect, and are wild junglemen; and those who live on the plains, -speak Canarese, and are civilised." - -Mysore Census Report, 1891--Kadu Kuruba or Kurumba.--"The tribal name -of Kuruba has been traced to the primeval occupation of the race, -viz., the tending of sheep, perhaps when pre-historic man rose to -the pastoral stage. The Uru or civilised Kurubas, who are genuine -tillers of the soil, and who are dotted over the country in populous -and thriving communities, and many of whom have, under the present -'Pax Britannica,' further developed into enterprising tradesmen and -withal lettered Government officials, are the very antipodes of the -Kadu or wild Kurubas or Kurumbas. The latter, like the Iruligas and -Soligas, are the denizens of the backwoods of the country, and have -been correctly classed under the aboriginal population. The Tamilised -name of Kurumba is applied to certain clans dwelling on the heights -of the Nilgiris, who are doubtless the offshoots of the aboriginal -Kadu Kuruba stock found in Mysore." - -W. R. King. Aboriginal Tribes of the Nilgiri Hills--"Kurumbas.--This -tribe is of another race from the shepherd Kurumbas. The Nilgiri tribe -have neither cattle nor sheep, and in language, dress, and customs, -have no affinity whatever with their namesakes." - -G. Oppert. Original Inhabitants of India--"Kurubas or -Kurumbas.--However separated from each other, and scattered among the -Dravidian clans with whom they have dwelt, and however distant from -one another they still live, there is hardly a province in the whole -of Bharatavarasha which cannot produce, if not some living remnants -of this race, at least some remains of past times which prove their -presence. Indeed, the Kurumbas must be regarded as very old inhabitants -of this land, who can contest with their Dravidian kinsmen the priority -of occupation of the Indian soil. The terms Kuruba and Kurumba are -originally identical, though the one form is, in different places, -employed for the other, and has thus occasionally assumed a special -local meaning. Mr. H. B. Grigg appears to contradict himself when, -while speaking of the Kurumbas, he says that 'in the low country they -are called Kurubas or Curubaru, and are divided into such families -as Ane or elephant, Naya or dog, Male or hill Kurumbas.' [56] Such -a distinction between mountain Kurumbas and plain Kurumbas cannot be -established. The Rev. G. Richter will find it difficult to prove that -the Kurubas of Mysore are only called so as shepherds, and that no -connection exists between these Kurubas and the Kurumbas. Mr. Lewis -Rice calls the wild tribes as well as the shepherds Kurubas, but -seems to overlook the fact that both terms are identical, and refer -to only the ethnological distinction." - -The above extracts will suffice for the purpose of showing that -the distinction between the jungle Kurumbas and the more civilised -Kurubas, and their relationship towards each other, call for a -'permanent settlement.' And I may briefly place on record the results -of anthropometric observations on the jungle Kurumbas of the Nilgiris, -and the domesticated Kurubas of Mysore and the Bellary district, -whose stature and nasal index (two factors of primary importance) -are compared with those of the jungle Paniyans of Malabar and Kadirs -of the Anaimalai mountains-- - - - ===================+==========+===============+============= - | Stature. | Nasal index. | Nasal index. - ==== | Average. | Average. | Maximum. - ===================+==========+===============+============= - | cm. | | - Kurubas, Bellary | 162.7 | 74.9 | 92 - Kurubas, Mysore | 163.9 | 73.2 | 86 - Kurumbas, Nilgiris | 157.5 | 88.8 | 111 - Paniyans | 157.4 | 95.1 | 108 - Kadirs | 151.7 | 89 | 115 - ===================+==========+===============+============= - - -A glance at the above table at once shows that there is a closer -affinity between the three dark-skinned, short, platyrhine jungle -tribes, than between the jungle Kurumbas and the lighter-skinned, -taller, and more leptorhine Kurubas. - -The domesticated Kurubas are dealt with separately, and, in the -remarks which follow, I am dealing solely with the jungle Kurumbas. - -The Kadu, or wild Kurumbas of Mysore are divided into "(a) Betta -or hill Kurumbas, with sub-divisions called Ane (elephant), Bevina -(nim tree: Melia Azadirachta), and Kolli (fire-brand)--a small -and active race, capable of great fatigue, who are expert woodmen; -(b) Jenu or honey Kurumbas, said to be a darker and inferior race, -who employ themselves in collecting honey and bees-wax." [57] - -For the following note on the Kadu Kurumbas I am indebted to the Mysore -Census Report, 1891. "There are two clans among them, viz., Bettada -and Jenu. The former worship the forest deities Narali and Mastamma; -eat flesh and "drink liquor, a favourite beverage being prepared from -ragi (Eleusine Coracana) flour. Some of their habits and customs are -worth mentioning, as indicating their plane of civilization. They have -two forms of marriage. One is similar to the elaborate ceremony among -the Vakkaligas, while the other is the simple one of a formal exchange -of betel leaves and areca nuts, which concludes the nuptials. The -Kadu Kurubas can only eat meals prepared by members of the higher -castes. During their periodical illnesses, the females live outside -the limits of the Hadi (group of rude huts) for three days. And, in -cases of childbirth, none but the wet nurse or other attendant enters -the room of the confined woman for ten days. In cases of sickness, no -medical treatment is resorted to; on the other hand, exorcisms, charms, -incantations, and animal sacrifices are more generally in vogue. The -male's dress consists of either a bit of cloth to cover their nudity, -or a piece of coarse cloth tied round the waist, and reaching to the -knees. They wear ornaments of gold, silver, or brass. They are their -own barbers, and use broken glass for razors. The females wear coarse -cloth four yards long, and have their foreheads tattooed in dots of -two or three horizontal lines, and wear ear-rings, glass bangles, -and necklaces of black beads. Strangers are not allowed to enter -their hadis or hamlets with shoes or slippers on. In case of death, -children are buried, whilst adults are burned. On the occurrence of -any untoward event, the whole site is abandoned, and a new hadi set -up in the vicinity. The Kadu Kurubas are very active, and capable of -enduring great fatigue. It is said that they are revengeful, but, -if treated kindly, they will do willing service. The Jenu Kurubas -live in small detached huts in the interior of thick jungles, far -away from inhabited places. Their habits are no less wild. The male -dress consists of either a woollen kambli or coarse cloth, and a skull -cap. The female's sadi is white coarse cloth, their wonted ornaments -being a pair of brass ear-rings, strings of black beads tied round -the neck, and glass bangles on the wrist. These people do not allow -to outcasts and Musalmans access to their premises, or permit shoes -being brought into their houses or streets. They eat flesh, and take -meals from Vakkaligas, Lingayats, and other superior castes. They -subsist on wild bamboo seed, edible roots, etc., found in the jungle, -often mixed with honey. They are said not unfrequently to make a -dessert out of bees in preference to milk, ghi (clarified butter), -etc. They are engaged chiefly in felling timber in the forests, and -other similar rude pursuits, but they never own or cultivate land for -themselves, or keep live-stock of their own. They are very expert in -tracking wild animals, and very skilfully elude accidental pursuits -thereby. Their children, more than two years old, move about freely -in the jungle. They are said to be hospitable to travellers visiting -their place at any unusual hour. They are Saivites, and Jangams are -their gurus. The ceremonial pollution on account of death lasts for -ten days, as with the Brahmans. Children are buried, while adults, -male or female, are cremated. A curious trait of this primitive race -is that the unmarried females of the village or hadi generally sleep -in a hut or chavadi set apart for them, whilst the adult bachelors -and children have a separate building, both under the eye of the head -tribesman. The hut for the latter is called pundugar chavadi, meaning -literally the abode of vagabonds." The Jenu Kurumbas are said to eat, -and the Betta Kurumbas to abstain from eating the flesh of the 'bison' -(Bos gaurus). - -In a note on the Jenu and Betta Kurumbas of Mysore, -Mr. M. Venkatanarnappa writes as follows. "The Betta are better clothed -and fed than the Jen Kurumbas. Their occupation is kumri (burning and -shifting) cultivation. Their women are clever at basket-making. They -can be distinguished by the method of dress which their women have -adopted, and the way in which the men wear their hair. A Betta woman -covers her body below the shoulders by tying a long cloth round -the arm-pits, leaving shoulders and arms bare, whereas a Jen woman -in good circumstances dresses up like the village females, and, if -poor, ties a piece of cloth round her loins, and wears another to -partially conceal the upper part of her body. Among males, a Betta -Kurumba leaves his hair uncut, and gathers it from fore and aft into -a knot tied on the crown of the head. A Jen Kurumba shaves like the -ryots, leaving a tuft behind, or clips or crops it, with a curly or -bushy growth to protect the head from heat and cold. The Betta and -Jen Kurumbas never intermarry." The Betta Kurumbas are, I am told, -excellent elephant mahauts (drivers), and very useful at keddah -(elephant-catching) operations. - -Of the Kadu and Betta Kurumbas, as they were at the beginning of the -nineteenth century, the following account is given by Buchanan. [58] -"The Cad Curubaru are a rude tribe, who are exceedingly poor and -wretched. In the fields near the villages, they build miserable low -huts, have a few rags only for clothing, and the hair of both sexes -stands out matted like a mop, and swarms with vermin. Some of them -hire themselves out as labouring servants to the farmers, and receive -monthly wages. Others, in crop seasons, watch the fields at night, -to keep off elephants and wild hogs. In the intervals between crops, -they work as daily labourers, or go into the woods, and collect the -roots of wild yams (Dioscorea), part of which they eat, and part -exchange with the farmers for grain. Their manner of driving away -the elephant is by running against him with a burning torch made of -bamboos. The animal sometimes turns, waits till the Curubaru comes -close up; but these poor people, taught by experience, push boldly -on, dash their torches against the elephant's head, who never fails -to take to immediate flight. Should their courage fail, and should -they attempt to run away, the elephant would immediately pursue, and -put them to death. The Curubaru have no means of killing so large -an animal, and, on meeting with one in the day-time, are as much -alarmed as any other of the inhabitants. During the Sultan's reign -they caught a few in pitfalls. [I have heard of a clever Kurumba, -who caught an elephant by growing pumpkins and vegetable marrow, -for which elephants have a partiality, over a pit on the outskirts -of his field.--E.T.] The wild hogs are driven out of the fields -by slings, but they are too fierce for the Curubaru to kill. These -people frequently suffer from tigers, against which their wretched -huts are a poor defence; and, when this wild beast is urged by hunger, -he is regardless of their burning torches. These Curubaru have dogs, -with which they catch deer, antelopes, and hares; and they have the -art of taking in snares, peacocks, and other esculent birds. They -believe that good men, after death, will become benevolent Devas, -and bad men destructive Devas. They are of such known honesty that -on all occasions they are entrusted with provisions by the farmers, -who are persuaded that the Curubaru would rather starve than take one -grain of what was given to them in charge. The spirits of the dead -are believed to appear in dreams to their old people, and to direct -them to make offerings to a female deity named Bettada Chicama, -that is, the mother of the hill. Unless these offerings are made, -this goddess occasions sickness. In cases of adultery, the husband -flogs his wife severely, and, if he is able, beats her paramour. If -he be not able, he applies to the gaudo (headman), who does it for -him." The Betta Curubaru, Buchanan continues, "live in poor huts near -the villages, and the chief employment of the men is the cutting of -timber, and making of baskets. With a sharp stick they also dig up -spots of ground in the skirts of the forest, and sow them with ragi -(Eleusine Coracana). The men watch at night the fields of the farmers, -but they are not so dexterous at this as the Cad Curubaru. In this -class, the Cutigas are women that prefer another man to their husband, -or widows, who do not wish to relinquish carnal enjoyment. Their -children are not considered as illegitimate." - -Of the casual system of clearing the jungle in vogue among the -Kurumbas, I may quote the following description. [59] "In their search -for food, this wild tribe naturally prefers a forest cleared of all -undergrowth, in which to move about, and the ingenuity with which -they attain this end, and outwit the vigilant forest subordinates, -is worthy of a better object. I have heard of a Kurumba walking miles -from his hadi or hamlet, with a ball of dry smouldering elephant -dung concealed in his waist-cloth. This he carried to the heart of -the forest reserve, and, selecting a suitable spot, he placed the -smouldering dung, with a plentiful supply of dry inflammable grass -over it, in such a position as to allow the wind to play upon it, -and fan it into a flame with the pleasing certainty that the smoke -from the fire would not be detected by the watchers on the distant -fire-lines until the forest was well alight, the flames beyond all -control, and the Kurumba himself safe at home in his hadi, awaiting -the arrival of the forest subordinate to summon the settlement to -assist in the hopeless task of extinguishing the fire." - -Of the Kurumbas who are found in the Wynad, Calicut, and Ernad taluks -of Malabar, the following account is given in the Gazetteer of that -district. "They are sub-divided into Mullu (bamboo) Kurumbans, Jen or -Ten (honey) Kurumbans, also called Kadu or Shola Nayakkans (or Jenu -Koyyo Shola Nayakas, i.e., honey-cutting lords of the woods), and -Urali or Bet Kurumbans; of which the first-named class, who consider -themselves superior to the others, are cultivators and hunters; the -second wood-cutters and collectors of honey; and the third make baskets -and implements of agriculture. The Mullu and Ten Kurumbans have headmen -with titles of Muppan and Mudali respectively conferred by their janmis -(landlords). The Kurumbans, like many of the other hill-tribes, use -bows and arrows, with which they are expert. The caste deity of the -Ten Kurumbans is called Masti. It is perhaps worth remarking that -the Urali Kurumbans of the Wynaad differ from the other two classes -in having no headmen, observing a shorter period of pollution after -a birth than any other Malabar tribe and none at all after a death, -and in not worshipping any of the Malabar animistic deities." - -The chief sub-divisions of the Kurumbas on the Nilgiris, and in -the Wynad, are said, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, to be "Mullu -(thorn), Betta or Vetta (hill), Urali (Ur, a village), Ten (honey), and -Tac'chanadan Muppan (carpenter headman). Of these, the first and last -speak Malayalam, and wear a lock in front of their head in the Malabar -fashion. The rest speak Canarese. Urali Kurumbas work in metals." - -The villages of the Kurumbas on the Nilgiri hills are, Mr. Grigg -writes, [60] called mottas. They consist generally of only four or -five huts, made of mud and wattle, with thatched roofs. The front of -the house is sometimes whitewashed, and ornamented with rude drawings -of men and animals in red earth or charcoal. They store their grain -in large oval baskets, and for bottles they use gourds. They clear a -patch round about the village, and sow the ground with ragi (Eleusine -Coracana), tenne (Setaria italica), or kiri (Amarantus). They dig up -roots (called gasu) for food, and collect the jungle produce, honey, -resin, gall-nuts, etc., which they barter with low-country traders, -and they are clever in catching game in nets, and dispose of the flesh -in a surprisingly short time. Kurumbas occasionally take work on coffee -plantations, and some earn a livelihood by officiating as priests to -the Badagas. They are also employed as musicians at wedding feasts -and funerals of the other tribes, where they play on clarionets, -drums, and tambourines, as well as the buguri. They make baskets of -rattan and milk vessels out of a joint of bamboo, as well as nets -of a thread called oilhatti. Their women confine themselves to the -limited work of their households, fetching water, cooking, etc. The -following extract embraces all that can be said of the religion of -the Kurumbas. "Some profess to worship Siva, and occasionally women -mark their foreheads with the Siva spot. Others, living near Barliar, -worship Kuribattraya (lord of many sheep) and the wife of Siva under -the name of Musni. They worship also a rough stone under the name of -Hiriadeva, setting it up either in a cave, or in a circle of stones -like the so-called Kurumba kovil of the Badagas, which the latter -would seem to have borrowed from the Kurumbas. To this they make -puja, and offer cooked rice at the sowing time. They also profess to -sacrifice to Hiriadeva a goat, which they kill at their own houses, -after sprinkling water, and eat, giving a portion of flesh to the -pujari (priest). Others say that they have no pujari: among such a -scattered tribe customs probably vary in each motta"--(Breeks). It -is recorded by Dr. Rivers, in connection with the Toda legendary -stories of Kwoten, that "one day Kwoten went with Erten of Keadr, -who was spoken of as his servant to Poni, in the direction of Polkat -(Calicut). At Poni there is a stream called Palpa, the commencement of -which may be seen on the Kundahs. Kwoten and Erten went to drink water -out of the stream at a place where a goddess (teu) named Terkosh had -been bathing.... Finally, they came to Terkosh, who said to Kwoten, -"Do not come near me, I am a teu." Kwoten paid no heed to this, but -said "You are a beautiful woman," and went and lay with her. Then -Terkosh went away to her hill at Poni, where she is now, and to this -day the Kurumbas go there once a year and offer plantains to her, -and light lamps in her honour." - -It is further recorded by Dr. Rivers that "two ceremonial objects are -obtained by the Todas from the Kurumbas. One is the tall pole called -tadrsi or tadri, which is used in the dance at the second funeral -ceremonies, and afterwards burnt. Poles of the proper length are said -to grow only on the Malabar side of the Nilgiris, and are probably -most easily obtained from the Kurumbas. The other is the teiks, -or funeral post at which the buffalo is killed." Besides supplying -the Badagas with the elephant-pole required at their funerals, the -Kurumbas have to sow the first handful of grain for the Badagas every -season. The ceremony is thus described by Harkness. [61] "A family -of the Burghers (Badagas) had assembled, which was about to commence -ploughing. With them were two or three Kurumbas, one of whom had set -up a stone in the centre of the spot on which we were standing, and, -decorating it with wild flowers, prostrated himself to it, offered -incense, and sacrificed a goat, which had been brought there by the -Burghers. He then took the guidance of the plough, and, having ploughed -some ten or twelve paces, gave it over, possessed himself of the head -of the sacrificed animal, and left the Burghers to prosecute their -labours.... The Kurumba, sowing the first handful, leaves the Burgher -to go on with the remainder, and, reaping the first sheaf, delivers it -with the sickle to him, to accomplish the remainder of the task. At -harvest time, or when the whole of the grain has been gathered in, -the Kurumba receives his dues, or proportion of the produce." The -relations of the Kurumbas with the Badagas at the present day, and -the share which the former take in the ceremonies of the latter, -are dealt with in the account of the Badagas. - -I am informed that, among the Kurumbas of the Nilgiris, it is the -custom for several brothers to take one wife in common (adelphogamy), -and that they do not object to their women being open to others -also. There is said to be no marriage rite. A man and woman will mate -together, and live as husband and wife. And, if it happens that, in -a family, there has been a succession of such wives for one or two -generations, it becomes an event, and is celebrated as such. The pair -sit together, and pour water over each other from pots. They then put -on new cloths, and a feast is partaken of. Among the Shola Nayakkars, -a feature of the marriage ceremony is said to be for the bride to roll -a cheroot of tobacco leaves, which both parties must smoke in turn. - -Writing concerning the Irulas and Kurumbas, Mr. Walhouse says [62] -that "after every death among them, they bring a long water-worn stone -(devva kotta kallu), and put it into one of the old cromlechs sprinkled -over the Nilgiri plateau. Some of the larger of these have been found -piled up to the cap-stone with such pebbles, which must have been the -work of generations. Occasionally, too, the tribes mentioned make small -cromlechs for burial purposes, and place the long water-worn pebbles -in them. Mr. Breeks reports that the Kurumbas in the neighbourhood -of the Rangasvami peak and Barliar burn their dead, and place a -bone and a small round stone in the savu-mane (death-house)--an old -cromlech." The conjecture is hazarded by Fergusson [63] that the -Kurumbas are the remnant of a great and widely spread race, who may -have erected dolmens. As bearing on the connection between Kurumbas -and Kurubas, it is worthy of note that the latter, in some places, -erect dolmens as a resting-place for the dead. (See Kuruba.) - -It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Nilgiris, that the Kurumbas -"trade largely on the extraordinary dread of their supposed magical -powers which possesses the Todas and the Badagas--the latter -especially. Stories are told of how they can summon wild elephants -at will, and reduce rocks to powder merely by scattering mystic herbs -upon them." - -"The Kurumbas," Harkness writes, "have a knowledge of herbs and -medicinal roots, and the Burghers (Badagas) say that they limit their -knowledge thereof to those which are noxious only, and believe that, -with the assistance of their magic, they are able to convey them into -the stomachs of those to whom they have any dislike. The violent -antipathy existing between the Burghers and the Kurumbas, and the -dread and horror which the former entertain of the preternatural -powers of the latter, are, perhaps, not easily accounted for; but -neither sickness, death, nor misfortune of any kind, ever visit -the former, without the latter having the credit of producing it. A -few years before, a Burgher had been hanged by the sentence of the -provincial court for the murder of a Kurumba. The act of the former -was not without what was considered great provocation. Disease had -attacked the inhabitants of the hamlet, a murrain their cattle. The -former had carried off a great part of the family of the murderer, -and he himself had but narrowly escaped its effects. No one in -the neighbourhood doubted that the Kurumba in question had, by his -necromancy, caused all this misfortune, and, after several fruitless -attempts, a party of them succeeded in surrounding him in open day, -and effecting their purpose." In 1835 no less than forty-eight -Kurumbas were murdered, and a smaller number in 1875 and 1882. In -1900 a whole family of Kurumbas was murdered, of which the head, -who had a reputation as a medicine-man, was believed to have brought -disease and death into a Badaga village. The sympathies of the whole -country-side were so strongly with the murderers that detection was -made very difficult, and the persons charged were acquitted. [64] In -this case several Todas were implicated. "It is," Mr. Grigg writes, -"a curious fact that neither Kota, Irula, or Badaga will slay a Kurumba -until a Toda has struck the first blow, but, as soon as his sanctity -has been violated by a blow, they hasten to complete the murderous -work, which the sacred hand of the Toda has begun." The Badaga's -dread of the Kurumba is said to be so great that a simple threat of -vengeance has proved fatal. My Toda guide--a stalwart representative -of his tribe--expressed fear of walking from Ootacamund to Kotagiri, -a distance of eighteen miles along a highroad, lest he should come -to grief at the hands of Kurumbas; but this was really a frivolous -excuse to get out of accompanying me to a distance from his domestic -hearth. In like manner, Dr. Rivers records that, when he went to -Kotagiri, a Toda who was to accompany him made a stipulation that -he should be provided with a companion, as the Kurambas were very -numerous in that part. In connection with the Toda legend of Ön, who -created the buffaloes and the Todas, Dr. Rivers writes that "when Ön -saw that his son was in Amnodr (the world of the dead), he did not like -to leave him there alone, and decided to go away to the same place. So -he called together all the people, and the buffaloes and the trees, -to come and bid him farewell. All the people came except a man of -Kwodrdoni named Arsankutan. He and his family did not come. All the -buffaloes came except the Arsaiir, the buffaloes of the Kwodroni ti -(sacred dairy). Some trees also failed to come. Ön blessed all the -people, buffaloes and trees present, but said that, because Arsankutan -had not come, he and his people should die by sorcery at the hands -of the Kurumbas, and that, because the Arsaiir had not come, they -should be killed by tigers, and that the trees which had not come -should bear bitter fruit. Since that time the Todas have feared the -Kurumbas, and buffaloes have been killed by tigers." - -On the Nilgiri hills, honey-combs are collected by Jen Kurumbas -and Sholagas. The supply of honey varies according to the nature -of the season, and is said to be especially plentiful and of good -quality when Strobilanthes flowers. [65] The Kurumbas are said to -have incredibly keen eye-sight, gained from constantly watching -the bee to his hive. When they find a hive not quite ready to take, -they place a couple of sticks in a certain position. This sign will -prevent any other Kurumba from taking the honey, and no Badaga or -other hillman would meddle with it on any account, for fear of being -killed by sorcery. - -Fortified by a liberal allowance of alcohol and tobacco, the Kurumbas, -armed with bamboo torches, will follow up at night the tracks of -a wounded 'bison' (Bos gaurus), and bring back the head and meat to -camp. A European sportsman recounts that he has often seen his Kurumba -shikari (tracker) stop, and, with the one word "honey," point to the -top of an adjacent tree. "How do you know?" he asked, "Oh! I saw -a bee" was the answer given with the greatest nonchalance. On one -occasion he found himself close to a swarm of bees. The Kurumba, -seeing him hesitate, thrust his stick clean through the swarm, -and, with the bare remark "No honey," marched on. The District -Forest Officer, when out shooting, had an easy shot at a stag, and -missed it. "There," said the Kurumba, pointing to a distant tree, -"is your bullet." His trained sense of hearing no doubt enabled him -to locate the sound of the bullet striking the tree, and his eyes, -following the sound, instantly detected the slight blaze made by the -bullet on the bark. The visual acuity of a number of tribes and castes -inhabiting the mountains, jungles, and plains, has been determined -by Dr. W. H. R. Rivers and myself, by means of the Cohn letter E -method. And, though the jungle man, who has to search for his food -and mark the tracks or traces of wild beasts, undoubtedly possesses -a specially trained keenness of vision for the exigencies of his -primitive life, our figures show that, as regards ordinary visual -acuity, he has no advantage over the more highly civilised classes. - -"The Kurumbas of the Mysore forests," Mr. Theobald writes, "make fire -by friction. They follow the same method as the Todas, as described -by Mr. Thurston, but never use the powdered charcoal in the cavity -of the horizontal piece of wood which is held down by their feet, -or by a companion. The fine brown powder, formed during the rotation -of the longer vertical piece, gives sufficient tinder, which soon -ignites, and is then placed on a small piece of cotton rag, rolled -loosely, and gently blown until it is ignited. The vertical stick -is held between the palms, and has a reciprocal motion, by the palms -being moved in opposite directions, at the same time using a strong -downward pressure, which naturally brings the palms to the bottom, -when they are at once raised to their original position, and the -operation continued till the naturally formed tinder ignites." - -In his report on Forest Administration in Coorg, 1902-1903, -Mr. C. D'A. McCarthy writes as follows concerning the Kurumbas, who -work for the Forest department. "We experienced in connection with the -Kurumbas one of those apparent aberrations of sense and intellect, -the occurrence of which amongst this peculiar race was foreshadowed -in the last report. The Chief Commissioner is aware that, in the -interests of the Kurubas themselves, we substitute for a single cash -payment distributions to the same value of food-grains, clothes and -cash, in equal proportions of each. Now, seventy years ago, before -the annexation of Coorg, the Kurubas and similar castes were prædial -slaves of the dominant Coorgs, receiving no other remuneration for -service than food and clothing. In fact, this institution, nothing less -than real slavery, was not entirely broken up until the great demand -for local labour created by the opening up of the country for coffee -cultivation so late as 1860-1870, so that the existing generation are -still cognisant of the old state of affairs. Last year, during the -distribution of rewards for the successful protection of the reserves -that season from fire, it seems that the idea was put into the heads -of these people that our system of remuneration, which includes the -distribution of food and clothing, was an attempt to create again -at their expense a system of, as it were, forest slavery; with the -result that for a time nothing would induce many of them to accept -any form of remuneration for the work already performed, much less -to undertake the same duties for the approaching season. It was some -time, and after no little trouble, that the wherefore of this strange -conduct was discovered, and the suspicions aroused put at rest." In -his report, 1904-1905, Mr. McCarthy states that "the local system -of fire protection, consisting of the utilisation of the Kuruba -jungle population for the clearing of fire lines and patrolling, -and the payment of rewards according to results, may now be said to -be completely established in Coorg. The Kurubas appear to have gained -complete confidence in the working of the system, and, provided the -superior officers personally see to the payment of the rewards, are -evidently quite satisfied that the deductions for failures are just -and fair." - -The Kurumbas are said to have been very useful in the mining operations -during the short life of the Wynad gold-mines. A few years ago, I -received the skulls of two Kurumbas, who went after a porcupine into -a deserted tunnel on the Glenrock Gold-mining Company's land in the -Wynad. The roof fell in on them, and they were buried alive. - -In a note on the 'Ethnogénie des Dravidiens', [66] Mr. Louis Lapicque -writes as follows. "Les populations caractéristiques du Wainaad sont -les Panyer, les négroides les plus accusés et les plus homogenes que -j'ai vus, et probablement qui existent dans toute l'Inde. D'autre -part, les tribus vivant de leur côté sur leurs propres cultures, -fortement négroides encore, mais plus mélangées. Tels sont les Naiker -et les Kouroumbas." - - - ===================+==========+=============+======== - ==== | Indice | Indice | - | nasal. | céphalique. | Taille. - ===================+==========+=============+======== - 54 Panyer | 84 | 74 | 154 - 28 Kouroumbas | 81 | 75 | 157 - 12 Naiker | 80 | 76.9 | 157 - ===================+==========+=============+======== - - -Concerning Nayakas or Naikers and Kurumbas, Mr. F. W. F. Fletcher -writes to me as follows from Nellakotta, Nilgiris. "It may be that -in some parts of Wynaad there are people known indifferently as -Kurumbas and Shola Nayakas; but I have no hesitation in saying that -the Nayakas in my employ are entirely distinct from the Kurumbas. The -two classes do not intermarry; they do not live together; they will not -eat together. Even their prejudices with regard to food are different, -for a Kurumba will eat bison flesh, and a Nayaka will not. The latter -stoutly maintains that he is entirely distinct from, and far superior -to, the Kurumba, and would be grievously offended if he were classed -as a Kurumba. The religious ceremonies of the two tribes are also -different. The Nayakas have separate temples, and worship separate -gods. The chief Kurumba temple in this part of the country is close to -Pandalur, and here, especially at the Bishu feast, the Kurumbas gather -in numbers. My Nayakas do not recognise this temple, but have their -place of worship in the heart of the jungle, where they make their puja -(worship) under the direction of their own priest. The Nayakas will -not attend the funeral of a Kurumba; nor will they invite Kurumbas to -the funeral of one of their own tribe. There is a marked variation in -their modes of life. The Kurumba of this part lives in comparatively -open country, in the belt of deciduous forest lying between the ghats -proper and the foot of the Nilgiri plateau. Here he has been brought -into contact with European Planters, and is, comparatively speaking, -civilised. The Nayaka has his habitat in the dense jungle of the ghats, -and is essentially a forest nomad, living on honey, jungle fruits, and -the tuberous roots of certain jungle creepers. By constant association -with myself, my Nayaka men have lost the fear of the white man, which -they entertained when I first came into the district; but even now, -if I visit the village of a colony who reside in the primæval forest, -the women and children will hide themselves in the jungle at sight of -me. The superstitions of the two tribes are different. Some Nayakas -are credited with the power of changing themselves at will into a -tiger, and of wreaking vengeance on their enemies in that guise. And -the Kurumba holds the Nayaka in as much awe as other castes hold -the Kurumba. Lower down, on the flat below the ghats I am opening a -rubber estate, and here I have another Nayaka colony, who differ in -many respects from their congeners above, although the two colonies -are within five miles as the crow flies. The low-country Nayaka does -his hair in a knot on one side of his head, Malayalam fashion, and his -speech is a patois of Malayalam. The Nayaka on the hills above has -a mop of curly hair, and speaks a dialect of his own quite distinct -from the Kurumba language, though both are derived from Kanarese. But -that the low-country people are merely a sept of the Nayaka tribe -is evident from the fact that intermarriage is common amongst the -two colonies, and that they meet at the same temple for their annual -puja. The priest of the hill colony is the pujari for both divisions -of the Nayakas, and the arbiter in all their disputes." - -Kurumo.--The Kurumos are a caste of Oriya agriculturists, found mainly -in the Russellkonda taluk of Ganjam. They are called Kurumo by Oriyas, -and Kudumo by Telugus. There is a tradition that their name is derived -from Srikurmam in the Vizagapatam district, where they officiated as -priests in the Siva temple, and whence they were driven northward. The -Kurumos say that, at the present day, some members of the caste are -priests at Saivite temples in Ganjam, bear the title Ravulo, and wear -the sacred thread. It is noted in the Madras Census Report, 1901, -that "some of them wear the sacred thread, and follow Chaitanya, -and Oriya Brahmans will accept drinking-water at their hands. They -will eat in Brahmans' houses, and will accept drinking-water from -Gaudos, Bhondaris, and Ravulos." Bhondaris wash the feet of Kurumos -on ceremonial occasions, and, in return for their services, receive -twice the number of cakes given to other guests at feasts. - -In addition to the Kurumos proper, there is a section called Kuji -Kurumo, which is regarded as lower in the social status. The caste -titles are Bissoyi, Behara, Dudi, Majhi, Nayako, Podhano, Ravulo, -Ravuto, Senapati, and Udhdhandra. Those who bear the title Dudi are -priests at the temples of the village deities. The title Udhdhandra -was conferred by a zamindar, and is at present borne by a number of -families, intermarriage among members of which is forbidden. Every -village has a headman entitled Adhikari, who is under the control of -a chief headman called Behara. Both these appointments are hereditary. - -Among other deities, the Kurumos worship various Takuranis -(village deities), such as Bodo Ravulo, Bagha Devi, Kumbeswari, and -Sathabhavuni. In some places, there are certain marriage restrictions -based on the house-gods. For example, a family whose house-god is -Bodo Ravulo may not intermarry with another family which worships the -same deity. Every family of Kurumos apparently keeps the house-god -within the house, and it is worshipped on all important occasions. The -god is usually represented by five areca nuts, which are kept in a -box. These nuts must be filled with pieces of gold, silver, iron, -copper, and lead, which are introduced through a hole drilled in the -base of the nut, which is plugged with silver. - -Infant marriage is the rule, and, if a girl does not secure a husband -before she reaches maturity, she has to go through the mock-marriage -rite, called dharma bibha, with her grandfather or other elder. On -the evening of the day previous to that of the real marriage, called -gondo sona, the paternal aunt of the bridegroom goes to a tank (pond), -carrying thither a brass vessel. This is placed on the tank bund -(embankment), and worshipped. Some cowry (Cypræa arabica) shells -are then thrown into the tank, and the vessel is filled with water, -and taken to the house. At the entrance thereto, a Sullokhondia -Gaudo stands, holding a vessel of water, from which a little water -is poured into the vessel brought from the tank. The bride's aunt -then goes to three or five houses of members of her own caste, and -receives water therefrom in her vessel, which is placed near the -house-gods, and eventually kept on the marriage dais throughout the -wedding ceremonies. Over the marriage dais (bedi) at the bridegroom's -house, four brass vessels, and four clay lamps fed with ghi (clarified -butter), are placed at the four corners. Round the four posts thereof -seven turns of thread are made by a Brahman purohit. The bridegroom, -wearing mokkuto (forehead chaplet) and sacred thread, after going -seven times round the dais, breaks the thread, and takes his seat -thereon. After Zizyphus Jujuba leaves and rice have been thrown -over him, he is taken in procession to a temple. On his return home, -he is met by five or seven young girls and women at the entrance to -the house, and Zizyphus leaves are again thrown over him. A Bhondari -woman sprinkles water from mango leaves over him, and he proceeds -in a palanquin to the home of the bride. At the marriage ceremony, -the bride throws rice on the head of the bridegroom over a screen -which is interposed between them. After their hands have been tied -together, a grinding-stone and roller are placed between them, and -they face each other while their fingers are linked together above the -stone. On the seventh day, the newly married couple worship seven posts -at the bride's house. The various articles used in connection with -the marriage ceremonies, except one pot, are thrown into a tank. On -his return thence, the bridegroom breaks the pot, after he has been -sprinkled with the water contained in it by a Bhondari. At times of -marriage, and on other auspicious occasions, the Kurumos, when they -receive their guests, must take hold of their sticks or umbrellas, -and it is regarded as an insult if this is not done. - -On the fifth and eighth days after the birth of a child, a new cloth -is spread on the floor, on which the infant is placed, with a book -(bagavatham) close to its head, and an iron rod, such as is used -by Oriya castes for branding the skin of the abdomen of newly-born -babies, at its side. The relations and friends assemble to take part -in the ceremonial, and a Brahman purohit reads a puranam. Betel leaves -and areca nuts are then distributed. On the twenty-first day, the -ceremonial is repeated, and the purohit is asked to name the child. He -ascertains the constellation under which it was born, and announces -that a name commencing with a certain letter should be given to it. - -Like other Oriya castes, the Kurumos are particular with regard to -the observation of various vratams (fasts). One, called sudasa vratam, -is observed on a Thursday falling on the tenth day after new moon in -the month of Karthika (November-December). The most elderly matron -of the house does puja (worship), and a puranam is read. Seven cubits -of a thread dyed with turmeric are measured on the forearm of a girl -seven years old, and cut off. The deity is worshipped, and seven knots -are made in the piece of thread, which is tied on to the left upper -arm of the matron. This vratam is generally observed by Oriya castes. - -Kurup.--In a note on the artisan classes of Malabar, it is recorded -[67] that "the Kolla-Kurups combine two professions which at first -sight seem strangely incongruous, shampooing or massage, and the -construction of the characteristic leather shields of Malabar. But -the two arts are intimately connected with the system of combined -physical training, as we should now call it, and exercise in arms, -which formed the curriculum of the kalari (gymnasium), and the title -kurup is proper to castes connected with that institution. A similar -combination is found in the Vil-Kurups (bow-Kurups), whose traditional -profession was to make bows and arrows, and train the youth to use -them, and who now shampoo, make umbrellas, and provide bows and arrows -for some Nayar ceremonies. Other classes closely connected are the -Kollans or Kurups distinguished by the prefixes Chaya (colour), Palissa -(shield), and Tol (leather), who are at present engaged in work in -lacquer, wood, and leather." Kurup also occurs as a title of Nayars, -in reference to the profession of arms, and many of the families -bearing this title are said [68] to still maintain their kalari. - -Kuruvikkaran.--The Kuruvikkarans are a class of Marathi-speaking -bird-catchers and beggars, who hunt jackals, make bags out of the -skin, and eat the flesh thereof. By Telugu people they are called -Nakkalavandlu (jackal people), and by Tamilians Kuruvikkaran -(bird-catchers). They are also called Jangal Jati and Kattu -Mahrati. Among themselves they are known as Vagiri or Vagirivala. They -are further known as Yeddu Marige Vetagandlu, or hunters who hide -behind a bullock. In decoying birds, they conceal themselves behind a -bullock, and imitate the cries of birds in a most perfect manner. They -are said to be called in Hindustani Paradhi and Mir Shikari. - -As regards their origin, there is a legend that there were once -upon a time three brothers, one of whom ran away to the mountains, -and, mixing with Kanna Kuruvans, became degraded. His descendants -are now represented by the Dommaras. The descendants of the second -brother are the Lambadis, and those of the third Kuruvikkarans. The -lowly position of these three classes is attributed to the fact -that the three brothers, when wandering about, came across Sita, -the wife of Rama, about whose personal charms they made remarks, -and laughed. This made Sita angry, and she uttered the following -curse:--"Malitho shikar, naitho bhikar," i.e., if (birds) are found, -huntsmen; if not, beggars. According to a variant of the legend, -[69] many years ago in Rajputana there lived two brothers, the elder -of whom was dull, and the younger smart. One day they happened to -be driving a bullock along a path by the side of a pool of water, -when they surprised Sita bathing. The younger brother hid behind his -bullock, but the elder was too stupid to conceal himself, and so both -were observed by the goddess, who was much annoyed, and banished -them to Southern India. The elder she ordered to live by carrying -goods about the country on pack-bullocks, and the younger to catch -birds by means of two snares, which she obligingly formed from hair -plucked from under her arm. Consequently the Vagirivalas never shave -that portion of the body. - -The Kuruvikkarans are nomadic, and keep pack-bullocks, which convey -their huts and domestic utensils from place to place. Some earn their -living by collecting firewood, and others by acting as watchmen in -fields and gardens. Women and children go about the streets begging, -and singing songs, which are very popular, and imitated by Hindu -women. They further earn a livelihood by hawking needles and glass -beads, which they may be seen in the evening purchasing from Kayalans -(Muhammadan merchants) in the Madras bazar. - -One of the occupations of the Kuruvikkarans is the manufacture and sale -of spurious jackal horns, known as narikompu. To catch the jackals, -they make an enclosure of a net, inside which a man seats himself, -armed with a big stick. He then proceeds to execute a perfect imitation -of the jackal's cry, on hearing which the jackals come running to -see what is the matter, and are beaten down. A Kuruvikkaran, whom -the Rev. E. Löventhal interviewed, howled like a jackal, to show his -skill as a mimic. The cry was quite perfect, and no jackal would have -doubted that he belonged to their class. Sometimes the entire jackal's -head is sold, skin and all. The process of manufacture of the horn is -as follows. After the brain has been removed, the skin is stripped off -a limited area of the skull, and the bone at the place of junction of -the sagittal and lambdoid sutures above the occipital foramen is filed -away, so that only a point, like a bony outgrowth, is left. The skin -is then brought back, and pressed over the little horn, which pierces -it. The horn is also said to be made out of the molar tooth of a dog or -jackal, introduced through a small hole in a piece of jackal's skin, -round which a little blood or turmeric paste is smeared, to make it -look more natural. In most cases only the horn, with a small piece -of skull and skin, is sold. Sometimes, instead of the skin from the -part where the horn is made, a piece of skin is taken from the snout, -where the long black hairs are. The horn then appears surrounded by -long black bushy hairs. The Kuruvikkarans explain that, when they see -a jackal with such long hairs on the top of its head, they know that -it possesses a horn. A horn-vendor, whom I interviewed, assured me -that the possessor of a horn is a small jackal, which comes out of -its hiding-place on full-moon nights to drink the dew. According to -another version, the horn is only possessed by the leader of a pack of -jackals. The Sinhalese and Tamils alike regard the horn "as a talisman, -and believe that its fortunate possessor can command the realisation of -every wish. Those who have jewels to conceal rest in perfect security -if, along with them, they can deposit a narricomboo." [70] The ayah -(nurse) of a friend who possessed such a talisman remarked "Master -going into any law-court, sure to win the case." This, as has been -pointed out, does not show much faith in the British administration of -justice, if a so-called jackal's horn can turn the scale. Two spurious -horns, which I possessed, were promptly stolen from my study table, -to bring luck to some Tamil member of my establishment. - -Some Kuruvikkarans carry suspended from their turban or body-cloth a -small whistle, with which they imitate the song of birds, and attract -them. Young boys often have with them a bundle of small sticks strung -together, and with a horse-hair noose attached to them. The sticks are -driven into the ground, and grain is strewn around to entice birds, -which get caught in the noose. - -The women wear a petticoat and an ill-fitting bodice. Among other -classes "Wearing the bodice like a Kuruvikkaran woman" is used as -a taunt. The petticoat may never be taken off till it is tattered -and torn, and replaced by a new one; and, when a woman bathes, she -has to do so with the garment on. Anything which has come in contact -with the petticoat, or rice husked with a woman's feet, is polluted, -and may not be used by men. Women adorn themselves with necklaces of -beads and cowry shells, or sometimes, like the Lambadis, wear shell -bracelets. Both men and women stain their teeth with a preparation -of myrabolams, Acacia arabica pods, and sulphates of copper and -iron. Females may not blacken their teeth, or wear a necklace of -black beads before marriage. - -A young married woman, wherever she may be during the daytime, -must rejoin her husband at night. If she fails to do so, she has -to go through the ordeal of grasping a red-hot iron bar or sickle, -and carrying it sixteen paces without dropping it. Another form -of ordeal is dipping the hands in a pot containing boiling cowdung -water, and picking out therefrom a quarter-anna piece. If the woman -is innocent, she is able to husk a small quantity of paddy (rice) -by rubbing it between her hands immediately after the immersion in -the liquid. If a man has to submit to trial by ordeal, seven arka -(Calotropis gigantea) leaves are tied to his palm, and a piece of -red-hot iron placed thereon. His innocence is established if he is -able to carry it while he takes seven long strides. - -The Kuruvikkarans have exogamous septs, of which Ranaratod seems to -be an important one, taking a high place in the social scale. Males -usually add the title Sing as a suffix to their names. - -Marriage is always between adults, and the celebration, including -the betrothal ceremony, extends over five days, during which meat is -avoided, and the bride keeps her face concealed by throwing her cloth -over it. Sometimes she continues to thus veil herself for a short time -after marriage. On the first day, after the exchange of betel, the -father of the bride says "Are you ready to receive my daughter as your -daughter-in-law into your house? I am giving her to your son. Take care -of her. Do not beat her when she is ill. If she cannot carry water, -you should help her. If you beat her, or ill-treat her in any way, -she will come back to us." The future father-in-law having promised -that the girl will be kindly treated, the bridegroom says "I am true, -and have not touched any other woman. I have not smiled at any girl -whom I have seen. Your daughter should not smile at any man whom she -sees. If she does so, I shall drive her back to your house." In the -course of the marriage ceremonies, the bride is taken to the home of -her mother-in-law, to whom she makes a present of a new cloth. The -Nyavya (headman) hands a string of black beads to the mother-in-law, -who ties it round the bride's neck, while the assembled women sing. At -a marriage of the first daughter of a member of the Ranaratod sept, -a Brahman purohit is invited to be present, and give his blessing, -as it is believed that a Gujarati Brahman was originally employed -for the marriage celebration. - -The principal tribal deity of the Kuruvikkarans is Kali or Durga, -and each sept possesses a small plate with a figure of the goddess -engraved on it, which is usually kept in the custody of the headman. It -is, however, frequently pledged, and money-lenders give considerable -sums on the security of the idol, as the Kuruvikkarans would on no -account fail to redeem it. When the time for the annual festival of -the goddess draws nigh, the headman or an elder piles up Vigna Catiang -seeds in five small heaps. He then decides in his mind whether there is -an odd or even number of seeds in the majority of heaps. If, when the -seeds are counted, the result agrees with his forecast, it is taken -as a sign of the approval of the goddess, and arrangements are made -for the festival. Otherwise it is abandoned for the year. On the day -of the festival, nine goats and a buffalo are sacrificed. While some -cakes are being cooked in oil, a member of the tribe prays that the -goddess will descend on him, and, taking some of the cakes out of the -boiling liquid, with his palm rubs the oil on his head. He is then -questioned by those assembled, to whom he gives oracular replies, -after sucking the blood from the cut throat of a goat. It is noted -in the North Arcot Manual that the Vagirivalas assemble two or three -times in the year at Varadareddipalli for worship. The objects of -this are three saktis called Mahan Kali, Chamundi, and Mahammayi, -represented by small silver figures, which are mortgaged to a Reddi -of the village, and lent by him during the few days of the festival. - -Kusa.--A sub-division of Holeyas in South Canara, who also call -themselves Uppara. Some of them say that they are the same as Upparas -of Mysore, whose hereditary occupation was the manufacture of salt -from salt-earth (ku, earth). Kusa further occurs as a synonym of the -Otattu, or tile-making section of the Nayars, and Kusa Maran as a class -of potters in Travancore. Kusa is also an exogamous sept of the Boyas. - -Kusavan.--The Kusavans are the Tamil potters. "The name," -Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [71] "is said to be derived from the Sanskrit -word ku signifying earth, the material in which they work, and avan, -a personal termination. They wear the sacred thread, and profess -both Saivism and Vaishnavism. Their ceremonials are somewhat like -those of the Vellalas. The eating of flesh is permitted, but not -widow marriage. Some have priests of their own caste, while others -employ Brahmans. Kusavans sometimes officiate as pujaris in Pidari -temples. Their titles are Udayan and Velan. Their stupidity and -ignorance are proverbial." At times of census, Kulalan has been -returned as a synonym of Kusavan, and Kusavan as an occupational -division of Paraiyans. The Kusavans are divided into the territorial -sections Chola, Chera, and Pandya, and say that "these are descended -from the three sons of their original ancestor Kulalan, who was the -son of Brahma. He prayed to Brahma to be allowed, like him, to create -and destroy things daily; so Brahma made him a potter." [72] - -In ancient days, the potters made the large pyriform sepulchral urns, -which have, in recent times, been excavated in Tinnevelly, Madura, -Malabar, and elsewhere. Dr. G. U. Pope shows [73] that these urns -are mentioned in connection with the burial of heroes and kings as -late as the eighth century A.D., and renders one of the Tamil songs -bearing on the subject as follows:-- - - - "Oh! potter chief ... what toil hath befallen thee! - The descendant of the Cora kings.... - Hath gained the world of gods. And so - 'Tis thine to shape an urn so vast - That it shall cover the remains of such an one." - - -The legend concerning the origin of the potter classes is narrated -in the article on Kummaras. "It is," Mr. E. Holder writes, [74] -"supposed by themselves that they are descended from a Brahmin father -and Sudra mother, for the sacrificial earthen vessels, which are now -made by them, were, according to the Vedas, intended to be made by the -priests themselves. Some of the potters still wear the sacred thread, -like the Kammalars or artisan class. They are generally illiterate, -though some of their class have earned distinction as sound scholars, -especially of late years. The women assist the men in their work, -chiefly where delicacy of execution is needed. On the whole, the -potters are a poor class compared with the Kammalar class, which -includes jewellers, metal-workers and wood-workers. Their occupation -is, on that account, somewhat despised by others." - -The potter's apparatus is described by Monier Williams [75] as "a -simple circular horizontal well-balanced fly-wheel, generally two -or three feet in diameter, which can be made to rotate for two or -three minutes by a slight impulse. This the potter loads with clay, -and then, with a few easy sweeps and turns of his hands, he moulds his -material into beautiful curves and symmetrical shapes, and leaves the -products of his skill to bake in the sun." By Mr. Holder the apparatus -is described as follows. "The potter's implements are few, and his -mode of working is very simple. The wheel, a clumsily constructed and -defective apparatus, is composed of several thin pliable pieces of -wood or bamboo, bent and tied together in the form of a wheel about -3 1/2 feet in diameter. This is covered over thickly with clay mixed -with goat's hair or any fibrous substance. The four spokes and the -centre on which the vessel rests are of wood. The pivot is of hard -wood or steel. The support for the wheel consists of a rounded mass -of clay and goat's hair, in which is imbedded a piece of hard wood -or stone, with one or two slight depressions for the axle or pivot to -move in. The wheel is set into motion first by the hand, and then spun -rapidly by the aid of a long piece of bamboo, one end of which fits -into a slight depression in the wheel. The defects in the apparatus -are--firstly its size, which requires the potter to stoop over it in -an uneasy attitude; secondly, the irregularity of its speed, with a -tendency to come to a standstill, and to wave or wobble in its motion; -and thirdly, the time and labour expended in spinning the wheel afresh -every time its speed begins to slacken. Notwithstanding, however, -the rudeness of this machine, the potters are expert at throwing, and -some of their small wares are thin and delicate. The usual manner in -which most of the Madras potters bake their wares is as follows. A -circular space, about ten feet in diameter, is marked out on the -ground in any convenient open spot. Small pieces of wood and dried -sticks are spread over this space to a depth of about six inches, and -a layer of brattis (dried cow-dung cakes) laid over the sticks. The -vessels are then carefully piled on top of this platform of fuel to a -height of about five or six feet, and the whole heap is covered over -with straw, and plastered over with clay, a few small openings being -left here and there to allow the smoke to escape. These arrangements -being completed, the fuel at the bottom is fired, and in the course -of a few hours the process of baking is completed." - -When travelling in India, Dr. Jagor noticed that the potters of Salem -communicated to their ware a kind of polish, exactly like that seen -on some of the specimens of antique pottery found in cromlechs. It -was ascertained that the Salem potters use a seed for producing the -polish, which was determined by Surgeon-General G. Bidie to be the -seed of Gyrocarpus Jacquini, which is also used for making rosaries -and necklaces. Another method employed for producing a polish is to -rub the surface of the baked vessel with the mucilaginous juice of -tuthi (Abutilon indicum), and then fire the vessel again. - -It is stated, in the Coimbatore Manual, that "the potter never -begins his day's work at the wheel without forming into a lingam -and saluting the revolving lump of clay, which, with the wheel, -bears a strong resemblance to the usual sculptured conjunction" -(of lingam and yoni). An old potter woman, whom I examined on this -point, explained that the lump represents Ganesa. In like manner, -the pan coolies at the salt factories never scrape salt from the pans -without first making a Pillayar (Ganesa) of a small heap of salt, -on the top of which the salt is sometimes piled up. - -Painted hollow clay images are made by special families of Kusavans -known as pujari, who, for the privilege of making them, have to -pay an annual fee to the headman, who spends it on a festival at -the caste temple. When a married couple are anxious to have female -offspring, they take a vow to offer figures of the seven virgins, -who are represented all seated in a row. If a male or female recovers -from cholera, small-pox, or other severe illness, a figure of the -corresponding sex is offered. A childless woman makes a vow to offer -up the figure of a baby, if she brings forth offspring. Figures of -animals--cattle, sheep, horses, etc.--are offered at the temple when -they recover from sickness, or are recovered after they have been -stolen. The pupils of the eyes of the figures are not painted in -till they are taken to the temple, where offerings of fruit, rice, -etc., are first made. Even the pupils of a series of these images, -which were specially made for me, were not painted at the potter's -house, but in the verandah of the traveller's bungalow where I was -staying. Horses made of clay, hollow and painted red and other colours, -are set up in the fields to drive away demons, or as a thank-offering -for recovery from sickness or any piece of good luck. The villagers -erect these horses in honour of the popular deity Ayanar, the guardian -deity of the fields, who is a renowned huntsman, and is believed, when, -with his two wives Purna and Pushkala, he visits the village at night, -to mount the horses, and ride down the demons. Ayanar is said to be -"the special deity of the caste. Kusavans are generally the pujaris -in his temples, and they make the earthenware (and brick and mortar) -horses and images, which are placed before these buildings." [76] - -For the following note on a ceremony, in which the potters take part, -I am indebted to an essay submitted in connection with the M.A. degree -of the Madras University. "Brahmans of Vedic times ate dogs, horses, -bulls, and goats. The fondness for mutton even in a raw state finds -its modern counterpart in the bloody hecatombs that disfigure some -of their annual sacrifices. In these ceremonies called Pasubandha, -Agnishtoma, Vajapeya, Garudachayana, etc., a goat is tied to a -post, and, after the usual mantrams (prayers) and the service of -frankincense, etc., is ablutioned in water mixed with turmeric and -taken to the slaughter-room. And the method of slaughtering is most -appalling. Two men appointed for the purpose, invariably men belonging -to the pot-making community, rush into the apartment. One catches -hold of the fore-quarter of the animal and keeps it from struggling, -while the other squeezes the scrotum with so much violence that the -animal succumbs in a few minutes, after writhing in the most painful -fashion. The man in charge of the fore-quarter puts a handful of salt -into the animal's mouth, and holds it tight, lest the animal should -bleat, and make the ceremony unsanctimonious. The carcase is now -brought to the mailing shed, where, with crude knives and untrained -hands, the Brahmans peel off the skin most savagely. Then they cut -open the chest, and it is a common sight to see these Brahmans, -uninitiated in the art of butchery, getting their hands severely -poked or lacerated by the cut sharp ends of the ribs. Then portions of -flesh are cut off from various portions of the carcase, such as the -buccal region, the cardiac region, the scapular region, the renal, -the scrotal, the gluteal and gastroenemial regions. The amount of -flesh thus chopped comes to not less than three big potfuls, and they -are cooked in water over the slow fire of a primitively constructed -oven. No salt is put to season the meat, but the Brahmans bolt it -without any condiment in an awful fashion." - -The services of the potter are required in connection with the -marriage ceremonial of many castes. At some Brahman marriages, for -example, the tali is tied on the bride's neck in the presence of -33 crores (330 millions) of gods, who are represented by a number -of variously coloured pots, large and small. At a Lingayat wedding, -new pots are brought with much shouting, and deposited in the room -in which the household god is kept. An enclosure is made round the -bride and bridegroom with cotton thread passed round four pots placed -at the four corners of the marriage pandal. Among the Patnulkarans, -on the occasion of a wedding, a number of small pots are set up in -a room, and worshipped daily throughout the marriage ceremonies. The -ceremonial of breaking a pot containing water at the graveside prevails -among many classes, e.g., Oddes, Toreyas, and Paraiyans. - -At the time of the Aruvaththimuvar festival, or festival of the -sixty-three saints, at Mylapore in the city of Madras, crowds may be -seen returning homeward after attending it, each carrying a new pot -(chatty), which they purchase so as not to go home empty-handed. At -the festival of Tiruvottiyur, stalks of Amarantus gangeticus are in -like manner purchased. - -It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that "a Kusavan -can claim the hand of his paternal aunt's daughter. Marriage occurs -before puberty. The tali is tied by the bridegroom's sister, and the -usual bride-price is paid. The ceremonies last three days. One of them -consists in the bridegroom's sister sowing seeds in a pot, and, on the -last day of the wedding, the seedlings which have sprouted are taken -with music to a river or tank (pond), and thrown into it. When the -bride attains maturity, a ceremony is conducted by the caste priest, -and consummation follows on the next auspicious day." - -Among the Kusavans, divorce and remarriage are permissible on mutual -agreement, on one party paying to the other the expenses of the -latter's original marriage (parisam). A case came before the High Court -of Madras, [77] in which a Kusavan woman in the Tinnevelly district, -on the ground of ill-treatment, repaid her husband the parisam, -thereby dissolving the marriage, and married another man. - -The potters are considered to be adepts in the treatment of cases of -fracture. And it is still narrated how one of them successfully set in -splints the broken arm of Lord Elphinstone, when Governor of Madras, -after the English doctors had given up the job as hopeless. [78] -"In our village," it is recorded, [79] "cases of dislocations -of bones and fractures, whether simple, compound, comminuted or -complicated, are taken in hand by the bone-setters, who are no other -than our potters. The village barber and the village potter are our -surgeons. While the barber treats cases of boils, wounds, and tumours, -the potter confines himself to cases of fracture and dislocations -of bones." The amateur treatment by the unqualified potter sometimes -gives rise to what is known as potter's gangrene. - -For the notes of the following case I am indebted to Captain -F. F. Elwes, I.M.S. A bricklayer, about a month and a half or two -months prior to admission into hospital, fell from a height, and -injured his left arm. He went to a potter, who placed the arm and -forearm in a splint, the former in a line with the latter, i.e., -fully extended. He kept the splint on for about a month and, when -it was removed, found that he was unable to bend the arm at the -elbow-joint. When he was examined at the hospital, practically -no movement, either active or passive, could be obtained at the -elbow-joint. The lower end of the humerus could be felt to be decidedly -thickened both anteriorly and posteriorly. There had apparently been -a fracture of the lower end of the humerus. Röntgen ray photographs -showed an immense mass of callus extending over the anterior surface of -the elbow-joint from about two and a half inches above the lower end -of the humerus to about an inch below the elbow-joint. There was also -some callus on the posterior surface of the lower end of the humerus. - -Concerning potter's gangrene, Captain W. J. Niblock, I.M.S., writes -as follows. [80] "Cases of gangrene, the result of treatment of -fractures by the village potters, used to be frequently met with -in the General Hospital, Madras. These were usually brought when -the only possible treatment consisted in amputation well above the -disease. Two of these cases are indelibly impressed on my mind. Both -were cases of gangrene of the leg, the result of tight splinting by -potters. The first patient was a boy of thirteen. Whilst a student -was removing the dressings on his admission, the foot came off in his -hands, leaving two inches of the lower ends of the tibia and fibula -exposed, and absolutely devoid of all the soft tissues, not even the -periosteum being left. The second case was that of a Hindu man, aged -46. He was taken to the operation theatre at once. Whilst engaged -in disinfecting my hands, I heard a dull thud on the floor of the -operation theatre, turned round, and found that the gangrenous leg, -as the result of a struggle whilst chloroform was being administered, -had become separated at the knee-joint, and had fallen on floor; or, -to put it tersely, the man had kicked his leg off." - -In connection with the Tamil proverb "This is the law of my caste, -and this is the law of my belly," the Rev. H. Jensen notes [81] -that "potters are never Vaishnavas; but potters at Srirangam were -compelled by the Vaishnava Brahmans to put the Vaishnava mark on their -foreheads; otherwise the Brahmans would not buy their pots for the -temple. One clever potter, having considered the difficulty, after -making the Saivite symbol on his forehead, put a big Vaishnava mark -on his stomach. When rebuked for so doing by a Brahman, he replied as -above." The proverb "Does the dog that breaks the pots understand how -difficult it is to pile them up?" is said by Jensen to have reference -to the pots which are piled up at the potter's house. A variant is -"What is many days' work for the potter is but a few moment's work -for him who breaks the pots." - -In the Madura district, the Kusavans have Velan as a title. - -The insigne of the Kusavans, recorded at Conjeeveram, is a potter's -wheel. [82] - -Kutikkar.--A name for Dasis in Travancore. - -Kutraki (wild goat).--An exogamous sept of Jatapu. - -Kuttadi.--Described, in the Census Report, 1901, as an occupational -name, meaning a rope-dancer, applied to Dommaras, Paraiyans, -or Koravas. Arya Kuttadi is a Tamil synonym for Maratha (Are) -Dommaras. Kuttadi also occurs as the name of a class of mendicants -attached to Kaikolans. - -Kuttan.--A division of Toda. - -Kuttina.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-division of Nayar. - -Kuttiya.--A sub-division of Kond. - -Kuzhal.--The name of the flute used by shepherds and snake-charmers. It -occurs as an exogamous sept of Toreyas, the members of which must -not hear the sound of this musical instrument when at meals. - -Kuzhappara.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-division of Nayar. - -Kuzhiyan.--A synonym derived from kuzhi a pit, for Thanda Pulayans, -in reference to the legend that they were found emerging in a state -of nudity from a pit. - - - - - - - -L - - -Labbai.--The Labbais are summed up, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, -as being "a Musalman caste of partly Tamil origin, the members of -which are traders and betel vine (Piper Betle) growers. They seem to -be distinct from the Marakkayars, as they do not intermarry with them, -and their Tamil contains a much smaller admixture of Arabic than that -used by the Marakkayars. In the Tanjore district, the Labbais are -largely betel vine cultivators, and are called Kodikkalkaran (betel -vine people)." In the Census Report, 1881, the Labbais are said to be -"found chiefly in Tanjore and Madura. They are the Mappilas of the -Coromandel coast, that is to say, converted Dravidians, or Hindus, -with a slight admixture of Arab blood. They are thrifty, industrious, -and enterprising; plucky mariners, and expert traders. They emigrate to -the Straits Settlements and Burma without restriction." In the Census -Report, 1891, they are described as "a mixed class of Muhammadans, -consisting partly of compulsory converts to Islam made by the early -Muhammadan invaders and Tippu Sultan." As regards their origin, Colonel -Wilks, the historian of Mysore, writes as follows. [83] "About the end -of the first century of the Hejirah, or the early part of the eighth -century A.D., Hijaj Ben Gusaff, Governor of Irak, a monster abhorred -for his cruelties even among Musalmans, drove some persons of the -house of Hashem to the desperate resolution of abandoning for ever -their native country. Some of them landed on that part of the western -coast of India called the Concan, the others to the eastward of Cape -Comorin. The descendants of the former are Navaiyats, of the latter -the Labbai, a name probably given to them by the natives from that -Arabic particle (a modification of labbick) corresponding with the -English 'Here I am,' indicating attention on being spoken to [i.e., -the response of the servant to the call of his master. A further -explanation of the name is that the Labbais were originally few in -number, and were often oppressed by other Muhammadans and Hindus, -to whom they cried labbek, or we are your servants]. Another account -says they are the descendants of the Arabs, who, in the eleventh -and and twelfth centuries, came to India for trade. These Arabs were -persecuted by the Moghals, and they then returned to their country, -leaving behind their children born of Indian women. The word Labbai -seems to be of recent origin, for, in the Tamil lexicons, this caste -is usually known as Sonagan, i.e., a native of Sonagam (Arabia), -and this name is common at the present day. Most of the Labbais are -traders; some are engaged in weaving corah (sedge) mats; and others in -diving at the pearl and chank fisheries of the Gulf of Manaar. Tamil -is their home-speech, and they have furnished some fair Tamil poets. In -religion they are orthodox Musalmans. Their marriage ceremony, however, -closely resembles that of the lower Hindu castes, the only difference -being that the former cite passages from the Koran, and their females -do not appear in public even during marriages. Girls are not married -before puberty. Their titles are Marakkayan (Marakalar, boatmen), and -Ravuttan (a horse soldier). Their first colony appears to have been -Kayalpatnam in the Tinnevelly district." In the Manual of the Madura -district, the Labbais are described as "a fine, strong, active race, -who generally contrive to keep themselves in easy circumstances. Many -of them live by traffic. Many are smiths, and do excellent work as -such. Others are fishermen, boatmen, and the like. They are to be found -in great numbers in the Zamindaris, particularly near the sea-coast." - -Concerning the use of a Malay blow-gun (glorified pea-shooter) -by the Labbais of the Madura district, Dr. N. Annandale writes as -follows. [84] "While visiting the sub-division of Ramnad in the -coast of the Madura district in 1905, I heard that there were, among -the Muhammadan people known locally as Lubbais or Labbis, certain -men who made a livelihood by shooting pigeons with blow-guns. At -Kilakarai, a port on the Gulf of Manaar, I was able to obtain a -specimen, as well as particulars. According to my Labbi informants, -the 'guns' are purchased by them in Singapore from Bugis traders, -and brought to India. There is still a considerable trade, although -diminished, between Kilakarai and the ports of Burma and the Straits -Settlements. It is carried on entirely by Muhammadans in native sailing -vessels, and a large proportion of the Musalmans of Kilakarai have -visited Penang and Singapore. It is not difficult to find among them -men who can speak Straits Malay. The local name for the blow-gun is -senguttan, and is derived in popular etymology from the Tamil sen -(above) and kutu (to stab). I have little doubt that it is really a -corruption of the Malay name of the weapon--sumpitan. The blow-gun -which I obtained measures 189.6 cm. in length: its external diameter -at the breech is 30mm., and at the other extremity 24 mm. The diameter -of the bore, however, is practically the same throughout, viz., 12 -mm. Both ends are overlaid with tin, and the breech consists of a -solid piece of tin turned on a lathe and pierced, the diameter of the -aperture being the same as that of the bore. The solid tin measures -35 mm. in length, and is continuous with the foil which covers the -base of the wooden tube. The tube itself is of very hard, heavy, dark -wood, apparently that of a palm. It is smooth, polished and regular -on its outer surface, and the bore is extremely true and even. At a -distance of 126 mm. from the distal extremity, at the end of the foil -which protects the tip of the weapon, a lump of mud is fixed on the -tube as a 'sight.' The ornamentation of the weapon is characteristic, -and shows that it must have been made in North Borneo. It consists of -rings, leaf-shaped designs with an open centre, and longitudinal bars, -all inlaid with tin. The missiles used at Kilakarai were not darts, -but little pellets of soft clay worked with the fingers immediately -before use. The use of pellets instead of darts is probably an Indian -makeshift. Although a 'sight' is used in some Bornean blow-guns, I -was told, probably correctly, that the lump of mud on the Kilakarai -specimen had been added in India. I was told that it was the custom -at Kilakarai to lengthen the tin breech of the 'gun' in accordance -with the capacity of the owner's lungs. He first tried the tube by -blowing a pellet through it, and, if he felt he could blow through a -longer tube, he added another piece of tin at the proximal end. The -pellet is placed in the mouth, into which the butt of the tube -is also introduced. The pellet is then worked into the tube with -the tongue, and is propelled by a violent effort of the lungs. No -wadding is used. Aim is rendered inaccurate, in the first place by -the heaviness of the tube, and secondly by the unsuitable nature of -the missile." A toy blow-gun is also figured by Dr. Annandale, such -as is used as a plaything by Labbai boys, and consisting of a hollow -cane with a piece of tinned iron twisted round the butt, and fastened -by soldering the two ends together. I have received from the Madura -district a blowpipe consisting of a long black-japanned tin tube, -like a billiard-cue case, with brass fittings and terminals. - -In connection with the dugong (Halicore dugong), which is caught -in the Gulf of Manaar, Dr. Annandale writes as follows. [85] "The -presence of large glands in connection with the eye afforded some -justification for the Malay's belief that the Dugong weeps when -captured. They regard the tears of the ikandugong ('Dugong fish') -as a powerful love-charm. Muhammadan fishermen on the Gulf of Manaar -appeared to be ignorant of this usage, but told me that a 'doctor' -once went out with them to collect the tears of a Dugong, should they -capture one. Though they do not call the animal a fish, they are less -particular about eating its flesh than are the Patani Malays and the -Trang Samsams, who will not do so unless the 'fish's' throat has been -cut in the manner orthodox for warm-blooded animals. The common Tamil -name for the Dugong is kadalpudru ('sea-pig'); but the fishermen at -Kilakarai (Lubbais) call it avilliah." - -Concerning the Labbais of the South Arcot district, Mr. W. Francis -writes as follows. [86] "The Labbais are often growers of betel, -especially round about Nellikuppam, and they also conduct the -skin trade of the district, are petty shop-keepers, and engage in -commerce at the ports. Their women are clever at weaving mats from -the screw-pine (Pandanus fascicularis), which grows so abundantly -along the sandy shore of the Bay of Bengal. The Labbais very -generally wear a high hat of plaited coloured grass, and a tartan -(kambayam) waist-cloth, and so are not always readily distinguishable -in appearance from the Marakkayars, but some of them use the Hindu -turban and waist-cloth, and let their womankind dress almost exactly -like Hindu women. In the same way, some Labbais insist on the use of -Hindustani in their houses, while others speak Tamil. There seems to -be a growing dislike to the introduction of Hindu rites into domestic -ceremonies, and the processions and music, which were once common -at marriages, are slowly giving place to a simpler ritual more in -resemblance with the nikka ceremony of the Musalman faith." - -In a note on the Labbais of the North Arcot district, [87] -Mr. H. A. Stuart describes them as being "very particular Muhammadans, -and many belong to the Wahabi section. Adhering to the rule of the -Koran, most of them refuse to lend money at interest, but get over the -difficulty by taking a share in the profits derived by others in their -loans. They are, as a rule, well-to-do, and excellently housed. The -first thing a Labbai does is to build himself a commodious tiled -building, and the next to provide himself with gay attire. They seem -to have a prejudice against repairing houses, and prefer letting them -go to ruin, and building new ones. The ordinary Musalmans appear to -entertain similar ideas on this point." - -Some Kodikkalkaran Labbais have adopted Hindu customs in their -marriage ceremonies. Thus a bamboo is set up as a milk-post, and a -tali is tied round the neck of the bride while the Nikkadiva is being -read. In other respects, they practice Muhammadan rites. - -Concerning the Labbais who have settled in the Mysore province, I -gather [88] that they are "an enterprising class of traders, settled in -nearly all the large towns. They are vendors of hardware and general -merchants, collectors of hides, and large traders in coffee produce, -and generally take up any kind of lucrative business. It is noteworthy, -as denoting the perseverance and pushing character of the race that, -in the large village of Gargesvari in Tirumakudlu, Narsipur taluk, -the Labbes have acquired by purchase or otherwise large extents of -river-irrigated lands, and have secured to themselves the leadership -among the villagers within a comparatively recent period." - -For the purpose of the education of Labbai and Marakkayar children, -the Koran and other books have been published in the Tamil language, -but with Arabic characters. Concerning these Arab-Tamil books I gather -that "when a book thus written is read, it is hardly possible to say -that it is Tamil--it sounds like Arabic, and the guttural sounds of -certain words have softened down into Arabic sounds. Certain words, -mostly of religious connection, have been introduced, and even words of -familiar daily use. For instance, a Labbai would not use the familiar -word Annai for brother, Tagappan for father, or Chithammai for aunt, -but would call such relatives Bhai, Bava, and Khula. Since the books -are written in Arabic characters, they bear a religious aspect. The -Labbai considers it a sacred and meritorious duty to publish them, -and distribute them gratis among the school-going children. A book -so written or printed is called a kitab, rather than its Tamil -equivalent pustagam, and is considered sacred. It commands almost -the same respect as the Koran itself, in regard to which it has been -commanded 'Touch not with unclean hands.' A book of a religious nature, -written or printed in Tamil characters, may be left on the ground, -but a kitab of even secular character will always be placed on a -rihal or seat, and, when it falls to the ground, it is kissed and -raised to the forehead. The origin of this literature may be traced -to Kayalpatnam, Melapalayam, and other important Labbai towns in the -Tinnevelly district." The following rendering of the second Kalima -will serve as an example of Arab-Tamil. - -Ladaf.--Recorded, at the census, 1901, as a synonym of Dudekula. A -corruption of nad-daf (a cotton-dresser). - -Ladar.--It is noted, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, that "the -Ladars are a class of general merchants, found chiefly in the cities, -where they supply all kinds of stores, glass-ware, etc." I gather [89] -that the "Lad or Suryavaunshi Vanis say that they are the children -of Surya, the sun. They are said to have come from Benares to Maisur -under pressure of famine about 700 years ago. But their caste name -seems to show that their former settlement was not in Benares, but -in South Gujarat or Lat Desh. They are a branch of the Lad community -of Maisur, with whom they have social intercourse. They teach their -boys to read and write Kanarese, and succeed as traders in grain, -cloth, and groceries." - -Lala.--The names of some Bondilis, or immigrants from Bandelkand, -who have settled in the North Arcot district and other localities, -terminate with Lala. Lala also occurs as a synonym for Kayasth, -the writer caste of Bengal, immigrants from Northern India, who -have settled in Madras, where there are a number of families. "In -Madras," Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri informs us, [90] "the Mahrattas and -Lalas--mostly non-Brahman--observe the Holi feast with all sorts of -hideousness. The youngsters of the Lala sect make, in each house or -in common for a whole street, an image of Holika, sing obscene songs -before it, offer sweetmeats, fruits and other things in mock worship -of the image, exchange horseplay compliments by syringing coloured -water on each other's clothes, and spend the whole period of the -feast singing, chatting, and abusing. Indecent language is allowed -to be indulged in during the continuance of this jolly occasion. At -about 1 A.M. on the full moon day, the image of Holika is burnt, -and children sit round the embers, and beat their mouths, making a -mock mourning sound. Tender children are swung over the fire for a -second by the fond mothers, and this is believed to remove all kinds -of danger from the babies." - -Laligonda.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as Lingayats, -consisting of Canarese-speaking Kapus or Vakkaligas. - -Lambadi.--The Lambadis are also called Lambani, Brinjari or Banjari, -Boipari, Sugali or Sukali. By some Sugali is said to be a corruption of -supari (betel nut), because they formerly traded largely therein. [91] -"The Banjaras," Mr. G. A. Grierson writes, [92] "are the well-known -tribe of carriers who are found all over Western and Southern -India. [93] One of their principal sub-castes is known under the name -of Labhani, and this name (or some related one) is often applied to -the whole tribe. The two names appear each under many variations, -such as Banjari, Vanjari, Brinjari, Labhani, Labani, Labana, Lambadi, -and Lambani. The name Banjara and its congeners is probably derived -from the Sanskrit Vanijyakarakas, a merchant, through the Prakrit -Vanijjaarao, a trader. The derivation of Labhani or Labani, etc., -is obscure. It has been suggested that it means salt carrier from -the Sanskrit lavanah, salt, because the tribe carried salt, but -this explanation goes against several phonetic rules, and does not -account for the forms of the word like Labhani or Lambani. Banjari -falls into two main dialects--that of the Panjab and Gujarat, and -that of elsewhere (of which we may take the Labhani of Berar as -the standard). All these different dialects are ultimately to be -referred to the language of Western Rajputana. The Labhani of Berar -possesses the characteristics of an old form of speech, which has -been preserved unchanged for some centuries. It may be said to be -based partly on Marwari and partly on Northern Gujarati." It is noted -by Mr. Grierson that the Banjari dialect of Southern India is mixed -with the surrounding Dravidian languages. In the Census Report, 1901, -Tanda (the name of the Lambadi settlements or camps), and Vali Sugriva -are given as synonyms for the tribal name. Vali and Sugriva were -two monkey chiefs mentioned in the Ramayana, from whom the Lambadis -claim to be descended. The legend, as given by Mr. F. S. Mullaly, -[94] is that "there were two brothers, Mota and Mola, descendants of -Sugriva. Mola had no issue, so, being an adept in gymnastic feats, -he went with his wife Radha, and exhibited his skill at 'Rathanatch' -before three rajahs. They were so taken with Mola's skill, and the -grace and beauty of Radha, and of her playing of the nagara or drum, -that they asked what they could do for them. Mola asked each of the -rajahs for a boy, that he might adopt him as his son. This request was -accorded, and Mola adopted three boys. Their names were Chavia, Lohia -Panchar, and Ratade. These three boys, in course of time, grew up and -married. From Bheekya, the eldest son of Ratade, started the clan known -as the Bhutyas, and from this clan three minor sub-divisions known as -the Maigavuth, Kurumtoths, and Kholas. The Bhutyas form the principal -class among the Lambadis." According to another legend, [95] "one -Chada left five sons, Mula, Mota, Nathad, Jogda, and Bhimda. Chavan -(Chauhan), one of the three sons of Mula, had six sons, each of whom -originated a clan. In the remote past, a Brahman from Ajmir, and a -Marata from Jotpur in the north of India, formed alliances with, -and settled among these people, the Marata living with Rathol, -a brother of Chavan. The Brahman married a girl of the latter's -family, and his offspring added a branch to the six distinct clans -of Chavan. These clans still retain the names of their respective -ancestors, and, by reason of cousinship, intermarriage between some -of them is still prohibited. They do, however, intermarry with the -Brahman offshoot, which was distinguished by the name of Vadtya, -from Chavan's family. Those belonging to the Vadtya clan still wear -the sacred thread. The Marata, who joined the Rathol family, likewise -founded an additional branch under the name of Khamdat to the six -clans of the latter, who intermarry with none but the former. It is -said that from the Khamdat clan are recruited most of the Lambadi -dacoits. The clan descended from Mota, the second son of Chada, -is not found in the Mysore country. The descendants of Nathad, the -third son, live by catching wild birds, and are known as Mirasikat, -Paradi, or Vagri (see Kuruvikkaran). The Jogdas are people of the -Jogi caste. Those belonging to the Bhimda family are the peripatetic -blacksmiths, called Bailu Kammara. The Lambani outcastes compose a -sub-division called Thalya, who, like the Holayas, are drum-beaters, -and live in detached habitations." - -As pointing to a distinction between Sukalis and Banjaris, it is -noted by the Rev. J. Cain [96] that "the Sukalilu do not travel in -such large companies as the Banjarilu, nor are their women dressed as -gaudily as the Banjari women. There is but little friendship between -these two classes, and the Sukali would regard it as anything but -an honour to be called a Banjari, and the Banjari is not flattered -when called a Sukali." It is, however, noted, in the Madras Census -Report, 1891, that enquiries show that Lambadis and Sugalis are -practically the same. And Mr. H. A. Stuart, writing concerning the -inhabitants of the North Arcot district, states that the names Sugali, -Lambadi and Brinjari "seem to be applied to one and the same class -of people, though a distinction is made. The Sugalis are those who -have permanently settled in the district; the Lambadis are those who -commonly pass through from the coast to Mysore; and the Brinjaris -appear to be those who come down from Hyderabad or the Central -Provinces." It is noted by Mr. W. Francis [97] that, in the Bellary -district, the Lambadis do not recognise the name Sugali. - -Orme mentions the Lambadis as having supplied the Comte de Bussy -with store, cattle and grain, when besieged by the Nizam's army at -Hyderabad. In an account of the Brinjaris towards the close of the -eighteenth century, Moor [98] writes that they "associate chiefly -together, seldom or never mixing with other tribes. They seem to have -no home, nor character, but that of merchants, in which capacity -they travel great distances to whatever parts are most in want of -merchandise, which is the greatest part corn. In times of war they -attend, and are of great assistance to armies, and, being neutral, -it is a matter of indifference to them who purchase their goods. They -marched and formed their own encampments apart, relying on their -own courage for protection; for which purpose the men are all armed -with swords or matchlocks. The women drive the cattle, and are the -most robust we ever saw in India, undergoing a great deal of labour -with apparent ease. Their dress is peculiar, and their ornaments are -so singularly chosen that we have, we are confident, seen women who -(not to mention a child at their backs) have had eight or ten pounds -weight in metal or ivory round their arms and legs. The favourite -ornaments appear to be rings of ivory from the wrist to the shoulder, -regularly increasing in size, so that the ring near the shoulder will -be immoderately large, sixteen or eighteen inches, or more perhaps -in circumference. These rings are sometimes dyed red. Silver, lead, -copper, or brass, in ponderous bars, encircle their shins, sometimes -round, others in the form of festoons, and truly we have seen some -so circumstanced that a criminal in irons would not have much more -to incommode him than these damsels deem ornamental and agreeable -trappings on a long march, for they are never dispensed with in the -hottest weather. A kind of stomacher, with holes for the arms, and -tied behind at the bottom, covers their breast, and has some strings -of cowries, [99] depending behind, dangling at their backs. The -stomacher is curiously studded with cowries, and their hair is also -bedecked with them. They wear likewise ear-rings, necklaces, rings -on the fingers and toes, and, we think, the nut or nose jewel. They -pay little attention to cleanliness; their hair, once plaited, is -not combed or opened perhaps for a month; their bodies or cloths are -seldom washed; their arms are indeed so encased with ivory that it -would be no easy matter to clean them. They are chaste and affable; -any indecorum offered to a woman would be resented by the men, who have -a high sense of honour on that head. Some are men of great property; -it is said that droves of loaded bullocks, to the number of fifty or -sixty thousand, have at different times followed the Bhow's army." - -The Lambadis of Bellary "have a tradition among them of having first -come to the Deccan from the north with Moghul camps as commissariat -carriers. Captain J. Briggs, in writing about them in 1813, states -that, as the Deccan is devoid of a single navigable river, and has -no roads that admit of wheeled traffic, the whole of the extensive -intercourse is carried on by laden bullocks, the property of the -Banjaris." [100] Concerning the Lambadis of the same district, -Mr. Francis writes that "they used to live by pack-bullock trade, and -they still remember the names of some of the generals who employed -their forebears. When peace and the railways came and did away with -these callings, they fell back for a time upon crime as a livelihood, -but they have now mostly taken to agriculture and grazing." Some -Lambadis are, at the present time (1908), working in the Mysore -manganese mines. - -Writing in 1825, Bishop Heber noted [101] that "we passed a number -of Brinjarees, who were carrying salt. They all had bows, arrows, -sword and shield. Even the children had, many of them, bows and arrows -suited to their strength, and I saw one young woman equipped in the -same manner." - -Of the Lambadis in time of war, the Abbé Dubois inform us [102] -that "they attach themselves to the army where discipline is least -strict. They come swarming in from all parts, hoping, in the general -disorder and confusion, to be able to thieve with impunity. They make -themselves very useful by keeping the market well supplied with the -provisions that they have stolen on the march. They hire themselves -and their large herds of cattle to whichever contending party will -pay them best, acting as carriers of the supplies and baggage of the -army. They were thus employed, to the number of several thousands, by -the English in their last war with the Sultan of Mysore. The English, -however, had occasion to regret having taken these untrustworthy -and ill-disciplined people into their service, when they saw them -ravaging the country through which they passed, and causing more -annoyance than the whole of the enemy's army." - -It is noted by Wilks [103] that the travelling grain merchants, -who furnished the English army under Cornwallis with grain during -the Mysore war, were Brinjaris, and, he adds, "they strenuously -objected, first, that no capital execution should take place without -the sanction of the regular judicial authority; second, that they -should be punishable for murder. The executions to which they demanded -assent, or the murders for which they were called to account, had -their invariable origin in witchcraft, or the power of communication -with evil spirits. If a child sickened, or a wife was inconstant, -the sorcerer was to be discovered and punished." It is recorded by -the Rev. J. Cain that many of the Lambadis "confessed that, in former -days, it was the custom among them before starting out on a journey to -procure a little child, and bury it in the ground up to the shoulders, -and then drive their loaded bullocks over the unfortunate victim, -and, in proportion to their thoroughly trampling the child to death, -so their belief in a successful journey increased. A Lambadi was seen -repeating a number of mantrams (magical formulæ) over his patients, -and touching their heads at the same time with a book, which was a -small edition of the Telugu translation of St. John's gospel. Neither -the physician nor patient could read, and had no idea of the contents -of the book." At the time when human (meriah) sacrifices prevailed in -the Vizagapatam Agency tracts, it was the regular duty of Lambadis -to kidnap or purchase human beings in the plains, and sell them to -the hill tribes for extravagant prices. A person, in order to be a -fitting meriah, had to be purchased for a price. - -It is recorded [104] that not long after the accession of Vinayaka -Deo to the throne of Jeypore, in the fifteenth century, some of his -subjects rose against him, but he recovered his position with the help -of a leader of Brinjaris. Ever since then, in grateful recognition, -his descendants have appended to their signatures a wavy line (called -valatradu), which represents the rope with which Brinjaris tether -their cattle. - -The common occupation of the Lambadis of Mysore is said [105] to be -"the transport, especially in the hill and forest tracts difficult -of access, of grain and other produce on pack bullocks, of which -they keep large herds. They live in detached clusters of rude huts, -called thandas, at some distance from established villages. Though -some of them have taken of late to agriculture, they have as yet -been only partially reclaimed from criminal habits." The thandas -are said to be mostly pitched on high ground affording coigns of -vantage for reconnoissance in predatory excursions. It is common -for the Lambadis of the Vizagapatam Agency, during their trade -peregrinations, to clear a level piece of land, and camp for -night, with fires lighted all round them. Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao -informs me that "they regard themselves as immune from the attacks -of tigers, if they take certain precautions. Most of them have to -pass through places infested with these beasts, and their favourite -method of keeping them off is as follows. As soon as they encamp -at a place, they level a square bit of ground, and light fires in -the middle of it, round which they pass the night. It is their firm -belief that the tiger will not enter the square, from fear lest it -should become blind, and eventually be shot. I was once travelling -towards Malkangiri from Jeypore, when I fell in with a party of -these people encamped in the manner described. At that time, several -villages about Malkangiri were being ravaged by a notorious man-eater -(tiger). In the Madras Census Reports the Lambadis are described as -a class of traders, herdsmen, cattle-breeders, and cattle-lifters, -found largely in the Deccan districts, in parts of which they have -settled down as agriculturists. In the Cuddapah district they are said -[106] to be found in most of the jungly tracts, living chiefly by -collecting firewood and jungle produce. In the Vizagapatam district, -Mr. G. F. Paddison informs me, the bullocks of the Lambadis are -ornamented with peacock's feathers and cowry shells, and generally a -small mirror on the forehead. The bullocks of the Brinjaris (Boiparis) -are described by the Rev. G. Gloyer [107] as having their horns, -foreheads, and necks decorated with richly embroidered cloth, and -carrying on their horns, plumes of peacock's feathers and tinkling -bells. When on the march, the men always have their mouths covered, -to avoid the awful dust which the hundreds of cattle kick up. Their -huts are very temporary structures made of wattle. The whole village -is moved about a furlong or so every two or three years--as early -a stage of the change from nomadic to a settled life as can be -found." The Lambadi tents, or pals, are said by Mr. Mullaly to be -"made of stout coarse cloth fastened with ropes. In moving camp, -these habitations are carried with their goods and chattels on -pack bullocks." Concerning the Lambadis of the Bellary district -Mr. S. P. Rice writes to me as follows. "They are wood-cutters, -carriers, and coolies, but some of them settle down and become -cultivators. A Lambadi hut generally consists of only one small -room, with no aperture except the doorway. Here are huddled together -the men, women, and children, the same room doing duty as kitchen, -dining and bedroom. The cattle are generally tied up outside in any -available spot of the village site, so that the whole village is a -sort of cattle pen interspersed with huts, in whatsoever places may -have seemed convenient to the particular individual. Dotted here and -there are a few shrines of a modest description, where I was told that -fires are lighted every night in honour of the deity. The roofs are -generally sloping and made of thatch, unlike the majority of houses -in the Deccan, which are almost always terraced or flat roofed. I have -been into one or two houses rather larger than those described, where -I found a buffalo or two, after the usual Canarese fashion. There is -an air of encampment about the village, which suggests a gipsy life." - -The present day costume and personal adornments of the Lambadi -females have been variously described by different writers. By one, -the women are said to remind one of the Zingari of Wallachia and -the Gitani of Spain. "Married women," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [108] -"are distinguished from the unmarried in that they wear their bangles -between the elbow and shoulder, while the unmarried have them between -the elbow and wrist. Unmarried girls may wear black bead necklets, -which are taken off at marriage, at which time they first assume -the ravikkai or jacket. Matrons also use an earring called guriki -to distinguish them from widows or unmarried girls." In the Mysore -Census Report, 1901, it is noted that "the women wear a peculiar -dress, consisting of a lunga or gown of stout coarse print, a tartan -petticoat, and a mantle often elaborately embroidered, which also -covers the head and upper part of the body. The hair is worn in -ringlets or plaits hanging down each side of the face, and decorated -with shells, and terminating in tassels. The arms are profusely -covered with trinkets and rings made of bones, brass and other rude -materials. The men's dress consists of a white or red turband, and -a pair of white breeches or knicker-bockers, reaching a little below -the knee, with a string of red silk tassels hanging by the right side -from the waistband." "The men," Mr. F. S. Mullaly writes, "are fine -muscular fellows, capable of enduring long and fatiguing marches. Their -ordinary dress is the dhoty with short trousers, and frequently gaudy -turbans and caps, in which they indulge on festive occasions. They also -affect a considerable amount of jewellery. The women are, as a rule, -comely, and above the average height of women of the country. Their -costume is the laigna (langa) or gown of Karwar cloth, red or green, -with a quantity of embroidery. The chola (choli) or bodice, with -embroidery in the front and on the shoulders, covers the bosom, and -is tied by variegated cords at the back, the ends of the cords being -ornamented with cowries and beads. A covering cloth of Karwar cloth, -with embroidery, is fastened in at the waist, and hangs at the side -with a quantity of tassels and strings of cowries. Their jewels are -very numerous, and include strings of beads of ten or twenty rows -with a cowry as a pendant, called the cheed, threaded on horse-hair, -and a silver hasali (necklace), a sign of marriage equivalent to the -tali. Brass or horn bracelets, ten to twelve in number, extending to -the elbow on either arm, with a guzera or piece of embroidered silk, -one inch wide, tied to the right wrist. Anklets of ivory (or bone) -or horn are only worn by married women. They are removed on the death -of the husband. Pachala or silk embroidery adorned with tassels and -cowries is also worn as an anklet by women. Their other jewels are -mukaram or nose ornament, a silver kania or pendant from the upper part -of the ear attached to a silver chain which hangs to the shoulder, -and a profusion of silver, brass, and lead rings. Their hair is, -in the case of unmarried women, unadorned, brought up and tied in -a knot at the top of the head. With married women it is fastened, -in like manner, with a cowry or a brass button, and heavy pendants or -gujuris are fastened at the temples. This latter is an essential sign -of marriage, and its absence is a sign of widowhood. Lambadi women, -when carrying water, are fastidious in the adornment of the pad, called -gala, which is placed on their heads. They cover it with cowries, -and attach to it an embroidered cloth, called phulia, ornamented with -tassels and cowries." I gather that Lambadi women of the Lavidia and -Kimavath septs do not wear bracelets (chudo), because the man who went -to bring them for the marriage of a remote ancestor died. In describing -the dress of the Lambadi women, the Rev. G. N. Thomssen writes that -"the sari is thrown over the head as a hood, with a frontlet of coins -dangling over the forehead. This frontlet is removed in the case of -widows. At the ends of the tufts of hair at the ears, heavy ornaments -are tied or braided. Married women have a gold and silver coin at -the ends of these tufts, while widows remove them. But the dearest -possession of the women are large broad bracelets, made, some of wood, -and the large number of bone or ivory. Almost the whole arm is covered -with these ornaments. In case of the husband's death, the bracelets -on the upper arm are removed. They are kept in place by a cotton -bracelet, gorgeously made, the strings of which are ornamented with -the inevitable cowries. On the wrist broad heavy brass bracelets with -bells are worn, these being presents from the mother to her daughter." - -Each thanda, Mr. Natesa Sastri writes, has "a headman -called the Nayaka, whose word is law, and whose office is -hereditary. Each settlement has also a priest, whose office is -likewise hereditary." According to Mr. H. A. Stuart, the thanda is -named after the headman, and he adds, "the head of the gang appears -to be regarded with great reverence, and credited with supernatural -powers. He is believed to rule the gang most rigorously, and to have -the power of life and death over its members." - -Concerning the marriage ceremonies of the Sugalis of North Arcot, -Mr. Stuart informs us that these "last for three days. On the first -an intoxicating beverage compounded of bhang (Cannabis indica) leaves, -jaggery (crude sugar), and other things, is mixed and drunk. When all -are merry, the bridegroom's parents bring Rs. 35 and four bullocks -to those of the bride, and, after presenting them, the bridegroom -is allowed to tie a square silver bottu or tali (marriage badge) -to the bride's neck, and the marriage is complete; but the next two -days must be spent in drinking and feasting. At the conclusion of the -third day, the bride is arrayed in gay new clothes, and goes to the -bridegroom's house, driving a bullock before her. Upon the birth of -the first male child, a second silver bottu is tied to the mother's -neck, and a third when a second son is born. When a third is added -to the family, the three bottus are welded together, after which no -additions are made." Of the Lambadi marriage ceremony in the Bellary -district, the following detailed account is given by Mr. Francis. "As -acted before me by a number of both sexes of the caste, it runs as -follows. The bridegroom arrives at night at the bride's house with a -cloth covering his head, and an elaborately embroidered bag containing -betel and nut slung from his shoulder. Outside the house, at the four -corners of a square, are arranged four piles of earthen pots--five -pots in each. Within this square two grain-pounding pestles are stuck -upright in the ground. The bride is decked with the cloth peculiar to -married women, and taken outside the house to meet the bridegroom. Both -stand within the square of pots, and round their shoulders is tied a -cloth, in which the officiating Brahman knots a rupee. This Brahman, -it may be at once noted, has little more to do with the ceremony -beyond ejaculating at intervals 'Shobhana! Shobhana!' or 'May it -prosper!' Then the right hands of the couple are joined, and they -walk seven times round each of the upright pestles, while the women -chant the following song, one line being sung for each journey round -the pestle: - - - To yourself and myself marriage has taken place. - Together we will walk round the marriage pole. - Walk the third time; marriage has taken place. - You are mine by marriage. - Walk the fifth time; marriage has taken place. - Walk the sixth time; marriage has taken place. - Walk the seventh time; marriage has taken place. - We have walked seven times; I am yours. - Walk the seventh time; you are mine. - - -"The couple then sit on a blanket on the ground near one of the -pestles, and are completely covered with a cloth. The bride gives the -groom seven little balls compounded of rice, ghee (clarified butter) -and sugar, which he eats. He then gives her seven others, which she in -turn eats. The process is repeated near the other pestle. The women -keep on chanting all the while. Then the pair go into the house, -and the cloth into which the rupee was knotted is untied, and the -ceremonies for that night are over. Next day the couple are bathed -separately, and feasting takes place. That evening the girl's mother -or near female relations tie to the locks on each side of her temples -the curious badges, called gugri, which distinguish a married from an -unmarried woman, fasten a bunch of tassels to her back hair, and girdle -her with a tasselled waistband, from which is suspended a little bag, -into which the bridegroom puts five rupees. These last two are donned -thereafter on great occasions, but are not worn every day. The next -day the girl is taken home by her new husband." It is noted in the -Mysore Census Report, 1891, that "one unique custom, distinguishing -the Lambani marriage ceremonial, is that the officiating Brahman priest -is the only individual of the masculine persuasion who is permitted to -be present. Immediately after the betrothal, the females surround and -pinch the priest on all sides, repeating all the time songs in their -mixed Kutni dialect. The vicarious punishment to which the solitary -male Brahman is thus subjected is said to be apt retribution for -the cruel conduct, according to a mythological legend, of a Brahman -parent who heartlessly abandoned his two daughters in the jungle, -as they had attained puberty before marriage. The pinching episode is -notoriously a painful reality. It is said, however, that the Brahman, -willingly undergoes the operation in consideration of the fees paid for -the rite." The treatment of the Brahman as acted before me by Lambadi -women at Nandyal, included an attempt to strip him stark naked. In -the Census Report, it is stated that, at Lambadi weddings, the women -"weep and cry aloud, and the bride and bridegroom pour milk into an -ant-hill, and offer the snake which lives therein cocoanuts, flowers, -and so on. Brahmans are sometimes engaged to celebrate weddings, -and, failing a Brahman, a youth of the tribe will put on the thread, -and perform the ceremony." - -The following variant of the marriage ceremonies was acted before me -at Kadur in Mysore. A pandal (booth) is erected, and beneath it two -pestles or rice-pounders are set up. At the four corners, a row of -five pots is placed, and the pots are covered with leafy twigs of -Calotropis procera, which are tied with Calotropis fibre or cotton -thread. Sometimes a pestle is set up near each row of pots. The bridal -couple seat themselves near the pestles, and the ends of their cloths, -with a silver coin in them, are tied together. They are then smeared -with turmeric, and, after a wave-offering to ward off the evil eye, -they go seven times round the pestles, while the women sing:-- - - - Oh! girl, walk along, walk. - You boasted that you would not marry. - Now you are married. - Walk, girl, walk on. - There is no good in your boasting. - You have eaten the pudding. - Walk, girl, walk. - Leave off boasting. - You sat on the plank with the bridegroom's thigh on yours. - - -The bride and bridegroom take their seats on a plank, and the former -throws a string round the neck of the latter, and ties seven knots -in it. The bridegroom then does the same to the bride. The knots are -untied. Cloths are then placed over the backs of the couple, and a -swastika mark ([swastika]) is drawn on them with turmeric paste. A -Brahman purohit is then brought to the pandal, and seats himself on -a plank. A clean white cloth is placed on his head, and fastened -tightly with string. Into this improvised turban, leafy twigs of -mango and Cassia auriculata are stuck. Some of the Lambadi women -present, while chanting a tune, throw sticks of Ficus glomerata, -Artocarpus integrifolia, and mango in front of the Brahman, pour -gingelly (Sesamum) oil over them, and set them on fire. The Brahman -is made a bridegroom, and he must give out the name of his bride. He -is then slapped on the cheeks by the women, thrown down, and his -clothing stripped off. The Brahman ceremonial concluded, a woman -puts the badges of marriage on the bride. On the following day, she -is dressed up, and made to stand on a bullock, and keep on crooning -a mournful song, which makes her cry eventually. As she repeats the -song, she waves her arms, and folds them over her head. The words of -the song, the reproduction of which in my phonograph invariably made -the women weep, are somewhat as follows:-- - - - Oh! father, you brought me up so carefully by spending much money. - All this was to no purpose. - Oh! mother, the time has come when I have to leave you. - Is it to send me away that you nourished me? - Oh! how can I live away from you, - My brothers and sisters? - - -Among the Lambadis of Mysore, widow remarriage and polygamy are said -[109] to freely prevail, "and it is customary for divorced women to -marry again during the lifetime of the husband under the sire udike -(tying of a new cloth) form of remarriage, which also obtains among the -Vakkaligas and others. In such cases, the second husband, under the -award of the caste arbitration, is made to pay a certain sum (tera) -as amends to the first husband, accompanied by a caste dinner. The -woman is then readmitted into society. But certain disabilities are -attached to widow remarriage. Widows remarried are forbidden entry -into a regular marriage party, whilst their offspring are disabled -from legal marriage for three generations, although allowed to take -wives from families similarly circumstanced." According to Mr. Stuart, -the Sugalis of the North Arcot district "do not allow the marriage of -widows, but on payment of Rs. 15 and three buffaloes to her family, -who take charge of her children, a widow may be taken by any man as a -concubine, and her children are considered legitimate. Even during her -husband's life, a woman may desert him for any one else, the latter -paying the husband the cost of the original marriage ceremony. The -Sugalis burn the married, but bury all others, and have no ceremonies -after death for the rest of the soul of the deceased." If the head -of a burning corpse falls off the pyre, the Lambadis pluck some grass -or leaves, which they put in their mouths "like goats," and run home. - -A custom called Valli Sukkeri is recorded by the Rev. G. N. Thomssen, -according to which "if an elder brother marries and dies without -offspring, the younger brother must marry the widow, and raise up -children, such children being regarded as those of the deceased elder -brother. If, however, the elder brother dies leaving offspring, and -the younger brother wishes to marry the widow, he must give fifteen -rupees and three oxen to his brother's children. Then he may marry the -widow." The custom here referred to is said to be practiced because -the Lambadi's ancestor Sugriva married his elder brother Vali's widow. - -I am informed by Mr. F. A. Hamilton that, among the Lambadis of -Kollegal in the Coimbatore district, "if a widower remarries, he may -go through the ordinary marriage ceremony, or the kuttuvali rite, -in which all that is necessary is to declare his selection of a -bride to four or five castemen, whom he feeds. A widow may remarry -according to the same rite, her new husband paying the expenses of the -feast. Married people are burnt. Unmarried, and those who have been -married by the kuttuvali rite, are buried. When cremation is resorted -to, the eldest son sets fire to the funeral pyre. On the third day -he makes a heap of the ashes, on which he sprinkles milk. He and -his relations then return home, and hold a feast. When a corpse is -buried, no such ceremonies are performed. Both males and females are -addicted to heavy drinking. Arrack is their favourite beverage, and a -Lambadi's boast is that he spent so much on drink on such and such an -occasion. The women dance and sing songs in eulogy of their goddess. At -bed-time they strip off all their clothes, and use them as a pillow." - -The Lambadis are said to purchase children from other castes, and -bring them up as their own. Such children are not allowed to marry -into the superior Lambadi section called Thanda. The adopted children -are classified as Koris, and a Kori may only marry a Lambadi after -several generations. - -Concerning the religion of the Lambadis, it is noted in the Mysore -Census Report, 1891, that they are "Vishnuvaits, and their principal -object of worship is Krishna. Bana Sankari, the goddess of forests, -is also worshipped, and they pay homage to Basava on grounds dissimilar -to those professed by the Lingayets. Basava is revered by the Lambadis -because Krishna had tended cattle in his incarnation. The writer -interviewed the chief Lambani priests domiciled in the Holalkere -taluk. The priests belong to the same race, but are much less -disreputable than the generality of their compatriots. It is said that -they periodically offer sacrificial oblations in the agni or fire, -at which a mantram is repeated, which may be paraphrased thus:-- - - - I adore Bharma (Bramha) in the roots; - Vishnu who is the trunk; - Rudra (Mahadev) pervading the branches; - And the Devas in every leaf. - - -"The likening of the Creator's omnipotence to a tree among a people -so far impervious to the traditions of Sanskrit lore may not appear -very strange to those who will call to mind the Scandinavian tree of -Igdrasil so graphically described by Carlyle, and the all-pervading -Asvat'tha (pipal) tree of the Bhagavatgita." It is added in the Mysore -Census Report, 1901, that "the Lambanis own the Gosayis (Goswami) as -their priests or gurus. These are the genealogists of the Lambanis, -as the Helavas are of the Sivachars." Of the Sugalis of Punganur -and Palmaner in the North Arcot district Mr. Stuart writes that -"all worship the Tirupati Swami, and also two Saktis called Kosa -Sakti and Mani Sakti. Some three hundred years ago, they say that -there was a feud between the Bukia and Mudu Sugalis, and in a combat -many were killed on both sides; but the widows of only two of the -men who died were willing to perform sati, in consequence of which -they have been deified, and are now worshipped as saktis by all -the divisions." It is said [110] that, near Rolla in the Anantapur -district, there is a small community of priests to the Lambadis who -call themselves Muhammadans, but cannot intermarry with others of the -faith, and that in the south-west of Madakasira taluk there is another -sub-division, called the Mondu Tulukar (who are usually stone-cutters -and live in hamlets by themselves), who similarly cannot marry with -other Musalmans. It is noted by the Rev. J. Cain [111] that in some -places the Lambadis "fasten small rags torn from some old garment -to a bush in honour of Kampalamma (kampa, a thicket). On the side -of one of the roads from Bastar are several large heaps of stones, -which they have piled up in honour of the goddess Guttalamma. Every -Lambadi who passes the heaps is bound to place one stone on the heap, -and to make a salaam to it." The goddess of the Lambadis of Kollegal -is, according to Mr. Hamilton, Satthi. A silver image of a female, -seated tailor-fashion, is kept by the head of the family, and is an -heirloom. At times of festival it is set up and worshipped. Cooked food -is placed before it, and a feast, with much arrack drinking, singing, -beating of tom-tom, and dancing through the small hours of the night, -is held. Examples of the Lambadi songs relating to incidents in the -Ramayana, in honour of the goddesses Durga and Bhavani, etc., have -been published by Mr. F. Fawcett. [112] - -The Brinjaris are described by the Rev. G. Gloyer as carrying their -principal goddess "Bonjairini Mata," on the horns of their cattle -(leitochsen). - -It is noted by the Rev. G. N. Thomssen that the Lambadis "worship the -Supreme Being in a very pathetic manner. A stake, either a carved -stick, or a peg, or a knife, is planted on the ground, and men and -women form a circle round this, and a wild, weird chant is sung, while -all bend very low to the earth. They all keep on circling about the -stake, swinging their arms in despair, clasping them in prayer, and -at last raising them in the air. Their whole cry is symbolic of the -child crying in the night, the child crying for the light. If there -are very many gathered together for worship, the men form one circle, -and the women another. Another peculiar custom is their sacrifice of -a goat or a chicken in case of removal from one part of the jungle -to another, when sickness has come. They hope to escape death by -leaving one camping ground for another. Half-way between the old -and new grounds, a chicken or goat is buried alive, the head being -allowed to be above ground. Then all the cattle are driven over the -buried creature, and the whole camp walk over the buried victim." In -former days, the Lambadis are reputed to have offered up human -sacrifices. "When," the Abbé Dubois writes, "they wish to perform -this horrible act, it is said, they secretly carry off the first -person they meet. Having conducted the victim to some lonely spot, -they dig a hole, in which they bury him up to the neck. While he is -still alive, they make a sort of lump of dough made of flour, which -they place on his head. This they fill with oil, and light four wicks -in it. Having done this, the men and women join hands, and, forming a -circle, dance round their victim, singing and making a great noise, -till he expires." The interesting fact is recorded by Mr. Mullaly -"that, before the Lambadis proceed on a predatory excursion, a token, -usually a leaf, is secreted in some hidden place before proceeding to -invoke Durga. The Durgamma pujari (priest), one of their own class, -who wears the sacred thread, and is invested with his sacred office -by reason of his powers of divination, lights a fire, and, calling on -the goddess for aid, treads the fire out, and names the token hidden -by the party. His word is considered an oracle, and the pujari points -out the direction the party is to take." - -From a further note on the religion of the Lambadis, I gather that -they worship the following:-- - - - (1) Balaji, whose temple is at Tirupati. Offerings of money are - made to this deity for the bestowal of children, etc. When their - prayers are answered, the Lambadis walk all the way to Tirupati, - and will not travel thither by railway. - (2) Hanuman, the monkey god. - (3) Poleramma. To ward off devils and evil spirits. - (4) Mallalamma. To confer freedom to their cattle from attacks - of tigers and other wild beasts. - (5) Ankalamma. To protect them from epidemic disease. - (6) Peddamma. - (7) Maremma. - - -The Lambadis observe the Holi festival, for the celebration of which -money is collected in towns and villages. On the Holi day, the headman -and his wife fast, and worship two images of mud, representing Kama -(the Indian cupid) and his wife Rati. On the following morning, -cooked food is offered to the images, which are then burnt. Men and -women sing and dance, in separate groups, round the burning fire. On -the third day, they again sing and dance, and dress themselves in gala -attire. The men snatch the food which has been prepared by the women, -and run away amid protests from the women, who sometimes chastise them. - -It is narrated by Moor [113] that "he passed a tree, on which were -hanging several hundred bells. This was a superstitious sacrifice by -the Bandjanahs, who, passing this tree, are in the habit of hanging -a bell or bells upon it, which they take from the necks of their sick -cattle, expecting to leave behind them the complaint also. Our servants -particularly cautioned us against touching these diabolical bells; but, -as a few were taken for our own cattle, several accidents that happened -were imputed to the anger of the deity, to whom these offerings were -made, who, they say, inflicts the same disorder on the unhappy bullock -who carries a bell from this tree as he relieved the donor from." - -There is a legend in connection with the matsya gundam (fish pool) -close under the Yendrika hill in the Vizagapatam district. The -fish therein are very tame, and are protected by the Madgole -Zamindars. "Once, goes the story, a Brinjari caught one and turned -it into curry, whereon the king of the fish solemnly cursed him, -and he and all his pack-bullocks were turned into rocks, which may -be seen there to this day." [114] - -Lambadi women often have elaborate tattooed patterns on the backs -of the hands, and a tattooed dot on the left side of the nose may be -accepted as a distinguishing character of the tribe in some parts. My -assistant once pointed out that, in a group of Lambadis, some of the -girls did not look like members of the tribe. This roused the anger -of an old woman, who said "You can see the tattoo marks on the nose, -so they must be Lambadis." - -Lambadi women will not drink water from running streams or big tanks. - -In the Mysore Province, there is a class of people called Thamburi, -who dress like Lambadis, but do not intermarry with them. They are -Muhammadans, and their children are circumcised. Their marriages are -carried out according to the Muhammadan nikka rite, but they also go -through the Lambadi form of marriage, except that marriage pots are -not placed in the pandal (wedding booth). The Lambadis apparently pay -some respect to them, and give them money at marriages or on other -occasions. They seem to be bards and panegyrists of the Lambadis, -in the same way that other classes have their Nokkans, Viramushtis, -Bhatrazus, etc. It is noted by Mr. Stuart [115] that the Lambadis -have priests called Bhats, to whom it is probable that the Thamburis -correspond in Mysore. - -The methods of the criminal Lambadis are dealt with at length by -Mr. Mullaly. And it must suffice for the present purpose to note that -they commit dacoities and have their receivers of stolen property, -and that the Naik or headman of the gang takes an active share in -the commission of crime. - -Lampata.--A name, signifying a gallant, returned by some Sanis at -times of census. - -Landa.--A synonym of Mondi. - -Lanka (island).--An exogamous sept of Boya and Kamma. - -Lattikar.--Recorded, at the census, 1901, as a sub-division of -Vakkaliga (Okkiliyan) in the Salem district. Latti means a reckless -woman, and latvi, an unchaste woman, and the name possibly refers to -Vakkaligas who are not true-bred. - -Lekavali.--A division of Marathas in the Sandur State. Many of them -are servants in the Raja's palace. They are stated, in the Gazetteer -of the Bellary district, to be the offspring of irregular unions -among other Marathas. - -Lekkala (accounts).--An exogamous sept of Kamma. - -Linga Balija.--The Linga Balijas (traders) are summed up, in the -Madras Census Report, 1901, as a Lingayat sub-caste of Balija. In a -note on Lingayats, Mr. R. C. C. Carr records that the Linga Banjigs -or Banajigas are essentially traders, though many are now cultivators, -and that Telugu Lingayats often call themselves Linga Balijas. - -The following legendary account of the origin of the "Linga -Bhojunnalawaru" is given in the Baramahal Records. [116] "Para -Brahma or the great god Brahma created the god Pralayakala Rudra or -the terrific at the day of destruction, a character of the god Siva, -and he created the Chatur Acharyulu or four sages named Panditaraju, -Yekcoramalu, Murralaradulu, and Somaluradulu, and taught them mantras -or prayers, and made them his deputies. On a time, the Asuras and -Devatas, or the giants and the gods, made war on each other, and -the god Pralayakala Rudra produced from his nose a being whom he -named Muchari Rudra, and he had five sons, with whom he went to the -assistance of the devatas or gods, and enabled them to defeat the -giants, and for his service the gods conferred upon him and his sons -the following honorary distinctions:-- - - - A flag with the figure of an alligator (crocodile) portrayed on it. - A flag with the figure of a fish portrayed on it. - A flag with the figure of a bullock. - A flag with the figure of an eagle. - A flag with the figure of a bell. - A bell. - A modee ganta, or iron for marking cattle. - The use of burning lamps and flambeaus in their public processions - during the day. - The use of tents. - - -"On a time, when the god Pralayakala Rudra and Mochari Rudra and -his five sons, with other celestial attendants, were assembled on -the Kailasa parvata or mountain of Paradise, the god directed the -latter to descend into the Bhuloka or earthly world, and increase -and multiply these species. They humbly prayed to know how they were -again to reach the divine presence. He answered 'I shall manifest -myself in the Bhuloka under the form of the Lingam or Priapus; do -you worship me under that form, and you will again be permitted to -approach me.' They accordingly descended into the earthly regions, -and from them the present castes of Baljawaras deduce their origin." - -In a note on the Linga Balijas of the North Arcot district, -Mr. H. A. Stuart writes [117] that "Linga Balija appears rather to -be the name of the followers of a religious faith than of a distinct -caste, for the Linga Balijas state that their caste contains eleven -sub-divisions, each with a separate occupation, viz., Jangam (priests), -Reddi (cultivators), Gandla (oil-mongers), and the like. Almost all the -Linga Balijas of North Arcot are traders, who speak Canarese and are -immigrants from Mysore, in which their gurus (religious preceptors) -live, and whither they still refer their caste disputes. At one -time they enjoyed much importance in this district, particularly in -its large trading towns. Headmen among them, styled Chettis, were -by the Arcot Nawabs assigned districts, in which they possessed -both magisterial and civil authority, and levied taxes from other -merchants for their own personal use. They carried on very extensive -trade with Mysore and the Ceded districts, and are said to have had -enormous warehouses, which they enclosed and fortified. Breaches -of the peace are also described as not infrequent, resulting from -the interference of one Linga Balija Chetti with matters relating to -the district of another. Their authority has long since disappeared, -and is only a matter of tradition. Every Linga Balija wears a Siva -lingam, usually encased in a silver casket (or gold casket set with -precious stones), and suspended from the neck, but the very poor -place theirs in a cloth, and sometimes tie it to their arm. It is a -strict rule that one should be tied to a child's neck on the tenth -day of its birth, otherwise it is not entitled to be classed as a -Linga Balija. The Siva lingam worn by these people differs from the -Buta or Preta lingams used by Pandarams, Kaikolans, or others who -profess the Lingayat faith. They acknowledge two puranams, called -respectively the Siva and Basava puranams, and differ in very many -respects from other Hindus. They bury and do not burn their dead, -and do not recognise the five kinds of pollution resulting from a -birth, death, spittle, etc., and they do not therefore bathe in order -to remove such pollution. Widow remarriage is allowed even where the -widow has children, but these are handed over to the relatives of her -first husband. To widow remarriages no women who are not widows are -admitted, and, similarly, when a maiden is married, all widows are -excluded. Unlike most Hindus, Linga Balijas shave off the whole of the -hair of their heads, without leaving the usual lock at the back. They -deny metempsychosis, and believe that after death the soul is united -with the divine spirit. They are particular in some of their customs, -disallowing liquor and flesh-eating, and invariably eating privately, -where none can see them. They decline even to eat in the house of -a Brahman." - -A Linga Banajiga (Canarese trader), whom I interviewed at Sandur, was -smeared with white marks on the forehead, upper extremities, chest, -and abdomen in imitation of a Hubli priest. Some orthodox Lingayat -traders remove their lingam during the transaction of the day's work, -on the ground, as given to me, that it is necessary to tell little -falsehoods in the course of business. - -Lingadari.--A general term, meaning one who wears a lingam, for -Lingayat. - -Lingakatti.--A name applied to Lingayat Badagas of the Nilgiri hills. - -Lingam.--A title of Jangams and Silavants. - -Lingayat.--For the following note I am mainly indebted to -Mr. R. C. C. Carr, who took great interest in its preparation when he -was Collector of Bellary. Some additional information was supplied -by Mr. R. E. Enthoven, Superintendent of the Ethnographic Survey, -Bombay. The word Lingayat is the anglicised form of Lingavant, which is -the vernacular term commonly used for any member of the community. The -Lingayats have been aptly described as a peaceable race of Hindu -Puritans. Their religion is a simple one. They acknowledge only one -God, Siva, and reject the other two persons of the Hindu Triad, They -reverence the Vedas, but disregard the later commentaries on which the -Brahmans rely. Their faith purports to be the primitive Hindu faith, -cleared of all priestly mysticism. They deny the supremacy of Brahmans, -and pretend to be free from caste distinctions, though at the present -day caste is in fact observed amongst them. They declare that there is -no need for sacrifices, penances, pilgrimages or fasts. The cardinal -principle of the faith is an unquestioning belief in the efficacy of -the lingam, the image which has always been regarded as symbolical -of the God Siva. This image, which is called the jangama lingam or -moveable lingam, to distinguish it from the sthavara or fixed lingam of -Hindu temples, is always carried on some part of the body, usually the -neck or the left arm, and is placed in the left hand of the deceased -when the body is committed to the grave Men and women, old and young, -rich and poor, all alike wear this symbol of their faith, and its -loss is regarded as spiritual death, though in practice the loser can -after a few ceremonies, be invested with a new one. They are strict -disciplinarians in the matter of food and drink, and no true Lingayat -is permitted to touch meat in any form, or to partake of any kind -of liquor. This Puritan simplicity raises them in the social scale, -and has resulted in producing a steady law-abiding race, who are -conservative of the customs of their forefathers and have hitherto -opposed a fairly unbroken front to the advancing tide of foreign -ideas. To this tendency is due the very slow spread of modern education -amongst them, while, on the other hand, their isolation from outside -influence has without doubt assisted largely in preserving intact -their beautiful, highly polished, and powerful language, Canarese. - -It is matter of debate whether the Lingayat religion is an innovation -or a revival of the most ancient Saivaite faith, but the story of -the so-called founder of the sect, Basava, may with some limitations -be accepted as history. The events therein narrated occurred in the -latter half of the twelfth century at Kalyan, a city which was then -the capital of the Western Chalukyas, and is now included in the -province of Bidar in the Nizam's Dominions. It lies about a hundred -miles to the west of Hyderabad. The Chalukyas came originally from -the north of India, but appeared to the south of the Nerbudda as -early as the fourth century. They separated into two branches during -the seventh century, and the western line was still represented -at Kalyan 500 years later. The southern portion of Hindustan had -for centuries been split up between rival kingdoms, and had been -the theatre of the long struggle between the Buddhists, the Jains, -and the Hindus. At the time of Basava's appearance, a Jain king, -Bijjala by name, was in power at Kalyan. He was a representative of -the Kalachuryas, a race which had been conquered by the Chalukyas, -and occupied the position of feudatories. Bijjala appears to have -been the Commander-in-chief of the Chalukyan forces, and to have -usurped the throne, ousting his royal master, Taila III. The date -of the usurpation was 1156 A.D., though, according to some accounts, -Bijjala did not assume the full titles till some years later. He was -succeeded by his sons, but the Chalukyan claimant recovered his throne -in 1182, only to lose it again some seven years afterwards, when the -kingdom itself was divided between the neighbouring powers. The final -downfall of the Chalukyan Deccani kingdom was probably due to the -rise of the Lingayat religion. The Hindus ousted the Jains, but the -tenets inculcated by Basava had caused a serious split in the ranks -of the former. The house divided against itself could not stand, -and the Chalukyas were absorbed into the kingdoms of their younger -neighbours, the Hoysala Ballalas from Mysore in the south, and the -Yadavas from Devagiri (now identified with Daulatabad) in the north. - -At about this time there appears to have been a great revival of the -worship of Siva in the Deccan and in Southern India. A large number -of important Saivaite temples are known to have been built during -the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and inscriptions speak of many -learned and holy men who were devoted to this worship. The movement -was probably accentuated by the opposition of the Jains, who seem -to have been very powerful in the Western Deccan, and in Mysore. An -inscription which will be more fully noticed later on tells of the -God Siva specially creating a man in order to "put a stop to the -hostile observances of the Jains and Buddhists." This was written -about the year 1200 A.D., and it may be gathered that Buddhism was -still recognised in the Deccan as a religious power. Mr. Rice tells -us that the labours of the Saivaite Brahman, Sankaracharya, had in -the eighth century dealt a deathblow to Buddhism, and raised the Saiva -faith to the first place. [118] Its position was, however, challenged -by the Jains, and, even as late as the twelfth century, it was still -battling with them. The Vaishnavaite reformer, Ramanujacharya, appeared -at about this time, and, according to Mr. Rice, was mainly instrumental -in ousting Jainism; but the followers of Vishnu built many of their -big temples in the thirteenth century, two hundred years later than -their Saivaite brethren, so it may be presumed that the latter faith -was in the ascendancy prior to that time. Chaitanya, the Vaishnavaite -counterpart of Basava, appeared at a much later date (1485 A.D.). It -is interesting to note that the thirteenth century is regarded as the -culminating period of the middle ages in Italy, when religious fervour -also displayed itself in the building of great cathedrals. [119] - -The actual date of Basava's birth is uncertain, but is given by -some authorities as 1106 A.D. The story of his career is told in -the sacred writings of the Lingayats, of which the principal books -are known as the Basava Purana and the Channabasava Purana. The -former was apparently finished during the fourteenth century, and -the latter was not written till 1585. The accounts are, therefore, -entirely traditionary, and, as might have been expected, are full -of miraculous occurrences, which mar their historical value. The -Jain version of the story is given in the Bijjalarayacharitra, and -differs in many particulars. The main facts accepted by Lingayat -tradition are given by Dr. Fleet in the Epigraphia Indica [Vol. V, -p. 239] from which the following account is extracted. To a certain -Madiraja and his wife Madalambika, pious Saivas of the Brahman caste, -and residents of a place called Bagevadi, which is usually supposed -to be the sub-divisional town of that name in the Bijapur district, -there was born a son who, being an incarnation of Siva's bull, -Nandi, sent to earth to revive the declining Saiva rites, was named -Basava. This word is the Canarese equivalent for a bull, an animal -sacred to Siva. When the usual time of investiture arrived, Basava, -then eight years of age, having meanwhile acquired much knowledge of -the Siva scriptures, refused to be invested with the sacred Brahmanical -thread, declaring himself a special worshipper of Siva, and stating -that he had come to destroy the distinctions of caste. This refusal, -coupled with his singular wisdom and piety, attracted the notice of -his uncle Baladeva, prime minister of the Kalachurya king Bijjala, -who had come to be present at the ceremony; and Baladeva gave him -his daughter, Gangadevi or Gangamba, in marriage. The Brahmans, -however, began to persecute Basava on account of the novel practices -propounded by him, and he consequently left his native town and went -to a village named Kappadi, where he spent his early years, receiving -instruction from the God Siva. Meanwhile his uncle Baladeva died, -and Bijjala resolved to secure the services of Basava, whose ability -and virtues had now become publicly known. After some demur Basava -accepted the post, in the hope that the influence attached to it -would help him in propagating his peculiar tenets. And, accompanied by -his elder sister, Nagalambika, he proceeded to Kalyana, where he was -welcomed with deference by the king and installed as prime minister, -commander-in-chief and treasurer, second in power to the king himself; -and the king, in order to bind him as closely as possible to himself, -gave him his younger sister Nilalochana to wife. Somewhere about this -time, from Basava's unmarried sister Nagalambika there was born, -by the working of the spirit of Siva, a son who was an incarnation -of Siva's son Shanmukha, the god of war. The story says that Basava -was worshipping in the holy mountain and was praying for some gift, -when he saw an ant emerge from the ground with a small seed in its -mouth. Basava took this seed home, and his sister without Basava's -knowledge swallowed it, and became pregnant. The child was called -Channabasava, or the beautiful Basava, and assisted his uncle in -spreading the new doctrines. Indeed, he is depicted as playing a more -important part than even Basava himself. - -The two Puranas are occupied for the most part with doctrinal -expositions, recitals of mythology, praises of previous Siva saints, -and accounts of miracles worked by Basava. They assert, however, -that uncle and nephew were very energetic promoters of the faith, -and that they preached the persecution and extermination of all -persons (especially the Jains), whose creed differed from that of the -Lingayats. Coupled with the lavish expenditure incurred by Basava -from the public coffers in support of Jangams or Lingayat priests, -these proceedings aroused in Bijjala, himself a Jain, feelings of -distrust, which were fanned by a rival minister, Manchanna, although -the latter was himself a Vira Saiva, and at length an event occurred -which ended in the assassination of Bijjala and the death of Basava. - -At Kalyana there were two specially pious Lingayats, whom Bijjala in -mere wantonness caused to be blinded. Thereupon Basava left Kalyana, -and deputed one of his followers Jagaddeva to slay the king. Jagaddeva, -with two others, succeeded in forcing his way into the palace, where he -stabbed the king in the midst of his court. Basava meanwhile reached -Kudali-Sangameshvara, and was there absorbed into the lingam, while -Channabasava fled to Ulvi in North Canara, where he found refuge in -a cave. - -The above story is taken mainly from the Basava Purana. The account -given in the Channabasava Purana differs in various details, -and declares that Bijjala was assassinated under the orders of -Channabasava, who had succeeded his uncle in office. The Jain account -states that Basava's influence with the king was due to Basava's -sister, whom Bijjala took as a concubine. The death of Bijjala was -caused by poisoned fruit sent by Basava, who, to escape the vengeance -of Bijjala's son, threw himself into a well and died. The version -of Basava's story, which is found in most books of reference, makes -him appear at Kalyan as a youth flying from the persecution of his -father. His uncle, Baladeva, sheltered him and eventually gave him his -daughter; and, when Baladeva died, Basava succeeded to his office. This -seems to have been copied from the account given by Mr. C. P. Brown, -but later translations of the Purana show that it is erroneous. When -Basava came to Kalyan, Bijjala was in power, and his arrival must -therefore have been subsequent to 1156 A. D. If the date of birth -be accepted as 1106, Basava would have been a man of fifty years of -age or more when summoned to office by Bijjala. The latter resigned -in favour of his son in 1167, and may have been assassinated shortly -afterwards. On the other hand, Baladeva could not have been Bijjala's -minister when he came to Basava's upanayanam ceremony, for this -event occurred in 1114, long before the commencement of Bijjala's -reign. There is no reason, however, for crediting the Purana with -any great historical accuracy, and, in fact, the evidence now coming -to light from inscriptions, which the industry of archæologists is -giving to the world, throws great doubt upon the traditional narrative. - -An inscription on stone tablets which have now been built into the wall -of a modern temple at Managoli, a village in the Bijapur district of -the Bombay Presidency about eleven miles to the north-west of Bagevadi, -the supposed birth place of Basava, contains a record of the time of -the Kalachuri king, Bijjala. Two dates are given in the inscription, -and from one of them it is calculated with certainty that Bijjala's -reign began in 1156 A.D. The record gives a certain date as "the -sixth of the years of the glorious Kalachurya Bijjaladeva, an emperor -by the strength of his arm, the sole hero of the three worlds." The -corresponding English date is Tuesday, 12th September, 1161 A.D., so -that Bijjala must have come into power, by the strength of his arm, in -1156. But a still more important piece of information is furnished by -the mention of a certain Basava or Basavarasayya as the builder of the -temple, in which the inscription was first placed, and of one Madiraja, -who held the post of Mahaprabhu of the village when the grants in -support of the temple were made. The record runs as follows. [120] -"Among the five hundred of Manigavalli there sprang up a certain -Govardhana, the moon of the ocean that was the Kasyappa gotra, an -excellent member of the race of the Vajins. His son was Revadasa. The -latter had four sons.... The youngest of these became the greatest, -and, under the name of Chandramas, made his reputation reach even as -far as the Himalaya mountains. To that lord there was born a son, -Basava. There were none who were like him in devotion to the feet -of (the God) Maheshvara (Siva); and this Basava attained the fame -of being esteemed the sun that caused to bloom the water-lily that -was the affection of the five hundred Brahmans of Manigavalli. This -Basavarasayya came to be considered the father of the world, since -the whole world, putting their hands to their foreheads, saluted him -with the words 'our virtuous father'; and thus he brought greatness -to the famous Manigavalli, manifesting the height of graciousness in -saying this is the abode of the essence of the three Vedas; this is -the accomplishment of that which has no end and no beginning; this -is the lustrous divine linga." - -Dr. Fleet suggests that we have at last met with an epigraphic mention -of the Lingayat founder, Basava. This is eminently satisfactory, but -is somewhat upsetting, for the inscription makes Basava a member of -the Kasyapa gotra, while Madiraja is placed in an entirely different -family. As regards the latter, the record says; (l. 20) "in the -lineage of that lord (Taila II, the leader of the Chalukyas) there -was a certain Madhava, the Prabhu of the town of Manigavalli, the very -Vishnu of the renowned Harita gotra;" and later on the same person is -spoken of as the Mahaprabhu Madiraja. If Basava and Madiraja, herein -mentioned, are really the heroes of the Lingayats, it is clear that -they were not father and son, as stated in the Lingayat writings. But -it must be borne in mind that this is the only inscription yet -deciphered which contains any allusion whatever to Basava, and -the statement that "he caused to bloom the water-lily that was the -affection of the five hundred Brahmans of Manigavalli," is directly -opposed to the theory that he broke away from the Brahman fold, and -set up a religion, of which one of the main features is a disregard -of Brahman supremacy. The fact that the inscription was found so near -to Basava's birthplace is, however, strong evidence in favour of the -presumption that it refers to the Basava of Lingayat tradition, and the -wording itself is very suggestive of the same idea. The record gives -a long pedigree to introduce the Basava whom it proceeds to extol, -and puts into his mouth the noteworthy utterance, which ascribes godly -qualities to the "lustrous divine linga." The date of this record is -contemporary with the events and persons named therein, and it must -therefore be far more reliable than the traditionary stories given in -the Puranas, which, as already indicated, are not at all in accordance -with each other. Dr. Fleet is of opinion that the Purana versions are -little better than legends. This is perhaps going too far, but there -can be no doubt that later research will in this, as in the case of -all traditionary history, bring to knowledge facts which will require -a considerable rearrangement of the long accepted picture. - -Another inscription, discovered at Ablur in the Dharwar district of -the Bombay Presidency, is of great importance in this connection. It -is dated about A.D. 1200, and mentions the Western Chalukya king -Somesvara IV, and his predecessor the Kalachurya prince Bijjala. It -narrates the doings of a certain Ekantada Ramayya, so called because -he was an ardent and exclusive worshipper of Siva. This individual got -into controversy with the Jains, who were apparently very powerful -at Ablur, and the latter agreed to destroy their Jina and to set -up Siva instead, if Ramayya would cut off his own head before his -god, and have it restored to his body after seven days without a -scar. Ramayya appears to have won his wager, but the Jains refused -to perform their part of the contract. The dispute was then referred -to king Bijjala, himself a Jain, and Ramayya was given a jayapatra, -or certificate of success. This king and his Chalukyan successor also -presented Ramayya with lands in support of certain Siva temples. It -is noteworthy that the story is told also in the Channabasava Purana, -but the controversy is narrated as having occurred at Kalyan, where -Ramayya had gone to see king Bijjala. The same passage makes Ramayya -quote an instance of a previous saint, Mahalaka, having performed -the same feat at a village named Jambar, which may conceivably be -the Ablur of the inscription. But the interest and importance of the -inscription centre in the fact that it discloses the name of another -devout and exclusive worshipper of Siva, who, it is said, caused this -man to be born into the world with the express object of "putting a -stop to the hostile observances of the Jains and the Buddhists who -had become furious" or aggressive. Dr. Fleet considers that, making -allowance for the supernatural agency introduced into the story, the -narrative is reasonable and plain, and has the ring of truth in it; -and, in his opinion, it shows us the real person to whom the revival -of the ancient Saivaite faith was due. The exploits of Ramayya are -placed shortly before A.D. 1162, in which year Bijjala is said to -have completed his usurpation of the sovereignty by assuming the -paramount titles. Ramayya was thus a contemporary of Basava, but the -Ablur inscription makes no mention of the latter. - -This fresh evidence does not appear to run counter to the commonly -accepted story of the origin of the Lingayats. It confirms the theory -that the religion of Siva received a great impetus at this period, -but there is nothing in the inscription ascribing to Ramayya the -position of a reformer of Saivaite doctrines. He appears as the -champion of Siva against the rival creeds, not as the Saivaite Luther -who is attacking the priestly mysticism of the Saivaite divines; and, -as Dr. Fleet points out, there is nothing improbable in the mention -of several persons as helping on the same movement. Both Ramayya and -Basava are, however, represented in these inscriptions as being the -chief of Saivaite Brahmans, and there is no mention of any schism -such as the Protestant revolt which is associated with the name of -Luther. It is possible, therefore, that the establishment of the -Lingayat sect may have been brought about by the followers of these -two great men--a fact that is hinted at in Lingayat tradition by the -very name of Channabasava, which means Basava the beautiful, because, -according to the Channabasava Purana, he was more beautiful in many -respects than Basava, who is represented as receiving instruction from -his superior nephew in important points connected with their faith. The -two inscriptions and numerous others, which have been deciphered by -the same authority, are of the greatest value from a historical point -of view, and paint in bold colours the chief actors in the drama. The -closing years of the Western Chalukyan kingdom are given to us by the -hand of an actor who was on the same stage, and, if the birth of the -Lingayat creed is still obscured in the mist of the past, the figures -of those who witnessed it stand out with surprising clearness. - -It has been already stated that one of the principles of the -religion is a disregard of caste distinctions. The prevailing -races were Dravidian, and it is an accepted fact that the theory -of caste as propounded by Manu is altogether foreign to Dravidian -ideas. Historians cannot tell us how long the process of grafting the -caste system on to the Dravidian tree lasted, but it is clear that, -when Basava appeared, the united growth was well established. Brahmans -were acknowledged as the leaders in religious matters, and, as the -secular is closely interwoven with the religious in all eastern -countries, the priestly class was gradually usurping to itself a -position of general control. But, as was the case in Europe during the -sixteenth century, a movement was on foot to replace the authority -of the priests by something more in accordance with the growing -intelligence of the laity. And, as in Europe, the reformers were -found amongst the priests themselves. Luther and Erasmus were monks, -who had been trained to support the very system of priestcraft, which -they afterwards demolished. Basava and Ramayya, as already stated, were -Saivaite Brahmans, from whom has sprung a race of free thinkers, who -affect the disregard of caste and many of the ceremonial observances -created by the Brahman priesthood. The comparison may even be carried -further. Luther was an iconoclast, who worked upon men's passions, -while Erasmus was a philosopher, who addressed himself to their -intellects. Basava, according to the traditionary account, was the -counterpart of Luther. Ramayya may be fairly called the Indian Erasmus. - -This freedom from the narrowing influence of caste was doubtless a -great incentive to the spread of the reformed religion. The lingam -was to be regarded as the universal leveller, rendering all its -wearers equal in the eye of the Deity. High and low were to be brought -together by its influence, and all caste distinctions were to be swept -away. According to Basava's teaching, all men are holy in proportion -as they are temples of the great spirit; by birth all are equal; -men are not superior to women, and the gentle sex must be treated -with all respect and delicacy; marriage in childhood is wrong, and -the contracting parties are to be allowed a voice in the matter of -their union; and widows are to be allowed to remarry. All the iron -fetters of Brahmanical tyranny are, in fact, torn asunder, and the -Lingayat is to be allowed that freedom of individual action, which is -found amongst the more advanced Christian communities. Even the lowest -castes are to be raised to the level of all others by the investiture -of the lingam, and all Lingadharis, or wearers of the divine symbol, -are to eat together, to intermarry, and to live at unity. - -But social distinctions inevitably asserted themselves later. As the -Lingayats, or Panchamsalis as they styled themselves, increased in -importance, number and wealth, elaborate forms of worship and ceremony -were introduced, rules of conduct were framed, and a religious system -was devised, on which the influence of the rival Brahman aristocracy -can be freely traced. Thus, in course of time, the Panchamsalis became -a closed caste, new converts were placed on a lower social footing, -the priests alone continuing as a privileged class to dine freely -with them. This development is alleged to have occurred about the -close of the seventeenth century. - -Among the many ceremonies introduced in the course of the changes -just described, one known as the ashtavarna or eight-fold protection -is of special importance. - -These rites consist of-- - - - 1. Guru. - 2. Linga. - 3. Vibhuti. - 4. Rudraksha. - 5. Mantra. - 6. Jangam. - 7. tirtha. - 8. Prasada. - - -Among the greater number of Lingayats, after the birth of a child, -the parents send for the guru or spiritual adviser of the family, -who is the representative of one of the five Acharyas from whom the -father claims descent, or in his absence of his local agent. The -guru binds the linga on the child, besmears it with vibhuti (ashes), -places a garland of rudraksha (fruits of Elæocarpus Ganitrus) round -its neck, and teaches it the mystic mantra of "Namah Shivaya." The -child being incapable of acquiring the knowledge of the sacred text -at this early stage of its existence, the mantra is merely recited in -its ear by the guru. The child has then to be presented to the god -Siva in the person of a Jangam, or Lingayat priest, who is summoned -for the purpose; on his arrival, the parents wash his feet. The water -in which the feet are washed is described as the tirtha or charana -tirtha of Siva. This tirtha is next poured over the linga attached -to the infant. The Jangam is fed, and a portion of the cooked food -from the dish is placed in the child's mouth. This final ceremony is -known as prasada. (I am informed that it would be considered by Tamil -Lingayats sacrilege to wash the lingam with the tirtha.) Occasionally -the double character of guru and Jangam are combined in one person. - -According to some accounts, the rites described above form the basis -of the present social organization of the Lingayat community. They -are divided into those entitled to ashtavarna, and those who are -not. The first of these divisions is again sub-divided into several -groups, which may for convenience be designated Panchamsalis who -are descendants of the original converts, and non-Panchamsalis or -later converts. - -This explanation will throw some light on the scheme of classification -adopted in the Bombay Gazetteer (see volumes Bijapur and Dharwar) -where the smaller groups are shown as-- - - - 1. Pure Lingayats. - 2. Affiliated Lingayats. - 3. Half Lingayats. - - -These divisions, of which the full significance is not clearly -conveyed by the titles, may perhaps be expanded with advantage by -the addition to each of the alternatives already explained, viz., -Panchamsalis, non-Panchamsalis with ashtavarna rites, and others, -including the unclean castes attached to the Lingayat community by -reason of performing its menial services, e.g., Dhors, Chalvadis, -etc. It is the modern practice to deny to these low castes the right -to style themselves Lingayats at all. It must be further explained that -there are seven divisions of Panchamsalis, and that these stand to each -other in the relation of hypergamous groups, that is to say, members of -the higher orders may wed the daughters of those beneath them, which -suggests the probable former existence of free intermarriage. Members -of the lower orders among these Panchamsalis may rise to the higher -by performing certain religious ceremonies, constituting a form of -initiation. In the second and third divisions, i.e., non-Panchamsalis -and "others," the sub-castes are functional groups and are endogamous, -i.e., intermarriage is prohibited. It seems probable that the members -of these divisions became converts to Lingayatism some time after the -initiation of the reforms, to which it gave birth, when the crusade -against caste distinctions had lost much of its pristine vigour, -and ceased to be a living part of the fundamental doctrine of the sect. - -At the present day, marriage is both infant and adult, and the -parties to the contract have practically no choice. Widows are indeed -allowed to remarry, but such marriages are regarded with disfavour -by the stricter members of the sect. A Pariah or a Mala cannot be -invested with the lingam, and, if he pretends to be a Lingayat, -the Jangam does not acknowledge him. The strict rules regarding -meat and drink are maintained, and Lingayats are still free from -many of the ceremonies and religious performances required of other -Hindus. But the tendency of to-day is to follow the lead of the -Brahman; and, while no Lingayat will admit the superiority of that -caste, they practically acknowledge it by imitating many Brahmanical -practices. Much of the good effected by the founder has thus been -counteracted, and the Lingayat is gradually becoming more and more -like his orthodox Hindu brother. In proof of this tendency it may be -noted that, at the time of the census of 1891, there were numerous -representations from Lingayats claiming the right to be described -as Virasaiva Brahmans. Further, on the occasion of the census of -1901, a complete scheme was supplied to the census authorities -professing to show all Lingayat sub-divisions in four groups, viz., -Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Sudra. It is noted, in the Mysore -Census Report, 1891, that the Lingayats interviewed the Maharaja, -and begged that their registration as Virasaiva Brahmans might be -directed. "The crisis was removed by His Highness the Maharaja's -Government passing orders to the effect that the Lingayats should not -be classed as Sadras any more than any other non-Brahmans, but should -be separately designated by their own name, and that, while they were -at liberty to call themselves Virasaiva Brahmans, they should specify -the name of the particular and well-known sub-division to which each -censused unit belonged. It is noteworthy that, as soon as the clamour -of the Lingayats was set at rest, some of their leaders seem to have -become ashamed of their own previous vehemence, while the movement -seemed to have lost the spring imparted by sincerity. Their feelings -were brought to the test when the question of permitting the wonted -periodical procession of their religious flagstaff, the nandi-dhvaja, -came on for consideration by the Police department. The Lingayats' -application for a license was opposed by the other castes on the ground -that, since they had become Brahmans, and had ceased to belong to the -right-hand faction, they had no right to parade the nandi-dhvaja. The -Lingayats then showed themselves glad to regain their status quo ante." - -In connection with the name Virasaiva, it may be noted en passant -that the first session of the Shreemat Veerashaiva Mahasabha [121] -was held at Dharwar in the Bombay Presidency in 1904. Thereat various -suggestions were made concerning religious instruction, education, -marriage, the settlement of disputes by arbitration, and other matters -affecting the material welfare of the Lingayat community as a whole. - -It is worthy of note that, according to some writers, Basava -is supposed to have come within the influence of the Syrian -Christians. The idea was started by Mr. C. P. Brown, whose essay on -the Jangams [122] is the classic on this subject. Mr. A. C. Burnell -quotes the remarkable fact from Cosmos that, in the sixth century, -there was a Persian Bishop at Kalliana near Udupi. And it is presumed -by Surgeon-Major W. R. Cornish, the writer of the Madras Census Report, -1871, that Kalliana is identical with Kalyan, where Basava was prime -minister six centuries later. This is clearly wrong, for Udupi is -on the west coast 30 miles north of Mangalore, whereas Kalyan, the -Chalukyan capital, is in the heart of the Deccan, 350 miles away -over the western ghauts. There was another Calyaun or Kaliana close -to Udupi on the coast, as shown by some of the older maps. But it -is well known that Western India was at this time tenanted by large -settlements of Persians or Manichæans, and recent discoveries tend -to show that these people were Christians. It seems, therefore, to be -quite possible that the discussions, which preceded Basava's revolt, -were tinged with some Christian colouring, derived from the followers -of the Syrian school. Mr. Burnell even thinks that all the modern -philosophical schools of India owe much to the same source. - -The Lingayat faith appears to have spread very rapidly after Basava's -death, which may be placed in the year 1168, and Rice says that, -according to tradition, within sixty years of the founder's death it -was embraced from Ulavi near Goa to Sholapur, and from Balehalli to -Sivaganga. The disappearance of the Chalukyan dynasty is in itself -evidence of the rising power of the Lingayats. But no real estimate -can be made of its progress at first. More than a hundred years -later, the Muhammadan invaders took possession of the Deccan, and -other religions were driven southwards. The Empire of Vijayanagar, -which is said to have covered the whole country from the Kistna to -Cape Comorin, rose out of the ruins of the Hindu kingdoms, and as -Mr. Sewell says, [123] the fighting Kings of Vijayanagar became the -saviours of the south for two and a half centuries. The early members -of this dynasty were Saivaites in faith, but there is no record of -the workings of the reformed religion, which had spread southwards -before Vijayanagar became a power. - -The followers of this religion are easily distinguished from other -Hindus by the fact that the lingam is worn on a conspicuous part of -the body. The bulk of the cultivators enclose it in a red silk scarf -tied round their necks, with a knot in front. This scarf is tied -on the left arm above the elbow when the wearer is at work, and is -sometimes placed round the head when bathing. Some of the traders, -who are the richer class, carry it in a small silver box hung round -the neck with a thread called sivadhara, or in a gold box studded -with precious stones. The women do not wear it outside the dress, -and generally keep it on a neck-string. No one is allowed to put -it down even for a moment. Recently a Lingayat merchant in Madras -removed his silver lingam casket from his neck, wrapped it up in -a cloth, put it under his head, and went to sleep on a street pial -(platform). While he was slumbering, the casket was stolen by a cart -driver. The lingam itself, which is regarded as the home of the deity, -is generally made of grey soapstone brought from Parvatgiri (Srisaila) -in the Kurnool district. It is brought by a class of people called -Kambi Jangams, because, besides the linga stone, they bring on a -kavadi or shoulder-bamboo the holy water of the Patalganga, a pool -on Parvatgiri, whose water Lingayats hold as sacred as Brahmans the -water of the Ganges. - -The following description of the lingam is taken from the Bombay -Gazetteer for Bijapur. "It consists of two discs, the lower one -circular about one-eighth of an inch thick, the upper slightly -elongated. Each disc is about three-quarters of an inch in -diameter, and is separated by a deep groove about an eighth of an -inch broad. From the centre of the upper disc, which is slightly -rounded, rises a pea-like knob about a quarter of an inch long and -three-quarters of an inch round, giving the stone lingam a total height -of nearly three-quarters of an inch. This knob is called the ban or -arrow. The upper disc is called jalhari, that is the water carrier, -because this part of a full-sized lingam is grooved to carry off the -water which is poured over the central knob. It is also called pita, -that is the seat, and pithak the little seat. Over the lingam, to keep -it from harm, is plastered a black mixture of clay, cowdung ashes, -and marking-nut juice. This coating, which is called kauthi or the -cover, entirely hides the shape of the enclosed lingam. It forms a -smooth black slightly truncated cone, not unlike a dark betel nut, -about three-quarters of an inch high, and narrowing from three-quarters -of an inch at the base to half an inch across the top." - -The Jangam cannot as a rule be distinguished from other Lingayats. All -male members of the community have a clean-shaved head, without the -top-knot common to the Brahmans. All, male as well as female, daub -their foreheads with vibhuti or sacred ashes every morning. There -is thus no distinctive mark for the Jangam. But certain ascetics -of the priestly class sometimes put on a red robe peculiar to them, -and others cover themselves with vibhuti and many quaint ornaments. [A -Jangam whom I interviewed at a village in Mysore, was named Virabhadra -Kayaka, and was also known as Kasi Lingada Vira. He was going about -the village, shouting, dancing, and repeating the Virabhadra khadga -or praise of Virabhadra, Siva's son. On his bead he had a lingam stuck -in his head-cloth, with a five-headed snake forming a canopy over it, -and the sacred bull Basava in front. Tied to the forehead, and passing -round the head, was a string holding thirty-two lingams. At the back -of the head was a mane of white false hair. His face was painted -bright red. Round the neck he had four garlands of rudraksha beads, -and suspended from the neck, and resting on the chest, was a silver -casket containing a lingam. Round the waist was a waist-band made of -brass squares ornamented with a variety of figures, among which were -the heads of Daksha Brahma and Virabhadra. Suspended from the neck was -a breast-plate, with a representation of Virabhadra and the figures -of Daksha Brahma and his wife engraved in copper. From the waist a -piece of tiger skin was suspended, to which were attached two heads -of Daksha Brahma with a lion's head between. Hanging lower down was a -figure of Basava. Tied to the ankles were hollow brass cylinders with -loose bits of brass inside. Strings of round brass bells were tied -to the knees. In his right hand he carried a long sword, and tied -to the left forearm was a gauntlet-handled scimitar. To the handle -were attached pieces of brass, which made a noise when the arm was -shaken. Finally, round the forearm were tied pieces of bear-skin.] - -No account of the Lingayat community as it exists at the present -day would be complete without some reference to the grounds on which -the modern representatives of Lingayatism claim for their religion -an origin as ancient as that of Brahministic Hinduism, and a social -structure similar to that which is described in the Code of Manu. - -Mr. Karibasava Shastri, Professor of Sanskrit and Canarese in the -State College of Mysore, writes that the Shaiv sect of Hindus has -always been divided into two groups, the one comprising the wearers -of the linga, and the other those who do not wear it. The former -he designates Virshaiv, and declares that the Virshaivs consist of -Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaishya, Sudra. Quoting from the 17th chapter -of the Parameshvar Agma, he declares that the Virshaiv Brahmans are -also known as Shudha Virshaivs, Virshaiv Kings are Marga Virshaiv, -Virshaiv Vaishya are Mishra Virshaiva, and the Sudras of the community -are Anter Virshaiv. In his opinion the duties and penances imposed -on the first of these classes are-- - - - (1) The ashtavarna. - (2) Penances and bodily emaciation. - (3) The worship of Siva without sacrifice. - (4) The recital of the Vedas. - - -The Professor asserts that the Hindu ashrams of Brahmacharya, Grahasta -and Sanyasi are binding on Virshaivs, and quotes from various Sanskrit -works texts in support of this view. He also furnishes a mythical -account of the origin of the Lingayats at the time of the creation -of the world. - -A committee of gentlemen appointed in the Belgaum district -to consider the question of the origin of the Lingayats base -their opinion on a Sanskrit work, the Paramarahasya, and give the -following account:--"When the God Shiva wished to people the earth, -he created from his mouth five acharyas, namely, Marula Radhyacharya, -Ekoranadhyacharya, Revanaradhyacharya, Panditaradhyacharya and -Vishvaradhyacharya. These five acharyas propagated the Lingayat -portion of mankind. Each of them founded a gotra, namely, Bhringi, -Vira, Vrisha, Skanda and Handi, and their five seats are Shrishaila, -Kollipaki, Ujjaini, Kashi and Balihalli." - -A third account prepared specially in connection with the census of -1901 begins by controverting the common opinion that Basava founded -the Lingayat religion, that it was in origin anti-Brahmanical, -and that it abolished caste distinctions. The account continues as -follows. "A little enquiry will clearly show that it was not Basava -who founded the religion, but that he only revived the previously -existing and ancient religion; that it is not anti-Brahmanical, -but that it protests against the efficacy of animal sacrifices, and -that the religion itself is founded on the authority of the Vedas, -treating of animal sacrifices just as the Shri Vaishnav and Madhva -religions have rejected certain portions and adopted certain others -of the Vedas. Consequently it is incorrect to say that the Virshaivs -reject the authority of the Vedas." The writer maintains that caste -distinctions are not foreign to the nature of Lingayatism, and asserts -that they have always existed. According to him, the orthodox theory -is that, when Brahma was ordered to create the world, he requested -Siva to teach him how to, whereupon Siva created aprakruts. Brahma -created the world from the five elements of nature, and produced the -prakruts. The Lingayats are the aprakruts, and the Brahmanistic Hindus -prakruts. Here follow many quotations from Sanskrit Agmas in support -of the facts alleged. It is unnecessary to weary the reader with the -texts and their translations. The object in referring to these latter -day accounts of the origin of the Lingayats is to show the modern -tendency of tradition to bring Lingayatism into line with Brahmanistic -Hinduism. The works referred to by the learned authors appear to -be Sanskrit writings of not more than 500 years ago, and cannot be -taken as proof that the Lingayat religion is of greater antiquity -than the 12th century, or that it has always been observant of caste -distinctions. The persistence with which these points are advanced at -the present day is, however, worthy of careful notice. If Lingayatism -was an island thrown up within the "boundless sea of Hinduism," it -would appear that the waters of the ocean are doing their utmost to -undermine its solid foundations. The Lingayats in Bombay, Madras and -Mysore number about two millions. Mysore and the Southern Mahratta -country are the principal homes of the creed, and the Bellary district, -which is wedged in between the above territories, must be classed with -them. Mr. Rice tells us that it was the State religion of the Wodeyars -of Mysore from 1399 to 1610, and of the Nayaks of Keladi, Ikkeri or -Bednur from 1550 to 1763. At the present day the ruling family in -Mysore employ none but Lingayats as cooks and watermen. The Lingayats -of Madras numbered 138,518 at the census of 1901. These figures, -however, are of doubtful accuracy, as many were entered under caste -names, and the probable strength of the community must be largely in -excess of the figures. They were chiefly found in the Bellary district. - -The following are the main sub-divisions of the community in the -Madras Presidency :-- - - - 1. Jangam. The priestly class. - - 2. Banajiga or Banjig, divided into Banajigas proper and Jain - Banajigas. - - These are essentially traders, but many are now cultivators. The - equivalent in the Telugu country is Linga Balija. Jangams - occasionally take Banajiga girls in marriage. The girl has to - undergo certain ceremonies before her marriage, and after that - she should not be treated as a daughter or sister of the family, - but should be considered as a Jangam's wife, and respect paid - to her. Jangam girls are not given to Banajigas as wives. Jain - Banajigas are considered as inferior to Banajigas proper, and - girls of the former are not married into families of the latter. - - 3. Sadaru, divided into Kumbala Kudi Sadaru and Chadaru Sadaru. The - great majority are cultivators. - - 4. Laligonda, divided into Hera (elder) and Chikka (younger) - Laligonda. - - 5. Kapu, Reddi, and Vakkaliga, cultivators. - - -The Aradhya Brahman is termed a Lingayat. This caste is not included -in the present note. The members of it wear the sacred thread, as well -as the lingam. They are strict Saivite Brahmans, and have nothing to -do with the Lingayats proper. - -The three religious divisions of the community are styled:-- - - - 1. Nirabara Vira Saiva. Sanyasis or ascetics, wearing only the - kaupinam or loin-cloth - - 2. Vishesha Vira Saiva. The priestly class, generally called - Jangams. - - 3. Samanya Vira Saiva. This includes all Lingayats, who are not - Sanyasis or Jangams. The whole Lingayat community is dealt with - by Mr. C. P. Brown under the name Jangam, and his essay speaks of - Vishesha and Samanya Jangams. This is incorrect, for no Samanya - Vira Saiva can be a Jangam, and all Jangams are Vishesha Vira - Saivas. - - -The Jangams are mostly literate, and the members of the Banjig or -trader class are frequently literate. The other classes of men, -and the women of all classes are practically illiterate. Canarese is -the common language of Lingayats, and it is usually preserved as a -house language where Canarese is not the language of the locality. In -Bellary the teachers in several of the board schools (primary standard) -are Jangams. Very few Lingayats have as yet competed for University -honours, and the number of Lingayat graduates is small. - -The common termination for males is Appa, and for females Amma or Akka, -or Avva. In the case of Jangams the male termination is Ayya. The -names commonly in use are as follows:-- - - - Basappa or Basamma, after Basava, the founder of the religion. - - Chennappa or Chennava, after Chennabasava, nephew of Basava. - - Sugurappa or Suguravva, after Sugur, where there is a temple - of Virabhadra. - - Revanna or Revamma, after Revana Sideswara, the founder of the - Balehalli mutt. - - Mallappa or Mallava, a localised name of Siva. - - Nagappa or Naganna, after a snake. - - Bussappa or Bussavva, after the hiss of a snake. - - -Basappa is the most common name of all, and it is said that in Kottur, -a town of 7,000 inhabitants, not far from Ujjini, one half of the -male Lingayats are styled Kottur Basappa. - -Tinduga or Tindodi is a nickname given to a daughter's son born and -bred up in his maternal grandfather's house. The name signifies -that the boy will some day quit the house and join his father's -family, tindu meaning eating, and wodi, running away. If the child -happens to be a female she is called Tindavva or Tindodi. Kuldappa, -or Kuldavva, is a nickname for one who fails to see a thing at once -when he looks for it. Kulda is a corruption of kuruda, which means -a blind man. Superstition has something to do with the naming of -children. Children whose predecessors died successively in their -infancy are named as Sudugappa or Sudugadavva after sudugadu, -burial-ground, Gundappa or Gundavva after gundu, a rock, Tippiah or -Tippavva after tippa, a rubbish heap, Tirakappa after tirakambonu, -begging. These names signify humility, and are given in the belief -that God will pity the parents and give the children a long lease -of life. Two names are not given to a child, but pet names are used -instead. - -The recognised head-quarters of the Lingayats in the Bellary district -is Ujjini, a village in the south of the Kudligi taluk on the borders -of Mysore. There are five head-quarters of the community in different -parts of India. In each there is what is called a Simhasanadhipati. In -the first period of creation, Iswara or Siva is supposed to have -appeared in five different forms, emanating from his five faces, and -the five Lingayat centres are representative of these five forms. The -places are Ujjini, Srisaila, Kollepaka, Balehalli, and Benares. - -It is said that the Mutt at Kollepaka no longer exists, and has -been replaced by one at Bukkasagar in the Hospet taluk of Bellary -district. The shape and materials of their dwellings are not in any -way different from those of other Hindus. In the Bellary district, -houses of the better classes are built of stone; poorer persons can -only afford mud houses. All adopt the flat roof peculiar to the Deccan. - -It is recorded, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, that "the orthodox -theory among the Lingayats is that their religion was founded by -a number of Acharyas, the most famous of whom were Renuka, Daraka, -Gajakarna, Ghantakarna and Viswakarna, who are the Gotrakartas of -the Lingayat Dwijas, having received their mandate direct from Siva -to establish his true religion on earth, or rather to restore it to -its purity. As belonging to the Apprakrita Srishti, the Virasaivas -are enjoined not to follow that portion of the Vedas which treats of -Yagnas or animal sacrifices. Their contention is that karma, or the -performance of ceremonies, is of two kinds, namely, one relating to the -attainment of worldly desires, and the other relating to the attainment -of wisdom or gnana. The idea of salvation in Brahmanical religions -generally is the attainment of desires, going to Swarga or Heaven, -where one would enjoy eternal bliss. But salvation, as understood -by the Virasaiva religion, is something different, and goes one step -further, meaning absorption into and attainment of oneness with the -deity. Consequently, they are prohibited from performing all those -ceremonies which relate to the attainment of Swarga, but are bound -to perform those which relate to gnana or wisdom, and to salvation -as understood by them. The five great Gotrakartas established five -great religious centres in different parts of India, viz., Ekorama -at Ketara in the Himalayas, Viswacharya at Benares, Marutacharya -at Ujjain, Pandithacharya at Srisaila in Cuddapah district, and -Renukacharya at Balehalli or Balehonnur in Koppa taluk (of Mysore), -at all of which places the mutts still exist. The heads of these mutts -have geographically divided the Lingayats into five great divisions, -and each head exercises spiritual control within his own legitimate -sphere, though all of them have a general jurisdiction over all the -Lingayats generally. Each of these mutts, called simhasanas (thrones), -has sub-mutts in important popular centres under the management of -Pattadaswamis. Each sub-mutt has a number of branch mutts, called -Gurusthala mutts, under it, and these latter are established wherever -a community of Lingayats exists. The rights and duties of the Swamis -of these mutts are to preside on all ceremonial occasions, to receive -their dues, to impart religious instructions, to settle religious -disputes, and to exercise a general control over all matters affecting -the interests of the community at large. But one particular feature -of this sect is the existence of another order of priests, called -Viraktas, also known as Nirabharis or Jangamas, who hold the highest -position in the ecclesiastical order, and therefore command the highest -respect from laymen as well as from the above mentioned clergy. Each -Virakta mutt is directly subject to the Murgi mutt at Chitaldrug, -which has absolute jurisdiction over all the Viraktas. Most Lingayat -towns have a Virakta mutt built outside the town, where the Swami or -the Jangama leads a solitary, simple and spiritual life. Unlike the -other priests, the Virakta is prohibited from presiding on ceremonial -occasions, and from receiving unnecessary alms unless for the purpose -of immediately distributing the same to others. He should devote -his whole life partly to spiritual meditation, and partly to the -spreading of spiritual knowledge among his disciples, so that he -would be the fountain head, to whom all laymen and all clergy must -turn for spiritual wisdom. His position, in short, should be that of -a pure Sanyasi of the most exalted order. But here, as in the case -of most other Indian ecclesiastical orders, the modern representative -of the ancient prototype is far different from the ideal." - -Sacrifices are contrary to the tenets of the faith, but the practices -of other Hindus are to some extent copied. When laying the foundations -of a house, a cocoanut is broken, incense offered and camphor -burnt. When setting up the main door frame, a ceremony called Dwara -Pratishta is performed. On that day, or a subsequent day, an iron -nail is driven into the frame, to prevent devils or evil spirits -from entering the house. After the house is completed, the ceremony -of Graha Pravesam takes place. With all Lingayat ceremonies the most -important feature is the worship of the jangam, and in this instance -the house is sprinkled with water, in which the Jangam's feet have -been washed. Jangam's friends and relatives are then entertained and -fed in the house. - -Theoretically, any one may become a Lingayat by virtue of investiture -with the lingam. But in practice very few outsiders are admitted. The -priests do not proselytise. The elders of the community sometimes -persuade a relative or friend to join the fold. In the Bellary -district, it is believed that the religion is not spreading. The -contrary seems to be the case in the Bombay Presidency. The Bijapur -Gazetteer states that the wearing of the lingam, and the desertion -of Brahmans for Jangams as priests, are still spreading among the -Brahmanical castes of Bijapur, and adds "In Mr. Cumine's opinion -few castes have remained beyond the influence of the new sect, and -between Lingayatism and Islam, Brahmanism will in a few centuries be -almost extinct." According to Mr. C. P. Brown, the Jangams insist upon -any candidate for admission undergoing a probation of ten or twelve -years. The authorities at Ujjini state that there is a recognised -scale of probation ranging from three years for the Brahman to -twelve years for the Sudra, but the Jangams admit that no Brahmans -are ever converted now, and the probation period is probably not -enforced. The castes from which outsiders occasionally come are the -various sub-divisions of the Kapu or Reddi caste. It is not uncommon -to find all the Neredi Kapus in one village wearing the lingam, -while the people of the same caste in a neighbouring village are -not Lingayats. The Pakanati Kapus illustrate the same rule. Lingayat -and non-Lingayat Kapus who are relatives eat together, and in some -cases intermarry. - -Lingayatism has recently made converts from other castes. In the -last century, many weavers of Tuminkatti in the Dharwar district -of Bombay were converted by a Jangam from Ujjini, and are now known -as Kurvinavaru. They have abandoned all social intercourse with the -parent caste. - -According to Basava's teaching, even the lowest castes could join -the community, and obtain equality with other Lingayats. The Abbé -Dubois wrote that, "even if a Pariah joins the sect, he is considered -in no way inferior to a Brahman. Wherever the lingam is found, there -they say is the throne of the deity, without distinction of class or -rank. The Pariah's humble hut containing the sacred emblem is far above -the most magnificent palace where it is not." These were undoubtedly -the views of the founder, but his orders are not followed at the -present day. The authorities at Ujjini deny that any Mala or Madiga -can become a Lingayat, and say that, even if he wears a lingam, it -has not been given him by a Jangam. There is a class of Malas called -Chalavadis, whose duty it is to accompany Lingayat processions, -and ring a bell. These Chalavadis wear the lingam. It is, however, -the accepted rule amongst Lingayats of the present day that a Mala -or Madiga cannot wear lingam. - -In a note on the relations between Lingayats and Brahmans, [124] -Mr. T. V. Subramanyam refers to the long-standing differences -between them in the Bellary district. "The quarrel," he writes, -"has reference to the paraphernalia the former may carry in their -religious processions, and has its origin in a legend. The story runs -that Vedavyasa, the author of the Mahabharata and a fervent devotee -of Vishnu, once went to Benares with the object of establishing -the superiority of his favourite deity in that stronghold of -Saivism. Within the precincts of the temple, he raised his hands aloft, -proclaiming that Vishnu was the supreme God, when, to the consternation -of the assembled worshippers, Nandi, the trusted servant and vehicle -of Siva, whose sculptured image is found in every temple sacred to -his master, rose up in indignation, and cut off the right hand of -the blasphemous sage. The principal insignia claimed to be used in -Lingayat processions are makaratoranam, pagaladivitti, svetachhatram, -nandidhvajam, and vyasahastam. No objection is raised by the Brahmans -to the use of the first three of these, which are respectively a -banner with the representation of a tortoise embroidered thereon, -torches carried during the day, and a white umbrella. The nandidhvajam -consists of a long pole, at the upper end of which floats a flag with -a representation of Nandi, and to which is affixed an image of Basava, -the founder of the sect. The vyasahastam is a similar pole, from which -a wooden arm is suspended. The assertion of the prowess of Nandi, and -the perpetuation of the punishment alleged by the Lingayats to have -been inflicted on Vyasa for daring to declare the supremacy of Vishnu, -as symbolised by these emblems, are equally offensive to all classes -of Brahmans, as the sage is reverenced equally by Vaishnavas, Madhvas, -and Smartas. Besides these emblems, the Lingayats claim that, during -their processions, they are entitled to ring a bell, which is usually -suspended from the flat end of a large ladle-like object. The Brahmans -object to this, however, as the bells are carried by low-caste persons, -who ring them with their feet, to the accompaniment of chants intended -to insult the Brahmans and their religious creeds. They contend also -that the hollow of the ladle is designed in mockery of the Brahmakapala -(or skull of Brahma), which is very sacred in their eyes.... In the -year 1811, a dispute arose regarding the display of the nandidhavajam -and the vyasahastam, an enquiry into which was held by the Judge of -Bellary, who issued a proclamation for general information throughout -the district, prohibiting the procession altogether, and declaring that -no person should attempt it, on pain of being put in irons, and sent -to take his trial before the Court of Circuit.... When the Sringeri -Swami, known as Jagadguru or spiritual head of the universe, visited -Bellary in 1888, certain Lingayats petitioned the District Magistrate, -praying that, if he was to be allowed to enter the town displaying -his usual paraphernalia, their gurus must also be allowed a similar -privilege during their processions. The petitioners were directed to -meet the agent of the Sringeri Swami, and they agreed with him, to -quote from the Collector's order, in a spirit of mutual consideration -that the processions of the gurus of the Smarta Brahmans and of the -Lingayats should be peaceably conducted, and that, in the latter, -neither the nandidhvajam nor the vyasahastam should be used. In 1899, -it was decided in a Civil Court that the bells used in the processions -of the Lingayats should be rung with the hands and not with the -feet, and that the Chalavadis, or bell-ringers, should not utter -any cries or chants offensive to the feelings of the Brahmans. In -1901, the Collector negotiated a compromise between the Lingayats -and the Brahmans of Rayadrug, by which the display of all insignia, -except the vyasahastam, was permitted to the former. Apparently, the -Brahmans have not been satisfied with the terms of this compromise, -as, subsequent to 1901, they have started civil litigation, in which it -is contended that the use of nandidhvajam is itself objectionable. At -the present moment, therefore, the Brahman Lingayat controversy is -exactly where it was a hundred years ago." - -Non-Lingayats, wishing to join the faith, have to undergo a three -days' purification ceremony. On the first day they get their face and -head shaved, and take a bath in cow's urine and ordure. Except these -articles, they are under a prohibition to drink or eat anything else -that day. On the second day they bathe themselves in dhulodaka, i.e., -water with which a Jangam's feet have been washed, and eat sugar and -drink cow's milk. On the third or last day, they take a panchamrutham -bath, i.e., they apply to the head and body a paste made of plantains, -cow's milk, ghi (clarified butter), curds and honey, and wash it -off with water; they drink the water (thirtham) in which a Jangam's -feet have been washed; the lingam is tied on by the Jangam, and the -convert eats with other Lingayats. Women also undergo this ceremony, -but in their case shaving is omitted. - -Disputes are settled by a panchayat (council) headed by one of -the community called Yejaman or Setti, assisted by the Reddi or -headman called Banakara. Where there is no Setti, the Reddi takes -his place. The Setti is appointed by the community, after the office -itself has been created by the Simhasanadhipati of the mutt. The -other members of the panchayat are not permanent, but are selected -for the occasion. The panchayat also tries offences against caste -rules, and imposes fine on the culprit. The money, when collected, -is given to some mutt or temple. Failure to pay is punished by -excommunication. Any one may be appointed Setti, but the post is -hereditary. It is an honorary post carrying no remuneration, and the -enquiries of the panchayat entail no expense, except in the cost of -supplying pansupari (betel leaves and areca nuts). The panchayat is -not limited in numbers, all the leading members of the community being -invited to attend. Appeals from the decisions of the panchayat lie to -the mutt to which the village is subordinate. In Bellary appeals go -to Ujjini. The orders of the mutt are final. The Ujjini authorities -say that the only punishment that can be inflicted is to interdict -the offender from all social intercourse. He is practically "put into -Coventry"; but is released on payment of a fine to the guru, so the -punishment is in fact a fine. The appointment of a new Setti is a -solemn function, resembling the instalment of a church dignitary. The -priests and Settis of neighbouring villages assemble, and instal the -new man. The following is the order of precedence amongst them:-- - - - (1) Matadaya. - (2) Matapati. - (3) Ganachari. - (4) Sthavaria or Gunari. - (5) Setti. - (6) Patna Setti. - (7) Kori Setti. - (8) Wali Setti. - - -A ceremony called Diksha is said by some to be compulsory with Jangams, -male and female, in their eighth year, and the same is also said to -be required for lay Lingayats. The ceremony is performed in order to -impart to the recipient the sacred mantram called Panchakshari. This is -whispered in the ear by the guru. The rite is evidently in imitation -of the Brahman practice of imparting the Gayatri mantram at the -time of the Upanayanam or thread-tying ceremony. The term Diksha is -sometimes used to express the conversion ceremony used in the case of -a new-comer. It is an essential of the faith that the sacred spell -should be whispered in the ear by the guru, and this explains the -three word motto or "guru, linga and Jangam." But, in the case of lay -Lingayats and of women, it does not appear that Diksha is universal, -and the sacred spell is whispered in the ear when the lingam is tied. - -Pollution periods are not observed. The indifference displayed by -Lingayats to the purification ceremonies prescribed by Hindu custom -is noticed by the Abbé Dubois, who quotes the Hindu proverb which says -"There is no river for a Lingayat." - -A simple ceremony is performed when a girl comes to maturity. This -lasts only one day. The girl takes an oil bath, and puts on clean -clothes and ornaments. Married women come and place in her lap two -cocoanuts, two dates, five limes, five areca nuts, five betel leaves, -and some rice. They sing some bright song, and then pass round her -head three times the wave offering (arati) of a light. They then -depart, after being presented with food and betel. This ceremony is -evidently copied from other castes, and with well-to-do Lingayats -is sometimes prolonged for several days. Holy water (thirtham) is -sprinkled over the head of the girl. No ceremonies are observed at -subsequent menstrual periods, as no pollution is attached to them. - -No special diet or customs are observed during pregnancy by husband or -wife. The woman in her confinement is attended by her female relatives -and the village midwife. At the birth of a child, all the female -members of the family, and other women who attend the confinement, -bathe and give a bath to the mother and child. On the second and -third day, from five to ten women are invited. They bring boiled -water and turmeric paste to apply to the body of the mother. On -the third day a ceremony called Viralu is performed. Viralu means -the worship of the afterbirth. The midwife buries it at the outer -door, throws over the grave a piece of thread, dipped in turmeric -water, and some rice, turmeric powder, kunkuma (red powder) and nim -(Melia Azadirachta) leaves. She offers to it kitchade, a mess made -of broken cholam (millet: Sorghum) and a dish of greens, and breaks a -cocoanut. The mother, who wears on the right wrist a piece of thread -with a piece of sweet flag (Acorus Calamus) tied to it, worships -the grave with joined hands. The women who have brought boiled water -also wear similar threads on the right wrists, and eat the cholam and -the greens. The midwife takes away the offering made to the grave, -and gets also her money perquisites. The Viralu ceremony is observed -in the belief that the mother's breasts will thereby be fruitful of -milk. The mother for the first time, on the day after the ceremony is -over, suckles the child. Both of them receive dhulodaka (water from -a Jangam's feet). The child also receives from the Jangam the lingam, -which is to be his personal property for life and for eternity. - -The name is given to a child on the sixteenth day after birth. Five -married women go to a well or river, where they worship Gangamma, and -return with a new pot filled with water. The mother receives it at the -entrance, and places it on some cholam under the cradle. After this, -the child is put into the cradle, and is given a name. The child's -maternal uncle or aunt gives the name, and at once all the women -present assault the namer with their fists. After this the Jangam -and guests are fed, and guggeri (fried grain) is distributed. - -Marriage is both infant and adult. There is no difference in this -respect between Jangams and other Lingayats. Sexual license before -marriage is neither recognised nor tolerated. Open prostitution is -not permitted. On the other hand, it is condemned as a moral sin and -a social offence, and the party is punished by excommunication. There -are Basavis (dedicated prostitutes) amongst Lingayats. Polygamy is -permitted. Polyandry is strictly prohibited. Among the Lingayats, -marriage between brothers' children is strictly prohibited. Similarly, -sisters' children cannot marry. Marriage between some classes of -second cousins is also prohibited, i.e., a man's children may not -marry the children of his paternal uncle or of his maternal aunt. A -man may marry his sister's daughter, but, in the case of children of -the younger sister, such marriages are looked on with disfavour. The -parties to a marriage have no freedom of choice. It is arranged for -them by their parents or by the elders of their family, who come to -an agreement as to the amount of teravu that should be paid to the -bride's family. This marriage price usually amounts to 12 pagodas or -42 rupees, but is often more. In the case of a second marriage, the -amount is double. The presents to the bridegroom generally consist -of a pair of cloths, a turban, and a gold ring. These gifts are not -compulsory, and their amount and value depend upon the circumstances -of the bride's family. - -For a betrothal, the bridegroom's family come to the bride's house on -an auspicious day in company with a Jangam. They bring a sire (woman's -cloth), a kuppasa (jacket), two cocoanuts, five pieces of turmeric, -five limes, betel leaf and areca nut. They also bring flowers for -the susaka (a cap of flowers made for the bride), gold and silver -ornaments, and sugar and areca nut for distribution to guests. The -bride puts on the new cloths with the ornaments and flowers, and -sits on a folded kumbli (blanket), on which fantastic devices have -been made with rice. Some married women fill her lap with cocoanuts -and other things brought by the bridegroom's party. Music is played, -and the women sing. Five of them pick up the rice on the kumbli, and -gently drop it on to the bride's knees, shoulders and head. They do -this three times with both hands. Sugar and betel are then distributed, -and one of the bride's family proclaims the fact that the bride has -been given to the bridegroom. One of the bridegroom's family then -states that the bride is accepted. That night the bride's family feed -the visitors on sweet things; dishes made of hot or pungent things -are strictly prohibited. - -The marriage ceremony, which often takes place some years later, -occupies from one to four days according to circumstances. In the -case of a four-day marriage, the first day is spent in worshipping -ancestors. On a second day, rice and oil are sent to the local -mutt, and oil alone to the relatives. New pots are brought with much -shouting, and deposited in the god's room. A pandal (booth) is erected, -and the bridegroom sits under it side by side with a married female -relative, and goes through a performance which is called Surige. An -enclosure is made round them with cotton thread passed ten times -round four earthen pitchers placed at the four corners. Five married -women come with boiled water, and wash off the oil and turmeric, -with which the bride and the bridegroom and his companion have been -anointed. The matrons then clothe them with the new cloths offered -to the ancestors on the first day. After some ceremonial, the thread -forming the enclosure is removed, and given to a Jangam. The Surige -being now over, the bridegroom and his relatives are taken back to the -god's room. The bride and her relatives are now taken to the pandal, -and another Surige is gone through. When this is over, the bride is -taken to her room, and is decorated with flowers. At the same time, -the bridegroom is decorated in the god's room, and, mounting on a -bullock, goes to the village temple, where he offers a cocoanut. A -chaplet of flowers called bashingam is tied to his forehead, and he -returns to the house. In the god's room a panchakalasam, consisting -of five metal vases with betel and vibhuti (sacred ashes) has been -arranged, one vase being placed at each corner of a square, and one on -the middle. By each kalasam is a cocoanut, a date fruit, a betel leaf -and areca nut, and one pice (a copper coin) tied in a handkerchief. A -cotton thread is passed round the square, and round the centre kalasam -another thread, one end of which is held by the family guru, and the -other by the bridegroom who sits opposite to him. The guru wears a -ring made of kusa grass on the big toe of his right foot. The bride -sits on the left hand side of the bridegroom, and the guru ties their -right and left hands respectively with kusa grass. Hastapuja then -follows. The joined hands of the bride and bridegroom are washed, and -bilva (Ægle Marmelos) leaves and flowers are offered. The officiating -priest then consecrates the tali and the kankanam (wrist-thread), -ties the latter on the wrists of the joined hands, and gives the tali -to the bridegroom, who ties it round the bride's neck, repeating some -words after the priest. The tying of the tali is the binding portion -of the ceremony. Before the tali is given to the bridegroom, it is -passed round the assembly to be touched by all and blessed. As soon -as the bridegroom ties it on the bride, all those present throw over -the pair a shower of rice. The bridegroom places some cummin seed -and jaggery (crude sugar) on the bride's head, and the bride does -the same to the bridegroom. Small quantities of these articles are -tied in a corner of the cloth of each, and the cloths are then knotted -together. The bride worships the bridegroom's feet, and he throws rice -on her head. The newly married couple offer fruits to five Jangams, -and present them with five pice. The relatives worship the bride and -bridegroom, wash their feet and offer presents, and the proceedings -of the day terminate. On the third day, friends and relatives are fed, -and on the fourth day bride and bridegroom ride in procession through -the village, on the same bullock, the bride in front. On return to -the house they throw scented powder (bukkittu) at each other, and the -guests join in the fun. Then follows the wedding breakfast, to which -only the near relatives are admitted. The married couple worship -Jangams and the elders, and take off the kankanam or consecration -thread from their wrists, and tie it at the doorway. The five matrons -who have assisted are given presents and dismissed, and the marriage -is now complete. In a one-day marriage, the above ceremonies are -crowded into the short time allotted. The remarriage of widows was -one of the points on which Basava insisted, and was probably one of -the biggest bones of contention with the Brahmans. Widow remarriage -is allowed at the present day, but the authorities at Ujjini see -fit to disregard it. They say that amongst Jangams it is prohibited, -and that amongst the other classes of Lingayats it is growth of custom. - -The practice of widow remarriage is widely followed even among Jangams, -but amongst the stricter classes, who are probably under the influence -of their Brahman friends, it is discountenanced. The parties to such -a marriage are not allowed to take part in the marriage ceremonies of -others. A great deal can, however, be done when money is forthcoming, -and in one case a girl has recently been remarried according to -the form in use for original marriages. Every Jangam probably has -his price. - -A widow cannot marry her deceased husband's brother or cousin. The -marriage goes by the name of Udiki, and corresponds to some extent -to the Gandarva form of the Hindus. The ceremony is a very simple -one; there is no music and no guests are invited. The parties go to -the temple in company with the Matapati or headman, and the bangle -seller. The latter puts glass bangles on the bride's wrists, and the -Matapati ties the tali. This last act ratifies the marriage contract, -and makes it indissoluble. In some cases the ceremony takes place -at night, as though the parties wished the darkness to cover them, -but this practice does not seem to be universal. A widower generally -takes a widow as his second bride; a bachelor will not as a rule -marry a widow. In connection with a case concerning the Lingayat -'Goundans' of the Wynad, it is noted, in the Indian Law Reports, -[125] that "there is an immemorial custom by which Lingait widows -are remarried. Such marriage is styled, not kalianam, but odaveli or -kudaveli. It is not accompanied with the same ceremonies as a kalianam -marriage, but a feast is given, the bride and bridegroom sit on a mat -in the presence of the guests and chew betel, their cloths are tied -together, and the marriage is consummated the same night. Widows -married in this form are freely admitted into society. They cease -to belong to the family of their first husband, and the children of -the second family inherit the property of their own father." Divorce -is permitted on proof of misconduct. The husband can exercise his -right to divorce his wife by proving before a panchayet the alleged -misconduct. The wife can only claim to divorce her husband when he -has been outcasted. Wives who have been divorced cannot remarry. The -above answers are given on the authority of the Ujjini mutt. There -appears to be considerable divergence of opinion in other quarters. By -some it is positively asserted that divorce is not permitted under -any circumstances; that the husband and wife may separate on the -ground of incompatibility of temper or for misconduct; and that -in these circumstances the husband is at liberty to marry again, -while the wife is not. Others say that divorce is permitted, and -that both parties are at liberty to remarry. In connection with the -Lingayats of South Canara, it is recorded, in the Indian Law Reports, -[126] that "second marriage of a wife forsaken by the first husband -is allowed. Such marriage is known as serai udiki (giving a cloth); -as distinguished from lagna or dhara, the first marriage." - -All castes included in Lingayat community follow the Hindu law of -inheritance, and succession is governed by the same. - -As a rule Lingayats worship Basaveswara and Virabhadra, the former -being the founder of their sect, and the latter a son of Siva. They -worship also the other sons of Siva, Shanmukha and Vinayaka, and -Parvati, wife of Siva. The other deities of the Hindu pantheon -are not reverenced. Some later saints are sometimes regarded with -reverence, but there does not appear to be any great uniformity in this -matter, and the Ujjini authorities declare that no god except Siva -is worshipped. This is clearly the correct view of the religion, and -it is evident that the worship of minor deities was not countenanced -by the founder. - -It is a peculiarity amongst the Lingayats that they esteem the Jangam -or priest as superior even to the deity. They pay homage to the Jangam -first, and to Siva afterwards. The Jangam is regarded as an incarnation -of the deity. They allow him to bathe his lingam in water with which -his feet have been washed, and which for this reason is regarded as -holy water. With the same water they bathe their own lingams, and drink -the remainder. The motto of the creed quoted by Mr. C. P. Brown is -"Guru, linga, Jangam." These three words express the Lingayat faith, -but in practice the Jangam is placed first, and, as stated above, is -worshipped as god upon earth. This practice of bathing the lingams in -holy water is universal, and precedes each meal. The Jangam blesses -the food in the name of Basava, and eats before the others can begin. - -Monday in every week is the Lingayat Sunday, and is sacred to -Siva. This day is observed everywhere, and no Lingayat will cultivate -his field, or otherwise work his cattle on a Monday. This fact was -noted by the Abbé Dubois. The following account of the various -festivals recognised by Lingayats was furnished by the Dewan of -the Sandur State, but, as he himself admits, very few people really -observe the rules:-- - -The month Chaitra.--First day of the bright fortnight being Ugadi or -new year's day, all take an oil bath and feast, the first dish to be -eaten being a porridge made of margosa (Melia Azadirachta) flowers, -sugar candy or jaggery, dried grapes, almonds, Bengal gram flour, -poppy seeds, and cocoanut kernel. Those who can afford it put on new -clothing. The eating of margosa flowers on Ugadi is not, however, -peculiar to the Lingayat. On the full-moon day, called Davanadahunname -(from davana, a scented plant), they enjoy dainty dishes in honour -of Hampe Pompapathiswami's car festival. - -The month Vaisakha.--On the full-moon day called Hagihunname (from -hage, a young plant) cultivators make nursery beds, and enjoy a -good repast. - -The month Jyesta.--The full-moon day called Karuhunname (from kare, -a festoon). Bullocks are washed, painted, and taken out in procession, -when a festoon made of leaves, etc., and tied high across the main -street, is broken. On the new-moon day called Mannueththina-amavasya, -they make bulls with earth, worship them, and eat a good meal. - -The month Ashadha.--On the full-moon day called Kadlakadavena hunname, -they make a mixture of cholam or other flour with a single grain -of unbroken Bengal gram inside, boil it and eat. Women strike one -another with these cakes, which are either round or oblong, and are -tough. Before being eaten, they are cut into pieces with a knife. - -The month Sravana.--The fifth day of the bright fortnight, called -Nagarapanchame. The image of a serpent, made of mud taken from a -snake's hole, is worshipped with offerings of milk, soaked Bengal -gram, rice, balls made of jaggery and fried gingelly (Sesamum) -called chigali, balls made of rice flour and jaggery called tanittoo, -cocoanuts, plantains and flowers. On each Monday of this month, all -the gods are worshipped with offerings of dainty dishes, and Jangams -are fed. This is the most important month in the year. Those who can -afford it have the Basava or other Puranams read and explained. - -The month Bhadrapada.--The fourth day of the bright fortnight. The -image of Ganesha, made of earth and painted, is worshipped with -an offering consisting of 21 harnakadubu, 21 chigali, 21 tanittoo, -a cocoanut, flowers and incense. It is taken out in procession on -the 3rd, 5th or 9th day, and deposited in a well or stream after -the necessary worship. The new-moon day called Malada-amavasya (from -Mahalaya, a period comprising 15 days from full- to new-moon), during -which offerings are made to the manes of departed ancestors. - -The month Aswija.--The first day of the bright fortnight. Male children -bathe, put on holiday clothes, and go to the village school. They -do so till the 10th or Dasami day. With them their master makes -house-to-house visits for annual presents. They sing and play with -the kolatam, a pair of painted round sticks about one foot in length -with a diameter of 1 1/4 inches. On the Dasami day, books, accounts, -scales and weights, measures and weapons are worshipped with jambi -(Prosopis spicigera), rich food, flowers and incense. All, including -Jangams, enjoy a good meal. In the evening they visit temples, -and offer cocoanuts to the idols. They pay reverence to elders by -giving them jambi, and falling at their feet. On the same day, girls -collect earth from ant-hills, and place it in a heap in the village -temple. Every evening they go to the said temple with aratis (wave -offerings), singing on the way, and worship the heap. They continue -this till the full-moon day called Seegahunname. On the following day, -i.e., on the first day of the dark fortnight, they worship in the -same temple an image of Siva and his consort Parvati seated on the -sacred bull made of earth and painted. They worship with offerings -of cakes and other dainties, and cocoanuts, flowers and incense, -and give arati. The Matapati who has installed the idol takes these -offerings, and gives each girl two idols of Kontamma, made out of -the heaped earth previously worshipped by them. They take them home -in their arati platters. Within the next three days, they go from -house to house playing on kolu or kolatam and singing, and receive -money presents. These earnings they spend on the worship of Kontamma -by making sajja and gingelly cakes called konte roti, and offering -them. This worship is performed on the top of the roof of a house. The -girls eat up the cakes, and take Kontamma in procession to a stream or -well, and gently let her into the water, singing songs all the while. - -On the new-moon day, a religious observance called nope or nomulu in -honour of Gauri (another name of Parvati) is kept up. The observance -consists in offering to the goddess 21 karjikayi, 21 whole areca nuts, -21 betel nuts, 21 bits of turmeric, 21 chendu flowers, 21 tumbe huvvu, -a silk string with 21 threads and 21 knots, a cocoanut kernel, a date -fruit, kunkuma, a cocoanut, bukkittu and incense, in a winnowing -fan specially made with 21 fastenings. The fan is passed round the -goddess 21 times. A face worked in silver, a new earthen pitcher or -a metal pot with a twig of the banian tree in it, well decorated, -represents the goddess. The silk string is allowed to remain before -her that night. Next morning, offerings of food, etc., are made to -her, and the pujari (priest) ties a silk string on the left arm if a -female, or the right arm if a male. That day being the Balipadyam day, -men, women and children take an oil bath very early in the morning, -eat something, and put on new clothing. Just before daybreak, women -make two sets of cow-dung Panchapandavas, and keep one set on either -side of the outer threshold, and, sprinkling on them milk, butter and -ghi, worship them. At the usual breakfast time, all the members of the -family enjoy a hearty meal with the newly married son-in-law, to whom -they make presents of cloths and gold according to circumstances. All -that day children let off crackers. - -The month Kartika.--On the fourteenth day of the bright fortnight, -girls bring ant-hill earth, and, depositing it in a temple, follow -the procedure observed from the tenth day of the bright fortnight of -Aswija up to the day on which the Kontamma was left in a stream or -well. They go through the various details in three days. - -The month Pushya.--The Sankranti (the day on which the sun's progress -to the north of the equator begins) festival is observed. On the -Bhogi day, i.e., the day previous to Sankranti, cakes made of sajja -and gingelly, dishes made of pumpkin, brinjals, sweet potatoes, -red radish, raw chillies and chitrana (coloured rice) are eaten. On -the Sankranti day, more rich food, including holigas (cakes made of -jaggery, dhal and wheat), is eaten in company with Jangams, who are -dismissed with money presents and betel and nut. - -The month Magha.--The full-moon day called Baratahunname. This is a -feasting day on which no ceremony is performed, but the people enjoy -themselves by eating good things. The fourteenth day of the dark -fortnight is the Sivarathri day, i.e., the day sacred to Siva. This -should be a fasting and sleepless day, the fast being broken early -next morning, but very few observe these rules strictly. - -The month Phalguna.--The full-moon day is the day on which the Holi -festival takes place. It is not marked by any religious observance -beyond eating good things. The same is the case with the new-moon day. - -Brahmans are not employed as a general rule. The Jangam is the priest -of the Lingayat, and is called in for all ceremonies. Brahmans are -sometimes consulted in fixing auspicious days, and in some cases are -even allowed to officiate at marriages. This is the rule in Sandur, -and shows the tendency of modern times. The Ujjini mutt is, however, -still bigoted in its rejection of all Brahman interference, though, -with strange inconsistency, the elders of the community themselves -claim to be Brahmans. Jangams are now studying Vedic Shastras, and -may often be heard repeating Vedic hymns. - -The dead are buried in a sitting posture facing towards the north, -but an exception is made in the case of unmarried people, who are -buried in a reclining position. Before the patient dies, the ceremony -called Vibhutidharane or Vibhuti achchodu is performed. He is given -a bath, and is made to drink holy water in which the Jangam's feet -have been washed. He is made to give the Jangam a handkerchief -with vibhuti (ashes), rudraksha, dakshina (coin) and tambula (betel -leaf). This is followed by a meal, of which all the Jangams present, -and the relatives and friends of the patient partake. It appears -to be immaterial whether the patient is still alive or not. It is -stated that, if the invalid survives this ceremony, he must take to -the jungles and disappear, but in practice this is not observed. The -death party resembles in some respects an Irish 'wake,' though the -latter does not commence until the deceased is well on his way to the -next world. After death, the corpse is placed in a sitting posture, -and the Jangam, who has received the offering before death, places his -left foot on the right thigh of the body. The people present worship -the corpse, and the usual distribution of coins and betel to Jangams -follows. The body is then carried in a vimanam or bamboo chair to the -burial-ground. The grave should be a cube of nine feet dimensions, -with a niche on one side, in which the corpse is to sit. The lingam -is untied, and placed in the left hand; bilva leaves (Ægle Marmelos) -and vibhuti are placed at the side; the body is wrapped in an orange -coloured cloth; and the grave is filled in. A Jangam stands on the -grave, and, after receiving the usual douceur, shouts out the name -of the deceased and says that he has gone to Kailasa or heaven. - -Memorial ceremonies are contrary to Lingayat tenets, but in this, as in -other matters, the influence of the Brahmans appears, and amongst some -sections an annual ceremony is performed. The performance of Sradh, -or the memorial ceremonial common to other Hindus, is unknown. The -Abbé Dubois tells us that a Lingayat is no sooner buried than he is -forgotten. He says, "The point in the creed of the Saivaites which -appears to me to be most remarkable is their entire rejection of -that fundamental principle of the Hindu religion 'marujanma' or -metempsychosis. From this it would follow that they do not believe -in ghosts. But there is a generally accepted idea that evil spirits -sometimes take possession of females. This may be a rude way of -expressing the fact that the gentle sex is uncertain, coy and hard -to please." - -Though Sradh is unknown, once in a year on the new-moon day of the -month Bhadrapada or in Aswija, they offer clothes and food to ancestors -in general, childless ancestors, and men who have died a violent death. - -The special object of worship is a bull, the animal sacred to Siva. A -bull is supposed to be used by Siva for riding. It is also painted -on Siva's flag. - -Tattooing is confined to females. Children are tattooed in their -fifth year. A round mark, the size of a pea, is pricked between the -eyebrows, on the right cheek, and on the chin. Other marks are made on -the forehead. These marks are also made on the forearms and hands. The -pigment is of a green colour, but the recipe is not known. The skin -is pricked with babul (Acacia arabica) thorns. - -Females wear a sadi about 8 yards long and 1¼ yards broad. It is -invariably a coloured one, with silk or cotton borders at the edges -and across at both the ends. One of the cross borders is much broader -than the other, and is showy. The sadi is of different patterns. It -is tied below the waist with folds in front, the end with the cross -border passing round the trunk from left to right, and covering the -head. They wear also a kuppasa, which covers half the body from the -neck, and is fastened in the front by a knot. - -In some families infants are branded with a hot needle on the stomach, -under the idea that disease is thereby warded off. Children who suffer -from fits are branded with a twig of margosa or with a glass bangle. - -As Lingayats were originally recruited from all castes, the community -must have included persons of nearly every trade. At the present day -the majority may be grouped under priests, traders and agriculturists. - -It is the idea of some Lingayats that Jangams are forbidden to trade, -and strictly speaking this objection is valid. But it is even admitted -at Ujjini that there is no such objection in practice. Many wealthy -traders may be found amongst the above class, and in the town of Kampli -there is a Lingayat guru who is held in great esteem, and yet is the -owner of two shops, the business of which he personally conducts. It -is even whispered that the head of the Ujjini Mutt is not averse -to increasing his income by a little discreet usury. The majority -of Lingayats in Bellary are tenant-farmers, or self-cultivating -pattadars. It is said to be uncommon to find a Lingayat daily -labourer in the Bombay Presidency--they are mostly landholders and -cultivators or petty traders. They are prohibited from doing such -work as is required of a butcher, a toddy drawer or seller, sweeper -or scavenger. Anything connected with the use of leather is an object -of special abhorrence to a Lingayat. Even the use of a leather bucket -for irrigation purposes is by some of the stricter members considered -degrading. It is even supposed to be wrong to touch one's shoe or -sandals in the presence of others, and beating with a shoe is a -special insult. This last objection is probably common to all castes. - -There are few artisans, but a special sub-section called -the Hirekurnis are weavers. Oil-sellers are styled Ganigas and -Sajjanaganigas. Flower-sellers are called Jiru; those engaged in making -dairy produce, Gaulis ; those who do tailoring, Chippigas. Members of -the above trades under the above names are not exclusively Lingayats. - -Ploughing is never commenced in Pushya, as it is considered an -inauspicious month, but what was begun in the previous Margasira -could be continued through it. Those who did not begin in Margasira -do so in Magha, the month succeeding Pushya. Tuesdays and Fridays -are auspicious days for the commencement of this operation. They are -also the appropriate days for sowing. There is no restriction as to -month, that being entirely dependent on the season. Before ploughing -commences, the team of bullocks is worshipped. The horns of the animals -are washed with water, and covered with sacred ashes. A cocoanut is -broken on the yoke. Before sowing, puja (worship) is offered to the -drill-plough. The hollow bamboos, through which the seed drops, is -daubed with chunam (lime), and the other parts with red earth. Bunches -of leaves of the sacred pipal, and bits of turmeric are stuck in -three or four places. To the drill, a string, containing marking-nut, -sweet flag, and pieces of palmyra leaf, is tied. Kunkuma is applied, -and to the whole apparatus food specially prepared is offered. This -takes place at home. The drill-plough is then carried to the field, -where, after the bullocks have been attached, a cocoanut is broken on -the cross beam. Reaping commences with the sprinkling of milk and ghi -on the crop. At the threshing floor, a ceremony called Saraga is gone -through. A conical-shaped image made of cow-dung is set at the foot -of the grain heap. On its top are placed the tail hair of bullocks, -a single cholam ear-head, a flower of the avari (bean) creeper, and -tummi flower (Leucas aspera). Before it are spread the mess of cholam -and other food brought from home, and a cocoanut is broken. Some of -the mess is dissolved in buttermilk, and thrown round the threshing -floor. The man who throws it lays the pot which contained it before -the image, and salutes the heap with joined hands. The residue of -the cholam mess and other food is eaten by a Jangam, the cultivator, -the guests, servants and coolies. The grain in the heap is next -winnowed and made into a heap. It is measured just before sunset, -neither sooner nor later, after breaking the cocoanut which was -secreted in the original heap. The measurers sit with their faces -towards the north. While the measurement is proceeding, no one in the -threshing floor may speak; nor is any one allowed to enter it at the -time. The belief is that, if either of these happens, the grain in -the heap will diminish. This mysterious disappearance is called wulusu. - -Rain in Rohini Karte (one of the twenty-seven asterisms in -which rain falls) is good for sowing, and that in Mrugasira and -Ardra appropriate. These three asterisms are suited for sowing -cholam. Showers in Punarvasu, Pushya, and Aslesha are suitable for -sowing korra, saju and savi. Rain in Pubba and Wuttara is favourable to -cotton, korra and horse gram, and that in Hasta and Chitta to wheat, -cholam, Bengal gram and kusumulu (oil-seed). Flashes of lightning -occurring at the exit of Ardra, augur good showers. The saying -is that, if it flashes in Ardra, six showers will fall. In Magha, -weeding, either by the hand or by bullocks, should not be done. Wind -should not blow in Wuttara. If it does, the grain in the ear-heads -will be hollow. There should be no lightning flashes in Swati. If -there are, a pest called benkihula will appear, and grain will not -be formed in each socket. Rain in Visakha destroys worms, and is -good for pulses. Rain in Anuradha spoils them. A scare-crow in the -shape of a human being is set up in fields where there are crops, to -scare birds and animals. It is made much in the same way as elsewhere, -with crossed sticks and a painted chatty (pot). The sticks are covered -with rags of cotton or a kambli (blanket). A cocoanut is broken before -digging for a well commences. - -The Lingayats are strict vegetarians, and abstain from all forms -of liquor. The staple foods in Bellary are cholam, cumbu, ragi -and korra. Lingayats will not eat, drink or smoke with any one of -another religion. This is the strict rule, but, as already stated, -Kapu Lingayats will sometimes eat with a non-Lingayat relative or -friend. (See also Jangam.) - -Liyari.--See Kevuto. - -Lohana.--Immigrant traders from the Bombay Presidency. "They state -that they take their name from the port of Loha in Sindh, but Burton -says that they came from Lohanpur near Multan, and that they were -driven south by the Muhammadans. They reverence the Daria Pir, or -the Indus spirit." [127] - -Lohara.--The Loharas, Luharas, or Luharos, are an Oriya caste of -iron-workers, whose name is derived from loha, iron. Luhara also -occurs as an occupational name of a sub-division of Savaras. - -Loliya.--A synonym for Jalari. - -Lombo-lanjia (long tail).--A sub-division of Savaras, which is so -called because its members leave, at the buttocks, one end of the -long piece of cloth, which they wear round the waist. - -Loriya.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small class -of hill cultivators in the Vizagapatam district. They are said to be -a sub-division of Gaudo. - - - - - - - -M - - -Machi.--Recorded as a synonym of Myasa Bedar. - -Madaka (plough).--An exogamous sept of Togata. - -Madari (pride or arrogance).--A Tamil name for Chakkiliyan. - -Maddi.--Maddi or Madderu, indicating those who use the root of the -Indian mulberry (maddi: Morinda citrifolia) as a dye, has been recorded -as a sub-division of Besthas and Kabberas. - -Maddila (drum).--Maddila or Maddili has been recorded as an exogamous -sept of Kapu and Mala. - -Madhave (marriage).--An exogamous sept of Badagas of the Nilgiri hills. - -Madhurapuria.--A name frequently given by members of the Bhatta -sub-division of Gaudo. - -Madhya.--Madhya or Madhaya is a sub-division of Bottada and Sondi. - -Madiga.--The Madigas are the great leather-working caste of the Telugu -country, and correspond to the Chakkiliyans of the Tamil area. They -were first studied by me at Hospet in the Bellary district, and at once -formed a strong opposition party, in the belief that I was going to -select and carry off the strong men, lest they should become kings, -and upset the British Raj. So frightened were they, that they went -in a body to live in the Muhammadan quarter of the town. - -At the Hospet weekly market I witnessed a mendicant youth lying naked -in a thorny bed of babul (Acacia arabica) stems. A loathsome spectacle -was afforded by a shrivelled old woman with mouth distended by a mass -of mud the size of a cricket-ball, both eyes bunged up with mud, and -beating her bare breasts with her hands. The market was infested by -religious mendicants, some from Benares and Ramesvaram, others from -across the Hyderabad frontier, who cadged persistently for tobacco -leaves, an onion or brinjal (Solanum Melongena), a few chillies, a -handful of grain, or a pinch of salt, and helped to deplete the slender -stock of the market-sellers. One holy man from Sholapur was profusely -decorated with beads, ashes, brass snakes, and deities. Holding out for -four pies worth of betel leaves, while the stall-keeper only offered -one pie worth, he, after making a circle in the ground with his staff -round his sandals thickly studded with blunt nails, stood thereon, and -abused the vendor in language which was not nice. A Native Magistrate -thereon summoned a constable, who, hastily donning his official belt, -took the holy man in custody for an offence under the Act. - -A conspicuous feature of Hospet are the block-wheel carts with wooden -wheels, solid or made of several pieces, with no spokes. Dragged by -sturdy buffaloes, they are excellent for carrying timber or other -loads on rough roads or hill-tracks, where ordinary carts cannot -travel. During the breezy and showery season of the south-west monsoon, -kite-flying is the joy of the Hospet youths, the kites being decorated -with devices of scorpions and Hindu gods, among which a representation -of Hanuman, one of the genii loci, soared highest every evening. - -It is fairly easy to distinguish a Madiga from a Bedar, but difficult -to put the distinction in words. The Madigas have more prominent -cheek-bones, a more vinous eye, and are more unkempt. The Bedar, it is -said, gets drunk on arrack (alcohol obtained by distillation), whereas -the Madiga contents himself with the cheaper toddy (fermented palm -juice). The Bedars resort freely to the Madiga quarters (Madiga keri), -situated on the outskirts of the town, and fenced in by milk-hedge -(Euphorbia Tirucalli) bushes. My Brahman assistant, hunting in the -Madiga quarters for subjects for measurement, unfortunately asked some -Bedars if they were Madigas. To which, resenting the mistake, one of -them replied "We call you the Madiga," and the Brahman stood crushed. - -The Hospet Madigas had their hair cropped short, moustache, and trimmed -beard. They wore the customary threads or charm cylinders to ward off -devils, and steel tweezers for removing the thorns of the babul, which -is largely used as a fence for the fields of cholam and sugar. One -man had suspended round his neck, as a hereditary talisman, a big -silver Venkataramana bottu with the namam in the centre on an altar, -and the chank and chakram stamped on it. - -As bearing on the social status of the Malas and Madigas, which -is a subject of dispute between the two classes, it may be noted -that all the billets in cotton factories which require any skill, -such as engine-drivers, valve-men, moulders, turners, etc., are -held by Malas. The Madigas are generally only three-anna wage men, -and do such work as turning a winch, moving bales, and other trivial -jobs. At a factory, whereat I stayed, at Adoni, there were three wells, -viz.:--for Malas, for Madigas, and for the rest of the workers, except -Brahmans. And the well-water for the Malas was better than that for -the Madigas. A Madiga chindu, or sword-dance, was prohibited in 1859 -and 1874. But a petition, referring to its obscene nature, and its -being the cause of frequent collision between the Malas and Madigas, -was submitted to the Collector of Kurnool in 1887, by a missionary. The -dance was performed at festivals, held annually or triennially, in -honour of the village goddess, and during the time of threshing corn, -building a new house, or the opening of a newly-dug well. The dance, -accompanied by a song containing grossly indecent reflections against -the Malas, was also performed, under the excitement of strong drinks, -in the presence of the goddess, on the occasion of marriages. One -verse ran as follows: "I shall cut with my saw the Malas of the four -houses at Nandyal, and, having caused them to be cut up, shall remove -their skins, and fix them to drums." - -"The right hand party," it is stated, [128] "resent the use by the -left of palanquins at their marriages, and so the Malas are very -jealous of the Chucklers (Madigas) carrying the bride and bridegroom -through the streets, using tinkling ornaments, etc. Riots sometimes -occur when a strong feeling of opposition is raised, to resent what -they consider innovations." - -" The Madigas," Mr. N. G. Chetty writes, [129] "belong to the -left-hand caste, and often quarrel with the Malas (right-hand). In -1871 a Madiga, having contrived to obtain a red cloth as a reward -from the Police Superintendent, wore it on his head, and went in -procession on horseback by the main bazaar street. This resulted in a -disturbance, in which a European Inspector was severely hurt by a Mala, -who had mistaken him for the Superintendent. The two factions fixed, -by mutual understanding, the streets by which each was to proceed, -and no quarrels have since occurred." During the celebration of village -festivals, an unmarried Madiga woman, called for the occasion Matangi -(a favourite deity), abuses and spits upon the people assembled, -and they do not take this as an insult, because they think that her -spittle removes the pollution. The woman is, indeed, regarded as -the incarnation of the goddess herself. Similarly, the Malas use -very obscene language, when the god is taken in procession to the -streets of the caste people. [130] Concerning the Matangi I gather -[131] that she is an "unmarried woman of the Madiga class, chosen -after a most trying ordeal, unless she happens to be descended from -a previous Matangi, to represent the goddess. She must vindicate -her fitness by suitable prophetic utterances, and her nomination is -not confirmed till she has obtained divine approval at the temple of -a certain village near Kumbam in Kurnool. When she has been finally -confirmed in her honours, she enjoys the privilege of adorning her face -with a profusion of turmeric and red powder, and of carrying margosa -(Melia Azadirachta) leaves about her. She is unmarried, but without -being bound by a vow of celibacy. Her business is to preside at the -purificatory ceremonies that precede all festivities. When Malakshmi, -or Poleramma, or Ankamma, or any other of the village deities is to -have her festival, the nearest Matangi is applied to. Her necklace of -cowry (Cypræa moneta) shells is deposited in a well for three days, -before she is allowed to put it on for the ceremony. She dons the -necklace, and marches behind the master of the ceremonies, who carries -a knife, wooden shoes and trident, which have been similarly placed -for a time at the bottom of a well. The master of the ceremonies, -his male and female relations, then stand in a line, and the Matangi -runs round and round them, uttering what appear to be meaningless -exclamations, spitting upon all of them, and touching them with her -stick. Her touch and saliva are believed to purge all uncleanliness -of body and soul, and are invited by men who would ordinarily scorn -to approach her, and it passes one's comprehension how she should -be honoured with the task of purifying the soul and body of high -class Reddis and purse-proud Komatis. It must be said that only very -few Brahman families keep up this mysterious ceremony of homage to -the Matangi. She is allowed to come into the house, that is to pass -the outer gate. There she besmears a certain spot with cowdung, and -places upon it a basket. It is at once filled with cooked food. A -layer of rice powder covers the surface of the food, and on it is -placed a small lamp, which is lighted. She then holds out a little -earthenware pot, and asks for toddy to fill it with. But the Brahman -says that she must be content with water. With the pot in her hand, -and wild exultant songs in her mouth, recounting her humiliation -of Brahman and Kshatriya, of saint and sovereign, she moves quickly -round the assembled men and women, scattering with a free hand upon -them the water from the pot. The women doff their petticoats, and -make a present of them to the Matangi, and the mistress of the house -gives her the cloth she is wearing. The men, however, with strange -inconsistency, doff their sacred threads, and replace them by new ones -after a bath. The origin of the supremacy of the Matangi is obscure, -and shrouded in legends. According to one of them, the head of Renuka, -the wife of the sage Bhrigu, who was beheaded by her lord's orders, -fell in a Madiga house, and grew into a Madiga woman. According to -another legend, a certain king prayed to be blessed with a daughter, -and in answer the gods sent him a golden parrot, which soon after -perched on an ant-hill, and disappeared into it. The disappointed -father got the ant-hill excavated, and was rewarded for his pains by -finding his daughter rise, a maid of divine beauty, and she came to be -worshipped as the Matangi. It is interesting to note that Matangas were -an ancient line of kings 'somewhere in the south,' and the Madigas -call themselves Matangi Makkalu or children of Matangi or Durga, -who is their goddess." - -The system of making Basavis (see Deva-dasi), which prevails among -the Madigas of the Ceded districts, is apparently not in vogue among -those of the Telugu country, where, however, there are, in some -places, a class of prostitutes called Matangi, Matamma, or Matha, -who are held in much respect. In connection with the Basavi system, -it is recorded, in the Madras Law Report, 1892, that "upon the whole, -the evidence seems to be to establish that, among the Madigas, there -is a widespread custom of performing in the temple at Uchangidurgam, -a marriage ceremony, the result of which is that the girl is married -without possibility of widowhood or divorce; that she is at liberty -to have intercourse with men at pleasure; that her children are -heirs to her father, and keep up his family; and that Basavis' -nieces, being made Basavis, become their heirs. The Basavis seem -in some cases to become prostitutes, but the language used by the -witnesses generally points only to free intercourse with men, and -not necessarily to receipt of payment for use of their bodies. In -fact, they acquire the right of intercourse with men, without more -discredit than accrues to the men of their caste for intercourse with -women who are not their wives." - -The ceremony of initiation into Matangihood is fully described -by Emma Rosenbusch (Mrs. Clough). [132] In the Canarese country, -e.g., at Tumkur in Mysore, the ceremony of initiation is performed -by a Vakkaliga priest. A portion of the front courtyard of the -house is cleaned, and smeared with cow-dung. On the space thus -prepared, a pattern (muggu) of a lotus is drawn with red, yellow, -and white powders. The outline is first drawn with rice or ragi -(Eleusine Coracana) flour deftly dropped from between the thumb and -index finger. The interspaces are then filled in with turmeric and -kunkuma powder. Five small pots are arranged, one in the centre, -and one at each corner of the pattern. By the side of the pots are -placed a ball of sacred ashes, a new cloth, a piece of turmeric, -camphor, and plantain fruits. Plantain stems are set up at the -corners of the pattern. A string is passed seven times round the -four corner pots, and tied to the central pot. The woman who is -about to become a Matangi should live on fruits and milk for five -days previous to the ceremony. She is dressed in a white sari, -and seats herself on the muggu close to the central pot. A bamboo -basket, containing a pot bearing the device of two foot-prints -(of Ellamma), an earthen or wooden receptacle, an iron lamp, and a -cane, is placed on her head. The Asadi sings songs about Ellamma, -and the Vakkaliga priest throws rice over the novice's head, feet, -knees, and shoulders, and ties two bottus (marriage badges), called -respectively Ellamma's and Parasurama's bottu, on her neck. The new -and old Matangis bawl out Ekkalde Jogavva. The ceremony closes with -the drinking of toddy by the Matangis and Asadis. The basket (adlige) -containing the various articles enumerated is the badge of a Matangi, -who carries it with its contents, and a few leafy twigs of the margosa -tree (Melia Azadirachta). The basket is wrapped up in a red or brown -cloth, and may not be placed on the ground. At the Matangi's house, -it is hung up by means of a rope, or placed in a niche in the wall. It -may be noted that the Madigas call the intoxicant toddy palu (milk). - -For the following interesting note on the Matangi institution, I am -indebted to an article by Mr. A. Madhaviah. [133] "About ten miles -to the south-west of Cumbum, in the Kurnool district, and within a -mile of the village of Tudimilla, there is a narrow pass between two -hillocks known as Surabeswara Kona. Besides the more common presences, -we find here the following shrines:-- - - -(a) Sapthamathas (seven mothers). - -(b) A curious temple, in which are found the idols of Jamadhagni -Bagawan--the father of Parasurama and the local rishi--his wife Renuka -Devi, and the Surabi. - -(c) Opposite to this temple is the curious shrine, not very much bigger -than a railway pointsman's box, dedicated to Mathangi. In this temple -are found no less than five idols arranged in the following order:--(1) -a three-headed snake; (2) another three-headed snake; (3) a female -body, with the palms joined reverentially in the worshipping posture -in front, with the lower half of the body snaky in form, and with a -canopy of snaky hoods above; (4) Mathangi proper--a female figure -of about 15 inches in height, made of stone--with a short skirt, -below which the feet are visible, but no upper garment, and wearing -a garland round the neck. The right hand holds a snake-headed stick, -while the left has an adlika, a kind of sieve; (5) another similar -figure, but without even the skirt. - - -"We shall now proceed to enquire who this Mathangi was, and how -she came to be worshipped there. Jamadhagni Maharishi, known also as -Bagawan on account of his godly power and virtues, married Renuka, the -daughter of Renu, and had five sons by her, the youngest of whom was -the famous Parasurama, an incarnation of Vishnu. 'Once upon a time,' -says the Bhagavatapurana, 'Renuka having gone to the Ganga, saw the -king of the Ghandarvas wearing garlands of lotus, to play with the -Apsaras. Having gone to the river to fetch water, she, whose heart -was somewhat attracted by Chitaratha (the king of the Gandharvas) -who was playing, forgot the time of Yajna (sacrifice). Coming to -feel the delay, and afraid of the curse of the Muni, she returned to -the hermitage, and placed the pitcher before the Muni, and remained -standing with folded palms. The Muni (Jamadhagni), coming to know of -the unchasteness of his wife, got enraged, and said 'O my sons! kill -this sinner.' Although thus directed, they did not do so. The said -(Parasu) Rama, who was well aware of the power of the Muni in respect -of meditations and asceticism, killed, being directed by his father, -his mother along with his brothers. The son of Satyavati (Jamadhagni) -was pleased, and requested Rama to pray for any favour. Rama desired -the reanimation of those killed, and their forgetfulness of the fact -of their having been killed. Immediately did they get up, as though -after a deep sleep. Rama, who was conscious of the powers of his -father in regard to asceticism, took the life of his dear ones.' - -"The version locally prevalent is somewhat different. Jamadhagni -Bagawan's hermitage was near this Kona, and he was worshipping the -god Surabeswara, and doing tapas (penance) there. One day, his wife -Renuka Devi went, very early in the morning, to the river Gundlacama -to bathe, and fetch water for her husband's sacrificial rites. She -was accompanied, as was her wont on such occasions, by a female slave -of the chuckler (leather-worker) caste, as a sort of bodyguard and -attendant. While she was bathing, the great warrior Karthaviriyarjuna -with a thousand arms happened to fly across the sky on some business -of his own, and Renuka saw his form reflected in the water, and was -pleased with it in her mind. It must be mentioned that she never -used to take any vessel with her to fetch water, for her chastity -was such that she had power to roll water into a pot-like shape, as -if it were wax, and thus bring it home. On this day, however, she -failed to effect this, try what she might, and she was obliged to -return home empty-handed. In the meanwhile, the sage, her husband, -finding that his wife did not return as usual, learnt through his -'wisdom sight' what had happened, and ordered his son Parasurama to -slay his sinful mother. Parasurama went towards the river accordingly, -and, seeing his mother returning, aimed an arrow at her, which severed -her head from her body, and also similarly severed, with its unspent -force, the head of the chuckler woman who was coming immediately -behind his mother. Parasurama returned to his father without even -noticing this accident, and when his father, pleased with his prompt -obedience, offered him any boon, he prayed for the re-animation of his -mother. Jamadhagni then gave him some holy water out of his vessel, and -told him to put together the dismembered parts, and sprinkle some water -over them. Parasurama went off in great delight and haste, and, as it -was still dark and early in the morning, he wrongly put his mother's -head on the chuckler woman's trunk, and sprinkled water on them. Then, -seeing another head and another body lying close by, he thought that -they belonged to the female slave whom he had unwittingly killed, -and he put them also together, and re-animated them. He was extremely -vexed when he found out the mistakes he had committed, but, as there -was no rectifying them without another double murder, he produced -the two women before his father, and begged to be forgiven. The sage -finally accepted the person with his late consort's head as his wife, -and granted to the other woman the status of an inferior deity, in -response to her prayers, and owing to her having his wife's body. This -was the origin of Mathangi. - -"There are some permanent inam (rent-free) lands belonging to this -shrine, and there is always a Madiga 'vestal virgin' known as Mathangi, -who is the high priestess, or rather the embodied representative -of the Brahman-chuckler goddess, and who enjoys the fruits of the -inams. Mathangi is prohibited from marrying, and, when a Mathangi -dies, her successor is chosen in the following manner. All the -chuckler girls of the village, between the ages of eight and ten, -who have not attained puberty, are assembled before the shrine, and -the invoking hymns are chanted amid a flourish of trumpets, drums, and -other accessories. The girl who becomes possessed--on whom the goddess -descends--is the chosen vessel, and she is invested with the insignia -of her office, a round sieve, a bunch of margosa (Melia Azadirachta) -leaves, a snake-headed bamboo stick, a piece of cotton thread rope with -some cowries (Cypræa moneta shells) strung on it, and a small vessel -of kunkuma (coloured aniline powder). A vow of lifelong celibacy is -also administered to her. Curiously enough, this shrine is venerated -by all castes, from the Brahman downwards. We were informed that, -at the time of worship, the chuckler priestess dances about in wild -frenzy, and she is given toddy to drink, which she not infrequently -spits on her devotees, and even Brahmans regard this as auspicious, -and not in the least polluting. We had the pleasure of witnessing -a 'possessed dance' by the reigning Mathangi, with her drummer in -attendance. She is a chuckler woman, about thirty years of age, and, -but for the insignia of her office, not in any way differing from -the rest of her class. Though unmarried she had several children, -but this was apparently no disqualification. We were standing before -the shrine of the seven mothers when the drummer invoked the goddess -by chanting a Telugu hymn, keeping time on his drum. The meaning of -the hymn was to this effect, as far as we could make out:-- - -Sathya Surabesa Kona! Gowthama's Kamadhenu! the headless trunk in -Sathya Surabesa Kona! your father Giri Razu Kamadeva Jamadhagni Mamuni -beheaded the trunk; silently Jamadhagni cut off the arms; did you, the -headless trunk in Kamadhenuvanam, the headless trunk of Jamadhagni, -your father's golden sword, did you ask to be born a virgin in the -snake pit? - -"While chanting the above, the drummer was dancing round and round -the woman, and beating wildly on his drum. The woman began to tremble -all over, and soon it was visible that the goddess had descended on -her. Then the drummer, wilder and more frantic than ever, began to -praise the goddess in these words:-- - -Are you wearing bells to your ankles, O mother? Are you wearing -cowries, O mother? Dancing and singing, O mother! We pray to thee, -O mother! Possessed and falling on the ground, I implore thee, -O mother! O mother, who went to Delhi and Oruganti with a sieve in -the right-hand, with a wand in the left; with bells tinkling at her -ankles, the mother went to Oruganti town, the mother went away. - -"During this chant, the woman vies with the drummer, and dances -fiercely round and round, always facing him. Then comes the appeasing -chant, which the drummer drawls out in a quivering and solemn tone, -and without dancing about:-- - -By the feet of the thirty-three crores, by the feet of the sixty -crores, by the feet of the Devas, peace ! - -"The woman then stands with closed eyes, panting for breath, and -quite exhausted. - -"On ordinary days, the Mathangi goes about the villages, collecting -the offerings of her devotees, and, we take it, she is never in much -want. There are also local Mathangis in other villages, but they are -all said to be subordinate to the Tudimilla woman, who is the high -Pontiff of the institution. We were informed that there was an old -palmyra-leaf manuscript in existence, describing the institution and -the ceremonies (mostly tantric and phallic) in detail." - -Among the Madigas of Tumkur in Mysore, the Matangis must apparently -belong to one of two septs, Belliyoru or Malloru. - -The Madiga Asadis, who are males, have to go through an initiation -ceremony very similar to that of the Matangi. But a necklet of -pebbles is substituted for the bottu, and the Vakkaliga priest -touches the novice's shoulders with flowers, turmeric powder, and -kunkumam. The Asadis are musicians who sing songs and recite stories -about Ellamma. They play on a musical instrument called chaudike, which -is a combination of a drum and stringed instrument. The Matangis and -Asadis, both being dedicated to Ellamma, are eminently qualified to -remove pollution for many castes who are Ellamma Vokkalu or followers -of Ellamma. A lotus device, or figures of Pothu Raja and Matangi, are -drawn on the ground, after it has been cleansed with cow-dung. The -Matangi, with her insignia, sits in the centre of the device, and -the Asadis, sitting close by, sing the praises of Ellamma to the -accompaniment of the chaudike. The Matangis and Asadi then drink toddy, -and go about the house, wherein the former sprinkle toddy with the -margosa twig. Sometimes they pour some of the toddy into their mouths, -and spit it out all over the house. The pot, in which the toddy is -placed, is, in some places, called pallakki (palanquin). - -The Asadis' version of the story of Ellamma is as follows. She is the -goddess for all, and is present in the tongues of all except dumb -people, because they have to pronounce the syllable elli (where) -whenever they ask a question containing the word where. She is a -mysterious being, who often exhibits herself in the form of light -or flames. She is the cause of universe, and the one Sakthi in -existence thereon. She is supposed to be the daughter of Giriraja -Muni and Javanikadevi, and the wife of Jamadhagni Rishi. Her son is -Parasurama, carrying a plough. The town where she lives has three -names, Jambupuri, Isampuri, and Vijayanagara, has eighty-seven gates, -and is fortified by seven walls. She is believed to have for her -dress all kinds of snakes. Several groves of margosa trees are said -to flourish in her vicinity. She is worshipped under many names, -and has become Lakshmi, Gauramma, and Saraswati in Brahman houses, or -Akkumari in Vakkaliga houses. To the Idigas she is Gatabaghya Lakshmi, -to the Kurubas Ganga Mari, to the Oddes Peddamma and Chinnamma, and -so on. She is said to have proceeded on a certain day to the town of -Oragallu, accompanied by Jana Matangi. On the way thither, the soles -of Matangi's feet blistered, and she sat down with Ellamma beneath -a margosa tree. After resting a short time Matangi asked Ellamma's -permission to go to a neighbouring Idiga (Telugu toddy-drawer), and -get some toddy to drink. Ellamma objected, as the Idiga Gauda was a -Lingayat, and Matangi would be compelled to wear the lingam. When -Matangi persisted, Ellamma transformed herself into an ant-hill, -and Matangi, in the guise of a young woman, went to the Idiga Gauda -with her cane (Jogi kolu) and basket, and asked for toddy. The Gauda -became angry, and, tying her to a date-palm (Phoenix sylvestris), -beat her, and gave her cane and basket to his groom. Matangi was -further ill-treated by the Gauda and his wives, but escaped, and went -to the Gauda's brother, who treated her kindly, and offered her toddy, -of which he had sixty loads on bullocks. All this he poured into the -shell of a margosa fruit which Matangi held in her hand, and yet it -was not filled. Eventually the toddy extracted from a few palms was -brought, and the shell became full. So pleased was Matangi with the -Idiga's treatment of her, that she blessed him, and instructed him to -leave three date-palms untapped as Basavi trees in every grove. She -then returned to Ellamma, and it was resolved to afflict the Gauda -who had treated her badly with all kinds of diseases. Still disguised -as a young woman, she went to him with sweet-smelling powders, which -he purchased for a large sum of money. But, when he used them, he -became afflicted with manifold diseases, including small-pox, measles, -cancer, asthma, gout, rheumatism, abscesses, and bed-sores. Matangi -then appeared before him as an old fortune-teller woman, whom the Idiga -consulted, and doing as he was told by her, was cured. Subsequently, -learning that all his misfortunes were due to his want of respect to -Matangi, he became one of Ellamma's Vokkalu. - -"The Madigas," Mr. H. A. Stuart informs us, [134] "will not take food -or water from Pariahs, nor the latter from the former, a prejudice -which is taken advantage of in the Kalahasti Raja's stables to prevent -theft of gram by the Pariah horse-keepers, the raw gram being sprinkled -with water by Madigas in the sight of the Pariahs." - -There are Telugu proverbs to the effect that "under the magili system -of cultivation, even a Madiga will grow good crops," and "not even -a Madiga will sow before Malapunnama." - -Writing concerning the Madigas, [135] the Rev. H. Huizinga states that -"they live in hamlets at a respectable distance from the villages of -the caste people, by whom they are greatly despised. Their habits -are squalid in the extreme, and the odour of a Madiga hamlet is -revolting. They perform all the lowest kinds of service for the caste -people, especially bearing burdens and working in leather. They take -charge of the ox or buffalo as soon as it dies. They remove the skin -and tan it, and eat the loathsome carcase, which makes them specially -despised, and renders their touch polluting. Some of the skins are -used for covering the rude drums that are so largely used in Hindu -festivals, and beaten in honour of the village deities. The caste men -impress the Madigas into their service, not only to make the drums, -but also to beat them at their feasts. It may be mentioned that nearly -ten per cent. of the Madigas are nominal Christians, and, in some parts -of the Nellore district, the Christians form over half of the Madiga -population. This changes their habits of life and also their social -position. Eating of carrion is now forbidden, as well as beating of -drums at Hindu festivals, and their refusal in this particular often -leads to bitter persecution at the hands of the caste people. The -main duty of the Madigas is the curing and tanning of hides, and the -manufacture of rude leather articles, especially sandals, trappings -for bullocks, and large well-buckets used for irrigation. The process -of tanning with lime and tangedu (Cassia auriculata) bark is rough -and simple. [Tangedu is said [136] to be cut only by the Madigas, as -other classes think it beneath their dignity to do it.] As did their -forefathers, so the Madigas do to-day. The quality of the skins they -turn out is fair, and the state of the development of the native -leather trade compares very favourably with that of other trades -such as blacksmithy and carpentry. The Madiga's sandals are strong, -comfortable, and sometimes highly ornamental. His manner of working, -and his tools are as simple as his life. He often gets paid in kind, -a little fodder for his buffalo, so many measures of some cheap grain, -perhaps a few vegetables, etc. In the northern districts, the Madigas -are attached to one or more families of ryots, and are entitled to -the dead animals of their houses. Like the Vettiyan in the south, -the Madiga is paid in kind, and he has to supply sandals for the -ryots, belts for the bulls, and all the necessaries of agriculture; -and for these he has to find the requisite leather himself; but for -the larger articles, such as water-buckets, the master must find the -leather. Of late years there is a tendency observable among Madigas -to poach on each other's monopoly of certain houses, and among the -ryots themselves to dispense with the services of family Madigas, -and resort to the open market for their necessaries. In such cases, -the ryots demand payment from the Madigas for the skins of their -dead animals. The hides and skins, which remain after local demands -have been satisfied, are sold to merchants from the Tamil districts, -and there is generally a central agent, to whom the various sub-agents -send their collections, and by him they are dried and salted and sent -to Madras for tanning. In the Kistna district, children have little -leather strings hanging from the left shoulder, like the sacred cord -of the Brahman, from which is suspended a bag containing something -put in it by a Madiga, to charm away all forms of disease from the -infant wearer." - -In some places bones are collected by the Madigas for the Labbais -(Muhammadans), by whom they are exported to Bombay. - -The god of the temple at Tirupati appears annually to four persons in -different directions, east, west, north and south, and informs them -that he requires a shoe from each of them. They whitewash their houses, -worship the god, and spread rice-flour thickly on the floor of a room, -which is locked for the night. Next morning the mark of a huge foot is -found on the floor, and for this a shoe has to be made to fit. When -ready, it is taken in procession through the streets of the village, -and conveyed to Tirupati, where it is presented at the temple. Though -the makers of the shoes have worked in ignorance of each other's work, -the shoes brought from the north and south, and those from the east -and west, are believed to match, and make a pair. Though the worship -of these shoes is chiefly meant for the Pariahs, who are prohibited -from ascending the Tirupati hill, as a matter of fact all, without -distinction of caste, worship them. The shoes are placed in front -of the image of the god near the foot of the hill, and are said to -gradually wear out by the end of the year. - -At a pseudo-hook-swinging ceremony in the Bellary district, as carried -out at the present day, a Bedar is suspended by a cloth passed under -his arms. The Madigas always swing him, and have to provide the hide -ropes, which are used. [137] - -In an exceedingly interesting account of the festival of the village -goddess Uramma, at Kudligi in the Bellary district, Mr. F. Fawcett -writes as follows. "The Madiga Basivis (dedicated prostitutes) are -given alms, and join in the procession. A quantity of rice and ragi -flour is poured into a basket, over which one of the village servants -cuts the throat of a small black ram. The carcase is laid on the bloody -flour, and the whole covered with old cloths, and placed on the head -of a Madiga, who stands for some time in front of the goddess. The -goddess is then carried a few yards, the Madiga walking in front, -while a hole is dug close to her, and the basket of bloody flour -and the ram's carcase are buried. After some dancing by the Madiga -Basivis to the music of the tom-tom, the Madigas bring five new pots, -and worship them. A buffalo, devoted to the goddess after the last -festival, is then driven or dragged through the village with shouting -and tom-toming, walked round the temple, and beheaded by the Madiga -in front of the goddess. The head is placed in front of her with the -right foreleg in the mouth, and a lamp, lighted eight days previously, -is placed on top. All then start in procession round the village, -a Madiga, naked but for a few margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves, -and held by two others, leading the way. Behind him are all the other -Madigas, carrying six hundred seers of cholum (Sorghum: millet), -which they scatter; and, following them, all the other villagers. It -is daybreak, and the Madiga who led the way, the pujari (priest), -and the women who followed him, who have been fasting for more than -twenty-four hours, now eat. The Madiga is fed. This Madiga is said -to be in mortal terror while leading the procession, for the spirit -or influence of the goddess comes over him. He swoons before the -procession is completed. At noon the people collect again at Uramma's -temple, where a purchased buffalo is sacrificed. The head is placed -in front of the goddess as before, and removed at once for food. Then -those of the lower Sudra castes, and Madigas who are under vows, come -dressed in margosa leaves, with lamps on their heads, and sacrifice -buffaloes, sheep and goats to the goddess." A further account of -the festival of the village goddess Udisalamma, at Bandri in the -Bellary district, is given by Mr. Fawcett. "A Madiga," he writes, -"naked but for a few leaves round his waist, leads the procession, -and, following him, are Madigas with baskets. Fear of the goddess -comes on the Madiga. He swoons, and is carried to the temple, and -flung on the ground in front of the goddess. After a while he is -revived, bathed, and given new clothing. This man is one of a family, -in which this curious office is hereditary. He must be the son of a -married woman, not of a Basivi, and he must not be married. He fasts -from the beginning of the festival till he has done what is required -of him. A young ram--the sacrifice sheep--is taken up by one of the -Poturazus, as if it were a child, its hind legs at either side of his -waist and its forelegs over his shoulders, and he bites its throat -open and shows his bloody mouth to the people. He throws it down, -and the Madigas remove it." - -In an account of a festival, during times of epidemic, at Masulipatam, -Bishop Whitehead writes as follows. [138] "On the last day, a male -buffalo, called Devara potu (he who is devoted to the goddess), is -brought before the image, and its head cut off by the head Madiga -of the town. The blood is caught in a vessel, and sprinkled over -some boiled rice, and then the head, with the right foreleg in the -mouth, is placed before the shrine on a flat wicker basket, with -the rice and blood on another basket just below it. A lighted lamp -is placed on the head, and then another Madiga carries it on his -own head round the village, with a new cloth dipped in the blood of -the victim tied round its neck. This is regarded here and elsewhere -as a very inauspicious and dangerous office, and the headman of the -village has to offer considerable inducements to persuade a Madiga -to undertake it. Ropes are tied round his body and arms, and held -fast by men walking behind him, to prevent his being carried off by -evil spirits, and limes are cut in half and thrown into the air, -so that the demons may catch at them instead of at the man. It is -believed that gigantic demons sit on the tops of tall trees ready -to swoop down and carry him away, in order to get the rice and the -buffalo's head. The idea of carrying the head and rice round a village, -so the people said, is to draw a kind of cordon on every side of it, -and prevent the entrance of the evil spirits. Should any one in the -town refuse to subscribe for the festival, his house is omitted from -the procession, and left to the tender mercies of the devils. This -procession is called Bali-haranam, and in this (Kistna) district inams -(lands rent free) are held from Government by certain families of -Madigas for performing it. Besides the buffalo, large numbers of sheep -and goats, and fowls are sacrificed, each householder giving at least -one animal. The head Madiga, who kills the animals, takes the carcase, -and distributes the flesh among the members of his family. Often cases -come into the Courts to decide who has the right to kill them. As the -sacrifice cannot wait for the tedious processes of the law, the elders -of the village settle the question at once, pending an appeal to the -Court. But, in the town of Masulipatam, a Madiga is specially licensed -by the Municipality for the purpose, and all disputes are avoided." - -In some localities, during epidemics of small-pox or cholera, the -Madigas celebrate a festival in honour of Mariamma, for the expenses -of which a general subscription is raised, to which all castes -contribute. A booth is erected in a grove, or beneath a margosa or -Strychnos Nux-vomica tree, within which a decorated pot (karagam) is -placed on a platform. The pot is usually filled with water, and its -mouth closed by a cocoanut. In front of the pot a screen is set up, -and covered with a white cloth, on which rice, plantains, and cakes are -placed, with a mass of flour, in which a cavity is scooped out to hold -a lighted wick fed with ghi (clarified butter), or gingelly oil. A -goat is sacrificed, and its head, with a flour-light on it, placed -close to the pot. The food, which has been offered to the goddess, -is distributed, On the last day of the festival, the pot is carried -in procession through the village, and goats are sacrificed at the -four cardinal points of the compass. The pot is deposited at a spot -where three roads meet, and a goat, pumpkins, limes, flowers, etc., -are offered to it. Everything,except the pot, is left on the spot. - -The Madigas sometimes call themselves Jambavas, and claim to be -descended from Jambu or Adi Jambuvadu, who is perhaps the Jambuvan of -the Ramayana. Some Madigas, called Sindhuvallu, go about acting scenes -from the Mahabaratha and Ramayana, or the story of Ankalamma. They -also assert that they fell to their present low position as the result -of a curse, and tell the following story. Kamadhenu, the sacred cow -of the Puranas, was yielding plenty of milk, which the Devas alone -used. Vellamanu, a Madiga boy, was anxious to taste the milk, but was -advised by Adi Jambuvadu to abstain from it. He, however, secured some -by stealth, and thought that the flesh would be sweeter still. Learning -this, Kamadhenu died. The Devas cut its carcase into four parts, of -which they gave one to Adi Jambuvadu. But they wanted the cow brought -back to life, and each brought his share of it for the purpose of -reconstruction. But Vellamanu had cut a bit of the flesh, boiled it, -and breathed on it, so that, when the animal was recalled to life, -its chin sank, as the flesh thereof had been defiled. This led to the -sinking of the Madigas in the social scale. The following variant of -this legend is given in the Mysore Census Report, 1891. "At a remote -period, Jambava Rishi, a sage, was one day questioned by Isvara (Siva) -why the former was habitually late at the Divine Court. The rishi -replied that he had personally to attend to the wants of his children -every day, which consequently made his attendance late: whereupon -Isvara, pitying the children, gave the rishi a cow (Kamadhenu), which -instantaneously supplied their every want. Once upon a time, while -Jambava was absent at Isvara's Court, another rishi, named Sankya, -visited Jambava's hermitage, where he was hospitably entertained by -his son Yugamuni. While taking his meals, the cream that had been -served was so savoury that the guest tried to induce Jambava's son -Yugamuni, to kill the cow and eat her flesh; and, in spite of the -latter's refusal, Sankya killed the animal, and prevailed upon the -others to partake of the meat. On his return from Isvara's Court, -Jambava found the inmates of his hermitage eating the sacred cow's -beef; and took both Sankya and Yugamuni over to Isvara's Court for -judgment. Instead of entering, the two offenders remained outside, -Sankya rishi standing on the right side and Yugamuni on the left of -the doorway. Isvara seems to have cursed them to become Chandalas or -outcasts. Hence, Sankya's descendants are, from his having stood on -the right side, designated right-hand caste or Holayas; whilst those -who sprang from Yugamuni and his wife Matangi are called left-hand -caste or Madigas." The occupation of the latter is said also to be -founded on the belief that, by making shoes for people, the sin their -ancestors had committed by cow-killing would be expiated. This mode -of vicariously atoning for deliberate sin has passed into a facetious -proverb, 'So and so has killed the cow in order to make shoes from -the skin,' indicating the utter worthlessness and insufficiency of -the reparation. - -The Madigas claim to be the children of Matangi. "There was," -Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [139] "formerly a Matanga dynasty in -the Canarese country, and the Madigas are believed by some to be -descendants of people who were once a ruling race. Matangi is a -Sanskrit name for Kali, and it is possible that the Madigas once -played an important part in the worship of the god. The employment -of Chakkiliyans and Madiga women in Shakti worship gives some colour -to this supposition." According to Fleet [140] "the Matangas and -the Katachchuris are mentioned in connection with Mangalisa, who -was the younger brother and successor of Kirttivarma I, and whose -reign commenced in Saka 489 (A.D. 567-8), and terminated in Saka 532 -(A.D. 610-11). Of the Matangas nothing is known, except the mention -of them. But Matanga means 'a Chandala, a man of the lowest caste, -an outcast, a kirata mountaineer, a barbarian'; and the Madigas, -i.e., the Mahangs of this part of the country, usually call -themselves Matangimakkalu, i.e., the children of Matangi or Durga, -who is their goddess. It is probable, therefore, that the Matangas -of this inscription were some aboriginal family of but little -power, and not of sufficient importance to have left any record -of themselves." There are allusions to Matangas in the Ramayana, -and in Kadambari, a Sanskrit work, the chieftain of the Cabaras -is styled Matanga. The tutelary deity of the Madigas is Mathamma or -Matangi, who is said to be worshipped by the Komatis under the name of -Kanyakaparameswari. The relations between the Madigas and Komatis are -dealt with in the note on the latter caste. There is a legend to the -effect that Matangi was defeated by Parasu Rama, and concealed herself -from him under the tanning-pot in a Madiga's house. At the feast of -Pongal, the Madigas worship their tanning pots, as representing the -goddess, with offerings of fowls and liquor. In addition to Matangi, -the Madigas worship Kattamma, Kattappa, Dandumari, Muneswara, and -other deities. Some of their children are named after these deities, -while others receive Muhammadan names in fulfilment of vows made to -Masthan and other Pirs. - -When asked concerning their caste, the Madigas always reply "Memu pedda -inti vallamu," i.e., we are of the big house. The following legend is -current in the Cuddapah district concerning a pool in the Rayachoti -taluk called Akkadevatalakolam, or the pool of the holy sisters. "A -thousand years ago, there lived near the pool a king, who ruled over -all this part of the country. The king had as his commander-in-chief -a Madiga. This Madiga made himself powerful and independent, and built -himself a residence on a hill still called Madiga Vanidoorgam. At last -he revolted, and defeated the king. On entering the king's palace, -he found seven beautiful virgins, the king's daughters, to all of whom -he at once made overtures of marriage. They declined the honour, and, -when the Madiga wished to use force, they all jumped into this pool, -and delivered their lives to the universal lord." [141] - -The following are some of the more important endogamous sub-divisions -among the Madigas:-- - - - Gampa dhompti, basket offering. - Ginna or thel dhompti, tray or cup offering. - Bhumi dhompti, earth offering. - Chatla dhompti, winnowing basket offering. - Sibbi dhompti, brass vessel offering. - Chadarapa dhompti, square space on the ground offering. - - -These sub-divisions are based on the way in which the members thereof -offer food, etc., to their gods during marriages, e.g., a Gampa dhompti -places it in a basket, a Bhumi dhompti on the floor. Each sub-division -possesses many exogamous septs, of which the following are examples:-- - - - Belli, silver. - Chinthala, tamarind. - Chatla, winnowing basket. - Darala, thread. - Emme, buffalo. - Gavala, cowry shells. - Golkonda, a town. - Jalam, slowness. - Kambha, post. - Kappala, frog. - Kalahasti, a town. - Kaththe, donkey. - Kaththi, knife. - Kudumala, cake. - Kuncham, tassel. - Midathala, locust. - Mallela, or malli, jasmine. - Nannuru, four hundred. - Pothula, buffalo. - Pasula, cow. - Ragi, Eleusine Coracana. - Sikili, broom. - Thela, scorpion. - - -There seems to be some connection between the Madigas, the Mutrachas, -and Gollas. For, at times of marriage, the Madiga sets aside one -thambulam (betel leaf and areca nut) for the Mutracha, and, in -some places, extends the honour to the Golla also. At the marriage -ceremonies of the Puni Gollas, an elaborate and costly form of Ganga -worship is performed, in connection with which it is the Madiga -musicians, called Madiga Pambala vandlu, who draw the designs in -colour-powders on the floor. - -The Madigas observe the panchayat or tribal council system for the -adjustment of disputes, and settlement of various questions at issue -among members of the community. The headman is called Pedda (big) -Madiga, whose office is hereditary; and he is assisted by two elected -officers called Dharmakartha and Kulambantrothu. - -Widow remarriage (udike) is freely permitted, and the woman and her -children are received in Madiga society. But care is taken that -no one but the contracting parties and widows shall witness the -marriage ceremony, and no one but a widower is allowed to avail -himself of the form. [142] A man may get a divorce from his wife -by payment to her of a few rupees. But no money is given to her, -if she has been guilty of adultery. The bride's price varies in -amount, being higher if she has to cross a river. The elaborate -marriage ceremonial conforms to the Telugu type, but some of the -details may be recorded. On the muhurtham (wedding) day, a ceremony -called pradhanam (chief thing) is performed. A sheep is sacrificed -to the marriage (araveni) pots. The sacrificer dips his hands in the -blood of the animal, and impresses the blood on his palms on the wall -near the door leading to the room in which the pots are kept. The -bridegroom's party bring betel nuts, limes, a golden bead, a bonthu -(unbleached cotton thread), rice, and turmeric paste. The maternal -uncle of the bride gives five betel leaves and areca nuts to the -Pedda Madiga, and, putting the bonthu round the bride's neck, ties -the golden bead thereon. The ceremony concludes with the distribution -of pan-supari in the following order: ancestors, Mutrachas, Gollas, -Madigas, the Pedda Madiga, and the assembled guests. The Pedda Madiga -has to lift, at one try, a tray containing cocoanuts and betel with -his right hand. In his hand he holds a knife, of which the blade is -passed over the forefinger, beneath the middle and fourth fingers, -and over the little finger. This ceremony is called thonuku thambulam, -or betel and nuts likely to be spilt on the floor. The bridegroom, -after a bath, proceeds to the temple, where cloths, the bashingam, -bottu (marriage badge), etc., are placed in front of the god, and then -taken to a jammi tree (Prosopis spicigera), which is worshipped. The -bottu is usually a disc of gold, but, if the family is hard-up, -or in cases of widow remarriage, a bit of turmeric or folded mango -leaf serves as a substitute for it. On the third day, the wrist -threads (kankanam) are removed, and dhomptis, or offerings of food -to the gods, are made, with variations according to the dhompti to -which the celebrants belong. An illustration may be taken from the -Gampa dhompti. The contracting parties procure a quantity of rice, -jaggery (crude sugar), and ghi (clarified butter), which are cooked, -and moulded into an elongated mass, and placed in a new bamboo basket -(gampa). In the middle of the mass, which is determined with a string, -a twig, with a wick at one end, is set up, and two similar twigs are -stuck into the ends of the mass. Puja (worship) is performed, and -the mass is distributed among the daughters of the house and other -near relations, but not among members of other dhomptis. The bride -and bridegroom take a small portion from the mass, which is called -dhonga muddha, or the mass that is stolen. The bottu is said [143] -to be "usually tied by the Madiga priest known as the Thavatiga, or -drummer. This office is hereditary, but each successor to it has to -be regularly ordained by a Kuruba guru at the local Madiga shrine, -the chief item in the ceremony being tying round the neck of the -candidate a thread bearing a representation of the goddess, and on -either side of this five white beads. Henceforth the Thavatiga is -on no account to engage in the caste profession of leather-work, but -lives on fees collected at weddings, and by begging. He goes round to -the houses of the caste with a little drum slung over his shoulder, -and collects contributions." - -The Madiga marriages are said to be conducted with much brawling -and noise, owing to the quantity of liquor consumed on such -occasions. Among the Madigas, as among the Kammas, Gangimakkulu, and -Malas, marriage is said not to be consummated until three months after -its celebration. This is apparently because it is considered unlucky -to have three heads of a household within a year of marriage. By the -delay, the birth of the child should take place only in the second -year, so that, during the first year, there will be only two heads, -husband and wife. - -At the first menstrual period a girl is under pollution for ten days, -when she bathes. Betel leaves and nuts, and a rupee are placed in -front of the Pedda Madiga, who takes a portion thereof for himself, -and distributes what remains among those who have assembled. Sometimes, -just before the return of the girl to the house, a sheep is killed -in front of the door, and a mark made on her face with the blood. - -The Madigas dispose of their dead both by burial and cremation. The -body is said to be "buried naked, except for a few leaves. Children are -interred face downwards. Pregnant women are burnt. The bier is usually -made of the milk-hedge (Euphorbia Tirucalli) plant." [144] The grave -is dug by a Mala Vettivadu. The chinnadhinam ceremony is performed -on the third day. On the grave a mass of mud is shaped into the form -of an idol, to which are offered rice, cocoanuts, and jaggery (crude -sugar) placed on leaves, one of which is set apart for the crows. Three -stones are arranged in the form of a triangle, and on them is set a pot -filled with water, which trickles out of holes made in the bottom of -the pot. The peddadhinam is performed, from preference on a Wednesday -or Sunday, towards the close of the third week after death. The son, -or other celebrant of the rites, sets three stones on the grave, -and offers food thereto. Food is also offered to the crows by the -relations of the deceased, and thrown into a river or tank (pond), -if the crows do not eat it. They all go to a tank, and make on the -bank thereof an effigy, if the dead person was a female. To married -women, winnows and glass bangles are offered. The bangles of a widow, -and waist-thread of a widower, are removed within an enclosure on the -bank. At night stories of Ankamma and Matangi are recited by Bainedus -or Pambalas, and if a Matangi is available, homage is done to her. - -In some places, Madigas have their own washermen and barbers. But, -in the northern districts, the caste washerman does their washing, -the cloths being steeped in water, and left for the washerman to -take. "The Madigas," Mr. Francis writes, [145] "may not use the wells -of the better classes, though, when water is scarce, they get over this -last prohibition by employing some one in the higher ranks to draw -water for them from such wells, and pour it into their chatties. In -other districts they have to act as their own barbers and washermen, -but in Anantapur this disability is somewhat relaxed, as the barbers -make no objection to let them (and other low castes such as the Malas) -use their razors for a consideration, and the dhobis will wash their -clothes, as long as they themselves first unroll them, and dip them -into the water. This act is held to remove the pollution, which would -otherwise attach to them." - -Like many castes, the Madigas have beggar classes attached to their -community, who are called Dakkali and Mastiga. The Dakkalis may not -enter the Madiga settlement. They sing songs in praise of the Madigas, -who willingly remunerate them, as their curses are believed to be -very effective. The Mastigas may enter the settlement, but not the -huts. It is said to be a good omen to a Lingayat, if he sees a Madiga -coming in front. - -Gosangi is often used as a synonym for Madiga. Another synonym is -Puravabatta, which is said to mean people older than the world by -six months. At the Madras census, 1901, Chakara, Chundi, and Pavini -or Vayani were returned as sub-castes, and Mayikkan was taken as the -Malabar equivalent for Madiga. - -Concerning the Madigas of Mysore, Mr. T. Ananda Row writes as -follows. [146] "The Madigas are by religion Vaishnavites, Saivites, -and Sakteyas, and have five different gurus belonging to mutts at -Kadave, Kodihalli, Kongarli, Nelamangala, and Konkallu. The tribe is -sometimes called Jambava or Matanga. It is divided into two independent -sub-divisions, the Desabhaga and the others, between whom there is -no intermarriage. The former, though under the above named mutts, -acknowledge Srivaishnava Brahmins as their gurus, to whom they -pay homage on all ceremonial occasions. The Desabhaga division has -six sub-classes, viz.: Billoru (bowmen); Malloru (mallu = fight?); -Amaravatiyavaru (after a town); Munigalu (Muni or rishi); Yenamaloru -(buffalo); Morabuvvadavaru (those who place food in a winnow). The -Madigas are mostly field labourers, but some of them till land, -either leased or their own. In urban localities, on account of -the value in the rise of skins, they have attained to considerable -affluence, both on account of the hides supplied by them, and their -work as tanners, shoe-makers, etc. Only 355 persons returned gotras, -such as Matangi, Mareecha, and Jambava-rishi." At the Mysore census, -1891, some Madigas actually returned themselves as Matanga Brahmans, -producing for the occasion a certain so-called Purana as their charter. - -Madivala.--See Agasa. - -Madukkaran.--See Gangeddu. - -Madurai.--The name of a sub-division of Shanan, apparently meaning -sweet liquor, and not the town of Madura. - -Magadha Kani.--Recorded, at times of census, as a sub-division of -Bhatrazu. - -Maggam.--Maggam, Magga, and Maggada, meaning loom, have been recorded -as exogamous septs of Kurubas, Malas, and Holeyas, some of whom -are weavers. - -Maghadulu.--A sub-division of Bhatrazu, named after one Maghade, -who is said to have been herald at the marriage of Siva. - -Magili (Pandanus fascicularis).--A gotra of Tsakalas and Panta -Reddis, by whom the products of the tree may not be touched. The -Panta Reddi women of this gotra will not, like those of other castes, -use the flower-bracts for the purpose of adorning themselves. There -is a belief, in Southern India, that the fragrant male inflorescence -harbours a tiny snake, which is more deadly than the cobra, and that -incautious smelling thereof may lead to death. - -Magura.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small caste -of Oriya leaf-plate makers and shikaris (huntsmen). The name is said to -be derived from magora, meaning one who traces foot-paths and tracks. - -Mahadev.--A synonym of Daira Muhammadan. - -Mahankudo.--A title of Gaudo and Gudiya. The headman of the latter -caste goes by this name. - -Mahant.--The Mahant is the secular head and trustee of the temple at -Tirumala (Upper Tirupati) in the North Arcot district, and looks after -the worldly affairs of the swami (god). "Tirupati," Mr. H. A. Stuart -writes, [147] "unlike most other temples, has no dancing-girls -attached to it, and not to be strictly continent upon the sacred hill -is a deadly sin. Of late years, however, even celibate Bairagis and -priests take their paramours up with them, and the pilgrims follow -suit. Everything is held to betoken the approaching downfall of -the temple's greatness. The irregular life of the Mahant Balaram -Das sixty years ago caused a great ferment, though similar conduct -now would probably hardly attract notice. He was ejected from his -office by the unanimous voice of his disciples, and one Govardhan -Das, whose life was consistent with the holy office, was elected, -and installed in the math (monastery) near the temple. Balaram Das, -however, collected a body of disbanded peons from the palaiyams, -and, arming them, made an attack upon the building. The walls were -scaled, and the new Mahant with his disciples shut themselves up in -an inner apartment. In an attempt at rescue, one man was killed, and -three were seriously wounded. A police force was sent to co-operate -with the Tirupati poligars (feudal chiefs), but could effect nothing -till the insurgent peons were threatened with the loss of all their -lands. This broke up the band, and Balaram Das' followers deserted -him. When the gates were broken open, it was found that he and a few -staunch followers had committed suicide. But perhaps the greatest -scandal which has occurred in the history of the math was that -which ended in the conviction of the present Mahant's predecessor, -Bhagavan Das. He was charged with having misappropriated a number of -gold coins of considerable value, which were supposed to have been -buried beneath the great flagstaff. A search warrant was granted, -and it was discovered that the buried vessels only contained copper -coins. The Mahant was convicted of the misappropriation of the gold, -and was sentenced to two years' rigorous imprisonment, but this was -reduced to one year by the High Court. On being released from jail, -he made an effort to oust his successor, and acquire possession of -the math by force. For this he was again sent to jail, for six months, -and required to furnish security to be of good behaviour." - -It is recorded by Sir M. E. Grant Duff, [148] formerly Governor -of Madras, that "while the municipal address was being read to me, -a huge elephant, belonging to the Zemindar of Kalahastri, a great -temporal chief, charged a smaller elephant belonging to the Mahant -or High Priest of Tripaty, thus disestablishing the church much more -rapidly, alas! than we did in Ireland." - -Mahanti.--Mahanti is, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, defined as "a -caste akin to the Koronos or Karnams (writers and accountants). The -name is sometimes taken by persons excommunicated from other -castes." The word means great, or prestige. According to a note -submitted to me, the Mahantis gradually became Karnams, with the -title of Patnaik, but there is no intermarriage between them and -the higher classes of Karnams. The Mahantis of Orissa are said to -still maintain their respectability, whereas in Ganjam they have as -a class degenerated, so much so that the term Mahanti is now held up -to ridicule. - -Mahapatro.--Said to be a title sold by the caste council to -Khoduras. Also a title of Badhoyis, and other Oriya castes. - -Maharana.--A title of Badhoyi. - -Maheswara (Siva).--A synonym of Jangams (priests of the Lingayats). The -Jangams of the Silavants, for example, are known by this name. - -Mailari.--The Mailaris are a class of beggars, who are said [149] to -"call themselves a sub-division of the Balijas, and beg from Komatis -only. Their ancestors were servants of Kannyakammavaru (or Kannika -Amma, the virgin goddess of the Komatis), who burnt herself to avoid -falling into the hands of Raja Vishnu Vardhana. On this account, they -have the privilege of collecting certain fees from all the Komatis. The -fee, in the Kurnool district, is eight annas per house. When he demands -the fee, a Mailari appears in full dress (kasi), which consists of -brass human heads tied to his loins, and brass cups to his head; -a looking-glass on the abdomen; a bell ringing from his girdle; a -bangle on his forearm ; and wooden shoes on his feet. In this dress -he walks, holding an umbrella, through the streets, and demands his -fee. If the fee is not paid, he again appears, in a more frightful -form called Bhuthakasi. He shaves his whiskers, and, almost naked, -proceeds to the burning-ground, where he makes rati, or different kinds -of coloured rice, and, going to the Komatis, extorts his fee." I am -informed that the Mailaris travel about with an image of Kannyakamma, -which they exhibit, while they sing in Telugu the story of her life. - -The Mailaris are stated, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, to be -also called Bala Jangam. Mailari (washerman) is also an exogamous -sept of the Malas. - -Majji.--Recorded as a title of Bagatas, Doluvas, and Kurumos, and as a -sept of Nagaralus. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, it is described -as a title given to the head peons of Bissoyis in the Maliahs. - -Majjiga (butter-milk).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Majjula.--A sub-division of Korono. - -Majjulu.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "cultivators -in Vizagapatam, and shikaris (hunters) and fishermen in Ganjam. They -have two endogamous divisions, the Majjulus and the Racha Majjulus, -the members of the latter of which wear the sacred thread, and will -not eat with the former. In their customs they closely resemble the -Kapus, of which caste they are perhaps a sub-division. For their -ceremonies they employ Oriya Brahmans, and Telugu Nambis. Widow -marriage is allowed. They burn their dead, and are said to perform -sraddhas (memorial services). They worship all the village gods and -goddesses, and eat meat. They have no titles." - -Makado (monkey).--An exogamous sept of Bottada. - -Makkathayam.--The name, in the Malayalam country, for the law of -inheritance from father to son. The Canarese equivalent thereof is -makkalsanthanam. - -Mala.--"The Malas," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [150] "are the Pariahs of -the Telugu country. Dr. Oppert derives the word from a Dravidian root -meaning a mountain, which is represented by the Tamil malai, Telugu -mala, etc., so that Mala is the equivalent of Paraiyan, and also -of Mar or Mhar and the Mal of Western and Central Bengal. I cannot -say whether there is sufficient ground for the assumption that the -vowel of a Dravidian root can be lengthened in this way. I know of -no other derivation of Mala. [In C. P. Brown's Telugu Dictionary it -is derived from maila, dirty.] The Malas are almost equally inferior -in position to the Madigas. They eat beef and drink heavily, and are -debarred entrance to the temples and the use of the ordinary village -wells, and have to serve as their own barbers and washermen. They -are the musicians of the community, and many of them (for example in -the villages near Jammalamadugu in the Cuddapah district) weave the -coarse white cotton fabrics usually worn by men." - -The Malas will not take water from the same well as the Madigas, -whom they despise for eating carrion, though they eat beef themselves. - -Both Malas and Tamil Paraiyans belong to the right-hand section. In -the Bellary district the Malas are considered to be the servants of -the Banajigas (traders), for whom they do certain services, and act -as caste messengers (chalavathi) on the occasion of marriages and -funerals. At marriages, six Malas selected from certain families, lead -the procession, carrying flags, etc., and sit in the pial (verandah) -of the marriage house. At funerals, a Mala carries the brass ladle -bearing the insignia of the right-hand section, which is the emblem -of the authority of the Desai or headman of the section. - -The Malas have their own dancing girls (Basavis), barbers, and -musicians (Bainedus), Dasaris or priests, and beggars and bards called -Mastigas and Pambalas (drum people), who earn their living by reciting -stories of Ankamma, etc., during the funeral ceremonies of some Telugu -castes, acting as musicians at marriages and festivals to the deities, -begging, and telling fortunes. Other beggars are called Nityula -(Nitiyadasu, immortal). In some places, Tsakalas (washerman caste) -will wash for the Malas, but the clothes must be steeped in water, -and left till the Tsakala comes for them. The Malas will not eat -food prepared or touched by Kamsalas, Medaras, Madigas, Beri Chettis, -Boyas, or Bhatrazus. The condition of the Malas has, in recent times, -been ameliorated by their reception into mission schools. - -In a case, which came before the High Court of Madras on appeal a few -years ago, a Mala, who was a convert to Christianity, was sentenced -to confinement in the stocks for using abusive language. The Judge, -in summing up, stated that "the test seems to be not what is the -offender's creed, whether Muhammadan, Christian, or Hindu, but what is -his caste. If he belongs to one of the lower castes, a change of creed -would not of itself, in my judgment, make any difference, provided he -continues to belong to the caste. If he continues to accept the rules -of the caste in social and moral matters, acknowledges the authority of -the headmen, takes part in caste meetings and ceremonies, and, in fact, -generally continues to belong to the castes, then, in my judgment, he -would be within the purview of the regulation. If, on the other hand, -he adopts the moral standards of Christianity instead of those in his -caste, if he accepts the authority of his pastors and teachers in place -of that of the headman of the caste, if he no longer takes part in -the distinctive meetings and ceremonies of the caste ... then he can -no longer be said to belong to one of the lower castes of the people, -and his punishment by confinement in the stocks is no longer legal." - -Between the Malas and Madigas there is no love lost, and the latter -never allow the former, on the occasion of a festival, to go in -palanquins or ride on horseback. Quite recently, in the Nellore -district, a horse was being led at the head of a Madiga marriage -procession, and the Malas followed, to see whether the bridegroom -would mount it. To the disgust of the Madigas, the young man refused -to get on it, from fear lest he should fall off. - -The Malas will not touch leather shoes, and, if they are slippered -with them, a fine is inflicted, and the money spent on drink. - -Of the share which the Malas take in a village festival in the Cuddapah -district, an excellent account is given by Bishop Whitehead. [151] -"The village officials and leading ryots," he writes, "collect money -for the festival, and buy, among other things, a barren sheep and -two lambs. Peddamma and Chinnamma are represented by clay images of -female form made for the occasion, and placed in a temporary shrine -of cloth stretched over four poles. On the appointed evening, rice is -brought, and poured out in front of the idol by the potter, and rice, -ghi (clarified butter), and curds are poured on the top of it. The -victims are then brought, and their heads cut off by a washerman. The -heads are placed on the ground before the idol. The people then pour -water on the heads, and say 'speak' (paluku). If the mouth opens, -it is regarded as a sign that the goddess is propitious. Next, a -large pot of boiled cholam (millet) is brought, and poured in a heap -before the image, a little further away than the rice. Two buffaloes -are then brought by the Malas and Madigas. One of the Malas, called -the Asadi, chants the praises of the goddess during the ceremony. The -animals are killed by a Madiga, by cutting their throats with a knife, -one being offered to Peddamma, and the other to Chinnamma. Some of -the cholam is then taken in baskets, and put under the throat of the -buffaloes till it is soaked with blood, and then put aside. A Madiga -then cuts off the heads of the buffaloes with a sword, and places -them before the idol. He also cuts off one of the forelegs of each, -and puts it crosswise in the mouth. Some of the cholam is then put -on the two heads, and two small earthen saucers are put upon it. The -abdomens are then cut open, and some of the fat taken out, melted, -and put in each saucer with a lighted wick. A layer of fat is spread -over the eyes and mouths of the two heads, some of the refuse of the -stomach is mixed with the cholam soaked in blood, and a quantity of -margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves put over the cholam. The Asadi then -takes some of this mixture, and sprinkles it round the shrine, saying -'Ko, bali,' i.e., accept the sacrifice. Then the basket is given to -another Mala, who asks permission from the village officials and ryots -to sprinkle the cholam. He also asks that a lamb may be killed. The -lamb is killed by a washerman, and the blood allowed to flow into the -cholam in the basket. The bowels of the lamb are taken out, and tied -round the wrist of the Mala who holds the basket, and puts it round his -neck. He then goes and sprinkles the cholam mixed with blood, etc., in -some cases round the village, and in others before each house, shouting -'Ko, bali' as he goes. The people go in procession with him, carrying -swords and clubs to drive away evil spirits. During the procession, -limes are cut in half, and thrown into the air to propitiate evil -spirits. Other lambs are killed at intervals during the course of -the procession. In the afternoon, the carcases of the two buffaloes -offered the night before are taken away by the Malas and Madigas. One -is cut open, and some of the flesh cooked near the shrine. Part of it, -with some of the cholam offered before the images, is given to five -Mala children, called Siddhulu, i.e., holy or sinless, who, in some -cases, are covered with a cloth during the meal. The rest is eaten by -Malas. The remainder of the carcases is divided among the Malas and -Madigas, who take it to their own homes for a feast. The carcases of -the lambs belong to the Malas and washermen. The carcase of the barren -sheep is the perquisite of the village officials, though the Kurnam, -being a Brahmin, gives his portion away." - -At a festival to the village goddess which is held at Dowlaishweram -in the Godavari district once every three years, a buffalo is -sacrificed. "Votive offerings of pots of buttermilk are presented -to the goddess, who is taken outside the village, and the pots are -emptied there. The head of the buffalo and a pot of its blood are -carried round the village by a Mala, and a pig is sacrificed in an -unusual and cruel manner. It is buried up to its neck, and cattle -are driven over it until it is trampled to death. This is supposed -to ensure the health of men and cattle in the ensuing year." [152] - -In connection with a village festival in the Godavari district, -Bishop Whitehead writes as follows. [153] "At Ellore, which is a town -of considerable size and importance, I was told that in the annual -festival of Mahalakshmi about ten thousand animals are killed in one -day, rich people sending as many as twenty or thirty. The blood then -flows down into the fields behind the place of sacrifice in a regular -flood, and carts full of sand are brought to cover up what remains on -the spot. The heads are piled up in a heap about fifteen feet high in -front of the shrine, and a large earthen basin, about 1 1/2 feet in -diameter, is then filled with gingelly oil and put on the top of the -heap, a thick cotton wick being placed in the basin and lighted. The -animals are all worshipped with the usual namaskaram (folded hands -raised to the forehead) before they are killed. This slaughter of -victims goes on all day, and at midnight about twenty or twenty-five -buffaloes are sacrificed, their heads being cut off by a Madiga pujari -(priest), and, together with the carcases, thrown upon the large heaps -of rice, which have been presented to the goddess, till the rice is -soaked with blood. The rice is collected in about ten or fifteen large -baskets, and is carried on a large cart drawn by buffaloes or bullocks, -with the Madiga pujari seated on it. Madigas sprinkle the rice along -the streets and on the walls of the houses, as the cart goes along, -shouting poli, poli (food). A large body of men of different castes, -Pariahs and Sudras, go with the procession, but only the Madigas -and Malas (the two sections of the Pariahs) shout poli, the rest -following in silence. They have only two or three torches to show -them the way, and no tom-toms or music. Apparently the idea is that, -if they make a noise or display a blaze of lights, they will attract -the evil spirits, who will swoop down on them and do them some injury, -though in other villages it is supposed that a great deal of noise -and flourishing of sticks will keep the evil spirits at bay. Before -the procession starts, the heads of the buffaloes are put in front -of the shrine, with the right forelegs in their mouths, and the fat -from the entrails smeared about half an inch thick over the whole -face, and a large earthen lamp on the top of each head. The Pambalas -play tom-toms, and chant a long story about Gangamma till daybreak, -and about 8 A.M. they put the buffalo heads into separate baskets -with the lighted lamps upon them, and these are carried in procession -through the town to the sound of tom-toms. All castes follow, shouting -and singing. In former times, I was told, there was a good deal of -fighting and disturbance during this procession, but now the police -maintain order. When the procession arrives at the municipal limits, -the heads are thrown over the boundary, and left there. The people -then all bathe in the canal, and return home. On the last day of the -festival, which, I may remark, lasts for about three months, a small -cart is made of margosa wood, and a stake fixed at each of the four -corners, and a pig and a fowl are tied to each stake, while a fruit, -called dubakaya, is impaled on it instead of the animal. A yellow -cloth, sprinkled with the blood of the buffaloes, is tied round the -sides of the cart, and some margosa leaves are tied round the cloth. A -Pambala sits on the cart, to which are fastened two large ropes, each -about 200 yards long. Then men of all castes, without distinction, -lay hold of the ropes, and drag the cart round the town to the sound -of tom-toms and music. Finally it is brought outside the municipal -limits and left there, the Pariahs taking away the animals and fruits." - -The following detailed account of the Peddamma or Sunkulamma jatra -(festival) in the Kurnool district, is given in the Manual. "This is -a ceremony strictly local, in which the entire community of a village -takes part, and which all outsiders are excluded from participating -in. It is performed whenever a series of crops successively fail or -cattle die in large numbers of murrain, and is peculiarly adapted, -by the horrible nature of the attendant rites and the midnight hour -chosen for the exhibition of its most ghastly scenes, to impress -the minds of an ignorant people with a belief in its efficacy. When -the celebration of the jatra is resolved on, a dark Tuesday night is -selected for it, and subscriptions are collected and deposited with -the Reddi (headman) or some respectable man in the village. Messengers -are sent off to give intimation of the day fixed for the jatra to -the Bynenivadu, Bhutabaligadu, and Poturaju, three of the principal -actors in the ceremony. At the same time a buffalo is purchased, and, -after having its horns painted with saffron (turmeric) and adorned -with margosa leaves, is taken round the village in procession with -tom-toms beating, and specially devoted to the sacrifice of the -goddess Peddamma or Sunkulamma on the morning of the Tuesday on which -the ceremony is to take place. The village potter and carpenter are -sent for, and ordered to have ready by that evening two images of -the goddess, one of clay and the other of juvi wood, and a new cloth -and a quantity of rice and dholl (peas: Cajanus indicus) are given -to each of them. When the images are made, they are dressed with -the new cloths, and the rice and dholl are cooked and offered as -naivedyam to the images. In some villages only one image, of clay, -is made. Meanwhile the villagers are busy erecting a pandal (booth) -in front of the village chavidi (caste meeting-house), underneath -which a small temple is erected of cholam straw. The Bynenivadu takes -a handful of earth, and places it inside this little temple, and the -village washerman builds a small pyal (dais) with it, and decorates -it with rati (streaks of different coloured powders). New pots are -distributed by the potter to the villagers, who, according to their -respective capabilities, have a large or small quantity of rice cooked -in them, to be offered as kumbham at the proper time. After dark, when -these preparations are over, the entire village community, including -the twelve classes of village servants, turn out in a body, and, -preceded by the Bynenivadu and Asadivandlu, proceed in procession -with music playing to the house of the village potter. There the -image of the goddess is duly worshipped, and a quantity of raw rice -is tied round it with a cloth. A ram is sacrificed on the spot, and -several limes are cut and thrown away. Borne on the shoulders of the -potter, the image is then taken through the streets of the village, -Bynenivadu and Asadivandlu dancing and capering all the way, and the -streets being drenched with the blood of several rams sacrificed at -every turning of the road, and strewed with hundreds of limes cut and -thrown away. The image is then finally deposited in the temple of straw -already referred to, and another sheep is sacrificed as soon as this is -done. The wooden image, made by the carpenter, is also brought in with -the same formalities, and placed by the side of the image of clay. A -pot of toddy is similarly brought in from the house of the Idigavadu -(toddy-drawer), and set before the images. Now the devarapotu, or -buffalo specially devoted to the sacrifice of the goddess, is led -in from the Reddi's house in procession, together with a sheep and a -large pot of cooked rice. The rice in the pot is emptied in front of -the images and formed into a heap, which is called the kumbham, and -to it are added the contents of many new pots, which the villagers -have ready filled with cooked rice. The sheep is then sacrificed, -and its blood shed on the heap. Next comes the turn of the devarapotu, -the blood of which also, after it has been killed, is poured over the -rice heap. This is followed by the slaughter of many more buffaloes -and sheep by individuals of the community, who might have taken vows to -offer sacrifices to the goddess on this occasion. While the carnage is -going on, a strict watch is kept on all sides, to see that no outsider -enters the village, or steals away any portion of the blood of the -slaughtered animals, as it is believed that all the benefit which -the villagers hope to reap from the performance of the jatra will be -lost to them if an outsider should succeed in taking away a little -of the blood to his village. The sacrifice being over, the head and -leg of one of the slaughtered buffaloes are severed from its body, -and placed before the goddess with the leg inserted into the mouth -of the head. Over this head is placed a lighted lamp, which is fed -with oil and buffalo's fat. Now starts a fresh procession to go round -the village streets. A portion of the kumbham or blood-stained rice -heaped up before the image is gathered into two or three baskets, and -carried with the procession by washermen or Madigas. The Bhutabaligadu -now steps forward in a state of perfect nudity, with his body clean -shaven from top to toe, and smeared all over with gore, and, taking -up handfuls of rice (called poli) from the baskets, scatters them -broadcast over the streets. As the procession passes on, bhutams or -supernatural beings are supposed to become visible at short distances -to the carriers of the rice baskets, who pretend to fall into trances, -and, complaining of thirst, call for more blood to quench it. Every -time this happens, a fresh sheep is sacrificed, and sometimes limes are -cut and thrown in their way. The main streets being thus sprinkled over -with poli or blood-stained rice, the lanes or gulleys are attended -to by the washermen of the village, who give them their share of -the poli. By this time generally the day dawns, and the goddess is -brought back to her straw temple, where she again receives offerings -of cooked rice from all classes of people in the village, Brahmins -downwards. All the while, the Asadivandlu keep singing and dancing -before the goddess. As the day advances, a pig is half buried at the -entrance of the village, and all the village cattle are driven over -it. The cattle are sprinkled over with poli as they pass over the -pig. The Poturaju then bathes and purifies himself, and goes to the -temple of Lingamayya or Siva with tom-toms and music, and sacrifices -a sheep there. The jatra ends with another grand procession, in which -the images of the goddess, borne on the heads of the village potter -and carpenter, are carried to the outskirts of the village, where -they are left. As the villagers return home, they pull to pieces the -straw temple constructed in front of the chavidi, and each man takes -home a straw, which he preserves as a sacred relic. From the day the -ceremony is commenced in the village till its close, no man would -go to a neighbouring village, or, if he does on pressing business, -he would return to sleep in his own village. It is believed that the -performance of this jatra will ensure prosperity and health to the -villagers and their cattle. - -"The origin of this Sunkulamma jatra is based on the following legend, -which is sung by the Byneni and Asadivandlu when they dance before the -images. Sunkulamma was the only daughter of a learned Brahmin pandit, -who occasionally took pupils, and instructed them in the Hindu shastras -gratuitously. One day, a handsome youth of sixteen years came to the -pandit, and, announcing himself as the son of a Brahmin of Benares -come in quest of knowledge, requested that he might be enlisted as -a pupil of the pandit. The pandit, not doubting the statement of the -youth that he was a Brahmin, took him as a pupil, and lodged him in -his own house. The lad soon displayed marks of intelligence, and, -by close application to his studies, made such rapid progress that he -became the principal favourite of his master, who was so much pleased -with him that, at the close of his studies, he married him to his -daughter Sunkulamma. The unknown youth stayed with his father-in-law -till he became father of some children, when he requested permission -to return to his native place with his wife and children, which was -granted, and he accordingly started on his homeward journey. On the -way he met a party of Mala people, who, recognising him at once as -a man of their own caste and a relation, accosted him, and began -to talk to him familiarly. Finding it impossible to conceal the -truth from his wife any longer, the husband of Sunkulamma confessed -to her that he was a Mala by caste, and, being moved by a strong -desire to learn the Hindu shastras, which he was forbidden to read, -he disguised himself as a Brahmin youth, and introduced himself to -her father and compassed his object; and, as what had been done in -respect to her could not be undone, the best thing she could do was -to stay with him with her children. Sunkulamma, however, was not to -be so persuaded. Indignant at the treachery practiced on her and her -parent, she spurned both her husband and children, and returning to -her village, sent for her parent, whose house she would not pollute -by going in, and asked him what he would do with a pot denied by -the touch of a dog. The father replied that he would commit it to -the flames to purify it. Taking the hint, she caused a funeral pile -to be erected, and committed suicide by throwing herself into the -flames. But, before doing so, she cursed the treacherous Mala who bad -polluted her that he might become a buffalo, and his children turn -into sheep, and vowed she would revive as an evil spirit, and have -him and his children sacrificed to her, and get his leg put into his -mouth, and a light placed on his head fed with his own fat." - -The following additional information in connection with the jatra -may be recorded. In some places, on a Tuesday fifteen days before -the festival, some Malas go in procession through the main streets -of the village without any noise or music. This is called mugi -chatu (dumb announcement). On the following Tuesday, the Malas go -through the streets, beating tom-toms, and proclaiming the forthcoming -ceremony. This is called chatu (announcement). In some villages, metal -idols are used. The image is usually in the custody of a Tsakala -(washerman). On the jatra day, he brings it fully decorated, and -sets it up on the Gangamma mitta (Gangamma's dais). In some places, -this is a permanent structure, and in others put up for the jatra at a -fixed spot. Asadis, Pambalas, and Bainedus, and Madiga Kommula vandlu -(horn-blowers) dance and sing until the goddess is lifted up from -the dais, when a number of burning torches are collected together, -and some resinous material is thrown into the flames. At the same -time, a cock is killed, and waved in front of the goddess by the -Tsakala. A mark is made with the blood on the forehead of the idol, -which is removed to a hut constructed by Malas with twigs of margosa -(Melia Azadirachta), Eugenia Jambolana and Vitex Negundo. In some -villages, when the goddess is brought in procession to the outskirts -of the village, a stick is thrown down in front of her. The Asadis -then sing songs, firstly of a most obscene character, and afterwards -in praise of the goddess. - -The following account of "the only Mala ascetic in Bharatavarsha" -(India) is given by Mr. M. N. Vincent. [154] The ascetic was living -on a hill in Bezwada, at the foot of which lay the hamlets of the -Malas. The man, Govindoo by name, "was a groom in the employ of -a Muhammadan Inspector of Police, and he was commissioned on one -occasion to take a horse to a certain town. He was executing his -commission, when, on the way, and not far from his destination, the -animal shied and fell into the Krishna river, and was swept along -the current, and poor Govindoo could not help it. But, knowing the -choleric temper of his employer, and in order to avoid a scolding, -he roamed at large, and eventually fell in with a company of Sadhus, -one of whose disciples he became, and practiced austerities, though -not for the full term, and settled eventually on the hill where we -saw him occupying the old cave dwelling of a former Sadhu. It appears -that there was something earthly in the man, Sadhu though he was, -as was evidenced from his relations with a woman votary or disciple, -and it was probably because of this phase of his character that some -people regarded him as a cheat and a rogue. But this unfavourable -impression was soon removed, and, since the time he slept on a bed of -sharp thorns, as it were in vindication of his character, faulty though -it had been, he has been honoured. A good trait in the man should be -mentioned, namely, that he wrote to his parents to give his wife in -marriage to some one else, as he had renounced his worldly ties." - -At Vanavolu, in the Hindupur taluk of the Anantapur district, -there is a temple to Rangaswami, at which the pujari (priest) is a -Mala. People of the upper castes frequent it, but do their own puja, -the Mala standing aside for the time. [155] - -It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that the chief object -of worship by the Balijas is Gauri, their caste deity. "It is said -that the Malas are the hereditary custodians of the idol of Gauri -and her jewels, which the Balijas get from them whenever they want -to worship her. The following story is told to account for this. The -Kapus and the Balijas, molested by the Muhammadan invaders on the -north of the river Pennar, migrated to the south when the Pennar was -in full flood. Being unable to cross the river, they invoked their -deity to make a passage for them, for which it demanded the sacrifice -of a first-born child. While they stood at a loss what to do, the -Malas, who followed them, boldly offered one of their children to the -goddess. Immediately the river divided before them, and the Kapus -and the Balijas crossed it, and were saved from the tyranny of the -Muhammadans. Ever since that time, the Malas have been respected by -the Kapus and Balijas, and the latter even deposited the images of -Gauri, the bull and Ganesa, which they worshipped in the house of -a Mala. I am credibly informed that the practice of leaving these -images in the custody of Malas is even now observed in some parts of -Cuddapah district and elsewhere." - -An expert Mala medicine-man has been known to prescribe for a Brahman -tahsildar (revenue officer), though the consultation was conducted -at a most respectful distance on the part of the honoured physician. - -Mala weavers are known as Netpanivandlu (Nethapani, weaving -work). According to the Census Report, 1891, the sub-divisions -of the Malas, which are numerically strongest, are Arava, Kanta, -Murikinadu, Pakanati, and Reddi Bhumi. To these may be added Sarindla, -Savu, Saindla, and Daindla. Concerning some of these divisions, -the following legend is current. A Mala married eighteen wives, one -from each kulam or tribal division. The god Poleramma, objecting to -the sacrifice of sheep and goats, wanted him to offer up a woman -and child in substitution for the animals, and the Mala broke the -news to his wives, one of whom eloped with a Reddi, and gave origin -to the Reddi Bhumis (bhumi, earth). Another ran away, and gave -rise to the Pakanatis (eastern country). A third hid herself, and -escaped by hiding. Hence her descendants are called Daindla vandlu, -concerning whom there is a proverb "Dagipoyina vandlu Daindla vandlu" -or "Those who escaped by hiding are Daindlas." One of the wives, -who fled to the forest, found her way out by clearing the jungle, -and her descendants are called Sarindla (straight). The wife who -consented to be sacrificed with her child was restored to life by -Poleramma, and gave rise to the Savu (death) or Saindla (belonging to -a death house) section. The Daindlas are said to be Tamil Paraiyans, -who settled down in the Telugu country, and adopted the manners and -customs of the Malas. Some call themselves Arava (Tamil) Malas. They -are employed as servants in European houses, horse-keepers, etc. - -In connection with the origin of the Malas, the Rev. S. Nicholson -writes as follows. "Originally the Malas belonged to the kudi paita -section of the community, i.e., their women wore the cloth over -the right shoulder, but now there are both right and left paita -sections, and this must be taken as the principal division. The -right-hand (right paita) section is again divided into (a) Reddi -Bhumalavaru, (b) Pokunativaru. The left-hand (left paita) section -are Murikinativaru. The following legend professes to account for the -existence of the three divisions. When Virabahuvu went to the rescue -of Harischandra, he promised Kali that, if she granted him success, he -would sacrifice to her his wives, of whom he had three. Accordingly, -after his conquest of Vishvamithrudu, he returned, and called his -wives that he might take them to the temple in order to fulfil his -vow. The wives got some inkling of what was in store for them, and -one of them took refuge in the house of a Reddi Bhumala, another -ran away to the eastern country (Pokunati), while the third, though -recently confined, and still in her dirty (muriki) cloth, determined -to abide by the wish of her lord. She was, therefore, sacrificed to -Kali, but the goddess, seeing her devotion, restored her to life, -and promised to remain for ever her helper. The reason given for -the change in the method of wearing the cloth is that, after the -incident described above took place, the women of the Murikinati -section, in order to express their disapproval of the two unfaithful -wives, began to wear their cloths on the opposite, viz., the left, -shoulder. In marriages, however, whatever the paita of the bride, -she must wear the cloth over the right shoulder. - -"The Reddi Bhumalu and Pokunativaru say that the reason they wear -the cloth over the right shoulder is that they are descendants of the -gods. According to a legend, the goddess Parvati, whilst on a journey -with her lord Parameshvarudu, discarded one of her unclean (maila) -cloths, from which was born a little boy. This boy was engaged as a -cattle-herd in the house of Parameshvarudu. Parvati received strict -injunctions from her lord that she should on no account allow the -little Mala to taste cream. One day, however, the boy discovered some -cream which had been scraped from the inside of the pot sticking to a -wall. He tasted it, and found it good. Indeed, so good was it that he -came to the conclusion that the udder from which it came must be even -better still. So one day, in order to test his theory, he killed the -cow. Then came Parameshvarudu in great anger, and asked him what he -had done, and, to his credit be it said, the boy told the truth. Then -Parameshvarudu cursed the lad and all his descendants, and said that -from henceforth cattle should be the meat of the Malas--the unclean." - -The Malas have, in their various sub-divisions, many exogamous septs, -of which the following are examples:-- - - -(a) Reddi Bhumi. - - Avuka, marsh. - Bandi, cart. - Bommala, dolls. - Bejjam, holes. - Dakku, fear. - Dhidla, platform or back-door. - Dhoma, gnat or mosquito. - Gera, street. - Kaila, measuring grain in threshing-floor. - Katika, collyrium. - Naththalu, snails. - Paida, money or gold. - Pilli, cat. - Rayi, stone. - Samudrala, ocean. - Silam, good conduct. - Thanda, bottom of a ship. - - -(b) Pokunati. - - Allam, ginger. - Dara, stream of water. - Gadi, cart. - Gone, sack. - Gurram, horse. - Maggam, loom. - Mailari, washerman. - Parvatha, mountain. - Pindi, flour-powder. - Pasala, cow. - Thummala, sneezing. - - -(c) Sarindla. - - Boori, a kind of cake. - Ballem, spear. - Bomidi, a fish. - Challa, butter milk. - Chinthala, tamarind. - Duddu, money. - Gali, wind. - Karna, ear. - Kaki, crow. - Mudi, knot. - Maddili, drum. - Malle, jasmine. - Putta, ant-hill. - Pamula, snake. - Pidigi, handful. - Semmati, hammer. - Uyyala, see-saw. - - -(d) Daindla. - - Dasari, priest. - Doddi, court or backyard. - Gonji, Glycosmis pentaphylla. - Kommala, horn. - Marri, Ficus bengalensis. - Pala, milk. - Powaku, tobacco. - Thumma, Acacia arabica. - - -Concerning the home of the Malas, Mr. Nicholson writes that "the -houses (with mud or stone walls, roofed with thatch or palmyra palm -leaves) are almost invariably placed quite apart from the village -proper. Gradually, as the caste system and fear of defilement become -less, so gradually the distance of their houses from the village is -becoming less. In the Ceded Districts, where from early times every -village was surrounded by a wall and moat, the aloofness of the houses -is very apparent. Gradually, however, the walls are decaying, and the -moats are being filled, and the physical separation of the outcaste -classes is becoming less apparent." - -Mr. Nicholson writes further that "according to their own traditions, -as told still by the old people and the religious mendicants, in former -times the Malas were a tribe of free lances, who, 'like the tiger, -slept during the day, and worked at night.' They were evidently the -paid mercenaries of the Poligars (feudal chiefs), and carried out -raids and committed robberies for the lord under whose protection they -were. That this tradition has some foundation may be gathered from the -fact that many of the house-names of the Malas refer to weapons of war, -e.g., spear, drum, etc. If reports are true, the old instinct is not -quite dead, and even to-day a cattle-stealing expedition comes not -amiss to some. The Malas belong to the subjugated race, and have been -made into the servants of the community. Very probably, in former days, -their services had to be rendered for nothing, but later certain inam -(rent-free) lands were granted, the produce of which was counted as -remuneration for service rendered. Originally, these lands were held -quite free of taxation, but, since the advent of the British Raj, -the village servants have all been paid a certain sum per month, -and, whilst still allowed the enjoyment of their inam lands, they -have now been assessed, and half the actual tax has to be paid to -Government. The services rendered by the Malas are temple service, -jatra or festival service, and village service. The village service -consists of sweeping, scavenging, carrying burdens, and grave-digging, -the last having been their perquisite for long ages. According to -them, the right was granted to them by King Harischandra himself. The -burial-grounds are supposed to belong to the Malas, and the site of a -grave must be paid for, the price varying according to the position and -wealth of the deceased, but I hear that, in our part of the country, -the price does not often exceed two pence. Though the Brahmans do -not bury, yet they must pay a fee of one rupee for the privilege of -burning, besides the fee for carrying the body to the ghat. There is -very little respect shown by the Malas at the burning-ghat, and the -fuel is thrown on with jokes and laughter. The Malas dig graves for -all castes which bury, except Muhammadans, Oddes, and Madigas. Not -only on the day of burial, but afterwards on the two occasions of -the ceremonies for the dead, the grave-diggers must be given food -and drink. The Malas are also used as death messengers to relatives -by all the Sudra castes. When on this work, the messenger must not -on any account go to the houses of his relatives though they live in -the village to which he has been sent. - -"The chief occupations of the Malas are weaving, and working as -farm labourers for Sudras; a few cultivate their own land. Though -formerly their inam lands were extensive, they have been, in the -majority of cases, mortgaged away. The Malas of the western part -of the Telugu country are of a superior type to those of the east, -and they have largely retained their lands, and, in some cases, are -well-to-do cultivators. In the east, weaving is the staple industry, -and it is still carried on with the most primitive instruments. In -one corner of a room stands the loom, with a hole in the mud floor -to receive the treadles, and a little window in the wall, level with -the floor, lights the web. The loom itself is slung from the rafters, -and the whole can be folded up and put away in a corner. As a rule, -weaving lasts for eight months of the year, the remainder of the -year being occupied in reaping and stacking crops, etc. Each weaver -has his own customers, and very often one family of Malas will have -weaved for one family of Sudras for generations. Before starting to -weave, the weaver worships his loom, and rubs his shuttle on his nose, -which is supposed to make it smooth. Those who cannot weave subsist -by day labour. As a rule, they stick to one master, and are engaged -in cultivation all the year round. Many, having borrowed money from -some Sudra, are bound to work for him for a mere pittance, and that -in grain, not cash." - -In a note on a visit to Jammalamadugu in the Cuddapah district, Bishop -Whitehead writes as follows. [156] "Lately Mr. Macnair has made an -effort to improve the methods of weaving, and he showed us some looms -that he had set up in his compound to teach the people the use of a -cheap kind of fly-shuttle to take the place of the hand-shuttle which -is universally used by the people. The difficulties he has met with -are characteristic of many attempts to improve on the customs and -methods of India. At present the thread used for the hand-shuttle -is spun by the Mala women from the ordinary cotton produced in the -district. The Mala weavers do not provide their own cotton for the -clothes they weave, but the Kapus give them the cotton from their -own fields, pay the women a few annas for spinning it, and then pay -the men a regular wage for weaving it into cloth. But the cotton spun -in the district is not strong enough for the fly-shuttle, which can -only be profitably worked with mill-made thread. The result is that, -if the fly-shuttle were generally adopted, it would leave no market -for the native cotton, throw the women out of work, upset the whole -system on which the weavers work, and, in fact, produce widespread -misery and confusion!" - -The following detailed account of the ceremonies in connection with -marriage, many of which are copied from the higher Telugu castes, is -given by Mr. Nicholson. "Chinna Tambulam (little betel) is the name -given to the earliest arrangements for a future wedding. The parents -of the boy about to be married enquire of a Brahman to which quarter -they should go in search of a bride. He, after receiving his pay, -consults the boy's horoscope, and then tells them that in a certain -quarter there is loss, in another quarter there is death, but that -in another quarter there is gain or good. If in the quarter which -the Brahman has intimated as good there are relations, so much the -better; the bride will be sought amongst them. If not, the parents -of the youth, along with an elder of the caste, set out in search -of a bride amongst new people. On reaching the village, they do not -make their object known, but let it appear that they are on ordinary -business. Having discovered a house in which there is a marriageable -girl, after the ordinary salutations, they, in a round-about way, -make enquiries as to whether the warasa or marriage line is right or -not. If it is all right, and if at that particular time the girl's -people are in a prosperous condition, the object of the search is -made known. If, on the other hand, the girl's people are in distress -or grief, the young man's party go away without making their intention -known. Everything being satisfactory, betel nut and leaves are offered, -and, if the girl's people are willing to contract, they accept it; -if not, and they refuse, the search has to be resumed. We will take -it for granted that the betel is accepted. The girl's parents then say -'If it is God's will, so let it be; return in eight or nine days, and -we will give you our answer.' If, within that time, there should be -death or trouble of any sort in either of the houses, all arrangements -are abandoned. If, when going to pay the second visit, on the journey -any of the party should drop on the way either staff or bundle of food, -it is regarded as a bad omen, and further progress is stopped for that -day. After reaching the house of the prospective bride on the second -occasion, the party wait outside. Should the parents of the girl bring -out water for them to drink and to wash their faces, it is a sign -that matters may be proceeded with. Betel is again distributed. In -the evening, the four parents and the elders talk matters over, and, -if all is so far satisfactory, they promise to come to the house of -the future bridegroom on a certain date. The boy's parents, after again -distributing betel, this time to every house of the caste, take their -departure. When the party of the bride arrive at the boy's village, -they are treated to toddy and a good feed, after which they give their -final promise. Then, having made arrangements for the Pedda Tambulam -(big betel), they take their departure. This ends the first part of -the negotiations. Chinna Tambulam is not binding. The second part -of the negociations, which is called Pedda Tambulam, takes place at -the home of the future bride. Before departing for the ceremony, the -party of the bridegroom, which must be an odd number but not seven, -and some of the elders of the village, take part in a feast. The -members of the party put on their religious marks, daub their -necks and faces with sandal paste and akshinthulu (coloured rice), -and are sent off with the good wishes of the villagers. After the -party has gone some few miles, it is customary for them to fortify -themselves with toddy, and to distribute betel. The father of the -groom takes with him as a present for the bride a bodice, fried dal -(pea: Cajanus indicus), cocoanut, rice, jaggery, turmeric, dates, -ghi, etc. On arrival at the house, the party wait outside, until -water is brought for their faces and feet. After the stains of travel -have been washed off, the presents are given, and the whole assembly -proceeds to the toddy shop. On their return, the Chalavadhi (caste -servant) tells them to which households betel must be presented, -after which the real business commences. The party of the bridegroom, -the people of the bride, the elders of the caste, and one person from -each house in the caste quarter, are present. A blanket is spread -on the floor, and grains of rice are arranged on it according to a -certain pattern. This is the bridal throne. After bathing, the girl -is arrayed in an old cloth, and seated on a weaver's beam placed upon -the blanket, with her face towards the east. Before seating herself, -however, she must worship towards the setting sun. In her open hands -betel is placed, along with the dowry (usually about sixteen rupees) -brought by her future father-in-law. As the bride sits thus upon -the throne, the respective parents question one another, the bride's -parents as to the groom, what work he does, what jewels he will give, -etc. Whatever other jewels are given or not, the groom is supposed to -give a necklace of silver and beads, and a gold nose jewel. As these -things are being talked over, some one winds 101 strands of thread, -without twisting it, into a circle about the size of a necklace, and -then ties on it a peculiar knot. After smearing with turmeric, it is -given into the hands of the girl's maternal uncle, who, while holding -his hands full of betel, asks first the girl's parents, and then the -whole community if there is any objection to the match. If all agree, -he must then worship the bridal throne, and, without letting any of -the betel in his hands fall, place the necklace round the bride's -neck. Should any of the betel fall, it is looked upon as a very bad -omen, and the man is fined. After this part of the performance is -over, and after teasing the bride, the uncle raises her to her feet, -and, taking from her hands the dowry, etc., sends her off. After -distributing betel to every one in the village, even unborn babies -being counted, the ceremony ends, and, after the usual feast has been -partaken of, the people all depart to their various homes. - -"The wedding, contrary to the previous ceremonies, takes place at the -home of the bridegroom. A Brahman is asked to tell a day on which the -omens are favourable, for which telling he receives a small fee. A -few days before the date foretold, the house is cleaned, the floor -cow-dunged, and the walls are whitewashed. In order that the evil -eye may be warded off, two marks are made, one on each side of the -door, with oil and charcoal mixed. Then the clothes of the bride and -bridegroom are made ready. These, as a rule, are yellow and white, -but on no account must there be any indigo in them, as that would be a -sign of death. The grain and betel required for the feast, a toe-ring -for the bridegroom, and a tali (marriage badge) for the bride, are then -purchased. The toe-ring is worn on the second toe of the right foot, -and the tali, which is usually about the size of a sixpence, is worn -round the woman's neck. The goldsmith is paid for these not only in -coin, but also in grain and betel, after receiving which he blesses -the jewels he has made, and presents them to the people. Meanwhile, -messengers have been sent, with the usual presents, to the bride's -people and friends, to inform them that the auspicious day has been -fixed, and bidding them to the ceremony. In all probability, before -the preparations mentioned above are complete, all the money the -bridegroom's people have saved will be expended. But there is seldom -any difficulty in obtaining a loan. It is considered an act of great -merit to advance money for a wedding, and people of other and richer -castes are quite ready to lend the amount required. In former days, -it was customary to give these loans free of interest, but it is not so -now. The next item is the preparation of the pandal or bower. This is -generally erected a day or two before the actual marriage in front of -the house. It consists of four posts, one at each corner, and the roof -is thatched with the straw of large millet. All round are hung garlands -of mango leaves, and cocoanut leaves are tied to the four posts. On -the left side of the house door is planted a branch of a tree (Nerium -odorum), to which is attached the kankanam made in the following -way. A woollen thread and a cotton thread are twisted together, -and to them are tied a copper finger-ring, a piece of turmeric root, -and a betel leaf. The tree mentioned is watered every day, until the -whole of the marriage ceremonies are completed. As a rule, the whole -of the work in connection with the erection of the pandal is carried -out by the elders, who receive in payment food and toddy. At this time, -also, the fire-places for the cooking of the extra amount of food are -prepared. These are simply trenches dug in the mud floor of the house, -usually three in number. Before they are dug, a cocoanut is broken, -and offered over the spot. A journey is now made to the potter's for -the pots required in the cooking of the marriage feast. This in itself -is quite a ceremony. A canopy is formed of an ordinary wearing cloth -supported at its four corners by four men, whilst a boy with a long -stick pushes it into a tent shape in the middle. Beneath the canopy -is one of the women of the bridegroom's family, who carries on a -tray two sacred lamps, an eight-anna piece, some saffron (turmeric), -akshinthulu, betel, frankincense, cocoanut, etc. On arriving at the -potter's house, the required pots are placed in a row outside, and a -cocoanut, which has been held in the smoke of the incense, is broken -into two equal parts, the two halves being placed on the ground about -a yard apart. To these all the people do puja (worship), and then -take up the pots, and go home. The eight-anna piece is given to the -potter, and the betel to the Chalavadhi. On the way to the potter's, -and on the return thence, the procession is accompanied with music, -and the women sing songs. Meanwhile, the groom, and those who have -remained at home, have been worshipping the goddess Sunkalamma. The -method of making this goddess, and its worship, are as follows. Rice -and green gram are cooked together, and with this cooked food a cone -is made minus the point. A little hollow is made on the top, and this -is filled with ghi (clarified butter), onions, and dal. Four wicks are -put into it, so forming a lamp. A nose jewel is stuck somewhere on the -outside of the lump, two garlands are placed round it, and the whole -is decorated with religious marks. This goddess is always placed in -the north-east corner of the house, called the god's corner, which has -been previously cleaned, and an image of Hanuman, or some other deity, -is drawn with rice-powder on the floor. Upon this drawing the image of -Sunkalamma is placed. Before her are put several little balls of rice, -with which ghi has been mixed. The worship consists in making offerings -of frankincense and camphor, and a cocoanut, which is broken in half, -the halves being put in front of the goddess. A ram or a he-goat -is now brought, nim (Melia Azadirachta) leaves are tied round the -horns, religious marks are made on the forehead, water is placed in -its mouth, and it is then sacrificed. After the sacrifice has been -made, those assembled prostrate themselves before the image for some -time in silence, after which they go outside for a minute or two, -and then, returning, divide the goddess, and eat it. The groom now -has his head shaved, and the priest cuts his finger and toe nails, -eyelashes, etc. The cuttings are placed, along with a quarter of a -rupee which he has kept in his mouth during the process, in an old -winnowing tray, with a little lamp made of rice, betel and grain. The -priest, facing west and with the bridegroom in front of him, makes -three passes with the tray from the head to the foot. This is supposed -to take away the evil eye. The priest then takes the tray away, all the -people getting out of the way lest the blight should come on them. He -throws away what is useless, but keeps the rest, especially the quarter -of a rupee. After this little ceremony, the future husband takes a -bath, but still keeps on his old clothes. He is given a knife, with -which to keep away devils, and is garlanded with the garlands which -were round the goddess. His toe-ring is put on, and the next ceremony, -the propitiation of the dead, is proceeded with. The sacrificed animal -is dismembered, and the bones, flesh, and intestines are put into -separate pots, and cooked. Rice also is prepared, and placed in a heap, -to which the usual offerings are made. Then rice, and some of the flesh -from each pot, is placed upon two leaf plates. These are left before -the heap of rice, with two lamps burning. The people all salute the -rice, and proceed to eat it. The rice on the two plates is reserved -for members of the family. By this time, the bride has most likely -arrived in the village, but, up to this stage, will have remained in -a separate house. She does not come to the feast mentioned above, but -has a portion of food sent to her by the bridegroom's people. After -the feast, bride and bridegroom are each anointed in their separate -houses with nalugu (uncooked rice and turmeric). When the anointing -of the bride takes place, the groom sends to her a cloth, a bodice, -cocoanut, pepper and garlic. The bride leaves her parents' house, -dressed in old clothes. Her people provide only a pair of sandals, -and two small toe-rings. She also carries a fair quantity of rice in -the front fold of her cloth. Again a procession is formed as before for -the cooking-pots, and another visit is paid to the potter's house, but, -on this occasion, in place of eight annas grain is taken. The potter -presents them with two wide-mouthed pots, and four small-mouthed pots, -two of which are decorated in four colours. As before, these are placed -in a row outside, and again the party, after worshipping them, takes -them to the bridegroom's house. These pots are supposed to represent -Lakshmi, the goddess of wealth, and, as they are being carried to -the house, no pregnant woman or mother with small children should -meet them, or they will have trouble. On arriving at the house, and -before entering, a cock is sacrificed, and a cocoanut offered. [In some -places, a goat is killed in front of the room in which the marriage -pots are kept, and marks are made with the palms of the hands covered -with the blood on the side-walls of the entrance.] Water is sprinkled -on the door step, and the pots are taken inside. During the whole of -the above performance, the pots are held in the hands, and must not -be put down. After entering the house, grain is spread on the floor -in the north-east corner, and upon this are placed the pots, one upon -the other, in two or four rows. The topmost pot is covered with a lid, -and on the lid is placed a lighted lamp. From the beams exactly above -the lamps are suspended, to which are fastened small bundles containing -dates, cocoanut, jaggery, sugar, and saffron. Round each pot is tied -a kankanam (wrist-thread). These pots are worshipped every day as -long as the wedding ceremonies last, which is usually three days. Not -only so, but the lamps are kept continually burning, and there is -betel arranged in a brass pot in the form of a lotus ever before -them. Beneath the pandal is now arranged a throne exactly similar to -the one which was used on the occasion of the Pedda Tambulam. Until -now the bride has kept to her separate house, but she now dresses -in her new clothes. Putting on the sandals she brought from her own -home, she proceeds to the house of the bridegroom. There she waits -in the pandal for her future husband, who comes out dressed in his -wedding garments, wearing his sandals, and carrying a blanket, gochi, -[157] shoulder-cloth, and knife. Both bride and bridegroom now have -fastened on to their foreheads a kind of philactery or nuptial crown -called bhasingalu. They are also garlanded with flowers, in addition to -which the bridegroom has tied on to his wrists the kankanam. In order -that the two most intimately concerned persons may not see one another -(and up to this point they have not done so), a screen is erected, -the bride standing on one side, and the bridegroom on the other. As -a rule, they each of them keep their heads bent during the whole -of the proceedings, and look as miserable as possible. Indeed, it -would be a breach of etiquette for either of them to appear as though -they were enjoying the ceremony. Except for the screen, the two are -now face to face, the groom looking towards the east, and the bride -towards the west. Upon the bridal throne there is now placed for the -bride to stand upon a basket filled with grain, and for the groom -the beam of a loom. The screen is now taken away, and the priest, -a Dasari, asks whether the elders, the Mala people generally, and -the village as a whole, are in favour of the marriage. This he asks -three times. Probably, in former times, it was possible to stop a -marriage at this point, but now it is never done, and the marriage is -practically binding after Pedda Tambulam has been gone through. Indeed, -in hard times, if the bride is of marriageable age, the couple will -live together as man and wife, putting off the final ceremony until -times are better. The groom now salutes the priest, the bride places -her foot on the weaving beam, and the groom places his foot upon that -of the woman as a token of his present and continued lordship. After -this, the bride also is invested with the kankanam. After the groom -has worshipped the four quarters of heaven, the priest, who holds in -his hands a brass vessel of milk, hands the golden marriage token to -the groom, who ties it round the bride's neck. This is the first time -during the ceremony that either of them has looked on the other. Before -the groom ties the knot, he must ask permission from the priest and -people three times. The priest now dips a twig of the jivi tree -(Ficus Tsiela) into the milk, and hands it to the husband, who, -crossing his hands over his wife's head, allows some of the drops -to fall upon her. The wife then does the same to the husband. After -this, the rice which the bride brought with her in her lap is used -in a similar blessing. The priest, holding in his hand a gold jewel, -now takes the hands of the two in his, and repeats several passages -(charms). Whoever wishes may now shower the pair with rice, and, -after that is done, the priest publicly announces them to be man and -wife. But the ceremonies are not yet ended. The newly-married pair, -and all the assembled party, now proceed to the village shrine to -worship the god. Before doing so, the cloths of the newly-wed pair -are tied together by the priest. This knot is called the Brahma -knot, and is a sign that God had ordained the two to be man and wife -even in a previous birth. After the god has been worshipped, and an -offering of betel made to the four quarters, the party return to the -house accompanied by weird music and much tom-tom. The women, as a -rule, sing wedding songs, and the husband and wife are shaded by a -canopy. Arrived at the threshold of the house, the fear of the evil -eye is made the reason for another ceremony. Before either crosses -the threshold, passes are made from their head to their feet with -black and red water. On the threshold is placed a brass bowl full of -grain, upon which is a gold nose jewel. The man and woman must each -touch this with the right foot, after which they may enter the house -without fear. After entering the house, the evil eye is again removed, -this time with a cocoanut, which is afterwards thrown away. Those -who have unlucky twists of hair must at this time, besides the above -ceremony, sacrifice a goat. After entering the house, the whole party -worship Lakshmi. Long ago, the tradition runs, this goddess was very -gracious to the Malas, and, in consequence, they were wealthy and -prosperous. One day, however, Lakshmi went up to one of the chief -men, who at that time was very busy at work upon a web of cloth, -and began to make love to him. At any other time this would have been -very acceptable, but just then, being very busy, he asked the goddess -to go away. She, however, took no notice, and only bothered him the -more. Whereupon, losing his temper, he hit her over the head with -the heavy sizing brush which he was using. This hurt the feelings -of Lakshmi to such an extent that she left the Malas, withdrew her -favour, and transferred it to the Komatis. Since then, the Malas -have been poor. The husband next dips his hands into a plate of milk -three times, each time placing his wet hand on the wall. After him, -the bride does the same. The two then, sitting down, eat rice and -milk off one plate. This is the first and only time that husband -and wife eat together. The bashingams are now taken off, and the -wife is relieved from the burden of rice she has thus far carried in -her lap. The next ceremony is called the Bhumalu, and is a feast for -the husband, his wife, and blood relations only. Not more than ten, -and not less than six must partake, and these must all be husbands -or wives, i.e., the party must consist of either three or five -couples. The feast consists of the most expensive food the people can -afford, and is eaten on two consecutive days. A blanket is spread on -the floor, and on this raw rice is placed in a cloth, with betel leaves -arranged in the form of a lotus at the four corners. Here and there are -placed red rice, sandal, and turmeric, and a new lamp is lit. Three -children are brought in, and are made to stand before the rice. The -parties who are to partake now come in couples, and one of the children -ties upon their wrists the kankanam, another daubs them with sandal -paste, and another with red rice. The food is placed on two plates, -one for the women and one for the males. All the women sit round the -one, and the men round the other. Whilst eating, they must not drop a -single grain. Should they do so, it is not only unlucky, but is also -the cause of serious quarrels, and the fault is punishable with a -heavy fine. After the feast is over, the heap of rice is worshipped, -and the children are sent off with a little present each. The pair -are again anointed with nalugu. This is done twice every day for -three days, but no widow is allowed to do it. Before anointing, the -people about to do it must present a cocoanut and jaggery. When the -cocoanut and jaggery are given, they must be in strips, and put into -the bride's mouth partly projecting. The groom must take hold of the -projecting part with his teeth, and eat it. The same performance is -gone through with betel leaf. A doll is now made with cloths, having -arms, legs, etc. The newly-married couple are made to play with it, -being much teased the while by the onlookers, who sing lullabys. The -two now have their hands and feet anointed with turmeric, and are -bathed. This is done on three consecutive days. On the third day is -the nagavalli. The bride and her husband are escorted under a canopy -to some ant heap outside the village. The man digs a basketful of -earth with his knife, which was given to him, and which he has never -relinquished, and the wife carries it to the house. There the earth -is made into four heaps, one near each post. A hollow is left at the -top of each heap, which is filled with water. During the time they -have been fetching the earth, the people who remained at home have -been worshipping aireni pots representing Lakshmi, but they now come -outside to the pandal. The pair are escorted all round the village, -accompanied with music. They must not walk, but must be either carried -or driven. After their return to the pandal, they are seated on the -nagavalli simhasanam. Four small pots are placed in the form of a -square, and round these is wound a fence of thread, which must not -be broken in the process. On the pots are placed bread and meal. The -bridal pair again put on their bridal crowns, and the man, taking -his knife, digs a few furrows in the ground, which his wife fills -with grain. The husband then covers up the grain with his knife, -after which his wife sprinkles water over the whole, and then gives -her husband some gruel. The bread and meal, which were placed on -the pots, are eaten by the relatives of the husband publicly in the -pandal. After this ceremony is over, the pair are again anointed, -during which process there must be music and singing. The next day, -the whole of the party set off for the bride's house, where the -marala pendli, or second marriage, is performed. Before setting out, -the husband and wife bow down at the feet of the elders, and receive -their blessing. The husband must provide an abundance of toddy for -all. They stay in the house of the bride's people for three days, -and then another feast is made. On the fourth day, all, except the -relations of the bride, return to their villages, but, before their -departure, the bride again pays homage to the departing elders, who -bless her, and give her a small present of money. On their return, -they are met outside the village, and are escorted to the husband's -house with music. The married pair usually remain in the house of the -bride's mother for a month, and during that time they never change -their wedding garments, or take off the garlands of flowers. The -parents of the bridegroom present their daughter-in-law with new -clothes, but these must not have any indigo in them. If the bride is -past puberty, at the end of the month the father and mother-in-law -will return with the married couple to the husband's village. If the -girl has not reached puberty, she will only spend a short time in her -husband's house, and will afterwards be continually going backwards -and forwards between the two houses. At the time of puberty, the -matter is made known to all parties concerned. The Chalavadhi must be -the bearer of the news, and he is treated to as much food and drink -as he can take, and is also given presents. When the messenger goes, -he must carry with him dal, jaggery, sugar-candy, etc. The neighbours -come out to see how much he has brought, and, if the amount is small, -they make a fuss. During the ceremonies which ensue, the girl is made -to sit down, and is blessed by the women sprinkling her with nalugu, -and is also given sweetmeats to eat. The time is made merry by song -and music. After bathing, the girl is made to take food out of a dish -along with three married women. She is then made to touch a thorn tree -three times, and also plucks the leaves. Upon returning to the house, -she is made to touch the cooking instruments and pots. At this time, -if anyone has lent her beads or ornaments, they are taken, and, after -being threaded on new strings, are returned to the lenders. If the day -on which a girl reaches puberty is an unlucky day, it is considered -a bad sign for the husband. On the second occasion the husband comes -for his wife, and there is much rejoicing. After being detained for -four or five days, they go to their permanent home, the house of the -husband's father, and there is at that time much weeping. The mother -tells the girl to be obedient to her husband and parents-in-law, -and says that it will be better for her to throw herself into a well -and die than to return home disgraced. - -"There are slight differences in the ceremonies described above -according to the district and sect of the people. In the eastern Telugu -country, during the marriage ceremonies, there is a sort of bridesmaid, -who accompanies the bride on the day of the wedding. In the western -country, largely under the influence of the Canarese, the bridesmaid -is scarcely distinguishable from the real bride, but she is not, as -at home, an unmarried girl, but must be a mature woman following the -functions of a married life. There is another slight difference between -the two sections concerning the Bhumala ceremony. The Vaishnavites, -after the arranged people have partaken of the feast, distribute the -remainder of the food; the Saivites, on the other hand, if any food -is left, bury it somewhere inside the house. - -"Malas may be married many times, and indeed it is not considered -respectable to remain a widower. A widower is unable to make -arrangements for the marriage of others, to take part in any of -the ceremonies connected therewith, except in the capacity of a -spectator. It is not the correct thing for a man to have two wives at -one time unless the first one is barren, or unless there is other good -cause. A woman must on no account marry again. She need not, according -to Telugu morals, be ashamed of living, after she is widowed, with -another man as his concubine, but, at the very mention of marriage, -she covers her face with shame. If such people become Christians, it -is a most difficult thing to overcome their prejudice, and persuade -them to become legally man and wife. Almost the only way to do so -is by refusing to marry their children. In the Canarese country, -there is a kind of half marriage (chira kattinchinaru, they have -tied her cloth), which may be attained by widows. It is not reckoned -as a proper marriage, nor is the woman considered a concubine. The -ceremony for this is not performed at the great length of an ordinary -marriage, but it must receive the sanction of the elders. In spite -of their sanction, the man must pay a fine imposed by the caste -guru. The woman is permitted to wear the tali or marriage token, -but not bangles or other jewels usually worn by a married woman. The -children are part inheritors, and are not entirely without rights, -as the children of concubines are. A man's second wife must wear two -talis--that of the first wife as well as her own." - -The following variants of the Pedda Tambulam ceremony, which is -performed during the marriage rites, may be noted. As soon as all -are assembled in the front yard of the bride's house, a blanket is -spread on the floor, and covered with a cloth. About ten seers of -cholam (millet: Sorghum) are heaped up, and a brass vessel (kalasam) -is placed thereon. By its side, a lamp is kept burning. A Dasari, -or a Mala priest, stands on one side of it, and a married woman on -the other. The names of the gods are mentioned, one after the other, -and the woman throws two betel leaves and a nut on the kalasam for -each name uttered. The bride is then brought from within the house, -and the leaves and nuts are tied up in a cloth. This, with the kalasam, -is put in the bride's cloth, and she is led inside. In some places, the -ceremony is more elaborate. For the betrothal ceremony some leading men -of the village, and the headmen of the bride and bridegroom's villages, -are required to be present. The Chalavati (caste servant) hands over -a bag containing betel leaves, areca nuts, pieces of turmeric, and -Rs. 4-6, to the headman of the bride's village. All these articles are -displayed on a new bamboo sieve, or on the lid of a bamboo box. The -two headmen discuss the proposed match, and exchange betel and nut -thrice. After this, the bride-elect (chinnapapa) is brought from -the house, and seated on a plank or on a cloth roller (dhone). Three -handfuls of betel leaves and areca nuts are placed in her lap. Her -maternal uncle then puts on her neck a string of unwoven unbleached -cotton thread dyed with turmeric. The bride's headman asks the assembly -if he may proceed with the thonuku ceremony. With their permission, -he takes from a sieve betel leaves, nuts, and a cocoanut with his right -hand, using only the thumb, first, and ring fingers. While doing this, -he is expected to stand on one leg, and to take up the various things, -without letting even a single leaf or nut fall. In some places, the -headman has the privilege of doing this seated near the sieve. In -other places, he is said to hold a knife in his hand, with a blade -passed below the middle finger, and over the first ring finger. - -In connection with birth ceremonies, Mr. Nicholson writes as -follows. "During labour, a sickle and some nim (Melia Azadirachta) -leaves are always kept upon the cot, to ward off evil spirits, -which will not approach iron. Difficulty during labour is considered -to be the effect of kharma, and the method employed for easing it -is simple. Some mother, who has had an 'easy time,' is called in, -and presents the labouring woman with betel, etc. Should this not be -effective, a line of persons is drawn up from the well to the house, -and water is passed from hand to hand until it reaches the 'easy -time' woman, who gives the water to the sufferer. This last resort -is only sought in extreme cases, but, when it is appealed to, even -the caste people will join in the line and help. After the placenta -has come away, the child is placed on a winnowing basket, which has -been previously filled with grain, and covered with a cloth. The -umbilical cord is cut, and the child is washed, and branded with a -hot needle in all places, over twenty in all, which are considered -vital. When the umbilical cord is cut, some coin is placed over the -navel for luck. This, with the grain in the basket, is the midwife's -perquisite. Should the child present with the cord round its neck, -a cocoanut is immediately offered. If the child survives, a cock is -offered to the gods on the day the mother takes her first bath. The -placenta is put in a pot, in which are nim leaves, and the whole is -buried in some convenient place, generally in the backyard. The reason -for this is said to be that, unless the afterbirth was buried, dogs or -other animals might carry it off, and ever after the child would be of -a wandering disposition. The first bath of the mother takes place on -the third, fifth, seventh, or ninth day after delivery. Every house -in the particular quarter sends a potful of hot water. All the pots -are placed near the spot where the afterbirth was buried. The mother -then comes from the house supported by two women, carrying in her -hand the sickle and nim leaves. After worshipping the four mud gods -which have been placed on the spot, she takes her seat on the cot -on which she was confined, and, after having her body covered with -turmeric, and her head anointed with a mixture of rice, chunam (lime) -and turmeric, she is bathed by the women in attendance. After the bath, -both the mother and child are garlanded with a root strung on strings, -and worn round the neck and wrists. One of these is eaten every day by -the mother. The mother rises and enters the house, but, before doing -so, she worships the four quarters on the threshold. The women who -assisted in the bathing operation go to their homes, and bathe their -own children, afterwards returning to take part in a feast provided -by the parents of the newly-born child. On this day also a name is -given to the child. If all previous children have died, the child -is rolled in leaf plates and rice, after which the nose and ears -are pierced. The rice is given to the dogs, and the child is named -Pulligadu (used up leaf plates) or Pullamma according to sex. Should -the parents consider that they have a sufficiently large family, -they name the child Salayya or Salakka (enough). There are several -superstitions about teething. If the teeth come quickly, people say -that the afterbirth has not been buried deeply enough. Should the -top teeth come first, it is supposed to imply danger to the maternal -uncle, who generally gives his daughter in marriage to his nephew. He -is called, and brings with him a cocoanut, the inner shell of which -he crushes on the child's head. This must be done without looking -on the child. In order that girls may not grow hair on their faces, -their lips and chins are rubbed with the afterbirth. The dried navel -is highly prized as a remedy for sterility. - -In connection with death ceremonies, Mr. Nicholson writes as -follows. "There is a difference in the ceremonies performed by the -Vishnuvite and Saivite sects. The former allow their people to die in -the house; the latter, fearing pollution, remove the person outside -the door, as soon as it is recognised that death is at hand. The -following description relates chiefly to the Vishnuvites or Namdaris, -but, wherever possible, the difference of ceremony between the two -sects is noticed. As soon as it is recognized that a person is at -the point of death, the wife and children, or near relations, gather -round the rough string cot, and ask what the dying person's last -wishes are. However bad a life may have been led, the dying words are -considered imperatively binding. If at all possible, the son or brother -of the dying person will give a little food and a drink of water; and, -if there is no one to perform this office--the rite which entitles the -dying to heaven--great is the grief. 'May you have no one to give you -water to drink' is a most bitter curse. As soon as life has departed, -those who are standing by will close the eyes and mouth, and stop the -nostrils and ears. The two great toes are tied together, whilst the -wife and sons burn incense at the head of the corpse. A lamp is lit, -and left in the house. Before this, the near relations have heard -that things were serious, and have come to render assistance. They now -bring water for the bathing, and some go to the bazar for sweetmeats, -etc., required in the subsequent ceremonies. Some of the elders go -to call the Dasari, or priest, and, by the time he arrives, rice will -have been prepared, and the blood of a fowl sprinkled over the place -where the death occurred. It should be mentioned that the head of -the dying is always placed to the south. Yamudu, the god of death and -lord of Hades, is god of the south. Consequently, if the dead arose, -if facing south he would go to the evil place. By lying on the back -with the head to the south, they rise facing north, and so escape an -evil fate. When the food is prepared, the corpse is removed outside, -bathed, and wrapped in a new cloth. Betel nut and leaf are ground -and put into the mouth, whilst the priest puts the namam (the mark of -Vishnu) upon both the forehead of the corpse and of the bearers. After -the bathing of the corpse, and before it is wrapped in the new cloth, -a small square piece is torn out of the cloth, and presented to -the Nambi of the temple. The corpse being prepared, the priest and -the wife and relations of the deceased, along with the bearers, eat -a small portion of the food which has been got ready. Immediately -upon rising after having eaten, the corpse is lifted, and placed -upon a rough bier, wrapped in a cloth, and the party proceed to the -burying ground. The priest goes first singing a funeral hymn, and at -the end of each verse all the people cry Govinda (one of the names -of Vishnu). Following the priest comes the Chalavadhi, carrying his -belt and insignia of office. At every other step the bell is rung by -coming in contact with his leg. After the Chalavadhi comes the corpse -carried by men who are, according to Telugu relationship, brothers -(actual brothers, or sons of father's brother or mother's sister). In -the case of a married woman, the bearers must be either husband or -brothers. Following the corpse comes the wife or son, bearing water and -fire. Shortly before reaching the burial-ground, a halt is made. The -son sprinkles a little water on the ground, and the bier is placed -upon the spot with the fire at the head. The face is then uncovered, -and all look upon the dead features for the last time. The reason -given for the halt is that upon one occasion, according to tradition, -the bearers became exhausted, and, when they rested the bier upon the -ground, the corpse arose alive. In carrying a dead body, it is always -carried feet first. The grave, which has been prepared beforehand, -and which is usually not more than three feet deep, is reached, and -the body is placed therein with the head towards the south. In the -case of a male, after being placed in the grave, the waist-cord and -toe-rings are removed, and left in the grave. In the case of a woman, -the glass bracelets, bell-metal toe-rings, and bead necklace are -left, but no jewels of value or the marriage token are left. After -this is over, the body is covered with leaves of the tangedu tree -(Cassia auriculata). As a rule, Vishnuvites, before covering the -body with leaves, take off the cloth in which it is wrapped, leaving -it naked. This is supposed to be emblematic of the nakedness with -which we enter upon life. The corpse is buried face upwards, and it -is considered a means of future happiness to the deceased if those -assembled throw earth into the grave. The nearer the relationship -of those doing so, the greater is the happiness conferred. Hence -it is always desired that a son should be present. After the grave -has been filled up half way with earth, three stones are placed, -one at the head, one in the middle, and one at the feet. Only the -Vishnuvites do this. Upon the middle of these stones stands the -priest, while the relatives of the deceased wash his feet, and put -upon them the namam or sign of Vishnu. Whilst standing thus, they -bargain and haggle as to what fee is to be paid. After this is over, -the grave is completely filled in, and great care is taken that the -corpse is so covered that it may not be disturbed by jackals and other -animals, at any rate before the fifth day. If it should be disturbed, -heaven will not be reached. So the Telugu curse 'May the jackals eat -your tongue' is a curse of damnation. The Saivites bury their dead -in the cloth, face downwards. After the grave has been filled in, -the fire carried by the son is placed at the head of the grave, and -incense is burnt. Then the water carried from the house is sprinkled -over the grave, and the procession departs homeward. On their way, -they stop at some wayside well, and wash away their defilement, -afterwards sitting on the edge of the well to chew betel and eat -sweetmeats. They may also pay a visit to the temple, where they -again sit and gossip, but perform no worship. If the deceased be -a woman leaving a husband, the talk will be about arrangements for -the marriage which will shortly take place. Immediately the body is -taken from the house for burial, the lamp which was first lighted is -extinguished, and another lighted in its place. Then those who stay -at home (the women do not usually attend a funeral) clean sweep the -house, plastering it with cow-dung. After this, they wait outside the -house for the return of the burial party. The blood relations who have -attended the burial come, and, without entering the house, glance at -the newly-lighted lamp, afterwards going to their own homes, where, -before entering, and without touching any of the pots, they must bathe -in hot water. Toddy flows freely at the close of a funeral. Indeed, -this is one of the occasions when excess is most common. From now -until the fifth day, when the Divasalu ceremony takes place, fire -and a lamp are lighted at the grave each evening at sunset. - -"The Divasalu ceremony, which is observed by all castes which follow -the Ramanuja matham or Satani cult, is generally performed at the dead -of night, and with as much ceremony as possible. All the Namdaris in -the village are invited, each being separately called by the Kondigadu, -who is a kind of messenger belonging to the Dasari or Mala priest. In -former days, many of the Sudras used to attend this ceremony, but -of late, either through Malas more openly eating the flesh of cows, -or for some other reason, they rarely attend, and, if they do so, it -is with great secrecy. The Nambi, however, who is a Satani, should -attend. Indeed, it is he who is the performer of the ceremony. The -flesh required for the sacrifice is found by slaughtering a sheep -or a goat. Before killing it, holy water is poured into its mouth, -and incense is burnt before it. When the animal has been dismembered, -the head, guts, and blood are cooked in one pot, the bones in another, -the flesh in a third, whilst in a fourth pot bread is baked. Toddy -and arrack (native spirit) are also placed in readiness. After these -preparations, the Nambi draws upon the floor, on the spot where the -death occurred, the ashtakshari (eight-cornered) mantram, repeating the -while magical words. The mantram is usually drawn with treble lines, -one black, one yellow, and one white. At each corner are placed a -cocoanut, betel, dates, and a lump of molasses, whilst a rupee is -placed in the middle at one side. The words repeated are in Tamil, -and, roughly translated, are as follows: 'This is the mantram of Manar -Nambi. This is the holy water of the sacred feet of ... Nambi. This is -the secret of holiness of the 108 sacred places. These are the means -for obtaining heaven. They are for the saving of the sinner. This -drawing is the seal of the saints. Countless sins have I committed; -yet by thought on the saints is sin cleansed.' After the completion -of the drawing, the officiating priest puts the holy mark of Vishnu on -the foreheads of those who bring the vessels of cooked food. Then, to -the east side of the drawing, he makes two little piles of millet. He -then asks (in Tamil) for the pot containing the head, and for the -toddy. The two bearers bring the pots, keeping exactly together, and, -as they reach the Nambi, each must exchange places with the other. The -priest then inscribes on one pot the wheel (chakra), and on the other -the conch shell, these being the sacred symbols of Vishnu. Before -doing so, he wets the leaves of the tulasi plant (Ocimum sanctum) -in a rice plate, and places them in a brass vessel containing holy -water by his side. Then, with the conch shell which he carries, he -pours some of the holy water into each pot, afterwards placing the -pots upon the heaps of millet. Next, a leaf plate is placed in the -middle of the drawing. Upon it is placed some of each variety of food -cooked, along with milk and ghi. Over all, another plate is placed -as a cover. During this time, so that no one may see the ceremony, -a sheet or blanket is held up before the Nambi as a screen. He then -takes two little sticks with cotton-wool in a notch at the end, and -puts them to steep in castor-oil. Whilst they are steeping, he takes -a cocoanut, and, after breaking it, pours the milk into the vessel -containing holy water, and places the two pieces by the side of the -heaps of grain upon which are the two pots. Then, taking up the two -sticks, and having made passes with them over the whole drawing, he -lights them and holds them aloft above the screen, so that the people -on the other side may see them. All then bow down, and worship the two -lights. Then the bearers of the corpse are invested with the namam, -after which the whole of those assembled drink of the holy water in -the brass vessel. A little holy water, betel, etc., are now put into -the rice plate, which is afterwards covered with soil upon the top -of the grave. The party then eat the small portion of food which may -be left, and, after trimming the lamp, proceed to their homes. The -Nambi who officiates is supposed to be particularly holy. If he is -wicked and unclean, and yet draws and sits upon the magic diagrams, -he will bring loss and sorrow upon his own head. - -"There is no other ceremony until the night of the twelfth day. On -this day, not only is the floor plastered with cow-dung, but the -whole house is cleaned outside and in. All the inmates of the house -bathe, shave, and put on clean clothes. Then, as on the fifth day, -an animal is killed, and the flesh is cooked exactly as before. In -the north-east or god's corner, the panchakshari (five cornered) -diagram is inscribed, and a handful of rice is put in the middle. As -before, cocoanuts, etc., are placed at the five corners, and before -the drawing are placed five copper images. The Dasari who performs the -ceremony places two leaf plates before these images, and, breaking -a couple of cocoanuts, sacrifices to them. After this, the Nambi, -Dasaris, Kondigadu, corpse-bearers, and bearers of the pots, each -drink two measures of toddy, and eat some of the flesh cooked in -the second pot. The party, consisting entirely of males, now take -as much food as will be required for the forthcoming ceremony, and -proceed towards the grave, which has been previous to this plastered -and decorated, and a little shrine erected at the head. On their -arrival, a diagram, called panchakshari is drawn on the grave in -black, yellow, and white. At the five corners are placed cocoanut, -lime, etc. In the middle is placed a leaf plate with food on it, and -a cocoanut is offered, the two halves being placed one on each side -of the plate. A lamp is now lighted, and placed in the little shrine -at the head of the grave, which the Nambi worships. It may be noted -that the ashtakshari diagram is the sign of Vishnu or Narayanamurti, -and the panchakshari is the sign of Siva. The reason for both being -used is that Vishnu is the preserver, and Siva the destroyer. If Siva -alone is worshipped, he will only cease from destroying; if Vishnu -alone is worshipped, he cannot keep from destruction. Hence there is a -sort of compromise, so that the benefits rendered by each god may be -reaped. The Nambi now invests all the males present with the namam, -and, if there is a widow, she is made to put on the bottu or small -circular mark, the symbol most often being associated with Siva. The -widow is made to sit in the middle of the house, with a leaf plate -set before her. There she is stripped of all the jewels she wore -as a married woman. Afterwards she is taken inside by some widows, -and, after bathing, dons a cloth which has been brought for her by -her brothers. Her own cloth is left outside, and must be sent from -there to the washerman. It afterwards becomes a perquisite of the -Dasari. If the deceased was a married woman, the widower would be -deprived of his toe-ring, bathed, and clothed in a new cloth. - -"On the occasion of Divasalu, blood relatives are all supposed to -be present, and the ceremony is an expensive one, poor people often -spending on this occasion alone as much as they can earn in a couple -of months. The first ceremony is not so expensive, and will only cost -about five rupees. All the male relatives of the dead man, or the -brothers-in-law of a dead woman, must bring a little rice and some -sticks of incense. If they are quite unable to attend the ceremony, -they will clean their own houses, and will then perform some ceremony -to the deceased. The relatives of the wife who come to the ceremony -will not proceed to the house, or even to the caste quarters, but -will go to the toddy shop, whence they send word of their arrival. As -soon as the head of the house hears of this, he also proceeds to -the toddy shop, and each one treats the other to drink. If they -do not wish to drink, the one will pour a little liquor into the -palm of the other. This ceremony is called chedupaputa (the taking -away of bitterness), and without it they cannot visit one another's -houses. These relatives must only partake of food on the night of -their arrival and next day, but on no account must they linger till -the light is lit on the thirteenth day. - -"The above ceremony is that performed by the Namdaris or Vishnuvites, -who are not afraid of pollution, but who must do all things according -to a prescribed ritual. We will now consider the ceremonies of -the Mondis or Saivites, who think little of ceremony, but much of -defilement. These take the dying person outside, and, as soon as it -is realised that the end is near, all arrangements are made as to -who is to cook, carry the corpse, etc. Before the breath has left -the body, some go to the bazaar to purchase a new cloth. The women -smear themselves with turmeric as at a wedding, and put a circular -red mark (bottu) on the forehead, whilst the men smear ashes on -their foreheads. As soon as the food is cooked, the dead body is -washed, and placed upon a bier. Most of the Vishnuvites do not use a -bier. The corpse is carried to the grave, accompanied with fire and -water as in the Vishnuvite ceremony. Shortly before the grave-yard -is reached, a halt is made. The cloth which has been placed over the -face is torn, and a cooking pot is broken, after which the body is -taken to the grave, and buried without covering, lying prone on the -face. After the earth has been filled in, the son of the deceased -takes an earthen water-pot full of water, and bores a hole in it, -so that the water may escape. He then makes three circuits of the -grave, allowing the water to flow on the ground. After each circuit, -he makes a fresh hole in the pot. He then goes away without looking -back on the grave. When the funeral party, which consists only of men, -reaches the house, they find that some of the old women have made a -heap of cow-dung, at the top of which is a little hollow filled with -water. Those who have returned from the grave dip their great toes -in this water, and then linger on the threshold to worship the lamp -which is inside. After this, the lamp is taken, and thrown outside -the village, and, on their return, they bathe in hot water. The -Saivites perform the first ceremony for the dead on the third day, -and they have neither Nambi nor priest, but perform the whole ceremony -themselves. Like the Vishnuvites, they thoroughly cleanse and plaster -the house. There is no animal sacrifice, but food is prepared with -vegetables. A tray is plaited from the twigs of the tamarind tree -(Tamarindus indica), and in this is placed a leaf plate containing -food, frankincense, betel, etc. This food offering is carried to -the grave along with fire and water at about eight o'clock in the -morning. The man who carries the food must wear only a torn cloth, -and yet with this he must manage to cover his head. On reaching the -grave, they worship. The tray is left at the head of the grave, and -the people retire a short distance, and there wait until a crow or -a kite comes, and takes food from the tray. The more quickly this -occurs, the greater the merit obtained by the deceased. They never -go away until either the one or the other of these birds comes. They -afterwards proceed to the well, and bathe fully. On the twelfth day, -another ceremony is performed. In the morning, all those taking part -in the ceremony proceed to some place outside the village where they -shave, and put on clean clothes which have come direct to that place -from the washerman. They then go to some temple, and there obtain a -little holy water, with which they afterwards sprinkle themselves, -the widow, and the house of the deceased. The widow is then arrayed -in all her clothes and jewels, and is taken weeping to the 'widow's -harbour.' There a stone image is set up, and worshipped. Then the -woman's jewels are taken off, and her bracelets broken. Sweet food is -cooked and partaken of, all bathe, and return to their homes. After -this ceremony, poor people will stay in their houses for three days, -and rich people for a much longer period. For several years, on the -anniversary of the death, some little ceremony is usually performed." - -In connection with Mala Dasaris, to whom reference has already been -made, Mr. Nicholson writes as follows. "There is a considerable -number of individuals who obtained their living through religious -mendicancy. They are known as Dasaris. There is usually a Nambi -or Dasari for every three or four villages. Some few Dasaris have -inam (rent-free) lands, but the majority live on the charity of the -people. They do not ask alms, but sing hymns in honour of Chennudu or -Pedda Muni. They also officiate as a sort of priest, and their services -are requisitioned at the time of death, marriage, hair-cutting, and -the creation of Basavis and Dasaris. The Dasari who officiates at a -wedding ceremony cannot act in a case of death. There is, in the west -Telugu country, a class called Varapu Dasari, who act as pujaris for -the Sudras, and in all places the Dasari receives certain emoluments -from Sudras for singing at weddings and funerals. They receive alms -from all classes. Occasionally disturbances take place on account of -the Saivites objecting to the Dasaris coming into their streets, and -it is at such times as these that pavadamu is said to take place. It -is firmly believed that, if a Dasari is offended, he will revenge -himself in smaller offences by piercing his cheeks or side, for a -serious offence by killing himself, generally by severing the head -from the body. If one kills himself in this way, the news is said to -be immediately and miraculously communicated to every Dasari and Nambi -in the country. They all come to the place where the body lies. Until -their arrival, this has been kept covered with a new cloth, and -water is constantly sprinkled over it, to keep the wounds from drying -up. When the Gurus, Dasaris, and others are collected, they show their -magic power by frying fish, which come to life again on being placed -in water, and by cutting limes in two and making them join together, -while the remainder sing hymns to Chennudu, and call on the name of -Govinda. The Gurus then dig a hole, and in it light the sacred fire -of sandal-wood, which must be kindled by the friction of two pieces -of wood. All assemble before this sacred fire, and join in singing -or reciting the Dandakamu, after which the Dasaris dance a dance -called the request dance. A lotus flower is simulated by arranging -betel leaves in a small chembu (metal vessel), and this is placed in -a plate along with the severed head. The tray is then carried three -times round the corpse by the wife of the deceased if he was married; -if not, by his mother; and, if he had no kin, by a Basavi. The head -is then taken by the Guru, and fixed properly to the trunk, the -junction being plentifully daubed with sacred earth (tirumani). A new -cloth is then spread over the corpse, and a network of flowers over -all. The Dasaris again walk round the corpse, calling on Tembaru -Manara, repeating at the same time a mantram. Then Kurumayya, the -caste Guru, strokes the corpse from head to foot three times with -his staff, after which he places his foot on the head of the corpse, -and calls on the body to rise. The ability of the Dasaris to perform -this marvel is implicitly believed in. Some I have asked have seen it -attempted, but on one occasion it failed because the wife was unwell -(under menstrual pollution). On another occasion, the ceremony was -not carried out with fitting reverence, and failed in consequence. - -"The chief people among the Dasaris are Guru, Annalayya, Godugulayya -(umbrella men), and Tuttulayya (horn-blowers). The Dasaris have got -certain badges of office, which are supposed to have been given by -Chennudu on the conquest of Vijayanagar. [According to tradition, -between the 8th and 11th centuries A.D. there was great rivalry -between the Saivite and Vishnuvite sects, and it is supposed that -Kurumayya, fighting on the side of the Vishnuvites, by the aid of -the god Chennudu was able to suppress and overcome the followers of -Siva. He thus became the Guru of the Malas.] The Dasari's insignia -consist of an iron staff, copper pot, tiger skin, antelope skin, -etc. Besides these, some of the chief Dasaris are said to possess -copper inscriptions given to them by the kings of Vijayanagar, but -these they refuse to allow any one to see." - -Concerning the practice of making Basavis (dedicated prostitutes), -Mr. Nicholson writes as follows. "The origin of the Basavis is said -to be thus. In former times, the Asadhis had the duty and privilege -of dancing and singing before the God, but this office was always -performed by a male. On one occasion, there was no male to take up -the duties, and, as there was no prospect of further children, one of -the daughters was appointed to the work, so that the livelihood would -not be lost. Then no one came forward to marry the girl, and she found -it impossible to live a good life. The fact, however, that she was a -servant of the God kept her from disgrace, and from that time it has -been customary to dedicate these girls to the God's service. Nowadays, -the girl goes through a ceremony with a knife, which is placed in -front of the God, and, as at ordinary weddings, there are all the -various ceremonies performed, and feasts eaten. If at the time of the -wedding, any man wishes to have a sort of proprietary right, he may -obtain the same by paying a sort of dowry. The elders of the village -must give their consent to the dedication, and usually signify this by -eating out of the same plate as the bride. In the west Telugu country, -parents who have good looking daughters, no matter what their class, -give them as Basavis. But, in the east Telugu country, only the Asadhi, -Beineni, and Pambala people do so. A Basavi can never be widowed, -and people say they are consecrated to the God. Consequently, their -life, though a life of sin, is not considered so by the Gods. Yet by -a strange inconsistency, men consorting with Basavis are immediately -branded as loose men. The first few years of a Basavi's life are full -of profit, and it is probably for this reason that parents are willing -thus to sacrifice their daughters. Afterwards, when the charms of youth -are passed, the Basavi resorts to begging, or, with two or three more, -obtains a precarious livelihood by music and dancing. Their children -have a share in the maternal father's property. - -"The above account of a Basavi's dedication applies to the Asadhis -or singing beggars. The following is a more detailed description of -the ceremony as performed by the Dasaris. The girl to be dedicated -is dressed in a white ravike and cloth, after which she is conducted -to the priest who is to officiate. He burns the signs of a chank and -chakram on the girl's shoulders, presenting to her at the same time -holy water. After this, the priest receives the guruvu kanika, which -consists not only of five rupees, but also five seers of rice, five -cocoanuts, five garlics, and a quarter of a seer of betel nuts. The -person giving the girl away now receives permission from the people -and Guruvu, and attaches the marriage symbol to the girl's neck. Before -the tali is tied, the girl is made to sit on a blanket, upon which has -been drawn the 'throne,' with her hands which clasp the Garuda stambha -tied together with a wreath of flowers. Before the hands are unbound, -in place of the usual dowry of about twenty rupees, five duddu (copper -coins) are given into the hand of the priest. All assembled now worship -the beggar's staff, and, on proceeding to the place of lodging, food is -given to the Dasaris. Usually the ceremonies are performed before the -village shrine, but, at times of festival, they are performed before -the God, in honour of whom the festival is being held. On returning -to the village, the girl is obliged, for five consecutive Saturdays, -to go round the village accompanied by a Dasari, to whose food and -comfort she has to attend. This is, no doubt, a public announcement of -the profession the girl has had put upon her. When puberty is arrived -at, a feast is given, and thenceforward the girl is her own mistress." - -The Malas worship a variety of deities, including Gurappa, Subbarayadu, -Gunnathadu, Sunkalamma, Poleramma, Gangamma, and Gontiyalamma. In -connection with the worship of the goddess Gontiyalamma, -Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes, in a note on the Malas of the Godavari -district, that "the special caste deity is Gontiyalamma, the mother -of the five Pandava brethren. They say that Bhima threatened to kill -his mother, who took refuge under an avireni pot (painted pot used -at weddings) in a Mala's house. For this she was solemnly cursed by -her sons, who said that she should remain a Mala woman for ever. In -commemoration of this story, a handful of growing paddy (rice) is -pulled up every year at the Dasara festival, and, eight days later, -the earth adhering to its roots is mixed with turmeric and milk, made -into an image of the goddess, and hidden under the avireni pot. For -the next six months this image is worshipped every Sunday by all the -villagers in turn, and, on the Sivaratri night, it is taken round the -village, accompanied by all the Malas bearing pots of rice and other -food carried in a kavadi, and is finally thrown with much ceremony -into a river or tank (pond or lake). This rite is supposed to mean that -the goddess is the daughter of the caste, that she has lived with them -six months, and that they are now sending her back with suitable gifts -(the rice, etc.) to her husband. A common form of religious vow among -Malas is to promise to send a cloth and a cow with the goddess on the -last day of the rite, the gifts being afterwards presented to a married -daughter." It is noted by Mr. Hemingway that both Malas and Madigas -hold a feast in honour of their ancestors at Pongal--an uncommon rite. - -In the Godavari district scarcity of rain is dealt with in various -ways. "It is considered very efficacious if the Brahmans take in -procession round the village an image of Varuna (the god of rain) -made of mud from the tank of a river or tank. Another method is to -pour 1,000 pots of water over the lingam in the Siva temple. Malas -tie a live frog to a mortar, and put on the top of the latter a -mud figure representing Gontiyalamma. They then take these objects -in procession, singing 'Mother frog, playing in water, pour rain by -pots full.' The villagers of other castes then come and pour water -over the Malas." [158] Mr. Nicholson writes that, to produce rain -in the Telugu country, "two boys capture a frog, and put it into a -basket with some nim (Melia Azadirachta) leaves. They tie the basket -to the middle of a stick, which they support on their shoulders. In -this manner they make a circuit of the village, visiting every house, -singing the praises of the god of rain. The greater the noise the -captive animal makes, the better the omen, and the more gain for the -boys, for, at every house, they receive something in recognition of -their endeavour to bring rain upon the village fields." - -Mala Arayan.--The Mala Arayans are described, in the Travancore -Census Report, 1901, as "a class of hill tribes, who are a little -more civilized than the Mannans, and have fixed abodes on the slopes -of high mountain ranges. Their villages are fine-looking, with trees -and palms all round. They are superior in appearance to most other -hill tribes, but are generally short in stature. Some of the Arayans -are rich, and own large plots of cultivated grounds. They seldom work -for hire, or carry loads. A curious custom with them is that every -man in the family has his own room separate from the rest, which only -he and his wife are permitted to enter. They are very good hunters -and have a partiality for monkey flesh. As wizards they stand very -high, and all the low-country people cherish a peculiar dread for -them. Makkathayam is the prevailing form of inheritance (from father -to son), but among a few families marumakkathayam (inheritance through -the female line) obtains as an exception. Their language is a corrupt -form of Malayalam. Their marriage ceremony is simple. The bridegroom -and bride sit and eat on the same plantain leaf, after which the tali -(marriage badge) is tied. The bride then seizes any ornament or cooking -vessel in the house, saying that it is her father's. The bridegroom -snatches it from her, and the marriage rite is concluded. Birth -pollution is of considerable importance. It lasts for a whole month -for the father, and for seven days for the mother. The Arayans bury -their dead. Drinking is a very common failing." - -It is recorded by Mr. M. J. Walhouse [159] that "on the higher ranges -in Travancore there are three of Parasurama's cairns, where the Mala -Arraiyans still keep lamps burning. They make miniature cromlechs -of small slabs of stone, and place within them a long pebble to -represent the deceased. Dr. Livingstone noticed a similar custom in -Africa. 'In various villages we observed miniature huts about two -feet high, very neatly thatched and plastered. Here we noticed them in -dozens. On inquiry we were told that, when a child or relative dies, -one is made, and, when any pleasant food is cooked or beer brewed, -a little is placed in the tiny hut for the departed soul, which is -believed to enjoy it.' So the Mala Arraiyans offer arak (liquor) -and sweetmeats to the departed spirit believed to be hovering near -the miniature cromlech." - -In a detailed account of the Mala Arayans, the Rev. S. Mateer writes -as follows. [160] "The Arayans bury their dead; consequently there -are many ancient tumuli in these hills, evidently graves of chiefs, -showing just the same fragments of pottery, brass figures, iron -weapons, etc., as are found in other similar places. These tumuli are -often surrounded with long splintered pieces of granite, from eight -to twelve or fifteen feet in length, set up on end, with sacrificial -altars and other remains, evidently centuries old. Numerous vaults, -too, called Pandi Kuri, are seen in all their hills. They stand north -and south, the circular opening being to the south; a round stone -is fitted to this aperture, with another acting as a long lever, to -prevent its falling out; the sides, as also the stones of the top and -bottom, are single slabs. To this day the Arayans make similar little -cells of pieces of stone, the whole forming a box a few inches square; -and, on the death of a member of any family, the spirit is supposed -to pass, as the body is being buried, into a brass or silver image, -which is shut into this vault; if the parties are very poor, an oblong -smooth stone suffices. A few offerings of milk, rice, toddy, and ghee -(clarified butter) are made, a torch is lighted and extinguished, the -figure placed inside the cell, and the covering hastily put on; then -all leave. On the anniversary, similar offerings being made, the stone -is lifted off, and again hastily closed. The spirit is thus supposed -to be enclosed; no one ventures to touch the cell at any other time. - -"The objects of Arayan worship are the spirits of their ancestors, or -certain local demons supposed to reside in rocks or peaks, and having -influence only over particular villages or families. The religious -services rendered to these are intended to deprecate anger rather than -to seek benefits; but in no case is lust to be gratified, or wickedness -practiced, as pleasing to these deities. One of their ancestors is -represented by a brass image about three inches in height, the back of -the head hollow, the hands holding a club and a gun. This represents a -demonized man of wicked character, who lived about a century ago. He is -said to have beaten his wife to death with a club; wherefore the people -joined to break his skull, and he became a malignant demon. Another -image carried an umbrella and staff, and had a milder countenance--this -was a good demon. One such image is kept in each family, in which -the spirit is supposed actually to reside. They were also put into -the little square chambers described above. The Rev. W. J. Richards, -of Cottayam, has favoured me with the following history, which throws -much light upon this curious superstition. 'Talanani was a priest or -oracle-revealer of the hunting deity, Ayappan, whose chief shrine is in -Savarimala, a hill among the Travancore ghats. The duty of Talanani -was to deck himself out in his sword, bangles, beads, etc., and, -highly frenzied with excitement and strong drink, dance in a horrid -convulsive fashion before his idols, and reveal in unearthly shrieks -what the god had decreed on any particular matter. He belonged to -the Hill Arayan village of Eruma-para (the rock of the she-buffalo), -some eight miles from Melkavu, and was most devoted to his idolatry, -and rather remarkable in his peculiar way of showing his zeal. When the -pilgrims from his village used to go to Savarimala--a pilgrimage which -is always, for fear of the tigers and other wild beasts, performed -in companies of forty or fifty--our hero would give out that he was -not going, and yet, when they reached the shrine of their devotions, -there before them was the sorcerer, so that he was both famous among -his fellows and favoured of the gods. Now, while things were in this -way, Talanani was killed by the neighbouring Chogans during one of -his drunken bouts, and the murderers, burying his body in the depths -of the jungle, thought that their crime would never be found out; but -the tigers--Ayappan's dogs--in respect to so true a friend of their -master, scratched open the grave, and removing the corpse, laid it -on the ground. The wild elephants found the body, and reverently took -it where friends might discover it, and, a plague of small-pox having -attacked the Chogans, another oracle declared it was sent by Sastavu -(the Travancore hill boundary god, called also Chattan or Sattan) in -anger at the crime that had been committed; and that the evil would -not abate until the murderers made an image of the dead priest, and -worshipped it. This they did, placing it in a grave, and in a little -temple no bigger than a small dog kennel. The image itself is about -four inches high, of bronze. The heir of Talanani became priest and -beneficiary of the new shrine, which was rich in offerings of arrack, -parched rice, and meat vowed by the Arayans when they sallied out on -hunting expeditions. All the descendants of Talanani are Christians, -the result of the Rev. Henry Baker's work. The last heir who was in -possession of the idol, sword, bangle, beads, and wand of the sorcerer, -handed them over to the Rev. W. J. Richards in 1881.' - -"Lamps to the memory of their ancestors were kept burning in -little huts, and at stones used to represent the spirits of their -ancestors. At one spot, where the genii were supposed to reside, there -was a fragment of granite well oiled, and surrounded by a great number -of extinguished torches. A most fearful demon was said to reside in a -hollow tree, which had been worshipped by thousands of families. They -did not know the precise hole in which the symbol was to be found; -when discovered, it looked like the hilt of an old sword. One deity -was said by the priest of a certain hill to have placed three curious -looking rocks as resting-places for himself on his journey to the -peak. Cocoanuts are offered to famous demons, residing in certain -hills. It has been observed that, in cases of sickness, sometimes -Arayans will make offerings to a Hindu god, and that they attend the -great feasts occasionally; but in no case do they believe that they -are under any obligation to do so, their own spirits being considered -fully equal to the Hindu gods. Each village has its priest, who, -when required, calls on the 'hill' (mala), which means the demon -resident there, or the pretham, ghost. If he gets the afflatus, -he acts in the usual way, yelling and screaming out the answers -sought. The devil-dancer wears the kudumi, and has a belt, bangles, -and other implements; and invokes the demons in case of sickness. - -"They have some sacred groves, where they will not fire a gun, or -speak above a breath; they have certain signs also to be observed -when fixing on land for cultivation or the site of a house, but no -other elaborate religious rites. In choosing a piece of ground for -cultivation, before cutting the jungle they take five strips of bark -of equal length, and knot all the ends together, holding them in the -left hand by the middle. If all, when tied, form a perfect circle, -the omen is lucky, and the position in which the cord falls on the -ground is carefully noted by the bystanders." - -Mala Nayakkan.--A name returned by Tamil Malaiyalis at times of census. - -Mala Vedan.--See Vedan. - -Malai-kanda.--A sub-division of Vellala. - -Malaiman.--See Udaiyan. - -Malaiyadi (foot of the hills).--A sub-division of Konga Vellala. - -Malakkar.--It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that -"the Malakkars, also called Malamuttanmar and Malapanikkar, are a -comparatively superior tribe of jungle cultivators and hunters found -in the Calicut and Ernad hills. They follow the marumakkathayam system -(of inheritance in the female line), and observe pollution for twelve -days. They call their huts illams, and, if they leave them to go down -to the plains, must bathe before returning. They consider themselves -polluted by all castes below Nayars. The name Muttan is properly a -title, meaning elder, confirmed on their headman by their janmis -(landlords). Their chief god is Maladevan. They are good forest -watchers and elephant catchers." - -Malara (a bundle of glass bangles, as carried about for sale).--An -exogamous sept of Gauda. - -Malasar.--The Malasars or Malsars are found in the Coimbatore district, -and in the Cochin State. The following account of them was given by -Buchanan a century ago. [161] "The forests here are divided into -Puddies, each of which has its boundary ascertained, and contains -one or more families of a rude tribe, called Malasir. Both the Puddy -and its inhabitants are considered as the property of some landlord, -who farms out the labour of these poor people, with all they collect, -to some trader (Chitty or Manadi). Having sent for some of these -poor Malasirs, they informed me that they live in small villages of -five or six huts, situated in the skirts of the woods on the hills -of Daraporam, Ani-malaya, and Pali-ghat. They speak a mixture of the -Tamul and Malayala languages. They are a better looking people than -the slaves, but are ill-clothed, nasty, and apparently ill-fed. They -collect drugs for the trader, to whom they are let, and receive from -him a subsistence, when they can procure for him anything of value. He -has the exclusive right of purchasing all that they have for sale, -and of supplying them with salt and other necessaries. A great part -of their food consists of wild yams (Dioscorea), which they dig when -they have nothing to give to the trader for rice. They cultivate some -small spots in the woods after the cotu-cadu fashion, both on their -own account and on that of the neighbouring farmers, who receive -the produce, and give the Malasirs hire. The articles cultivated in -this manner are ragi (Eleusine Coracana), avaray (Dolichos Lablab), -and tonda (Ricinus communis). They are also hired to cut timber and -firewood. The god of their tribe is called Mallung, who is represented -by a stone that is encircled by a wall, which serves for a temple. Once -a year, in April, a sacrifice of goats, and offerings of rice, honey, -and the like, are made by the Malasir to this rude idol. If this be -neglected, the god sends elephants and tigers to destroy both them -and their houses." - -The Malasars are described, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "a -forest tribe living by hill cultivation and day labour. They are good -at game-tracking, and very handy with their axes, with the help of -which they will construct a bamboo house for the wandering sportsman -in a few hours. They reside in hamlets known as pathis, each of which -has a headman, called Vendari, who exercises the usual authority, -with the assistance of a panchayat (council). One of the punishments -inflicted by panchayats is to make the culprit carry a heavy load of -sand for some distance, and then stand with it on his head and beg for -forgiveness. They worship Kali and Mariamman, the small-pox goddess, -but their special deity is Manakadatta, to whom they sacrifice fowls -and sheep in the Masi. A man of the tribe acts as priest on these -occasions, and keeps the heads of the offerings as his perquisite. An -unusual item in their wedding ceremonies is the tying of an iron ring -to the bridegroom's wrist. They will eat and drink almost anything, -except vermin and cobras. The Kadans regard themselves as superior to -the Malasars." It is noted, in the Manual of the Coimbatore district, -that "the Malasars live at a much lower elevation than the Kadars. They -are found almost down on the plains, and along the slopes near the -foot of the hills. They are somewhat sturdier in general build, but -have not the characteristic features of regular hillmen. They are not -to be depended on in any way, but will desert en masse on the smallest -excuse. They commit dacoities whenever they see an opportunity, and, -in fact, even to this day, the roads near the foot of the hills are -rarely traversed by low-country natives except in small bands, from -fear of the Malasars. On the other hand, the Malasars are useful -as being excellent axemen; and as baggage coolies they can hardly -be dispensed with. They carry for the most part on their heads like -low-country coolies, but unlike the Kadars and Puliyars, who, when -they can be induced to carry at all, carry loads on their backs." - -There may be said to be three grades of Malasars, viz., the Malai -(hill) Malasars, who live on the hills (e.g., at Mount Stuart -on Anaimalais), and the Malasars who live on the slopes and the -plains. It is said that Kadirs and Eravalars are admitted into -the Malasar caste. The Kadirs abstain from eating the flesh of the -'bison' and cow, whereas the Malasars will eat the carrion of these -animals. The settlements of the Malasars are called padhis or pathis, -and their streets salais. These are Tamil names, denoting villages and -rows. The padhis are named after the owners of the land on which they -are built, e.g., Sircar (Government) padhi, Karuppa Goundan padhi. On -the hills, the dwelling huts are made of bamboo matting thatched with -grass and teak leaves, whereas on the plains the walls are made of mud, -and are roofed with grass and bamboo. Like the Yanadis and Chenchus, -the Malasars seem to have an objection to well-built houses, and a -Malasar forester prefers his own rude hut to Government quarters. - -Some Malasars work as coolies, while others are employed as -agricultural labourers, or in collecting honey. A landlord keeps -under him a number of Malasars, to whom he gives land free of rent, -on which they raise their food-crops. In return, they are expected to -work in the fields, and do other services for their landlord (Mannadi), -who exercises absolute control over them. Sometimes, if a landholder -has a grievance against another, it is not difficult to induce his -Malasars to damage the crops of his enemy. The operations connected -with the catching and taming of wild elephants are carried out by -Malasars. They are proverbially lazy, and will take a week's wages -in advance, and spend a good portion thereof on drink on the same -day. With the remainder provisions are purchased, and they may only -put in three or four days' work in the week. Like other hill tribes, -they dig up yams when food is scarce. - -Marriage is generally adult, though infant marriage is not -prohibited. The Malasars of the plains perform the marriage ceremonies -at the home of the bride. Monday is considered an auspicious day for -their celebration. On the previous day, the contracting couple stand -on a pestle, and are anointed, and bathe. Two balls of cooked rice, -coloured red and black, are placed in a tray, and lighted wicks are -stuck into them. The flames from the two wicks should be of the same -height, or the omens would be considered unfavourable. The lights -are waved in front of the bride and bridegroom, to ward off the evil -eye. After bathing, the couple are seated on a dais within the marriage -pandal (booth), and the bridegroom ties the tali (marriage badge) -on the neck of the bride, and their hands are joined by the Muppan -(headman). The tali consists of a brass disc, tied to a string dyed -with turmeric. The couple eat from the same leaf or plate, and the -ceremony is at an end. - -The Malai Malasars bring the bride to the home of the bridegroom for -the marriage ceremonies. The bridegroom goes on a Wednesday to the -bride's house and takes her to his home on the following day. A pandal, -made of Sorghum and bamboo stems, is erected. Towards evening, the tali -is tied, and the fingers of the contracting couple are linked together -(kaidharam). They eat together from the same plate. The bridegroom -should feed his relations and friends at his own house, as well as -at that of the bride. He generally presents his mother-in-law with -a female cloth, with an eight anna bit tied in the skirt thereof. - -Ancestor worship is important among the Malayans. Before commencing -their ceremonies, cooked rice and the flesh of the fowl are offered -to the ancestors on seven leaves. On the occasion of a marriage, -a little of the food is eaten by the bridegroom on a Wednesday, -before he proceeds to the home of the bride. - -When a girl reaches maturity, she occupies a separate hut for seven -days. On the seventh day, she bathes and goes to the dwelling hut. A -measure and a lamp are placed before the hut, and the girl has to -go over them with her right foot foremost. She then steps backwards, -and again goes over them before entering the hut. - -The dead are usually buried, face upward. If the dead person was -an elder, his personal effects, such as pillows, walking-stick, and -clothes, are buried with him, or his corpse is cremated. Sometimes, -the dead are buried in a sitting posture, in a niche excavated on -one side of the grave. In the case of the Malasars of the plains, -the widow chews betel leaf and areca nuts, and spits the betel over -the eyes and neck of the corpse. On the third day after death, cooked -rice and meat are offered to the soul of the deceased on seven arka -(Calotropis gigantea) leaves. The male members of the family then -eat from the same leaf. - -The Malasars who live in the plains consider the Ficus glomerata tree -sacred, and worship it once a year. At least one branch thereof should -be used in the construction of the marriage pandal, and the menstrual -hut should be made of it. The Malasars of the plains also avoid the use -of the Pongamia glabra tree for any purpose. The hill Malasars worship, -among other deities, Ponnalamman (Mariamma), Pullarappachi (Ganesa), -and Kaliamman. To Ponnalamman, pigs and buffaloes are sacrificed once -a year. The deity worshipped by the Malasars of the plains is Mariayi -(Mariamma), at whose festival a stake is fixed in the ground, and -eventually shaken by the Malasars, and removed by Paraiyans. The -Malasar women of the plains wear glass bangles only on the left -wrist. If a woman puts such bangles on both wrists, the Paraiyans -are said to break them, and report the matter to the Muppan, who is -expected to fine the woman. As Paraiyan women, like the Malasars, only -wear glass bangles on one wrist, they take the wearing of bangles on -both wrists by Malasar women, who are only their equals, as an insult. - -The following graphic account of a Kama Mystery Play, in which Malasars -are represented, has been given by Mr. S. G. Roberts. [162] "The play, -as the writer saw it in a little village on the banks of the Amravati -river, was at once a mystery or miracle play, a mime, a tragedy -that strangely recalled the Greek choral tragedies, and a satyric -drama. These various ingredients gave it a quaint nebulous character, -the play now crystallising into mere drama, and again dissolving into -a religious rite. Just as an understanding of the Greek mythology is -necessary for the full grasping of the meaning of a Greek tragedy, -so it is necessary to portray the legend which is the basis of this -mystery, all the more as the characters are Hindu gods. Kama, then, is -the Hindu Cupid, not a tiny little child like the Roman god of love, -but more like Eros. He has beautiful attributes. His bow is of the -sugar-cane; his arrows are tipped with flowers; and his bow-string -is a chain of bees--a pretty touch that recalls the swallow song of -the Homeric bowstring. For all that, the genius of the country has -modified the local idea of Eros. He has long ago found his Psyche: -in point of fact, this Hindu Eros is a married man. His wife, Rathi, -is the other speaking character, and she certainly displays a beautiful -eloquence not unfitting her position. Moreover, like every married -man, Kama has a father-in-law, and here the tragedy begins to loom -out of the playful surroundings of a god of love of whatever nation or -clime. Siva, the destroyer, he of the bright blue neck, the dweller, -as Kama tauntingly says, among graves and dead men's ashes; Siva, -mighty in penance, is father of Rathi. In the play itself, he is not -even a muta persona; he does not appear at all. What he does is only -adumbrated by the action or song of the other characters. The legend -strikingly illustrates the Hindu view of penance. Briefly stated, -it is that anyone who performs any penance for a sufficiently long -time acquires such a store of power and virtue, that the very gods -themselves cannot stand against it. Hindu mythology affords many -examples of this belief. Siva himself, in one of his incarnations, -saved the whole Indian Olympus and the universe at large from a -demi-god, who, by years of penance, had become charged, as it were, -with power, like a religious electric 'accumulator.' The early sages -and heroes of Indian story had greater facilities for the acquisition -of this reserve of power, in that their lives lasted for centuries -or even æons. It may be imagined that three centuries of penance -increased the performer's strength to a degree not expressible in -modern figures! In this case, the gods had viewed with alarm a penance -which Siva had begun, and which threatened to make him master of all -creation. In spite of a few grotesque attributes, the mythology lends -to Siva a character at once terrific and awe-inspiring. When his third -eye was closed on one occasion, the universe was involved in darkness, -and the legend under discussion presents a solemn picture of the -god, sitting with his rosary in sackcloth and ashes, immersed in his -unending penance. Kama was deputed to break the spell. Accompanied by -his nymphs, he sported before the recluse, taking all shapes that could -'shake the saintship of an anchorite,' till this oriental St. Anthony, -but too thoroughly aroused, opened his tremendous frontal eye, and, -with a flashing glance of rage, consumed the rash intruder on his -solitude. Such is the legend which supplies the closing scene of the -life of Kama, a life that is celebrated, as March begins, with several -days' rejoicing in every town and village of Southern India. The writer -had seen the heap of bricks that support the Kama pillar in a village -which he visited a few months after first landing in India. As March -came round, he saw them in whatever village his work brought him, -and the legend was impressed on his memory by a case in court, in -which the momentous word 'Kamadakshinasivalingamedai' (or the high -place of the emblem of Siva who consumed Kama) was pronounced by -the various witnesses. It was not, however, till the spring of 1900 -that an opportunity presented itself for witnessing the performance -of the Kama mystery. The time of representation was the night, the -playtime for old and young in India. It has this special advantage, -from a theatrical point of view, that everything in a village street -takes on an adventitious beauty. The heaps of dust, the ragged huts, -lose their prominence, the palm trees become beautiful, and the tower -of the temple grows in majesty. Everything that is ugly or incongruous -seems to disappear, till the façade of a wealthy Hindu's house wears -the dignity of the old Grecian palace proscenium. The rag torches -give a soft strong light, that adds effect to the spangled and laced -robes of the actors, and leaves the auditory in semi-darkness, quite -in accordance with Wagnerian stage tradition. Kama was represented -in full dress, with a towering, crocketed, gilded mitre or helmet, -such as is worn by the images of South Indian gods. He is not like -the unadorned Eros of the Greeks, and he shows his Indian blood by -the green which paints the upper half of his face. Kama had the bow -of sugar-cane, and Rathi, otherwise dressed like a wealthy Hindu -bride, also bore a smaller bow of the same. The buffoon must not -be omitted. He figures in every Indian play, and here, besides the -distinction of a girdle of massive cow bells gracefully supporting -his paunch, he showed his connection with this love drama by a small -bow of sugar-cane fastened upright, by one tip, to the peak of a high -dunce's cap. The play began by Kama boastfully, and at great length, -announcing his intention of disturbing Siva's penance. Rathi did her -best to dissuade him, but every argument she could use only stirred -up his pride, and made him more determined on the adventure. The -dialogue was sometimes sustained by the characters themselves; -sometimes they sang with dreadful harshness; sometimes they but -swayed to and fro, as if in a Roman mimus, while the best voice in -the company sang their songs for them. Now and then, the musicians -would break into a chorus, which strikingly recalled, but for the -absence of dancing, the Greek tragic chorus, especially in their idea -of inevitable destiny, and in their lamentations over the disastrous -end of the undertaking. Meanwhile, the buffoon played his part with -more or less success, and backed up the astonishingly skilful and -witty acting of the players, who provided the comic relief. In most -Tamil dramas the action of the play is now and again suspended, -while one or more comedians stroll on to the stage, and amuse the -audience by a vesham, i.e., an impersonation of different well-known -street characters representing men (and women) not only of different -castes, but of different nations. Needless to say, the parts they -play have little or nothing to do with the subject of the drama, but -they afford great scope for delineation of character. There is not, -of course, in Southern India, the uniformity in dress that we notice -in England of the present day. A man's trade, profession, religion, -and sect are expressed by his dress and ornament--or lack of both. To -mention three of the different veshangal shown on this occasion, -there were a Mahrattah tattooing-woman, a north country fakir, and -a man and woman of the Malsar caste, each of the parts being dressed -to perfection, and admirably sustained. The Malsars are a low caste, -and employed in certain parts as bearers of announcements of death -(written on palm leaves) from the family of the deceased to relatives -at a distance. As they hobbled about, bending over their short crooked -crutch sticks, with turbans of twisted straw and bark, and girt with -scanty and dirty sackcloth kilts, they would have made a mummy laugh; -and they were equally mirth-provoking when they broke into a rough -song and dance peculiar to chucklers (leather-workers) when more than -usually intoxicated. When Kama had finally declared his unalterable -determination to engage in his contest with Siva--a point which was -only reached after discussion almost as interminable as a dialogue of -Euripides--the performers, and part of the audience, moved off in a -procession, which slowly perambulated the town, and halted for prayer -before the village temple. The 'stage wait' was filled up by some -simple playing and singing by a few local amateurs. This brought on -the climax of the tragedy. The Kama stake, to give it an appropriate -English name, was now ready. This was a slight stake or pole, a little -above a man's height, planted among a few bricks, and made inflammable -by a thatching or coating of cholum straw bound round it. The top of -this straw pillar was composed of a separate sheaf. When all was ready, -and the chorus had sung a strain expressive of grief at Kama's doom, -a rocket, representing Siva's fiery glance, shot along a string, -and (with some external assistance) lighted the Kama stake, thus -closely following the procedure in an Italian church festival. The -player who represented Kama now retired into the background, as he -was supposed to be dead, and the rest, hopping and dancing, circled -slowly round the fire wailing for his fate. It seemed to be a matter -of special import to the audience that the stake should be completely -consumed. This was an omen of prosperity in the coming year. The -funeral dance round the fire continued for a long while, and, when it -was but a short time to sunrise, the mummers were still beating their -breasts round the smouldering ashes. It seemed that, though some of -the songs were composed for the occasion, a great part of the play was -traditional, and the audience knew what to expect at any given period -in the performance. At one stage it was whispered that now the giant -would come in, and lift up a sheep with his teeth. In a few moments -he made his appearance, and proved to be a highly comic monster. His -arms, legs, and body were tightly swathed in neatly twisted straw -ropes, leaving only his feet and hands bare. His head was covered -by a huge canvas mask, flat on front and back, so that the actor had -the appearance of having introduced his head into the empty shell of -some gigantic crab. On the flat front of this mask-dial was painted a -terrible giant's face with portentous tusks. Thus equipped, the giant -skipped round the various characters, to the terror of the buffoon, -brandishing a quarter-staff, and executing vigorous moulinets. An -unwilling sheep was pushed into the ring, and the giant, after much -struggling, tossed the animal bodily over his head with a dexterous -fling that convinced most of the onlookers that he had really performed -the feat with his teeth." - -Malava.--The Malavas or Mala Bhovis are a small cultivating caste -in South Canara, "the members of which were formerly hunters and -fishermen. They profess Vaishnavism, and employ Shivalli Brahmans -as their priests. Hanuman is their favourite deity. Like the Bants -and other castes of Tuluva, they are divided into exogamous septs -called balis, and they have the dhare form of marriage. They speak -Canarese." [163] They are said to be really Mogers, who have separated -from the fishing community. The term Bhovi is used to denote Mogers -who carry palanquins, etc. - -Malavarayan.--A title of Ambalakkaran. - -Malayali.--The Malayalis or Malaialis, whom I examined in the Salem -district, dwell on the summits and slopes of the Shevaroy hills, -and earn their living by cultivating grain, and working on coffee -estates. Suspicious and superstitious to a degree, they openly -expressed their fear that I was the dreaded settlement officer, -and had come to take possession of their lands in the name of the -Government, and transport them to the Andaman islands (the Indian -penal settlement). When I was engaged in the innocent occupation of -photographing a village, the camera was mistaken for a surveying -instrument, and a protest raised. Many of them, while willing to -part with their ornaments of the baser metals, were loth to sell or -let me see their gold and silver jewelry, from fear lest I should -use it officially as evidence of their too prosperous condition. One -man told me to my face that he would rather have his throat cut than -submit to my measuring operations, and fled precipitately. The women -stolidly refused to entrust themselves in my hands. Nor would they -bring their children (unwashed specimens of brown humanity) to me, -lest they should fall sick under the influence of my evil eye. - -In the account which follows I am largely indebted to Mr. H. LeFanu's -admirable, and at times amusing, Manual of the Salem district. - -The word Malaiali denotes inhabitant of the hills (malai = hill or -mountain). The Malaialis have not, however, like the Todas of the -Nilgiris, any claim to be considered as an ancient hill tribe, but are -a Tamil-speaking people, who migrated from the plains to the hills in -comparatively recent times. As a shrewd, but unscientific observer put -it concisely to me, they are Tamils of the plains with the addition of -a kambli or blanket; which kambli is a luxury denied to the females, -but does duty for males, young and old, in the triple capacity of great -coat, waterproof, and blanket. According to tradition, the Malaialis -originally belonged to the Vellala caste of cultivators, and emigrated -from the sacred city of Kanchipuram (Conjeeveram) to the hills about -ten generations ago, when Muhammadan rule was dominant in Southern -India. When they left Kanchi, they took with them, according to their -story, three brothers, of whom the eldest came to the Shevaroy hills, -the second to the Kollaimalais, and the youngest to the Pachaimalais -(green hills). The Malaialis of the Shevaroys are called the Peria -(big) Malaialis, those of the Kollaimalais the Chinna (little) -Malaialis. According to another version "the Malaiali deity Kariraman, -finding himself uncomfortable at Kanchi, took up a new abode. Three of -his followers, named Periyanan, Naduvanan, and Chinnanan (the eldest, -the middle-man, and the youngest) started with their families to -follow him from Kanchi, and came to the Salem district, where they -took different routes, Periyanan going to the Shevaroys, Naduvanan -to the Pachaimalais and Anjur hills, and Chinnanan to Manjavadi." - -A further version of the legendary origin of the Malaialis of the -Trichinopoly district is given by Mr. F. R. Hemingway, who writes -as follows. "Their traditions are embodied in a collection of songs -(nattukattu). The story goes that they are descended from a priest of -Conjeeveram, who was the brother of the king, and, having quarrelled -with the latter, left the place, and entered this country with his -three sons and daughters. The country was then ruled by Vedans and -Vellalans, who resisted the new-comers. But 'the conch-shell blew -and the quoit cut,' and the invaders won the day. They then spread -themselves about the hills, the eldest son (Periyanan), whose name -was Sadaya Kavundan, selecting the Shevaroys in Salem, the second son -(Naduvanan, the middle brother) the Pachaimalais, and the youngest -(Chinnanan) the Kollaimalais. They married women of the country, -Periyanan taking a Kaikolan, Naduvanan a Vedan, and Chinnanan a 'Deva -Indra' Pallan. They gave their sister in marriage to a Tottiyan -stranger, in exchange for some food supplied by him after their -battle with the men of the country. Some curious customs survive, -which are pointed to in support of this story. Thus, the women -of the Pachaimalai Malaiyalis put aside a portion of each meal in -honour of their Vedan ancestors before serving their husbands, and, -at their marriages, they wear a comb, which is said to have been a -characteristic ornament of the Vedans. Bridegrooms place a sword and -an arrow in the marriage booth, to typify the hunting habits of the -Vedans, and their own conquest of the country. The Malaiyalis of -the Kollaimalais are addressed by Pallan women as brother-in-law -(macchan), though the Malaiyalis do not relish this. It is also -said that Tottiyan men regard Malaiyalis as their brothers-in-law, -and always treat them kindly, and that the Tottiyan women regard -the Malaiyalis as their brothers, but treat them very coldly, in -remembrance of their having sold their sister 'for a mess of pottage.'" - -The account, which the Malaialis of the Javadi hills in North -Arcot give of their origin, is as follows. [164] "In S.S. 1055 (1132 -A.D.) some of the Vedars of Kangundi asked that wives should be given -them by the Karaikkat Vellalas of Conjeeveram. They were scornfully -refused, and in anger kidnapped seven young Vellala maidens, whom they -carried away to Kangundi. To recover them, seven Vellala men set out -with seven dogs, leaving instructions with their wives that, if the -dogs returned alone, they should consider that they had perished, and -should cause the funeral ceremonies to be performed. Arriving at the -Palar, they found the river in flood, and crossed it with difficulty ; -but their dogs, after swimming half way, turned back and returned to -Conjeeveram. The men, however, continued their journey, and killed -the Vedars who had taken away their maidens, after which they went -back to their homes, but found that they had been given up as lost, -their wives had become widows, their funeral ceremonies performed, -and they were in consequence outcastes. Under these circumstances, -they contracted marriages with some Vedar women, and retired to the -Javadis, where they took to cultivation, and became the ancestors of -the Malaiali caste. This account has been preserved by the Malaialis -in a small palm-leaf book." There is, Mr. Francis writes, [165] a -tradition in the South Arcot district that "the hills were inhabited by -Vedans, and that the Malaialis killed the men, and wedded the women; -and at marriages a gun is still fired in the air to represent the -death of the Vedan husband." The Malaialis returned themselves, at the -last census, as Karaikkat Vellalas. The Malaialis of South Arcot call -themselves Kongu Vellalas. All the branches of the community agree -in saying that they are Vellalans, who emigrated from Kanchipuram, -bringing with them their god Kariraman, and, at the weddings of the -Kalrayans in South Arcot, the presiding priest sings a kind of chant -just before the tali is tied, which begins with the words Kanchi, -the (sacred) place, and Kariraman in front. Copper sasanams show -that the migration occurred at least as early as the beginning of -the sixteenth century. - -The Malaialis of the Shevaroys call themselves Kanchimandalam. Many, at -the last census, returned themselves as Vellala and Karalan. Malakkaran -and Mala Nayakkan are also used as synonyms for Malaiali. All have -Goundan as their second name, which is universally used in hailing -them. The first name is sometimes derived from a Hindu god, and my -notes record Mr. Green, Mr. Black, Mr. Little, Mr. Short, Mr. Large, -and Mr. Big nose. - -As regards the conditions under which the Malaialis of the Salem -district hold land, I learn from the Manual that, in 1866, the -Collector fixed an area around each village for the cultivation of -the Malaialis exclusively, and, in view to prevent aggression on -the part of the planters, had the boundaries of these areas surveyed -and demarcated. This area is known as the "village green." With this -survey the old system of charging the Malaialis on ploughs and hoes -appears to have been discontinued, and they are now charged at one -rupee per acre on the extent of their holdings. The lands within -the green are given under the ordinary darakhast [166] rules to the -Malaialis, but outside it they are sold under the special waste land -rules of 1863. In 1870 the Board of Revenue decided that, where the -lands within the green are all occupied, and the Malaialis require -more land for cultivation, land outside the limits of the green may -be given them under the ordinary darakhast rules. In 1871 it was -discovered that the planters tried to get lands outside the green -by making the Malaialis first apply for it, thereby evading the -waste land rules. The Board then ordered that, if there was reason -to suspect that a Malaiali was applying for lands outside the green -on account of the planters, the patta (deed of lease) might be refused. - -Subscribing vaguely to the Hindu religion, the Malaialis, who -believe that their progenitors wore the sacred thread, give a -nominal allegiance to both Siva and Vishnu, as well as to a number of -minor deities, and believe in the efficacy of a thread to ward off -sickness and attacks by devils or evil spirits. "In the year 1852," -Mr. LeFanu writes, "a searching enquiry into the traditions, customs, -and origin of these Malaialis was made. They then stated that smearing -the face with ashes indicates the religion of Siva, and putting -namam that of Vishnu, but that there is no difference between the two -religions; that, though Sivaratri sacred to Siva, and Sriramanavami and -Gokulashtami sacred to Vishnu, appear outwardly to denote a difference, -there is really none. Though they observe the Saturdays of the month -Peratasi sacred to Vishnu, still worship is performed without reference -to Vishnu or Siva. They have, indeed, certain observances, which would -seem to point to a division into Vaishnavas and Saivas, the existence -of which they deny; as for instance, some, out of respect to Siva, -abstain from sexual intercourse on Sundays and Mondays; and others, -for the sake of Vishnu, do the same on Fridays and Saturdays. So, -too, offerings are made to Vishnu on Fridays and Saturdays, and to -Siva on Sundays and Mondays; but they denied the existence of sects -among them." - -"On the Kalrayans," Mr. Francis writes, [167] "are very many -shrines to the lesser gods. The Malaialis themselves do the puja -(worship). The deities include Mariamma, Draupadi, and many other -village goddesses. In some of the temples are placed the prehistoric -celts and other stone implements which are found on these hills. The -people do not understand what these are, and reverence them -accordingly. The practice of taking oaths before these shrines to -settle disputes is common. The party makes a solemn affidavit of the -truth of his case in the presence of the god, holding some burning -camphor in his hand. Having made his statement, he blows out the -flame to signify that, if he is lying, the god is welcome to snuff -him out in the same sudden manner." - -In April 1896, I paid a visit to the picturesquely situated village -of Kiliur, not far distant from the town of Yercaud, on the occasion -of a religious festival. The villagers were discovered, early in the -morning, painting pseudo-sect-marks on their foreheads with blue and -pink coal-tar dyes, with the assistance of hand looking-glasses of -European manufacture purchased at the weekly market, and decorating -their turbans and ears with the leafy stems of Artemisia austriaca, -var. orientalis, and hedge-roses. The scene of the ceremonial was in a -neighbouring sacred grove of lofty forest trees, wherein were two hut -temples, of which one contained images of the goddess Draupadi and -eight minor deities, the other images of Perumal and his wife. All -the gods and goddesses were represented by human figures of brass -and clay. Two processional cars were gaily decorated with plantain -leaves and flags, some made in Germany. As the villagers arrived, -they prostrated themselves before the temples, and whiled away the -time, till the serious business of the day began, in gossiping with -their friends, and partaking of light refreshment purchased from -the fruit and sweetmeat sellers, who were doing a brisk trade. At -10 A.M. the proceedings were enlivened by a band of music, which -played at intervals throughout the performance, and the gods were -decorated with flowers and jewelry. An hour later, puja was done to -the stone image of the god Vigneswara, within a small shrine built of -slabs of rock. Before this idol cooked rice was offered, and camphor -burnt. The plantain stems, with leaves, were tied to a tree in the -vicinity of the temples, and cooked rice and cocoanuts placed beneath -the tree. A man holding a sword, issued forth, and, in unison with -the collected assemblage, screamed out "Govinda, Govinda" (the name -of their god). The plantain stems were next removed from the tree, -carried in procession with musical honours, and placed before the -threshold of one of the temples. Then some men appeared on the scene -to the cry of "Govinda," bearing in one hand a light, and ringing a -bell held in the other. Holy water was sprinkled over the plantain -stems, and puja done to the god Perumal by offering samai (grain) -and burning camphor. Outside one of the temples a cloth was spread -on the ground, and the images of Draupadi and other deities placed -therein. From the other temple Perumal and his wife were brought forth -in state, and placed on two cars. A yellow powder was distributed -among the crowd, and smeared over the face. A cocoanut was broken, -and camphor burnt before Perumal. Then all the gods, followed by the -spectators, were carried in procession round the grove, and a man, -becoming inspired and seized with a fine religious frenzy, waved -a sword wildly around him, but with due respect for his own bodily -safety, and pointed it in a threatening manner at the crowd. Asked, -as an oracle, whether the omens were propitious to the village, he -gave vent to the oracular (and true) response that for three years -there would be a scarcity of rain, and that there would be famine -in the land, and consequent suffering. This performance concluded, -a bamboo pole was erected, bearing a pulley at the top, with which -cocoanuts and plantains were connected by a string. By means of -this string, the fruits were alternately raised and lowered, and -men, armed with sticks, tried to hit them, while turmeric water was -dashed in their faces just as they were on the point of striking. The -fruits, being at last successfully hit, were received as a prize by -the winner. The gods were then taken back to their temple, and three -men, overcome by a mock convulsive seizure, were brought to their -senses by stripes on the back administered with a rope by the pujari -(officiating priest). A sheep being produced, mantrams (prayers) -were recited over it. The pujari, going to a pool close by, bathed, -and smeared turmeric powder over his face. A pretence was made to cut -the sheep's throat, and blood drawn with a knife. The pujari, after -sucking the blood, returned to the pool, and indulged in a ceremonial -ablution, while the unhappy sheep was escorted to the village, and -eventually eaten at a banquet by the villagers and their guests. - -An annual festival, in honour of the god Servarayan, is held at -the shrine on the summit of the Shevarayan hill, past which a stream -flows. At this festival, in 1904, "on one side of the temple, two long -rows of fruit, flower, and grain stalls were erected. Supported on -two posts was a merry-go-round with wooden seats instead of boats, the -cost of a ride thereon being a quarter of an anna. Women carried their -children to a pool of water beside the temple, known as the wishing -well, and, after sprinkling some of the holy fluid on themselves and -their offspring, spoke their wishes aloud, fully believing that they -would be granted. Suddenly there was a beating of drums, and blowing -of trumpets, and horns, which announced the time when the god was -to be brought out, and shown to the people, who made a rush to the -temple, to obtain a good view. The god was carried by two priests -robed in white, with garlands of jasmine round their necks. Then -followed two other priests, clothed in the same manner, who bore the -goddess on their shoulders. Another carried the holy water and fire -in silver vessels from the temple, sprinkling the former in front of -the deities, and the latter they passed before them. These services -being completed, each deity was placed on a wooden horse with gay -trappings, and carried to the top of the hill, where they were met -with shouts from the people. The deities were placed in a palanquin, -and carried to the four points of the hill, and, at each point, the men -put their burden down, and cocoanuts were broken in front of them, and -fruit, grain, and even copper coins were scattered. Those who wished -to take the vow to be faithful to their god had to receive fifteen -lashes on their bare backs with a stout leather thong, administered -by the chief priest. When questioned about the pain, they answered, -'Oh, it is nothing. It is just like being scratched by an ant.' The -god and goddess were then carried back into the temple." [168] - -Of this festival, as celebrated in May, 1908, the following account -has been given. [169] "The annual Malayali festival was held on the -top of Shevarayan. It was the occasion of the marriage anniversary -of the god Servarayan, after whom the Shevaroy Hills have been named, -to a goddess, the presiding deity of the Cauvery river. This hill is -believed by the Malayalis to be the place where their god Servarayan -lived, died, and was buried. On one side of the hill, the temple of -the god nestles in the midst of a sacred grove of trees. Some say that -there is a secret tunnel leading from the shrine to another part of -the hill, and a second one opening lower down into Bear's Cave. It was -an interesting sight to watch visitors and devotees as they came from -the four quarters of the Shevaroys. A few hill-men danced a serpentine -dance, stepping to the music supplied by village drums, and occasional -shrill blasts from the horns. Huge cauldrons were sending up blue -wreaths of smoke into the sky, which, it was explained to us, contained -food to be dispensed as charity to the poor. The temple yard was hung -with flowers and leaves, with which also the rude structure known -as the temple gate was decorated. On the summit of the hill, wares -of all sorts and conditions were displayed to tempt purchasers. The -articles for sale consisted of fruits, palm sugar, cocoanuts, monkey -nuts, and other nuts, mirrors which proved very popular among the -fair sex, fancy boxes, coloured powder for caste marks, cloth bags, -strings of sweet-scented flowers, rattles for children, etc.... We -were startled by hearing the noise of loud drums and shrill trumpets, -and were told that the god was about to be brought forth. This was -accompanied by shouting, clapping, and the beating of drums. The god -and goddess were placed in two chariots, bedecked with flowers, jewels -and tapestries, and umbrellas and fans also figured prominently. The -procession passed up to the left of the temple, the deities being -supported on the shoulders of sturdy Malayalis. As the people met it, -they threw fruit, nuts, and cocoanut water after the cars. The god -was next placed by the temple pujari (priest) in the triumphal car, -and was led with the goddess to that part of the hill from which -the Cauvery can best be seen. Here the procession halted while the -priest recited some incantations. Then it marched down the hill, -sometimes resting the god on cairns specially built for the purpose, -from where a view of the outlying villages is obtained. The belief -is that, as the god glances at these villages, he invokes blessings -on them, and the villagers will always live in prosperity." - -To Mr. W. Mahon Daly, I am indebted for the following account of a -Malaiali bull dance, at which he was present as an eye-witness. "It is -the custom on the Shevaroy hills, as well as the plains, to have a bull -dance after the Pongal festival, and I had the pleasure of witnessing -one in a Malaiali village. It was held in an open enclosure called -the manthay, adjoining the village. It faces the Mariamma shrine, -and is the place of resort on festive occasions. The village councils, -marriages, and other ceremonies are held here. On our arrival, we were -courteously invited to sit under a wide spreading fig-tree. The bull -dance would literally mean a bull dancing, but I give the translation -of the Tamil 'yerothu-attum,' the word attum meaning dance. This is a -sport which is much in vogue among the Malaialis, and is celebrated -with much éclat immediately after Pongal, this being the principal -festival observed by them. No doubt they have received the custom from -those in the plains. A shooting excursion follows as the next sport, -and, if they be so fortunate as to hunt down a wild boar or deer, -or any big game, a second bull dance is got up. We were just in time -to see the tamasha (spectacle). The manthay was becoming crowded, -a regular influx of spectators, mostly women arrayed in their best -cloths, coming in from the neighbouring villages. These were marshalled -in a circle round the manthay, all standing. I was told that they were -not invited, but that it was customary for them to pour in of their -own accord when any sports or ceremonial took place in a village; and -the inhabitants of the particular village were prepared to expect a -large company, whom they fed on such occasions. After the company had -collected, drums were beaten, and the long brass bugles were blown; -and, just at this juncture, we saw an elderly Malaiali bring from his -hut a coil of rope made of leather, and hand it over to the pujari or -priest in charge of the temple. The latter placed it in front of the -shrine, worshipped it thrice, some of the villagers following suit, -and, after offering incense, delivered it to a few respectable village -men, who in turn made it over to a lot of Malaiali men, whose business -it was to attach it to the bulls. This rope the oldest inhabitant -of the village had the right to keep. The bulls had been previously -selected, and penned alongside of the manthay, from which they were -brought one by one, and tied with the rope, leaving an equal length -on either side. The rope being fixed on, the bull was brought to -the manthay, held on both sides by any number who were willing, -or as many as the rope would permit. More than fifteen on either -side held on to a bull, which was far too many, for the animal had -not the slightest chance of making a dart or plunge at the man in -front, who was trying to provoke it by using a long bamboo with a -skin attached to the end. When the bull was timid, and avoided his -persecutors, he was hissed and hooted by those behind, and, if these -modes of provocation failed to rouse his anger, he was simply dragged -to and fro by main force, and let loose when his strength was almost -exhausted. A dozen or more bulls are taken up and down the manthay, -and the tamasha is over. When the manthay happens to have a slope, -the Malaialis have very little control over the bull, and, in some -instances, I have seen them actually dragged headlong to the ground -at the expense of a few damaged heads. The spectators, and all the -estate coolies who were present, were fed that night, and slept in -the village. If a death occurs in the village a few days before the -festival, I am told that the dance is postponed for a week. This -certainly, as far as I know, is not the custom in the plains." - -The man of highest rank is the guru, who is invited to settle -disputes in villages, to which he comes, on pony-back or on foot, -with an umbrella over him, and accompanied by music. The office of -guru is hereditary, and, when he dies, his son succeeds him, unless -he is a minor, in which case the brother of the deceased man steps -into his shoes. If, in sweeping the hut, the broom touches any one, -or when a Malaiali has been kicked by a European or released from -prison, he must be received back into his caste. For this purpose -he goes to the guru, who takes him to the temple, where a screen is -put up between the guru and the applicant for restoration of caste -privileges. Holy water is dedicated to the swami(god), by the guru, -and a portion thereof drunk by the man, who prostrates himself before -the guru, and subsequently gives a feast of pork, mutton, and other -delicacies. The Malaialis, it may be noted, will eat sheep, pigs, -fowls, various birds, and black monkeys. - -Each village on the Shevaroys has its own headman, an honorary -appointment, carrying with it the privilege of an extra share of the -good things, when a feast is being held. A Kangani is appointed to -do duty under the headman, and receives annually from every hut two -ballams of grain. When disputes occur, e.g., between two brothers -regarding a woman or partition of property, the headman summons a -panchayat (village council), which has the power to inflict fines in -money, sheep, etc., according to the gravity of the offence. For every -group of ten villages there is a Pattakaran (head of a division), who -is expected to attend on the occasion of marriages and car festivals. A -bridegroom has to give him eight days before his marriage a rupee, -a packet of betel leaves, and half a measure of nuts. Serving under -the Pattakaran is the Maniakaran, whose duty it is to give notice of -a marriage to the ten villages, and to summon the villagers thereto. - -In April 1898, on receipt of news of a wedding at a distant village, -I proceeded thither through coffee estates rich with white flowers -bursting into flower under the grateful influence of a thunderstorm. En -route, a view was obtained of the Golden Horn, an overhanging rock -with a drop of a thousand feet, down which the Malaialis swing -themselves in search for honey. On the track through the jungle a -rock, known from the fancied resemblance of the holes produced by -weathering to hoof-marks as the kudre panji (horse's footprints), -was passed. Concerning this rock, the legend runs that a horse jumped -on to it at one leap from the top of the Shevarayan hill, and at the -next leap reached the plains at the foot of the hills. The village, -which was the scene of the festivities, was, like other Malaiali -villages, made up of detached bee-hive huts of bamboo, thatched with -palm-leaves and grass, and containing a central room surrounded -by a verandah--the home of pigs, goats, and fowls. Other huts, of -similar bee-hive shape, but smaller, were used as storehouses for -the grain collected at the harvest-season. These grain-stores have -no entrance, and the thatched roof has to be removed, to take out the -grain for use. Tiled roofs, such as are common in the Badaga villages -on the Nilgiris, are forbidden, as their use would be an innovation, -which would excite the anger of the Malaiali gods. The Malaialis -have religious scruples against planing or smoothing with an adze -the trees which they fell. The area of lands used to be ascertained -by guesswork, not measurement, and much opposition was made to an -attempt to introduce chain measurements, the Malaialis expressing -themselves willing to pay any rent imposed, if their lands were -not measured. Huts built on piles contain the flocks, which, during -the day, are herded in pens which are removable, and, by moving the -pens, the villagers manage to get the different parts of their fields -manured. Round the village a low wall usually runs, and, close by, are -the coffee, tobacco, and other cultivated crops. Outside the village, -beneath a lofty tree, was a small stone shrine, capped with a stone -slab, wherein were stacked a number of neolithic celts, which the -Malaialis reverence as thunderbolts from heaven. I was introduced to -the youthful and anxious bridegroom, clad in his wedding finery, who -stripped before the assembled crowd, in order that I might record his -jewelry and garments. On the first day, the bridegroom, accompanied by -his relations, takes the modest dowry of grain and money (usually five -rupees) to the bride's village, and arranges for the performance of -the nalangu ceremony on the following day. If the bride and bridegroom -belong to the same village, this ceremony is performed by the pair -seated on a cot. Otherwise it is performed by each separately. The -elders of the village take a few drops of castor-oil, and rub it into -the heads of the bride and bridegroom; afterwards washing the oil off -with punac (Bassia oil-cake) and alum water. One of the elders then -dips betel-leaves and arugum-pillu (Cynodon Dactylon) in milk, and with -them describes a circle round the heads of the young couple, who do -obeisance by bowing their heads. The proceedings wind up with a feast -of pork and other luxuries. On the following day, the ceremony of tying -the tali (marriage emblem) round the bride's neck is performed. The -bride, escorted by her party, comes to the bridegroom's village, and -remains outside it, while the bridegroom brings a light, a new mat, -and three bundles of betel leaves and half a measure of areca nuts, -which are distributed among the crowd. The happy pair then enter the -village, accompanied by music. Beneath a pandal (booth) there is a -stone representing the god, marked with the namam, and decorated with -burning lamps and painted earthen pots. Before this stone the bride and -bridegroom seat themselves in the presence of the guru, who is seated -on a raised dais. Flowers are distributed among the wedding guests, -and the tali, made of gold, is tied round the bride's neck. This -done, the feet of both bride and bridegroom are washed with alum -water, and presents of small coin received. The contracting parties -then walk three times round the stone, before which they prostrate -themselves, and receive the blessing of the assembled elders. The -ceremony concluded, they go round the village, riding on the same -pony. The proceedings again terminate with a feast. I gather that -the bride lives apart from her husband for eleven or fifteen days, -during which time he is permitted to visit her at meal times, with the -object, as my interpreter expressed it, of "finding out if the bride -loves her husband or not. If she does not love him, she is advised -by the guru and headman to do so, because there are many cases in -which the girls, after marriage, if they are matured, go away with -other Malaialis. If this matter comes to the notice of the guru, -she says that she does not like to live with him. After enquiry, -the husband is permitted to marry another girl." - -A curious custom prevailing among the Malaialis, which illustrates -the Hindu love of offspring, is thus referred to by Mr. Le Fanu. "The -sons, when mere children, are married to mature females, and the -father-in-law of the bride assumes the performance of the procreative -function, thus assuming for himself and his son a descendant to take -them out of Put. When the putative father comes of age, and, in their -turn, his wife's male offspring are married, he performs for them -the same office which his father did for him. Thus, not only is the -religious idea involved in the words Putra and Kumaran carried out, -but also the premature strain on the generative faculties, which this -tradition entails, is avoided. The accommodation is reciprocal, and -there is something on physiological grounds to recommend it." Putra -means literally one who saves from Put, a hell into which those who -have not produced a son fall. Hindus believe that a son can, by the -performance of certain rites, save the souls of his ancestors from this -place of torture. Hence the anxiety of every Hindu to get married, -and beget male offspring. Kumaran is the second stage in the life of -an individual, which is divided into infancy, childhood, manhood, -and old age. Writing to me recently, a Native official assures me -that "the custom of linking a boy in marriage to a mature female, -though still existing, has, with the advance of the times, undergone a -slight yet decent change. The father-in-law of the bride has relieved -himself of the awkward predicament into which the custom drove him, -and now leaves the performance of the procreative function to others -accepted by the bride." - -Widow remarriage among the Peria Malaialis is, I am informed, -forbidden, though widows are permitted to contract irregular -alliances. But, writing concerning the Malaialis of the Dharmapuri -taluk of the Salem district, Mr. Le Fanu states that "it is almost -imperative on a widow to marry again. Even at eighty years of age, -a widow is not exempted from this rule, which nothing but the most -persistent obstinacy on her part can evade. It is said that, in case -a widow be not remarried at once, the Pattakar sends for her to his -own house, to avoid which the women consent to re-enter the state of -bondage." Of the marriage customs of the Malaialis of the Javadi hills -the same author writes that "these hills are inhabited by Malaialis, -who style themselves Vellalars and Pachai Vellalars, the latter being -distinguished by the fact that their females are not allowed to tattoo -themselves, or tie their hair in the knot called 'kondai.' The two -classes do not intermarry. In their marriage ceremonies they dispense -with the service of a Brahman. Monday is the day chosen for the -commencement of the ceremony, and the tali is tied on the following -Friday, the only essential being that the Monday and Friday concerned -must not follow new-moon days. They are indifferent about choosing a -'lakkinam' (muhurtham or auspicious day) for the commencement of the -marriage, or for tying the tali. Widows are allowed to remarry. When -a virgin or a widow has to be married, the selection of a husband is -not left to the woman concerned, or to her parents. It is the duty -of the Urgoundan to inquire what marriageable women there may be in -the village, and then to summon the Pattan, or headman of the caste, -to the spot. The latter, on his arrival, convenes a panchayat of -the residents, and, with their assistance, selects a bridegroom. The -parents of the happy couple then fix the wedding day, and the ceremony -is performed accordingly. The marriage of a virgin is called 'kalianam' -or 'marriage proper'; that of a widow being styled 'kattigiradu' -or 'tying' (cf. Anglice noose, nuptial knot). Adultery is regarded -with different degrees of disfavour according to the social position -of the co-respondents. If a married woman, virgin or widow, commits -adultery with a man of another caste, or if a male Vellalan commits -adultery with a woman of another caste, the penalty is expulsion from -caste. Where, however, the paramour belongs to the Vellala caste, -a caste panchayat is held, and the woman is fined Rs. 3-8-9, and -the man Rs. 7. After the imposition of the fine, Brahman supremacy -is recognised, the guru having the privilege of administering the -tirtam, or holy water, to the culprits for their purification. For -the performance of this rite his fee varies from 4 annas to 12 -rupees. The tirtam may either be administered by the guru in person, -or may be sent by him to the Nattan for the purpose. The fine imposed -on the offenders is payable by their relatives, however distant; -and, if there be no relatives, then the offenders are transported -from their village to a distant place. Where the adulteress is a -married woman, she is permitted to return to her husband, taking any -issue she may have had by her paramour. In special cases a widow is -permitted to marry her deceased husband's brother. Should a widow -remarry, her issue by her former husband belong to his relatives, -and are not transferable to the second husband. The same rule holds -good in successive remarriages. Where there may be no relatives of -the deceased husband forthcoming to take charge of the children, -the duty of caring for them devolves on the Urgoundan, who is bound -to receive and protect them. The Vellalars generally bury their dead, -except in cases where a woman quick with child, or a man afflicted with -leprosy has died, the bodies in these cases being burnt. No ceremony -is performed at child-birth; but the little stranger receives a name -on the fifteenth day. When a girl attains puberty, she is relegated -to a hut outside the village, where her food is brought to her, -and she is forbidden to leave the hut either day or night. The same -menstrual and death customs are observed by the Peria Malaialis, -who bury their dead in the equivalent of a cemetery, and mark the -site by a mound of earth and stones. At the time of the funeral, -guns are discharged by a firing party, and, at the grave, handfuls of -earth are, as at a Christian burial service, thrown over the corpse." - -If a woman among the Malaialis of the Javadi hills commits adultery, -the young men of the tribe are said to be let loose on her, to -work their wicked way, after which she is put in a pit filled with -cow-dung and other filth. An old man naively remarked that adultery -was very rare. - -At a wedding among the Malaialis of the South Arcot district, "after -the tali is tied, the happy couple crook their little fingers together, -and a two-anna bit is placed between the fingers, and water is poured -over their hands. The priest offers betel and nut to Kari Raman, -and then a gun is fired into the air." [170] - -The father of a would-be bridegroom among the Malaialis of the -Yelagiris, when he hears of the existence of a suitable bride, -repairs to her village, with some of his relations, and seeks out the -Urgoundan or headman, between whom and the visitors mutual embraces are -exchanged. The object of the visit is explained, and the father says -that he will abide by the voice of four in the matter. If the match is -fixed up, he gives a feast in honour of the event. When the visitors -enter the future bride's house, the eldest daughter-in-law of the -house appears on the threshold, and takes charge of the walking-stick -of each person who goes in. She then, with some specially prepared -sandal-paste, makes a circular mark on the foreheads of the guests, -and retires. The feast then takes place, and she again appears before -the party retire, and returns the walking-sticks. [171] - -At a marriage among the Malai Vellalas of the Coimbatore district, -the bride has to cry during the whole ceremony, which lasts three -days. Otherwise she is considered an "ill woman." When she can no -longer produce genuine tears, she must bawl out. If she does not do -this, the bridegroom will not marry her. In the North Arcot district, -Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [172] "a Malaiali bride is sometimes carried -off by force, but this custom is viewed with much disfavour, and -the bridegroom who resorts to it must paint his face with black and -white dots, and carry an old basket filled with broken pots and other -rubbish, holding a torn sieve over him as an umbrella, before the -celebration of the marriage. At the wedding, the bridegroom gives the -girl's father a present of money, and a pile of firewood sufficient -for the two days' feast. On the first day the food consists of rice -and dhal (Cajanus indicus), and on the second day pork curry is -consumed. At sunrise on the third day the bridegroom produces the -tali. A sword is then laid on the laps of the bridal pair, and the -Nattan (headman), or an elderly man blesses the tali, and gives it to -the bridegroom, who ties it round the bride's neck. Before marriage, -a man has to serve for at least a year in the house of the bride, -in order to receive the consent of her parents." - -"The North Arcot Malaialis," Mr. Stuart writes, "occupy eighteen -nadus or districts. The Nattan (headman) of Kanamalai nadu is -called the Periya (big) Nadan, and is the headman of the caste. He -has the power to nominate Nattans for other nadus, to call caste -panchayats, to preside over any such meetings, and to impose fines, -and excommunicate any Malaiali. He can inflict corporal punishment, -such as whipping with a tamarind switch, on those persons who violate -their tribal customs. This power is sometimes delegated by him to -the other Nattans. Of the fines collected, the Periya Nattan takes -two shares, and the rest is distributed equally among the Urans -(village heads). The village precincts are considered sacred, and -even Brahmans are desired to walk barefoot along their alleys. They -are both Saivites and Vaishnavites, and worship Kali and Perumal, -wearing the namam and sacred ashes alike. Their worship is somewhat -peculiar, and kept more or less a mystery. Its chief object is Kali, in -whose honour they celebrate a feast once a year, lasting for fifteen -days. During this time no people of the plains venture near them, -believing that no intruder will ever leave the spot alive. Even the -Malaiali women are studiously debarred from witnessing the rites, and -those who take part in them are not permitted to speak to a woman, -even should she be his wife. The ceremonies take place in the open -air, at a particular spot on the hills, where the goddess is to be -adored in the shape of a stone called Vellandiswami. The nature of -the rites it is difficult to learn. In the village they worship, -also excluding women, small images of Venkateswara of Tirupati, -which are carefully concealed in caskets, and not allowed to be seen -by people of other castes. A few bundles of tobacco are buried with -the dead. When any one falls ill, the Malaialis do not administer -medicine, but send for a pujari, and ask him which god or goddess the -patient had offended. The assessment paid to Government by them is -a fixed charge for each plough or hoe possessed, without reference -to the extent of land cultivated. They collect jungle produce, -particularly the glandular hairs of the fruits of a certain flower -(Mallotus philippinensis), which is used by the Rangaris for dyeing -silk a rich orange, and the roots of a plant called shenalinsedi, -supposed to possess wonderful medicinal virtues, curing, among other -things, snake-bite." The Malaialis of the Javadi hills in the North -Arcot district also earn a living by felling bamboos and sandal trees. - -The Malaialis snare with nets, and shoot big game--deer, tigers, -leopards, bears, and pigs--with guns of European manufacture. Mr. Le -Fanu narrates that, during the Pongal feast, all the Malaialis of -the Kalrayans go hunting, or, as they term it, for parvettai. Should -the Palaiagar fail to bring something down, usage requires that the -pujari should deprive him of his kudumi or top-knot. He generally -begs himself off the personal degradation, and a servant undergoes -the operation in his stead. A few years ago, a party of Malaialis of -the Shevaroys went out shooting with blunderbusses and other quaint -weapons, and bagged a leopard, which they carried on a frame-work, with -jaws wide open and tail erect, round Yercaud, preceded by tom-toms, -and with men dancing around. - -The Malaiali men on the Shevaroys wear a turban and brown kumbli -(blanket), which does duty as great coat, mackintosh, and umbrella. A -bag contains their supply of betel and tobacco, and they carry a -bill-hook and gourd water-vessel, and a coffee walking-stick. As -ornaments they wear bangles, rings on the fingers and toes, and in -the nose and ears. The women are tattooed by Korava women who come -round on circuit, on the forehead, outside the orbits, cheeks, arms, -and hands. Golden ornaments adorn their ears and nose, and they also -wear armlets, toe-rings, and bangles, which are sometimes supplemented -by a tooth-pick and ear-scoop pendent from a string round the neck. For -dress, a sari made of florid imported cotton fabric is worn. I have -seen women smoking cheroots, made from tobacco locally cultivated, -wrapped up in a leaf of Gmelina arborea. Tattooing is said to be -forbidden among the Malaialis of the Javadi hills in North Arcot. - -Concerning the Malaialis of the Trichinopoly district, -Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes as follows. "As far as this district -is concerned, they are inhabitants of the Pachaimalais and -Kollaimalais. The Malaialis of the two ranges will not intermarry, -but have no objection to dining together. For purposes of the -caste discipline, the villages of both sub-divisions are grouped -into nadus. Each nadu contains some twenty or thirty villages. Each -village has a headman called on the Pachaimalais Muppan, and on the -Kollaimalais Ur-Kavundan or Kutti-Maniyam. Again, on the Pachaimalais, -every five or ten villages make up a sittambalam, over which is -a Kavundan, and each nadu is ruled by a Periya Kavundan. In the -Kollaimalais there are no sittambalams, but the nadu there is also -presided over by a Periya Kavundan, who is sometimes called a Sadi -Kavundan. Again, on the Kollaimalais, the first four nadus are grouped -into one pattam under the Pattakaran of Valappur, and the other three -into another under the Pattakaran of Sakkiratti. The nadu headmen on -the Pachaimalais also do duty as Pattakarans. All these appointments -are hereditary. The permission of the Pattakaran has to be obtained -before a marriage can take place, but, on the Kollaimalais, he deputes -this power to the Sadi Kavundan. The Pattakarans of both ranges have -recognised privileges, such as the right to ride on horseback, and -use umbrellas, which are denied to the common folk. - -"The Malaiyalis recognise the sanctity of the large Vishnu temple -at Srirangam, and of the Siva temple at Anaplesvaran Kovil on the -Kollaimalais. To the festival of the latter in Adi (July-August) -the Malaiyalis of all three divisions flock. In every village is a -temple or image of Perumal. Kali is also commonly worshipped, but -the Malaiyalis do not connect her with Siva. Almost every village -further contains temples to Mariyayi, the goddess of cholera, and to -the village goddess Pidari. On the Kollaimalais, Kali is also looked -upon as a village goddess, but she has no attendant Karuppans, nor is -she worshipped by shedding blood. Pidari is often called Manu Pidari -on the Pachaimalais, and is represented by a heap of mud. At midnight, -a sheep and some cooked rice are taken to this, a man cleaning the -pathway to the temple by dragging a bunch of leaves. The sheep is -killed, and its lungs are inflated and placed on the heap. On the -Kollaimalais two other goddesses, Nachi and Kongalayi, are commonly -worshipped. At the worship of the former, perfect silence must be -observed, and women are not allowed to be in the village at the -time. It is supposed that, if anyone speaks during the ceremony, he -will be stung by bees or other insects. The goddess has no image, -but is supposed to appear from the surface of the ground, and to -glitter like the comb of a cock. Kongalayi has an image, and her -worship is accompanied by music. All these goddesses are worshipped -every year before the ground is cultivated. The Malaiyalis, like the -people of the plains, worship Pattavans. But, on the Kollaimalais, -instead of thinking that these are people who have died a violent -death, they say they are virtuous men and good sportsmen, who have -lived to a ripe old age. The test of the apotheosis of such a one -is that his castemen should have a successful day's sport on some -day that they have set aside in his honour. They sometimes offer -regular sacrifices to the Pattavans, but more usually offer the head -of any game they shoot. Sometimes a man will dream of some evil spirit -turning Pattavan, and then he is taken to a Strychnos Nux-vomica tree, -and his hair nailed to the trunk and cut. This is supposed to free -the caste from further molestation. The same practice is observed -on the Pachaimalais, if the ghost appears in a dream accompanied -by a Panchama. On the Kollaimalais, holy bulls, dedicated to the -Srirangam temple, are taken round with drums on their backs by men -with feathers stuck in their hair, and alms are collected. When -these animals die, they are buried, and an alari tree is planted -over the grave. This practice is, however, confined to Vaishnavites, -and to a few families. Saivites set free bulls called poli yerudu in -honour of the Anaplesvaram god. These bulls are of good class, and, -like the tamatams, are honoured at their death. - -"The Malaiyali houses are built of tattis (mats) of split bamboo, -and roofed with jungle grass. The use of tiles or bricks is believed -to excite the anger of the gods. The Kollaimalai houses seem always -to have a loft inside, approached by a ladder. The eaves project -greatly, so as almost to touch the ground. In the pial (platform at the -entrance) a hole is made to pen fowls in. On the tops of the houses, -tufts of jungle grass and rags are placed, to keep off owls, the -ill-omened kottan birds. The villages are surrounded with a fence, -to keep the village pigs from destroying the crops outside. The -Pachaimalai women wear the kusavam fold in their cloth on the right -side, but do not cover the breasts. The Kollaimalai women do not -wear any kusavam, but carefully cover their breasts, especially -when at work outside the village site, for fear of displeasing the -gods. The Pachaimalai people tattoo, but this custom is anathema -on the Kollaimalais, where the Malaiyalis will not allow a tattooed -person into their houses for fear of offending their gods. - -"All the Malaiyalis are keen sportsmen, and complain that sport is -spoilt by the forest rules. The Kollaimalai people have a great beat -on the first of Ani (June-July), and another on the day of the first -sowing of the year. The date of the latter is settled by the headman -of each village, and he alone is allowed to sow seeds on that day, -everyone else being debarred on pain of punishment from doing any -manner of work, and going out to hunt instead. On the Kollaimalais, -bull-baiting is practiced at the time of the Mariyayi festival in Masi -(February-March). A number of bulls are taken in front of the goddess, -one after the other, and, while some of the crowd hold the animals with -ropes, a man in front, and another behind, urge it on to unavailing -efforts to get free. When one bull is tired out, another is brought -up to take its place. - -"The Malaiyalis have a good many superstitions of their own, which -are apparently different from those of the plains. If they want rain, -they pelt each other with balls of cow-dung, an image of Pillaiyar -(Ganesa) is buried in a manure pit, and a pig is killed with a kind of -spear. When the rain comes, the Pillaiyar is dug up. If a man suffers -from hemicrania, he sets free a red cock in honour of the sun on a -Tuesday. A man who grinds his teeth in his sleep may be broken off -the habit by eating some of the food offered to the village goddess, -brought by stealth from her altar. People suffering from small-pox are -taken down to the plains, and left in some village. Cholera patients -are abandoned, and left to die. Lepers are driven out without the -slightest mercy, to shift for themselves. - -"With regard to marriage, the Malaiyalis of the Trichinopoly district -recognise the desirability of a boy's marrying his maternal aunt's -daughter. This sometimes results in a young boy marrying a grown-up -woman, but the Malaiyalis in this district declare that the boy's -father does not then take over the duties of a husband. On the -Kollaimalais, a wife may leave her husband for a paramour within the -caste, but her husband has a right to the children of such intercourse, -and they generally go to him in the end. You may ask a man, without -giving offence, if he has lent his wife to anyone. Both sections -practice polygamy. A betrothal on the Pachaimalais is effected by -the boy's taking an oil bath, followed by a bath in hot water at -the bride's house, and watching whether there is any ill omen during -the process. On the Kollaimalais, the matter is settled by a simple -interview. On both hill ranges, the wedding ceremonies last only one -day, and on the Pachaimalais a Thursday is generally selected. The -marriage on the latter range consists in all the relatives present -dropping castor-oil on to the heads of the pair with a wisp of grass, -and then pronouncing a blessing on them. The terms of the blessing are -the same as those used by the Konga Vellalas. The bridegroom ties the -tali. On the Kollaimalais, the girl is formally invited to come and be -married by the other party's taking her a sheep and some rice. On the -appointed day, offerings of a cock and a hen are made to the gods in -the houses of both. The girl then comes to the other house, and she -and the bridegroom are garlanded by the leading persons present. The -bridegroom ties the tali, and the couple are then made to walk seven -steps, and are blessed. The garlands are then thrown into a well, -and, if they float together, it is an omen that the two will love -each other. - -"Both sections bury their dead. On the Kollaimalais, a gun is fired -when the corpse is taken out for burial, and tobacco, cigars, betel -and nut, etc., are buried with the body. - -"Two curious customs in connection with labour are recognised on both -ranges. If a man has a press of work, he can compel the whole village -to come and help him, by the simple method of inviting them all to a -feast. He need not pay them for their services. A different custom is -that, when there is threshing to be done, any labourer of the caste -who offers himself has to be taken, whether there is work for him or -not, and paid as if he had done a good day's work. This is a very hard -rule in times of scarcity, and it is said that sometimes the employer -will have not only to pay out the whole of the harvest, but will also -have to get something extra from home to satisfy the labourers." - -It is noted by Mr. Garstin [173] that "in his time (1878) the Malaialis -of the South Arcot district kept the accounts of their payments of -revenue by tying knots in a bit of string, and that some of them once -lodged a complaint against their village headman for collecting more -from them than was due, basing their case on the fact that there -were more knots in the current year's string than in that of the -year preceding. The poligars, he adds, used to intimate the amount -of revenue due by sending each of the cultivators a leaf bearing on -it as many thumb-nail marks as there were rupees to be paid." - -Malayali.--A territorial name, denoting an inhabitant of the Malayalam -country. It is noted, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, that this -name came in very handy to class several of the Malabar tribes, who -have immigrated to the province, and whose names were unfamiliar to -census officials. There is, in the city of Madras, a Malayali club -for inhabitants of the Malayalam country, who are there employed in -Government services, as lawyers, or in other vocations. I read that, -in 1906, the Malabar Onam festival was celebrated at the Victoria -Public Hall under the auspices of this club, and a dramatised version -of the Malayalam novel Indulekha was performed. - -Malayan.--Concerning the Malayans, Mr. A. R. Loftus-Tottenham writes as -follows. "The Malayans are a makkathayam caste, observing twelve days' -pollution, found in North Malabar. Their name, signifying hill-men, -points to their having been at one time a jungle tribe, but they have -by no means the dark complexion and debased physiognomy characteristic -of the classes which still occupy that position. They are divided into -nine exogamous illams, five of which have the names Kotukudi, Velupa, -Cheni, Palankudi, and Kalliath. The men do not shave their heads, -but allow the hair to grow long, and either part it in the middle, -or tie it into a knot behind, like the castes of the east coast, -or tie it in a knot in front in the genuine Malayali fashion. The -principal occupation of the caste is exorcism, which they perform by -various methods. - -"If any one is considered to be possessed by demons, it is usual, -after consulting the astrologer in order to ascertain what murti -(form, i.e., demon) is causing the trouble, to call in the Malayan, -who performs a ceremony known as tiyattam, in which they wear masks, -and, so disguised, sing, dance, tom-tom, and play on a rude and -strident pipe. Another ceremony, known as ucchaveli, has several forms, -all of which seem to be either survivals, or at least imitations of -human sacrifice. One of these consists of a mock living burial of the -principal performer, who is placed in a pit, which is covered with -planks, on the top of which a sacrifice is performed, with a fire -kindled with jack wood (Artocarpus integrifolia) and a plant called -erinna. In another variety, the Malayan cuts his left forearm, and -smears his face with the blood thus drawn. Malayans also take part -with Peruvannans (big barbers) in various ceremonies at Badrakali -and other temples, in which the performer impersonates, in suitable -costume, some of the minor deities or demons, fowls are sacrificed, -and a Velicchapad pronounces oracular statements." - -As the profession of exorcists does not keep the Malayans fully -occupied, they go about begging during the harvest season, in various -disguises, of which that of a hobby-horse is a very common one. They -further add to their income by singing songs, at which they are very -expert. Like the Nalkes and Paravas of South Canara, the Malayans -exorcise various kinds of devils, with appropriate disguises. For -Nenaveli (bloody sacrifice), the performer smears the upper part of his -body and face with a paste made of rice-flour reddened with turmeric -powder and chunam (lime) to indicate a bloody sacrifice. Before -the paste dries, parched paddy (unhusked rice) grains, representing -small-pox pustules, are sprinkled over it. Strips of young cocoanut -leaves, strung together so as to form a petticoat, are tied round the -waist, a ball of sacred ashes (vibhuthi) is fixed on the tip of the -nose, and two strips of palmyra palm leaf are stuck in the mouth to -represent fangs. If it is thought that a human sacrifice is necessary -to propitiate the devil, the man representing Nenaveli puts round his -neck a kind of framework made of plantain leaf sheaths; and, after -he has danced with it on, it is removed, and placed on the ground in -front of him. A number of lighted wicks are stuck in the middle of -the framework, which is sprinkled with the blood of a fowl, and then -beaten and crushed. Sometimes this is not regarded as sufficient, -and the performer is made to lie down in a pit, which is covered -over by a plank, and a fire kindled. A Malayan, who acted the part -of Nenaveli before me at Tellicherry, danced and gesticulated wildly, -while a small boy, concealed behind him, sang songs in praise of the -demon whom he represented, to the accompaniment of a drum. At the -end of the performance, he feigned extreme exhaustion, and laid on -the ground in a state of apparent collapse, while he was drenched -with water brought in pots from a neighbouring well. - -The disguise of Uchchaveli is also assumed for the propitiation of the -demon, when a human sacrifice is considered necessary. The Malayan who -is to take the part puts on a cap made of strips of cocoanut leaf, -and strips of the same leaves tied to a bent bamboo stick round his -waist. His face and chest are daubed with yellow paint, and designs -are drawn thereon in red or black. Strings are tied tightly round the -left arm near the elbow and wrist, and the swollen area is pierced -with a knife. The blood spouts out, and the performer waves the arm, -so that his face is covered with the blood. A fowl is waved before him, -and decapitated. He puts the neck in his mouth, and sucks the blood. - -The disguises are generally assumed at night. The exorcism consists -in drawing complicated designs of squares, circles, and triangles, -on the ground with white, black, and yellow flour. While the man who -has assumed the disguise dances about to the accompaniment of drums, -songs are sung by Malayan men and women. - -Malayan.--A division of Panikkans in the Tamil country, whose exogamous -septs are known by the Malayalam name illam (house). - -Maldivi.--A territorial name, meaning a native of the Maldive islands, -returned by twenty-two persons in Tanjore at the Census, 1901. - -Male Kudiya.--A synonym of Kudiya, denoting those who live in the -hills. - -Maleru.--It is noted, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, that "in some -temples of the Malnad there exists a set of females, who, though not -belonging to the Natuva class, are yet temple servants like them, and -are known by the name of Maleru. Any woman who eats the sacrificial -rice strewn on the balipitam (sacrificial altar) at once loses caste, -and becomes a public woman, or Maleru." The children of Malerus by -Brahmans are termed Golakas. Any Maleru woman cohabiting with one of -a lower caste than her own is degraded into a Gaudi. In the Madras -Census Report, 1901, Male or Malera is returned as a sub-caste of -Stanika. They are said, however, not to be equal to Stanikas. They -are attached to temples, and their ranks are swelled by outcaste -Brahman and Konkani women. - -Maleyava.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small -Canarese-speaking caste of beggars. In the South Canara Manual, it -is stated that they are "classed as mendicants, as there is a small -body of Malayalam gypsies of that name. But there may have been some -confusion with Malava and Male Kudiya." - -Mali.--"The Malis," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [174] "are now mostly -cultivators, but their traditional occupation (from which the -caste name is derived) is making garlands, and providing flowers -for the service of Hindu temples. They are especially clever in -growing vegetables. Their vernacular is Uriya." It is noted, in -the Census Report, 1901, that the temple servants wear the sacred -thread, and employ Brahmans as priests. It is further recorded, in -the Census Report, 1871, that "the Malis are, as their name denotes, -gardeners. They chose for their settlements sites where they were able -to turn a stream to irrigate a bit of land near their dwellings. Here -they raise fine crops of vegetables, which they carry to the numerous -markets throughout the country. Their rights to the lands acquired -from the Parjas (Porojas) are of a substantial nature, and the only -evidence to show their possessions were formerly Parja bhumi (Poroja -lands) is perhaps a row of upright stones erected by the older race -to the memory of their village chiefs." - -For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The -Malis say that their ancestors lived originally at Kasi (Benares), -whence they emigrated to serve under the Raja of Jeypore. They are -divided into the following sub-divisions:--Bodo, Pondra, Kosalya, -Pannara, Sonkuva, and Dongrudiya. The name Pondra is said to be -derived from podoro, a dry field. I am informed that, if a Pondra is -so prosperous as to possess a garden which requires the employment -of a picottah, he is bound to entertain as many men of his caste -as choose to go to his house. A man without a picottah may refuse -to receive such visits. A picottah is the old-fashioned form of a -machine still used for raising water, and consists of a long lever -or yard pivotted on an upright post, weighted on the short arm, -and bearing a line and bucket on the long arm. - -Among the Bodo Malis, a man can claim his paternal aunt's daughter in -marriage, which takes place before the girl reaches puberty. A jholla -tonka (bride-price) of forty rupees is paid, and the girl is conducted -to the house of the bridegroom, in front of which a pandal (booth) -has been erected, with nine pots, one above the other, placed at the -four corners and in the centre. In the middle of the pandal a mattress -is spread, and to the pandal a cloth, with a myrabolam (Terminalia -fruit), rice, and money tied up in it, is attached. The contracting -couple sit together, and a sacred thread is given to the bridegroom -by the officiating priest. The bride is presented with necklaces, -nose-screws, and other ornaments by the bridegroom's party. They -then repair to the bridegroom's house. The ceremonies are repeated -during the next three days, and on the fifth day the pair are bathed -with turmeric water, and repair to a stream, in which they bathe. On -their return home, the bridegroom is presented with some cheap jewelry. - -Among the Pondra Malis, if a girl is not provided with a husband -before she reaches puberty, a mock marriage is performed. A pandal -(booth) is erected in front of her house, and she enters it, carrying -a fan in her right hand, and sits on a mattress. A pot, containing -water and mango leaves, is set in front of her, and the females throw -turmeric-rice over her. They then mix turmeric powder with castor-oil, -and pour it over her from mango leaves. She next goes to the village -stream, and bathes. A caste feast follows after this ceremonial has -been performed. The girl is permitted to marry in the ordinary way. A -Bodo Mali girl, who does not secure a husband before she reaches -puberty, is said to be turned out of the caste. - -In the regular marriage ceremony among the Pondra Malis, the -bridegroom, accompanied by his party, proceeds to the bride's village, -where they stay in a house other than that of the bride. They send -five rupees, a new cloth for the bride's mother, rice, and other -things necessary for a meal, as jholla tonka (present) to the bride's -house. Pandals, made of four poles, are erected in front of the -houses of the bride and bridegroom. Towards evening, the bridegroom -proceeds to the house of the bride, and the couple are blessed by -the assembled relations within the pandal. On the following day, the -bridegroom conducts the bride to her pandal. They take their seat -therein, separated by a screen, with the ends of their cloths tied -together. Ornaments, called maguta, corresponding to the bashinga, -are tied on their foreheads. At the auspicious moment fixed by the -presiding Desari, the bride stretches out her right hand, and the -bridegroom places his thereon. On it some rice and myrabolam fruit are -laid, and tied up with rolls of cotton thread by the Desari. On the -third day, the couple repair to a stream, and bathe. They then bury -the magutas. After a feast, the bride accompanies the bridegroom to his -village, but, if she has not reached puberty, returns to her parents. - -Widow remarriage is permitted, and a younger brother usually marries -the widow of his elder brother. - -The dead are burnt, and death pollution lasts for ten days, during -which those who are polluted refrain from their usual employment. On -the ninth day, a hole is dug in the house of the deceased, and a lamp -placed in it. The son, or some other close relative, eats a meal by the -side of the hole, and, when it is finished, places the platter and the -remains of the food in the hole, and buries them with the lamp. On the -tenth day, an Oriya Brahman purifies the house by raising the sacred -fire (homam). He is, in return for his services, presented with the -utensils of the deceased, half a rupee, rice, and other things. - -Mali further occurs as the name of an exogamous sept of Holeya. (See -also Ravulo.) - -Maliah (hill).--A sub-division of Savaras who inhabit the hill-country. - -Malighai Chetti.--A synonym of Acharapakam Chettis. In the city of -Madras, the Malighai Chettis cannot, like other Beri Chettis, vote -or receive votes at elections or meetings of the Kandasami temple. - -Malik.--A sect of Muhammadans, who are the followers of the Imam Abu -'Abdi 'llah Malik ibn Anas, the founder of one of the four orthodox -sects of Sunnis, who was born at Madinah, A.H. 94 (A.D. 716). - -Malle.--Malle, Malli, Mallela, or Mallige, meaning jasmine, has been -recorded as an exogamous sept of Bestha, Holeya, Kamma, Korava, Kurni, -Kuruba, Madiga, Mala, Odde, and Tsakala. The Tsakalas, I am informed, -will not use jasmine flowers, or go near the plant. In like manner, -Besthas of the Malle gotra may not touch it. - -Malumi.--A class of Muhammadan pilots and sailors in the Laccadive -islands. (See Mappilla.) - -Mamidla (mango).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale. - -Mana (a measure).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Manavalan (bridegroom).--A sub-division of Nayar. - -Manayammamar.--The name for Mussad females. Mana means a Brahman's -house. - -Mancha.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a Musalman -tribe in the Laccadive islands. - -Manchala (cots).--An exogamous sept of Odde. The equivalent mancham -occurs as a sept of Panta Reddis, the members of which avoid sleeping -on cots. - -Manchi (good).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale and Yanadi. - -Mandadan Chetti.--There are at Gudalur near the boundary between the -Nilgiri district and Malabar, and in the Wynad, two classes called -respectively Mandadan Chettis and Wynad Chettis (q.v.). - -The following account of the Mandadan Chettis is given in the Gazetteer -of the Nilgiris. "They speak a corrupt Canarese, follow the makkatayam -law of inheritance (from father to son), and seem always to have -been natives of the Wynaad. Mandadan is supposed to be a corruption -of Mahavalinadu, the traditional name still applied to the country -between Nellakottai and Tippakadu, in which these Chettis principally -reside. These Chettis recognise as many as eight different headmen, who -each have names and a definite order of precedence, the latter being -accurately marked by the varying lengths of the periods of pollution -observed when they die. They are supposed to be the descendants -in the nearest direct line of the original ancestors of the caste, -and they are shown special respect on public occasions, and settle -domestic and caste disputes. Marriages take place after puberty, -and are arranged through go-betweens called Madhyastas. When matters -have been set in train, the contracting parties meet, and the boy's -parents measure out a certain quantity of paddy (unhusked rice), -and present it to the bride's people, while the Madhyastas formally -solicit the approval to the match of all the nearest relatives. The -bride is bathed and dressed in a new cloth, and the couple are -then seated under a pandal (booth). The priest of the Nambalakod -temple comes with flowers, blesses the tali, and hands it to the -bridegroom, who ties it round the bride's neck. Sometimes the young -man is made to work for the girl as Jacob did for Rachael, serving -her father for a period (generally of from one to four years), the -length of which is settled by a panchayat (council). In such cases, -the father-in-law pays the expenses of the wedding, and sets up -the young couple with a house and some land. Married women are not -prohibited from conferring favours on their husbands' brothers, but -adultery outside the caste is severely dealt with. Adoption seems to -be unknown. A widow may remarry. If she weds her deceased husband's -brother, the only ceremony is a dinner, after which the happy pair are -formally seated on the same mat; but, if she marries any one else, -a pandal and tali are provided. Divorce is allowed to both parties, -and divorcées may remarry. In their cases, however, the wedding rites -are much curtailed. The dead are usually burnt, but those who have -been killed by accidents or epidemics are buried. When any one is -at death's door, he or she is made to swallow a little water from a -vessel in which some rice and a gold coin have been placed. The body is -bathed and dressed in a new cloth, sometimes music is played and a gun -fired, and in all cases the deceased's family walk three times round -the pyre before it is fired by the chief mourner. When the period of -pollution is over, holy water is fetched from the Nambalakod temple, -and sprinkled all about the house. These Chettis are Saivites, and -worship Betarayasvami of Nambalakod, the Airu Billi of the Kurumbas, -and one or two other minor gods, and certain deified ancestors. These -minor gods have no regular shrines, but huts provided with platforms -for them to sit upon, in which lamps are lit in the evenings, are -built for them in the fields and jungles. Chetti women are often -handsome. In the house they wear only a waist-cloth, but they put on -an upper cloth when they venture abroad. They distend the lobes of -their ears, and for the first few years after marriage wear in them -circular gold ornaments somewhat resembling those affected by the -Nayar ladies. After that period they substitute a strip of rolled-up -palm leaf. They have an odd custom of wearing a big chignon made up -of plaits of their own hair cut off at intervals in their girlhood." - -Mandadi.--A title of Golla. - -Mandai.--An exogamous section of Kallan named after Mandai Karuppan, -the god of the village common (Mandai). - -Mandha.--Mandha or Mandhala, meaning a village common, or herd of -cattle collected thereon, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of -Bedar, Karna Sale, and Madiga. - -Mandi (cow).--A sept of Poroja. - -Mandiri.--A sub-division of Domb. - -Mandula.--The Mandulas (medicine men) are a wandering class, the -members of which go about from village to village in the Telugu -country, selling drugs (mandu, medicine) and medicinal powders. Some -of their women act as midwives. Of these people an interesting account -is given by Bishop Whitehead, [175] who writes as follows. "We found -an encampment of five or six dirty-looking huts made of matting, each -about five feet high, eight feet long and six feet wide, belonging to -a body of Mandalavaru, whose head-quarters are at Masulipatam. They -are medicine men by profession, and thieves and beggars by choice. The -headman showed us his stock of medicines in a bag, and a quaint stock -it was, consisting of a miscellaneous collection of stones and pieces -of wood, and the fruits of trees. The stones are ground to powder, -and mixed up as a medicine with various ingredients. He had a piece -of mica, a stone containing iron, and another which contained some -other metal. There was also a peculiar wood used as an antidote -against snake-bite, a piece being torn off and eaten by the person -bitten. One common treatment for children is to give them tiles, ground -to powder, to eat. In the headman's hut was a picturesque-looking -woman sitting up with an infant three days old. It had an anklet, -made of its mother's hair, tied round the right ankle, to keep off the -evil eye. The mother, too, had a similar anklet round her own left -ankle, which she put on before her confinement. She asked for some -castor-oil to smear over the child. They had a good many donkeys, -pigs, and fowls with them, and made, they said, about a rupee a day -by begging. Some time ago, they all got drunk, and had a free fight, -in which a woman got her head cut open. The police went to enquire -into the matter, but the woman declared that she only fell against a -bamboo by accident. The whole tribe meet once a year, at Masulipatam, -at the Sivaratri festival, and then sacrifice pigs and goats to their -various deities. The goddess is represented by a plain uncarved stone, -about four-and-a-half or five feet high, daubed with turmeric and -kunkuma (red powder). The animals are killed in front of the stone, -and the blood is allowed to flow on the ground. They believe that -the goddess drinks it. They cook rice on the spot, and present some -of it to the goddess. They then have a great feast of the rest of -the rice and the flesh of the victims, get very drunk with arrack, -and end up with a free fight. We noted that one of the men had on -an anklet of hair, like the woman's. He said he had been bitten by -a snake some time ago, and had put on the anklet as a charm." - -The Mandula is a very imposing person, as he sits in a conspicuous -place, surrounded by paper packets piled up all round him. His method -of advertising his medicines is to take the packets one by one, and, -after opening them and folding them up, to make a fresh pile. As he -does so, he may be heard repeating very rapidly, in a sing-song tone, -"Medicine for rheumatism," etc. Mandulas are sometimes to be seen -close to the Moore Market in the city of Madras, with their heaps of -packets containing powders of various colours. - -Mangala.--"The Mangalas and Ambattans," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [176] -"are the barber castes, and are probably of identical origin, but, -like the potters, they have, by difference of locality, separated into -Telugus and Tamilians, who do not intermarry. Both are said to be the -offspring of a Brahman by a Vaisya woman. The Telugu name is referred -to the word mangalam, which means happiness and also cleansing, and is -applied to barbers, because they take part in marriage ceremonies, and -add to the happiness on the occasion by the melodious sounds of their -flutes (nagasaram), while they also contribute to the cleanliness of -the people by shaving their bodies. The Telugus are divided into the -Reddibhumi, Murikinadu, and Kurichinadu sub-divisions, and are mostly -Vaishnavites. They consider the Tamilians as lower than themselves, -because they consent to shave the whole body, while the Telugus only -shave the upper portions. Besides their ordinary occupation, the -members of this caste pretend to some knowledge of surgery and of the -properties of herbs and drugs. Their females practice midwifery in a -barbarous fashion, not scrupling also to indulge largely in criminal -acts connected with their profession. Flesh-eating is allowed, but -not widow marriage." - -"Mangalas," Mr. Stuart writes further, [177] "are also called Bajantri -(in reference to their being musicians), Kalyanakulam (marriage -people), and Angarakudu. The word angaramu means fire, charcoal, a live -coal, and angarakudu is the planet Mars. Tuesday is Mars day, and one -name for it is Angarakavaramu, but the other and more common name is -Mangalavaramu. Now mangala is a Sanskrit word, meaning happiness, and -mangala, with the soft l, is the Telugu for a barber. Mangalavaramu -and Angarakavaramu being synonymous, it is natural that the barbers -should have seized upon this, and given themselves importance by -claiming to be the caste of the planet Mars. As a matter of fact, -this planet is considered to be a star of ill omen, and Tuesday is -regarded as an inauspicious day. Barbers are also considered to be of -ill omen owing to their connection with deaths, when their services -are required to shave the heads of the mourners. On an auspicious -occasion, a barber would never be called a Mangala, but a Bajantri, -or musician. Their titles are Anna and Gadu." Anna means brother, -and Gadu is a common suffix to the names of Telugus, e.g., Ramigadu, -Subbigadu. A further title is Ayya (father). - -For the following note on the Mangalas, I am indebted to -Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The caste is divided into two endogamous -divisions, Telaga and Kapu, the ancestors of which were half brothers, -by different mothers. They will eat together, but will not intermarry, -as they regard themselves as cousins. The primary occupation of the -caste is shaving the heads of people belonging to the non-polluting -castes, and, for a small consideration, razors are lent to Madigas and -Malas. A Mangala, in the Vizagapatam district, carries no pollution -with him, when he is not actually engaged in his professional -duties, and may often be found as storekeeper in Hindu households, -and occupying the same position as the Bhondari, or Oriya barber, -does in the Oriya country. Unlike the Tamil Ambattan, the Mangala has -no objection to shaving Europeans. He is one of the village officials, -whose duties are to render assistance to travellers, and massage their -limbs, and, in many villages, he is rewarded for his services with a -grant of land. He is further the village musician, and an expert at -playing on the flute. Boys are taught the art of shaving when they are -about eight years old. An old chatty (earthen pot) is turned upside -down, and smeared with damp earth. When this is dry, the lad has to -scrape it off under the direction of an experienced barber. - -Mangala Pujari.--The title of the caste priest of the Mogers. - -Mangalyam.--A sub-division of Marans, who, at the tali-kettu -ceremony of the Nayars, carry the ashtamangalyam or eight auspicious -things. These are rice, paddy (unhusked rice), tender leaves of the -cocoanut, a mimic arrow, a metal looking-glass, a well-washed cloth, -burning fire, and a small round wooden box called cheppu. Mangalyam -occurs as the name for Marans in old Travancore records. - -Mangalakkal.--This and Manigramam are recorded, in the Travancore -Census Report, 1901, as sub-divisions of Nayar. - -Manikala (a measure).--An exogamous sept of Yanadi. - -Manikattal.--A synonym of Deva-dasi applied to dancing-girls in the -Tamil country. - -Maniyakkaran.--Maniyakkaran or Maniyagaran, meaning an overseer, -occurs as a title or synonym of Parivaram and Sembadavan. As a name -of a sub-division of the Idaiyan shepherds, the word is said to be -derived from mani, a bell, such as is tied round the necks of cattle, -sheep, and goats. Maniyakkaran has been corrupted into monegar, -the title of the headman of a village in the Tamil country. - -Manjaputtur.--A sub-division of Chettis, who are said to have emigrated -to the Madura district from Cuddalore (Manjakuppam). - -Manla (trees).--An exogamous sept of Chenchu. - -Mannadi.--A title of Kunnavans of the Palni hills, often given as -the caste name. Also a title of Pallans and Muttans. - -Mannadiyar.--A trading sub-division of Nayar. - -Mannan.--The Mannans are a hill tribe of Travancore, and are said to -have been originally dependents of the kings of Madura, whom they, like -the Uralis and Muduvans, accompanied to Neriyamangalam. "Later on, they -settled in a portion of the Cardamom Hills called Makara-alum. One of -the chiefs of Poonyat nominated three of these Mannans as his agents at -three different centres in his dominions, one to live at Tollairamalai -with a silver sword as badge and with the title of Varayilkizh Mannan, -a second to live at Mannankantam with a bracelet and the title of -Gopura Mannan, and a third at Utumpanchola with a silver cane and the -title of Talamala Mannan. For these headmen, the other Mannans are -expected to do a lot of miscellaneous services. It is only with the -consent of the headmen that marriages may be contracted. Persons of -both sexes dress themselves like Maravans. Silver and brass ear-rings -are worn by the men. Necklets of white and red beads are worn on -the neck, and brass bracelets on the wrist. Mannans put up the best -huts among the hill-men. Menstrual and puerperal impurity is not so -repelling as in the case of the Uralis. About a year after a child -is born, the eldest member of the family ties a necklet of beads -round its neck, and gives it a name. The Mannans bury their dead. The -coffin is made of bamboo and reeds, and the corpse is taken to the -grave with music and the beating of drums. The personal ornaments, -if any, are not removed. Before filling in the grave, a quantity -of rice is put into the mouth of the deceased. A shed is erected -over the site of burial. After a year has passed, an offering of -food and drink is made to the dead. The language of the Mannans is -Tamil. They have neither washermen nor barbers, but wash clothes and -shave for one another. The Mannans stand ahead of the other hill-men -from their knowledge of medicine, though they resort more to Chattu -than to herbs. Drinking is a very common vice. Marumakkathayam is -the prevailing form of inheritance (in the female line); but it is -customary to give a portion to the sons also. Marriage takes the form -of tali-tying. The tali (marriage badge) is removed on the death of -the husband. Women generally wait for two years to marry a second -husband, after the death of the first. A Mannan claims the hand of -his maternal uncle's daughter. The Sasta of Sabarimala and Periyar is -devoutly worshipped. The Mannans are experts in collecting honey. They -eat the flesh of the monkey, but not that of the crocodile, snake, -buffalo or cow. They are fast decreasing in numbers, like the other -denizens of the hills." [178] - -Concerning the Mannans, Mr. O. H. Bensley writes as follows. [179] -"I enjoy many pleasant reminiscences of my intercourse with these -people. Their cheery and sociable disposition, and enjoyment of -camp life, make it quite a pleasure to be thrown into contact with -them. Short, sturdy, and hairless, the Mannans have all the appearances -of an 'aboriginal' race. The Mannan country extends southward from the -limit occupied by the Muduvans on the Cardamom Hills to a point south -of the territory now submerged by the Periyar works. [180] They have, -moreover, to keep to the east of the Periyar river. Smallpox ravages -their villages, and fever lives in the air they breathe. Within -the present generation, three of their settlements were at the -point of extinction, but were recruited from other more fortunate -bands. Very few attain to old age, but there were until lately three -old patriarchs among them, who were the headmen of three of the most -important sections of the tribe. The Muduvans and Mannans pursue -the same destructive method of cultivation, but, as the latter are -much fewer in numbers, their depredations are not so serious. None -of the tribes east of the Periyar pay any tax to the Government, -but are expected, in return for their holdings, to perform certain -services in the way of building huts and clearing paths, for which -they receive fixed payment. They have also to collect forest produce, -and for this, too, they obtain fixed rates, so that their treatment -by the Government is in reality of the most liberal kind. Mannans do -not always look at things in quite the light one would expect. For -example, the heir to an English Earldom, after a pleasant shooting -trip in Travancore, bestowed upon a Mannan who had been with him -a handsome knife as a memento. Next day, the knife was seen in the -possession of a cooly on a coffee estate, and it transpired that the -Mannan had sold it to him for three rupees, instead of keeping it as -an heirloom. A remarkable trait in the character of the Mannans is -the readiness with which they fraternise with Europeans. Most of the -other tribes approach with reluctance, which requires considerable -diplomacy to overcome. Not so the Mannan. He willingly initiates a -tyro and a stranger into the mysteries of the chase. Though their -language is Tamil, and the only communication they hold with the -low country is on the Madura side, they have this custom in common -with the Malayalis, that the chieftainship of their villages goes to -the nephew, and not to the son. One does not expect to find heroic -actions among these simple people. But how else could one describe -the following incident? A Mannan, walking with his son, a lad about -twelve years old, came suddenly upon a rogue elephant. His first act -was to place his son in a position of safety by lifting him up till -he could reach the branch of a tree, and only then he began to think -of himself. But it was too late. The elephant charged down upon him, -and in a few seconds he was a shapeless mass." - -Mannan (Washerman caste).--See Vannan and Velan. - -Mannedora (lord of the hills).--A title assumed by Konda Doras. Manne -Sultan is a title of the Maharaja of Travancore and the Raja of -Vizianagram. The Konda Doras also style themselves Mannelu, or those -of the hills. - -Mannepu-vandlu.--Said [181] to be the name, derived from mannemu, -highland, for Malas in parts of the Godavari district. - -Mannu (earth).--A sub-division of Oddes, who are earth-workers. Manti, -which has also been returned by them at times of census, has a similar -significance (earthen). Man Udaiyan occurs as a synonym of Kusavan, -and Manal (sand) as an exogamous sept of Kappiliyan. Man Kavarai is -recorded in the Salem Manual as the name of a class of salt makers -from salt-earth. - -Mantalayi.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-division of Nayar. - -Mappilla.--The Mappillas, or Moplahs, are defined in the Census Report, -1871, as the hybrid Mahomedan race of the western coast, whose numbers -are constantly being added to by conversion of the slave castes of -Malabar. In 1881, the Census Superintendent wrote that "among some of -them there may be a strain of Arab blood from some early generation, -but the mothers throughout have been Dravidian, and the class has been -maintained in number by wholesale adult conversion." Concerning the -origin of the Mappillas, Mr. Lewis Moore states [182] that "originally -the descendants of Arab traders by the women of the country, they -now form a powerful community. There appears to have been a large -influx of Arab settlers into Malabar in the ninth century A.D. and the -numbers have been constantly increased by proselytism. The Mappillas -came prominently forward at the time of the Portuguese invasion -at the end of the fifteenth century A.D." "The Muhammadan Arabs," -Dr. Burnell writes, [183] "appear to have settled first in Malabar -about the beginning of the ninth century; there were heathen Arabs -there long before that in consequence of the immense trade conducted by -the Sabeans with India." "There are," Mr. B. Govinda Nambiar writes, -[184] "many accounts extant in Malabar concerning the introduction of -the faith of Islam into this district. Tradition says that, in the -ninth century of the Christian era, a party of Moslem pilgrims, on -their way to a sacred shrine in Ceylon, chanced to visit the capital -of the Perumal or king of Malabar, that they were most hospitably -entertained by that prince, and that he, becoming a convert to their -faith, subsequently accompanied them to Arabia (where he died). It -is further stated that the Perumal, becoming anxious of establishing -his new faith in Malabar, with suitable places of worship, sent his -followers with letters to all the chieftains whom he had appointed -in his stead, requiring them to give land for mosques, and to endow -them. The Perumal's instructions were carried out, and nine mosques -were founded and endowed in various parts of Malabar. Whatever truth -there may be in these accounts, it is certain that, at a very early -period, the Arabs had settled for commercial purposes on the Malabar -coast, had contracted alliances with the women of the country, -and that the mixed race thus formed had begun to be known as the -Mappillas. These Mappillas had, in the days of the Zamorin, played -an important part in the political history of Malabar, and had in -consequence obtained many valuable privileges. When Vasco da Gama -visited Calicut during the closing years of the fifteenth century, -we find their influence at court so powerful that the Portuguese -could not obtain a commercial footing there. The numerical strength -of the Mappillas was greatly increased by forcible conversions -during the period when Tippu Sultan held sway over Malabar." [At -the installation of the Zamorin, some Mappilla families at Calicut -have certain privileges; and a Mappilla woman, belonging to a certain -family, presents the Zamorin with betel nuts near the Kallai bridge, -on his return from a procession through the town.] According to one -version of the story of the Perumal, Cheraman Perumal dreamt that the -full moon appeared at Mecca on the night of the new moon, and that, -when on the meridian, it split into two, one half remaining in the -air, and the other half descending to the foot of a hill called Abu -Kubais, where the two halves joined together. Shortly afterwards, -a party of pilgrims, on their way to the foot-print shrine at Adam's -peak in Ceylon, landed in Cheraman Perumal's capital at Kodungallur, -and reported that by the same miracle, Muhammad had converted a number -of unbelievers to his religion. - -The cephalic index of the Mappillas is lower than that of the other -Muhammadan classes in South India which I have examined, and this -may probably be explained by their admixture with dolichocephalic -Dravidians. The figures are as follows:-- - - - Number examined. Cephalic index. - - Mappilla 40 72.8 - Sheik Muhammadan 40 75.6 - Saiyad Muhammadan 40 75.6 - Daira Muhammadan 50 75.6 - Pathan Muhammadan 40 76.2 - - -From the measurement of a very few Mappillas, members of the -Hyderabad Contingent, and Marathas, who went to England for the -Coronation in 1902, Mr. J. Gray arrived at the conclusion that -"the people on the west coast and in the centre of the Deccan, -namely the Moplas, Maharattas, and Hyderabad Contingent, differ -considerably from the Tamils of the east coast. Their heads are -considerably shorter. This points to admixture of the Dravidians -with some Mongolian element. There is a tradition that the Moplas -are descended from Arab traders, but the measurements indicate that -the immigrants were Turkish, or of some other Mongolian element, -probably from Persia or Baluchistan." [185] - -The cephalic indices, as recorded by Mr. Gray, were:-- - - - Number examined. Cephalic index. - - Tamils 6 75.4 - Moplas 6 77.5 - Hyderabad Contingent 6 75 - Maharattas 7 79 - - -The number of individuals examined is, however, too small for the -purpose of generalisation. - -In the Census Report, 1891, it is noted that some Mappillas have -returned "Putiya Islam," meaning new converts to Islam. These are -mostly converts from the Mukkuvan or fisherman caste, and this process -of conversion is still going on. Most of the fishermen of Tanur, where -there is an important fish-curing yard, are Mukkuvan converts. They are -sleek and well-nourished, and, to judge from the swarm of children who -followed me during my inspection of the yard, eminently fertile. One -of them, indeed, was polygynous to the extent of seven wives, each -of whom had presented him with seven sons, not to mention a large -consignment of daughters. On the east coast the occurrence of twins -is attributed by the fishermen to the stimulating properties of fish -diet. In Malabar, great virtue is attributed to the sardine or nalla -mathi (good fish, Clupea longiceps), as an article of dietary. - -"Conversion to Muhammadanism," Mr. Logan writes, [186] "has had a -marked effect in freeing the slave caste in Malabar from their former -burthens. By conversion a Cheruman obtains a distinct rise in the -social scale, and, if he is in consequence bullied or beaten, the -influence of the whole Muhammadan community comes to his aid." The -same applies to the Nayadis, of whom some have escaped from their -degraded position by conversion to Islam. In the scale of pollution, -the Nayadi holds the lowest place, and consequently labours under the -greatest disadvantage, which is removed with his change of religion. - -As regards the origin and significance of the word Mappilla, according -to Mr. Lewis Moore, it means, "(1) a bridegroom or son-in-law; (2) the -name given to Muhammadan, Christian, or Jewish colonists in Malabar, -who have intermarried with the natives of the country. The name is -now confined to Muhammadans." It is noted by Mr. Nelson [187] that -"the Kallans alone of all the castes of Madura call the Muhammadans -Mappilleis, or bridegrooms." In criticising this statement, Yule and -Burnell [188] state that "Nelson interprets the word as bridegroom. It -should, however, rather be son-in-law. The husband of the existing -Princess of Tanjore is habitually styled by the natives Mappillai -Sahib, as the son-in-law of the late Raja." "Some," Mr. Padmanabha -Menon writes, [189] "think that the word Mappila is a contracted form -of maha (great) and pilla (child), an honorary title as among Nairs -in Travancore (pilla or pillay). Mr. Logan surmises that maha pilla -was probably a title of honour conferred on the early Muhammadans, or -possibly on the still earlier Christian immigrants, who are also down -to the present day called Mappilas. The Muhammadans generally go by -the name of Jonaga Mappilas. Jonaka is believed to stand for Yavanaka, -i.e., Greek!" [190] [In the Gazetteer of the Tanjore district, Yavana -is recorded as meaning Ionia.] It is, indeed, remarkable that in the -Payyanorepat, perhaps the earliest Malayalam poem extant, some of the -sailors mentioned in it are called Chonavans. (The Jews are known as -Juda Mappila.) Dr. Day derives the word Mapilla from Ma (mother) and -pilla (child). [Wilson gives Mapilla, mother's son, as being sprung -from the intercourse of foreign colonists, who were persons unknown, -with Malabar women.] Duncan says that a Qazi derived the name from Ma -(mother) and pilla a (puppy) as a term of reproach! Maclean, in the -Asiatic Researches, considered that the word came from maha or mohai -(mocha) and pilla (child), and therefore translated it into children -or natives (perhaps outcasts) of Mohai or Mocha. A more likely, and -perhaps more correct derivation is given by Mr. Percy Badger in a note -to his edition of the Varthema. "I am inclined to think," he says, -"that the name is either a corruption of the Arabic muflih (from the -root fallah, to till the soil), meaning prosperous or victorious, -in which sense it would apply to the successful establishment of -those foreign Mussalmans on the western coast of India; or that it -is a similar corruption of maflih (the active participial form of the -same verb), an agriculturist--a still more appropriate designation of -Moplahs, who, according to Buchanan, are both traders and farmers. In -the latter sense, the term, though not usually so applied among -the Arabs, would be identical with fella'h." By Mr. C. P. Brown the -conviction was expressed that Mappilla is a Tamil mispronunciation -of the Arabic mu'abbar, from over the water. - -"The chief characteristic of the Mappillas," Mr. Govinda Nambiar -writes, "as of all Mussalmans, is enthusiasm for religious -practices. They are either Sunnis or Shiahs. The Sunnis are the -followers of the Ponnani Tangal, the chief priest of the orthodox -party, while the Shiahs acknowledge the Kondotti Tangal as their -religious head. There are always religious disputes between these -sects, and the criminal courts are not seldom called in to settle -them." In an account of the Mappillas, [191] Mr. P. Kunjain, a Mappilla -Government official (the first Mappilla Deputy Collector), states that -"there are a few Moplahs in the Ernad and Waluwanad taluks who are -the followers of the Kondotti Tangal, and are, therefore, believed -to be heretics (Shias). The number of these is dwindling. The reason -why they are believed to be heretics, and as such outcasted, is -that they are enjoined by their preceptor (the Tangal) to prostrate -before him. Prostration (sujud), according to strict doctrines, is -due to God alone." At Mulliakurichi in the Walluwanad taluk there -are two mosques. One, the Pazhaya Palli, or old mosque, belongs to, -or is regarded as belonging to the Kondotti sect of Mappillas. The -other is called Puthan Palli, or new mosque. This mosque is asserted -by the Ponnani sect of Mappillas to have been erected for their -exclusive use. The Kondotti sect, on the other hand, claim that -it was erected by them, as the old mosque was not large enough -for the growing congregation. They do not claim exclusive use of -the new mosque, but a right to worship there, just like any other -Muhammadan. The Ponnani sect, however, claim a right to exclude -the Kondotti people from the new mosque altogether. In September, -1901, there was a riot at the mosque between members of the rival -sects. The Mappillas have a college at Ponnani, the chief seat of -their religious organisation, where men are trained in religious -offices. This institution, called the Jammat mosque, was, it is said, -founded in the twelfth or thirteenth century A.D. by an Arab divine -for the purpose of imparting religious instruction to youths of the -Muhammadan community. The head of the institution selects the ablest -and most diligent from among the students, and confers on him the -title of Musaliar. He is then appointed to preach in mosques, and to -explain the meaning of the Koran and other sacred writings. There are -other religious offices, as those of the Kazi, Katib, and Mulla. The -highest personages of divinity among them are known as Tangals. In -the middle of the last century there was a very influential Tangal -(Mambram Tangal), who was suspected of fomenting outbreaks, and who -conferred his blessing on the murderous projects of his disciples. Of -him it is stated that he was regarded as imbued with a portion of -divinity, and that the Mappillas swore by his foot as their most -solemn oath. Earth on which he had spat or walked was treasured up, -and his blessing was supremely prized. Even among the higher class -of Mappillas, his wish was regarded as a command. - -Mr. A. R. Loftus-Tottenham informs me that "it is quite common -now for Mappillas to invoke Mambram Tangal when in difficulties. I -have heard a little Mappilla, who was frightened at my appearance, -and ran away across a field, calling out 'Mambram Tangal, Mambram -Tangal.' The Tangal, who had to be induced to leave Malabar, went -off to Constantinople, and gained great influence with the Sultan." - -In 1822 it was recorded [192] by Mr. Baber, in a circuit report, -that the Tarramal and Condotty Tangals "pretend to an extraordinary -sanctity, and such is the character they have established, that the -people believe it is in their power to carry them harmless through -the most hazardous undertakings, and even to absolve them of the -most atrocious crimes. To propitiate them, their votaries are lavish -in their presents, and there are no description of delinquents who -do not find an asylum in the mosques wherein these Tangals take up -their abode, whether pursued by the Police, or by their own evil -consciences." There is a legend current on the Kavarathi island of -the Laccadives that a Tangal of that island once cursed the crows for -dropping their excrement on his person, and now there is not a crow -on the island. On another occasion, hearing the cries of a woman in -labour, the Tangal prayed to God that the women of the island might -suffer from no such pains in future. So strong is the belief in -the immunity from the pangs of child-birth which was thus obtained, -that the women of the neighbouring islands go over to Kavarathi for -delivery, in order to have an easy confinement. [193] - -In connection with Mappilla superstition, Mr. Tottenham writes as -follows. "A beggar died (probably of starvation) by the roadside in -Walluvanad taluk. When alive, no one worried about him. But, after -he died, it was said that celestial voices had been heard uttering -the call to prayer at the spot. The Mappillas decided that he was a -very holy man, whom they had not fed during his life, and who should -be canonised after death. A little tomb was erected, and a light may -be seen burning there at night. Small banners are deposited by the -faithful, who go in numbers to the place, and there is, I think, -a money-box to receive their contributions." Mr. Tottenham writes -further that "the holy place at Malappuram is the tomb of the Sayyids -(saints or martyrs) who were killed in a battle by a local military -chieftain. These Sayyids are invoked. At Kondotti there is a very -pretentious, and rather picturesque tomb--a square building of gneiss -surmounted by a cupola--to one of the Tangals. Near it is a small -tank full of more or less tame fish. It is one of the sights of the -place to see them fed. At the great festival called neercha (vow), -the Mappillas go in procession, headed by banners, elephants (if they -possess them), and music, and carrying offerings to the head-quarters -(Malappuram and Kondotti are the principal ones) of some Tangal, where -they deposit the banners, I think at the tomb of the local saint, -and present the offerings to the Tangal. At Malappuram, an enormous -crowd of ten to twenty thousand assembles, and there is a great tamasha -(popular excitement). You will sometimes see a man with his hair uncut, -i.e., he does not cut it till he has fulfilled the vow." - -There is a tradition that, some centuries ago, one Sheik Mahomed Tangal -died. One night, some Mappillas dreamt that his grave, which was near -the reefs, was in danger of being washed away, and that they should -remove the body to a safe place. They accordingly opened the grave, and -found the body quite fresh, with no sign of decomposition. The remains -were piously re-interred in another place, and a mosque, known as -Sheikkinde Palli, built. The Mappillas of Calicut celebrate annually, -on the 15th day of Rajub, the anniversary of the death of Sheik Mahomed -Tangal, the date of which was made known through inspiration by an -ancestor of the Mambram Tangal. The ancestor also presented the Mullah -of the mosque with a head-dress, which is still worn by successive -Mullahs on the occasion of the anniversary festival. "The festival goes -by the name of Appani (trade in bread). A feature of the celebration is -that every Moplah household prepares a supply of rice cakes, which are -sent to the mosque to be distributed among the thousands of beggars -who gather for the occasion. A very brisk trade is also carried on -in these rice cakes, which are largely bought by the charitable for -distribution among the poor. On the day of the anniversary, as well -as on the day following, prayers are offered up to the souls of the -departed. According to a legend, the pious Sheik, during his travels -in foreign lands, arrived at Achin disguised as a fakir. One day, some -servants of the local Sultan came to him, recognising in him a holy -man, and begged his help in a serious difficulty. Their Sultan, they -said, had a favourite parrot which used to be kept in a golden cage, -and, the door of this cage having been inadvertently left open, the -parrot had escaped. On hearing of the loss of his favourite bird, the -Sultan had threatened his ministers and servants with dire punishment, -if they failed to recover the bird. Sheik Mahomed Koya directed the -servants to place the cage in the branches of a neighbouring tree, -assuring them that the parrot would come and enter his cage. Saying -this, the holy man departed. The servants did as he had bidden them, -and had the gratification of seeing the bird fly into the cage, and -of recovering and conveying it to their master. The Sultan asked the -bird why it went away when it had a beautiful golden cage to live in, -and a never failing supply of dainty food to subsist upon. The parrot -replied that the beautiful cage and the dainty food were not to be -compared with the delights of a free and unfettered life spent under -the foliage of feathery bamboos, swayed by gentle breezes. The Sultan -then asked the bird why it had come back, and the bird made answer -that, while it was disporting itself with others of its species in -a clump of bamboos, a stifling heat arose, which it feared would -burn its wings, but, as it noticed that on one side of the clump -the atmosphere was cool, it flew to that spot to take shelter on a -tree. Seeing the cage amidst the branches, it entered, and was thus -recaptured and brought back. The Sultan afterwards discovered that it -was the fakir who had thus miraculously brought about the recovery of -his bird, and further that the fakir was none other than the saintly -Sheik Mahomed Koya Tangal. When the news of the Tangal's death was -subsequently received, the Sultan ordered that the anniversary of the -day should be celebrated in his dominions, and the Moplahs of Calicut -believe that the faithful in Achin join with them every year in doing -honour to the memory of their departed worthy." [194] - -It is recorded, in the Annual Report of the Basel Medical Mission, -Calicut, 1907, that "cholera and smallpox were raging terribly -in the months of August and September. It is regrettable that the -people, during such epidemics, do not resort to hospital medicines, -but ascribe them to the devil's scourge. Especially the ignorant -and superstitious Moplahs believe that cholera is due to demoniac -possession, and can only be cured by exorcism. An account of -how this is done may be interesting. A Thangal (Moplah priest) -is brought in procession, with much shouting and drumming, to the -house to drive out the cholera devil. The Thangal enters the house, -where three cholera patients are lying; two of these already in a -collapsed condition. The wonder-working priest refuses to do anything -with these advanced cases, as they seem to be hopeless. The other -patient, who is in the early stage of the disease, is addressed as -follows. 'Who are you?'--'I am the cholera devil'. 'Where do you come -from?'--'From such and such a place'. 'Will you clear out at once or -not?'--'No, I won't'. 'Why?'--'Because I want something to quench my -thirst'. 'You want blood?'--'Yes'. Then the Thangal asks his followers -and relatives to give him what he asks. A young bull is brought into -the room and killed on the spot, and the patient is made to drink -the warm blood. Then the Thangal commands him to leave the place at -once. The patient, weak and exhausted, gathers up all his strength, and -runs out of the house, aided by a cane which is freely applied to his -back. He runs as far as he can, and drops exhausted on the road. Then -he is carried back, and, marvellous to say, he makes a good recovery." - -"The most important institution," Mr. A. S. Vaidyanatha Aiyar writes, -[195] "among the Mappilas of Malabar is the office of the Mahadun -(Makhdum) at Ponnani, which dates its origin about four centuries -ago, the present Mahadun being the twenty-fifth of his line. [The -line of the original Makhdum ended with the eighteenth, and the -present Makhdum and his six immediate predecessors belong to a -different line.] In the Mahadun there was a sect of religious head -for the Mappilas from Kodangalur to Mangalore. His office was, and -is still held in the greatest veneration. His decrees were believed -to be infallible. (His decrees are accepted as final.) The Zamorins -recognised the Mahadunship, as is seen from the presentation of the -office dress at every succession. In the famous Jamath mosque they -(the Mahaduns) have been giving instruction in Koran ever since they -established themselves at Ponnani. Students come here from different -parts of the country. After a certain standard of efficiency, the -degree of Musaliar is conferred upon the deserving Mullas (their name -in their undergraduate course). This ceremony consists simply in the -sanction given by the Mahadun to read at the big lamp in the mosque, -where he sometimes gives the instruction personally. The ceremony is -known as vilakkath irikka (to sit by the lamp). When the degree of -Musaliar is conferred, this sacred lamp is lit, and the Mahadun is -present with a number of Musaliars. These Musaliars are distributed -through the length and breadth of the land. They act as interpreters -of the Koran, and are often appointed in charge of the mosques. When I -visited the Jamath, there were about three hundred students. There is -no regular staff of teachers. Students are told off into sections under -the management of some senior students. The students are confined to -the mosque for their lodgings, while most of them enjoy free boarding -from some generous Mappilla or other." - -I am informed by Mr. Kunjain that "Mulla ordinarily means a man who -follows the profession of teaching the Koran to children, reading -it, and performing petty religious ceremonies for others, and lives -on the scanty perquisites derived therefrom. The man in charge of a -mosque, and who performs all petty offices therein, is also called -a Mulla. [196] This name is, however, peculiar to South Malabar. At -Quilandi and around it the teacher of the Koran is called Muallimy, -at Badagara Moiliar (Musaliar), at Kottayam Seedi, at Cannanore Kalfa, -and north of it Mukri. The man in charge of a mosque is also called -Mukir in North Malabar, while in South Malabar Mukir is applied to the -man who digs graves, lights lamps, and supplies water to the mosque." - -The mosques of the Mappillas are quite unlike those of any -other Muhammadans. "Here," Mr. Fawcett writes, [197] "one sees -no minarets. The temple architecture of Malabar was noticed by -Mr. Fergusson to be like that of Nepal: nothing like it exists between -the two places. And the Mappilla mosque is much in the style of the -Hindu temple, even to the adoption of the turret-like edifice which, -among Hindus, is here peculiar to the temples of Siva. The general -use nowadays of German mission-made tiles is bringing about, alas! a -metamorphosis in the architecture of Hindu temples and Mappilla -mosques, the picturesqueness disappearing altogether, and in a few -years it may be difficult to find one of the old style. The mosque, -though it may be little better than a hovel, is always as grand as -the community can make it, and once built it can never be removed, -for the site is sacred ever afterwards. Every Mappilla would shed his -blood, rather than suffer any indignity to a mosque." The mosques -often consist of "several stories, having two or more roofs, one -or more of the upper stories being usually built of wood, the sides -sloping inwards at the bottom. The roof is pent and tiled. There is -a gable end at one (the eastern) extremity, the timber on this being -often elaborately carved." - -One section of Mappillas at Calicut is known as "Clap the hand" -(Keikottakar) in contradistinction to another section, which may not -clap hands (Keikottattakar). On the occasion of wedding and other -ceremonies, the former enjoy the privilege of clapping their hands as -an accompaniment to the processional music, while the latter are not -permitted to do so. [198] It is said that at one time the differences -of opinion between the two sections ran so high that the question -was referred for decision to the highest ecclesiastical authorities -at Mecca. - -The Mappillas observe the Ramazan, Bakrid, and Haj. "They only observe -the ninth and tenth days of Muharam, and keep them as a fast; they -do not make taboots. [199] A common religious observance is the -celebration of what is called a mavulad or maulad. A maulad is a -tract or short treatise in Arabic celebrating the birth, life, works -and sayings of the prophet, or some saint such as Shaik Mohiuddin, -eleventh descendant of the prophet, expounder of the Koran, and worker -of miracles, or the Mambram Tangal, father of Sayid Fasl. For the -ceremony a Mulla is called in to read the book, parts of which are in -verse, and the congregation is required to make responses, and join in -the singing. The ceremony, which usually takes place in the evening, -concludes with, or is preceded by a feast, to which the friends -and relations are invited. Those who can afford it should perform a -maulad in honour of Shaik Mohiuddin on the eleventh of every month, -and one in honour of the prophet on the twelfth. A maulad should -also be performed on the third day after death. It is also a common -practice to celebrate a maulad before any important undertaking on -which it is desired to invoke a blessing, or in fulfilment of some -vows; hence the custom of maulads preceding outbreaks." [200] - -For a detailed account of the fanatical [201] outbreaks in the -Mappilla community, which have long disturbed the peace of Malabar -from time to time, I must refer the reader to the District Manual and -Gazetteer. From these sources, and from the class handbook (Mappillas) -for the Indian Army, [202] the following note relating to some of -the more serious of the numerous outbreaks has been compiled. [203] - -Towards the end of the seventeenth century, the Mappillas massacred -the chief of Anjengo, and all the English gentlemen belonging to the -settlement, when on a public visit to the Queen of Altinga. [204] -In 1841, seven or eight Mappillas killed two Hindus, and took post -in a mosque, setting the police at defiance. They, and some of their -co-religionists who had joined them, were shot down by a party of -sepoys. In the same month, some two thousand Mappillas set at defiance -a police guard posted over the spot where the above criminals had -been buried, and forcibly carried off their bodies, to inter them -with honours in a mosque. - -An outbreak, which occurred in 1843, was celebrated in a stirring -ballad. [205] A series of Mappilla war-songs have been published -by Mr. Fawcett. [206] In October, 1843, a peon (orderly) was found -with his head and hand all but cut off, and the perpetrators were -supposed to have been Mappilla fanatics of the sect known as Hal -Ilakkam (frenzy raising), concerning which the following account was -given in an official report, 1843. "In the month of Metam last year, -one Alathamkuliyil Moidin went out into the fields before daybreak -to water the crops, and there he saw a certain person, who advised -him to give up all his work, and devote his time to prayer at the -mosque. Moidin objected to this, urging that he would have nothing to -live upon. Whereupon, the above-mentioned person told him that a palm -tree, which grew in his (Moidin's) compound, would yield sufficient -toddy, which he could convert into jaggery (crude sugar), and thus -maintain himself. After saying this, the person disappeared. Moidin -thought that the person he saw was God himself, and felt frantic -(hal). He then went to Taramal Tangal, and performed dikkar and -niskaram (cries and prayers). After two or three days, he complained -to the Tangal that Kafirs (a term applied by Muhammadans to people of -other religions) were making fun of him. The Tangal told him that the -course adopted by him was the right one, and, saying 'Let it be as I -have said,' gave him a spear to be borne as an emblem, and assured him -that nobody would mock him in future. Subsequently several Mappillas, -affecting hal ilakkam, played all sorts of pranks, and wandered about -with canes in their hands, without going to their homes or attending -to their work. After several days, some of them, who had no means of -maintaining themselves unless they attended to their work, returned to -their former course of life, while others, with canes and Ernad knives -(war knives) in their hands, wandered about in companies of five, six, -eight, or ten men, and, congregating in places not much frequented -by Hindus, carried on their dikkar and niskaram. The Mappillas in -general look upon this as a religious vow, and provide these people -with food. I hear of the Mappillas talking among themselves that -one or two of the ancestors of Taramal Tangal died fighting, that, -the present man being advanced in age, it is time for him to follow -the same course, and that the above-mentioned men affected with hal -ilakkam, when their number swells to four hundred, will engage in a -fight with Kafirs, and die in company with the Tangal. One of these men -(who are known as Halar), by name Avarumayan, two months ago collected -a number of his countrymen, and sacrificed a bull, and, for preparing -meals for these men, placed a copper vessel with water on the hearth, -and said that rice would appear of itself in the vessel. He waited -for some time. There was no rice to be seen. Those who had assembled -there ate beef alone, and dispersed. Some people made fun of Avarumayan -for this. He felt ashamed, and went to Taramal Tangal, with whom he -stayed two or three days. He then went to the mosque at Mambram, and, -on attempting to fly through the air into the mosque on the southern -side of the river at Tirurangadi, fell down through the opening of -the door, and became lame of one leg, in which state he is reported -to be still lying. While the Halar of Munniyur desam were performing -niskaram one day at the tomb of Chemban Pokar Muppan, a rebel, -they declared that in the course of a week a mosque would spring -up at night, and that there would be complete darkness for two full -days. Mappillas waited in anxious expectation of the phenomenon for -seven or eight days and nights. There was, however, neither darkness -nor mosque to be seen. Again, in the month of Karkigadam last, some -of the influential Mappillas led their ignorant Hindu neighbours to -believe that a ship would arrive with the necessary arms, provisions, -and money for forty thousand men; and that, if that number could -be secured meanwhile, they could conquer the country, and that the -Hindus would then totally vanish. It appears that it was about this -time that some Tiyyar (toddy-drawers) and others became converts. None -of the predictions having been realised, Mappillas, as well as others, -have begun to make fun of the Halar, who, having taken offence at this, -are bent upon putting an end to themselves by engaging in a fight." - -Since the outbreak near Manjeri in 1849, when two companies of sepoys -were routed after firing a few shots, European troops have always been -engaged against the Mappillas. On the occasion of that outbreak, one -of the Mappillas had his thigh broken in the engagement. He remained in -all the agony of a wound unattended to for seven days, and was further -tortured by being carried in a rough litter from the Manjeri to the -Angadipuram temple. Yet, at the time of a further fight, he was hopping -to the encounter on his sound leg, and only anxious to get a fair blow -at the infidels before he died. It is recorded that, on one occasion, -when a detachment of sepoys was thrown into disorder by a fierce rush -of death-devoted Mappillas, the drummer of the company distinguished -himself by bonneting an assailant with his drum, thereby putting the -Mappilla's head into a kind of straight jacket, and saving his own -life. [207] In 1852 Mr. Strange was appointed Special Commissioner to -enquire into the causes of, and suggest remedies for, the Mappilla -disturbances. In his report he stated, inter alia, that "a feature -that has been manifestly common to the whole of these affairs is that -they have been, one and all, marked by the most decided fanaticism, -and this, there can be no doubt, has furnished the true incentive to -them. The Mappillas of the interior were always lawless, even in the -time of Tippu, were steeped in ignorance, and were, on these accounts, -more than ordinarily susceptible to the teaching of ambitious and -fanatical priests using the recognised precepts of the Koran as -handles for the sanction to rise and slay Kafirs, who opposed the -faithful, chiefly in the pursuit of agriculture. The Hindus, in the -parts where outbreaks have been most frequent, stand in such fear of -the Mappillas as mostly not to dare to press for their rights against -them, and there is many a Mappilla tenant who does not pay his rent, -and cannot, so imminent are the risks, be evicted." Mr. Strange stated -further that "the most perverted ideas on the doctrine of martyrdom, -according to the Koran, universally prevail, and are fostered among -the lower classes of the Mappillas. The late enquiries have shown that -there is a notion prevalent among the lower orders that, according to -the Mussalman religion, the fact of a janmi or landlord having in due -course of law ejected from his lands a mortgagee or other substantial -tenant, is a sufficient pretext to murder him, become sahid (saint), -and so ensure the pleasures of the Muhammadan paradise. It is well -known that the favourite text of the banished Arab priest or Tangal, -in his Friday orations at the mosque in Tirurangadi, was 'It is no -sin, but a merit, to kill a janmi who evicts.'" Mr. Strange proposed -the organisation of a special police force exclusively composed -of Hindus, and that restrictions should be put on the erection of -mosques. Neither of these proposals was approved by Government. But -a policy of repression set in with the passing of Acts XXII and XXIV -of 1854. The former authorised the local authorities to escheat the -property of those guilty of fanatical rising, to fine the locality -where outrages had occurred, and to deport suspicious persons out -of the country. The latter rendered illegal the possession of the -Mappilla war-knife. Mr. Conolly, the District Magistrate, proceeded, -in December, 1854, on a tour, to collect the war-knives through the -heart of the Mappilla country. In the following year, when he was -sitting in his verandah, a body of fanatics, who had recently escaped -from the Calicut jail, rushed in, and hacked him to pieces in his -wife's presence. He had quite recently received a letter from Lord -Dalhousie, congratulating him on his appointment as a member of the -Governor's Council at Madras. His widow was granted the net proceeds -of the Mappilla fines, amounting to more than thirty thousand rupees. - -In an account of an outbreak in 1851, it is noted that one of the -fanatics was a mere child. And it was noticed, in connection with -a more recent outbreak, that there were "several boys who were -barely fourteen years old. One was twelve; some were seventeen or -eighteen. Some observers have said that the reason why boys turn -fanatics is because they may thus avoid the discomfort, which the -Ramzan entails. A dispensation from fasting is claimable when on the -war-path. There are high hopes of feasts of cocoanuts and jaggery, -beef and boiled rice. At the end of it all there is Paradise with -its black-eyed girls." [208] - -In 1859, Act No. XX for the suppression of outrages in the district -of Malabar was passed. - -In 1884, Government appointed Mr. Logan, the Head Magistrate of -Malabar, to enquire into the general question of the tenure of land and -tenant right, and the question of sites for mosques and burial-grounds -in the district. Mr. Logan expressed his opinion that the Mappilla -outrages were designed "to counteract the overwhelming influence, -when backed by the British courts, of the janmis in the exercise -of the novel powers of ouster, and of rent-raising conferred upon -them. A janmi who, through the courts, evicted, whether fraudulently -or otherwise, a substantial tenant, was deemed to have merited death, -and it was considered a religious virtue, not a fault, to have killed -such a man, and to have afterwards died in arms, fighting against an -infidel Government." Mr. MacGregor, formerly Collector of Malabar, had, -some years before, expressed himself as "perfectly satisfied that the -Mappilla outrages are agrarian. Fanaticism is merely the instrument, -through which the terrorism of the landed classes is aimed at." - -In 1884 an outbreak occurred near Malappuram, and it was -decided by Government to disarm the taluks of Ernad, Calicut, and -Walluvanad. Notwithstanding the excited state of the Mappillas at -the time, the delicate operation was successfully carried out by -the district officers, and 17,295 arms, including 7,503 fire-arms of -various kinds, were collected. In the following year, the disarming -of the Ponnani taluk was accomplished. Of these confiscated arms, -the Madras Museum possesses a small collection, selected from a mass -of them which were hoarded in the Collector's office, and were about -to be buried in the deep sea. - -In 1896 a serious outbreak occurred at Manjeri, and two or three -notoriously objectionable landlords were done away with. The -fanatics then took up a position, and awaited the arrival of the -British troops. They took no cover, and, when advancing to attack, -were mostly shot down at a distance of 700 to 800 yards, every man -wounded having his throat cut by his nearest friend. In the outbreak -of 1894, a Mappilla youth was wounded, but not killed. The tidings -was conveyed to his mother, who merely said, with the stern majesty -of the Spartan matron of old, 'If I were a man, I would not come back -wounded.' [209] "Those who die fighting for the faith are reverenced -as martyrs and saints, who can work miracles from the Paradise to -which they have attained. A Mappilla woman was once benighted in a -strange place. An infidel passed by, and, noticing her sorry plight, -tried to take advantage of it to destroy her virtue. She immediately -invoked the aid of one of the martyrs of Malappuram. A deadly serpent -rushed out of a neighbouring thicket, and flew at the villain, -who had dared to sully the chastity of a chosen daughter. Once, -during a rising, a Mappilla, who preferred to remain on the side -of order and Government, stood afar off, and watched with sorrow -the dreadful sight of his co-religionists being cut down by the -European soldiery. Suddenly his emotions underwent a transformation, -for there, through his blinding tears and the dust and smoke of the -battle, he saw a wondrous vision. Lovely houris bent tenderly over -fallen martyrs, bathed their wounds, and gave them to drink delicious -sherbet and milk, and, with smiles that outshone the brightness of -the sun, bore away the fallen bodies of the brave men to the realms -beyond. The watcher dashed through the crowd, and cast in his lot -with the happy men who were fighting such a noble fight. And, after -he was slain, these things were revealed to his wife in a vision, -and she was proud thereat. These, and similar stories, are believed -as implicitly as the Koran is believed." [210] - -It is noted by Mr. Logan [211] that the custom of the Nayars, in -accordance with which they sacrificed their lives for the honour of -the king, "was readily adopted by the Mappillas, who also at times--as -at the great Mahamakham twelfth year feast at Tirunavayi--devoted -themselves to death in the company of Nayars for the honour of the -Valluvanad Raja. And probably the frantic fanatical rush of the -Mappillas on British bayonets is the latest development of this -ancient custom of the Nayars." - -The fanatical outbreaks of recent times have been exclusively limited -to the Ernad and Walluvanad taluks. There are quartered at the present -time at Malappuram in the Ernad taluk a special Assistant Collector, a -company of British troops, and a special native police force. In 1905, -Government threw open 220 scholarships, on the results of the second -and third standard examinations, to Mappilla pupils of promise in the -two taluks mentioned above, to enable them to prosecute their studies -for the next higher standard in a recognised school connected with the -Madras Educational Department. Twenty scholarships were further offered -to Mappillas in the special class attached to the Government School -of Commerce, Calicut, where instruction in commercial arithmetic, -book-keeping, commercial practice, etc., is imparted in the Malayalam -language. In 1904, a Mappilla Sanskrit school was founded at Puttur, -some of the pupils at which belong to the families of hereditary -physicians, who were formerly good Sanskrit scholars. - -At a Loyalty meeting of Mappillas held at Ponnani in 1908 under -the auspices of the Mannath-ul-Islam Sabha, the President spoke as -follows. "When the Moplahs are ranged on the side of order, the peace -of the country is assured. But the Moplah is viewed with suspicion by -the Government. He has got a bad name as a disturber of the peace. He -is liable to fits, and no one knows when he may run amock. From this -public platform I can assure the Government as well as the public -that the proper remedy has at last been applied, and the Moplah fits -have ceased, never to return. What the remedy was, and who discovered -it, must be briefly explained. Every Moplah outbreak was connected -with the relapse of a convert. In the heat of a family quarrel, in a -moment of despair, a Hindu thought to revenge himself upon his family -by becoming a convert to Islam. In a few days, repentance followed, -and he went back to his relatives. An ignorant Mullah made this -a text for a sermon. A still more ignorant villager found in it an -opportunity to obtain admission into the highest Paradise. An outbreak -results. The apostate's throat is cut. The Moplah is shot. Deportation -and Punitive Police follow. The only rational way to put a final stop -to this chronic malady was discovered by a Hindu gentleman. The hasty -conversions must be stopped. Those who seek conversion must be given -plenty of time to consider the irrevocable nature of the step they -were going to take. The Mullahs must be properly instructed. Their -interpretation of the Koran was wrong. There is absolutely nothing -in our scriptures to justify murders of this kind, or opposition to -the ruling power. The ignorant people had to be taught. There was no -place in Paradise for murderers and cut-throats. Their place was lower -down. Three things had to be done. Conversion had to be regulated; -the Mullahs had to be instructed; the ignorance of the people had -to be removed. Ponani is the religious head-quarters of the Moplahs -of the West Coast, including Malabar, South Canara, and the Native -States of Cochin and Travancore. The Jarathingal Thangal at Ponani is -the High Priest of all the Moplahs; the Mahadoom Thangal of Ponani -is the highest authority in all religious matters. It is he that -sanctifies the Musaliars. The Mannath-ul-Islam Sabha at Ponani was -started under the auspices of the Jarathingal Thangal and the Mahadoom -Thangal. Two schools were opened for the education of new converts, -one for boys and the other for girls. Strict enquiries were made as -to the state of mind and antecedents of all who seek conversion. They -are kept under observation long enough, and are admitted only on the -distinct understanding that it is a deliberate voluntary act, and they -have to make up their minds to remain. Some six thousand converts -have passed through our schools since the Sabha was started. The -Musaliars are never sanctified until they are thoroughly grounded in -the correct principles of our religion, and an assurance is obtained -from them that they will never preach rebellion. No Musaliar will -break a promise given to the Thangal. The loyalty of the Musaliars -and Mullahs is thus assured. Where there is no Musaliar to bless them, -there is no Moplah to die as a martyr. The Mullahs are also taught to -explain to all villagers that our scriptures condemn opposition to -the ruling power, and that loyalty to the Sovereign is a religious -duty. We are also trying to spread education among the ignorant -villagers. In order further to enlist the sympathies of the people, -extensive charities have been organised. Sixteen branches of the Sabha -have been opened all over South Malabar and the States of Travancore -and Cochin. A very large number of domestic quarrels--divorce cases, -partition cases, etc.--have been settled by arbitration through these -branch associations. It is an immense power for good." - -The Mappillas have been summed up, as regards their occupations, as -being traders on the coast, and cultivators in the interior, in both of -which callings they are very successful and prosperous. "In the realm -of industry," it has been said, "the Moplah occupies a position, which -undoubtedly does him credit. Poverty is confined almost exclusively -to certain wild, yet picturesque tracts in the east of Malabar, where -the race constitutes the preponderating element of the population, -and the field and farm furnish the only means of support to the -people. And it is just in those areas that one may see at their best -the grit, laboriousness, and enterprise of the Moplah. He reclaims -dense forest patches, and turns them into cultivated plots under the -most unfavourable conditions, and, in the course of a few years, by -hard toil and perseverance, he transforms into profitable homesteads -regions that were erstwhile virgin forest or scrubby jungle. Or he -lays himself out to reclaim and plant up marshy lands lying alongside -rivers and lagoons, and insures them from destruction by throwing -up rough but serviceable dykes and dams. In these tracts he is also -sometimes a timber merchant, and gets on famously by taking out permits -to fell large trees, which he rafts down the rivers to the coast. The -great bulk of the Moplahs in these wild regions belong purely to the -labouring classes, and it is among these classes that the pinch of -poverty is most keenly felt, particularly in the dull monsoon days, -when all industry has to be suspended. In the towns and coast ports, -the Moplahs are largely represented in most branches of industry and -toil. A good many of them are merchants, and get on exceedingly well, -being bolder and more speculative than the Hindus of the district. The -bulk of petty traders and shop-keepers in Malabar are also Moplahs, -and, in these callings, they may be found at great distances from -home, in Rangoon, Ceylon, the Straits and elsewhere, and generally -prospering. Almost everywhere in their own district they go near -monopolising the grocery, hardware, haberdashery, and such other -trades; and as petty bazar men they drive a profitable business on -the good old principle of small profits and quick returns. No native -hawker caters more readily to Mr. Thomas Atkins (the British soldier) -than the Moplah, and, in the military stations in Malabar, 'Poker' -(a Moplah name) waxes fat and grows rich by undertaking to supply -Tommy with tea, coffee, lemonade, tobacco, oilman stores, and other -little luxuries." - -"Some Mappillas," Mr. A. Chatterton writes, [212] "have taken to -leather-working, and they are considered to be specialists in the -making of ceruppus or leather shoes. In Malabar the trade in raw hides -and skins is chiefly in the hands of Mappillas. Weekly fairs are held -at several places, and all the available hides and skins are put up for -sale, and are purchased by Muhammadans." Some Mappillas bind books, -and others are good smiths. "The small skull caps, which are the -universal head-gear of Mappilla men and boys, are made in different -parts of Malabar, but the best are the work of Mappilla women at -Cannanore. They are made of fine canvas beautifully embroidered by -hand, and fetch in the market between Rs. 2 and Rs. 3." [213] - -The Mappillas take an active share in the fish-curing operations along -the west coast, and the Mukkuvans, who are the hereditary fishermen of -Malabar, are inclined to be jealous of them. A veteran Mukkuvan, at the -time of my inspection of the Badagara fish-curing yard in 1900, put the -real grievance of his brethren in a nutshell. In old days, he stated, -they used salt-earth for curing fishes. When the fish-curing yards -were started, and Government salt was issued, the Mukkuvans thought -that they were going to be heavily taxed. They did not understand -exactly what was going to happen, and were suspicious. The result was -that they would have nothing to do with the curing-yards. The use -of salt-earth was stopped on the establishment of Government salt, -and some of the fishermen were convicted for illegal use thereof. They -thought that, if they held out, they would be allowed to use salt-earth -as formerly. Meanwhile, the Mappillas, being more wide-awake than the -Mukkuvans, took advantage of the opportunity (in 1884), and erected -yards, whereof they are still in possession. A deputation of Mukkuvans -waited on me. Their main grievance was that they are hereditary -fishermen, and formerly the Mappillas were only the purchasers of -fish. A few years ago, the Mappillas started as fishermen on their -own account, with small boats and thattuvala (tapping nets), in using -which the nets, with strips of cocoanut leaves tied on to the ropes, -are spread, and the sides of the boats beaten with sticks and staves, -to drive the fish into the net. The noise made extends to a great -distance, and consequently the shoals go out to sea, too far for the -fishermen to follow in pursuit. In a petition, which was submitted to -me by the Mukkuvan fish-curers at Badagara, they asked to have the -site of the yard changed, as they feared that their women would be -'unchastised' at the hands of the Mappillas. - -"Small isolated attempts," Major Holland-Pryor writes, "to recruit -Mappillas were made by various regiments quartered in Malabar some -years ago, but without success. This was probably owing to the fact -that the trial was made on too small a scale, and that the system -of mixed companies interfered with their clannish propensities. The -district officers also predicted certain failure, on the ground -that Mappillas would not serve away from their own country. Their -predictions, however, have proved to be false, and men now come -forward in fair numbers for enlistment." In 1896, the experiment of -recruiting Mappillas for the 25th Madras Infantry was started, and -the responsible task of working up the raw material was entrusted -to Colonel Burton, with whose permission I took measurements of his -youthful warriors. As was inevitable in a community recruited by -converts from various classes, the sepoys afforded an interesting -study in varied colouration, stature and nasal configuration. One -very dark-skinned and platyrhine individual, indeed, had a nasal -index of 92. Later on, the sanction of the Secretary of State was -obtained for the adoption of a scheme for converting the 17th and -25th regiments of the Madras Infantry into Mappilla corps, which were -subsequently named the 77th and 78th Moplah Rifles. "These regiments," -Major Holland-Pryor continues, "at present draw their men principally -from Ernad and Valuvanad. Labourers from these parts are much sought -after by planters and agents from the Kolar gold-fields, on account of -their hardiness and fine physique. Some, however, prefer to enlist. The -men are generally smaller than the Coast Mappillas, and do not show -much trace of Arab blood, but they are hardy and courageous, and, -with their superior stamina, make excellent fighting material." In -1905 the 78th Moplah Rifles were transferred to Dera Ismail Khan in -the Punjab, and took part in the military manoeuvres before H.R.H. the -Prince of Wales at Rawalpindi. It has been observed that "the Moplahs, -in dark green and scarlet, the only regiment in India which wears the -tarbush, are notable examples of the policy of taming the pugnacious -races by making soldiers of them, which began with the enlistment of -the Highlanders in the Black Watch, and continued to the disciplining -of the Kachins in Burma. In the general overhauling of the Indian -Army, the fighting value of the Moplahs has come into question, and -the 78th Regiment is now at Dera Ismail Khan being measured against -the crack regiments of the north." In 1907, the colours of the 17th -Madras Infantry, which was formed at Fort St. George in 1777, and -had had its name changed to 77th Moplah Rifles, were, on the regiment -being mustered out, deposited in St. Mark's Church, Bangalore. - -It has been said of the Mappillas [214] that "their heads are true -cocoanuts; their high foreheads and pointed crowns are specially -noticeable for being kept shaven, and, when covered, provided with -only a small gaily embroidered skull-cap." - -The dress of the Mappillas is thus described in the Gazetteer of -Malabar. "The ordinary dress of the men is a mundu or cloth, generally -white with a purple border, but sometimes orange or green, or plain -white. It is tied on the left (Hindus tie it on the right), and kept in -position by a nul or waist string, to which are attached one or more -elassus (small cylinders) of gold, silver, or baser metal, containing -texts from the Koran or magic yantrams. A small knife is usually worn -at the waist. Persons of importance wear in addition a long flowing -garment of fine cotton (a kind of burnoos), and over this again may -be worn a short waistcoat like jacket, though this is uncommon in -South Malabar, and (in the case of Tangals, etc.) a cloak of some -rich coloured silk. The European shirt and short coat are also coming -into fashion in the towns. A small cap of white or white and black is -very commonly worn, and round this an ordinary turban, or some bright -coloured scarf may be tied. Mappillas shave their heads clean. Beards -are frequently worn, especially by old people and Tangals. Hajis, or -men who have made their pilgrimage to Mecca, and other holy men, often -dye the beard red. Women wear a mundu of some coloured cloth (dark -blue is most usual), and a white loose bodice more or less embroidered, -and a veil or scarf on the head. In the case of the wealthy, the mundu -may be of silk of some light colour. Women of the higher classes are -kept secluded, and hide their faces when they go abroad. The lower -classes are not particular in this respect. Men wear no jewellery, -except the elassus already mentioned, and in some cases rings on the -fingers, but these should not be of pure gold. Women's jewellery is -of considerable variety, and is sometimes very costly. It takes the -form of necklaces, ear-rings, zones, bracelets, and anklets. As among -Tiyans and Mukkuvans, a great number of ear-rings are worn. The rim -of the ear is bored into as many as ten or a dozen holes, in addition -to the one in the lobe. Nose-rings are not worn. - -"Incredibly large sums of money," Mr. P. Kunjain writes, [215] "are -spent on female ornaments. For the neck there are five or six sorts, -for the waist five or six sorts, and there are besides long rows -of armlets, bracelets, and bangles, and anklets and ear ornaments, -all made of gold. As many as ten or fourteen holes are bored in each -ear, one being in the labia (lobe) and the remainder in the ala -(helix). The former is artificially widened, and a long string of -ornaments of beautiful manufacture suspended to it. As strict Sunnis -of the Shafi school, the boring of the nose is prohibited." - -I have in my possession five charm cylinders, which were worn round -the waist by a notorious Mappilla dacoit, who was shot by the police, -and whom his co-religionists tried to turn into a saint. It is noted, -in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that, though magic is condemned by the -Koran, the Mappilla is very superstitious, and witchcraft is not by -any means unknown. Many Tangals pretend to cure diseases by writing -selections from the Koran on a plate with ink or on a coating of ashes, -and then giving the ink or ashes mixed with water to the patient -to swallow. They also dispense scrolls for elassus, and small flags -inscribed with sacred verses, which are set up to avert pestilence -or misfortune. The Mappilla jins and shaitans correspond to the -Hindu demons, and are propitiated in much the same way. One of their -methods of witchcraft is to make a wooden figure to represent the -enemy, drive nails into all the vital parts, and throw it into sea, -after curses in due form. A belief in love philtres and talismans is -very common, and precautions against the evil eye are universal. - -In 1903, a life-size nude female human figure, with feet everted -and turned backwards, carved out of the wood of Alstonia scholaris, -was washed ashore at Calicut. Long nails had been driven in all over -the head, body and limbs, and a large square hole cut out above the -navel. Inscriptions in Arabic characters were scrawled over it. By -a coincidence, the corpse of a man was washed ashore close to the -figure. Quite recently, another interesting example of sympathetic -magic, in the shape of a wooden representation of a human being, was -washed ashore at Calicut. The figure is eleven inches in height. The -arms are bent on the chest, and the palms of the hands are placed -together as in the act of saluting. A square cavity, closed by -a wooden lid, has been cut out of the middle of the abdomen, and -contains apparently tobacco, ganja (Indian hemp), and hair. An iron -bar has been driven from the back of the head through the body, and -terminates in the abdominal cavity. A sharp cutting instrument has -been driven into the chest and back in twelve places. - -"The Mappillas of North Malabar," Mr. Lewis Moore writes, [216] "follow -the marumakkathayam system of inheritance, while the Mappillas of South -Malabar, with some few exceptions, follow the ordinary Muhammadan -law. Among those who profess to follow the marumakkathayam law, the -practice frequently prevails of treating the self-acquisitions of a -man as descendible to his wife and children under Muhammadan law. Among -those who follow the ordinary Muhammadan law, it is not unusual for a -father and sons to have community of property, and for the property -to be managed by the father, and, after his death, by the eldest -son. Mr. Logan [217] alludes to the adoption of the marumakkathayam -law of inheritance by the Nambudris of Payyanur in North Malabar, and -then writes 'And it is noteworthy that the Muhammadans settled there -(Mappillas) have done the same thing.' Mr. Logan here assumes that the -Mappillas of North Malabar were Muhammadans in religion before they -adopted the marumakkathayam law of inheritance. There can, however, -be but little doubt that a considerable portion, at all events, of -these so-called Mappillas were followers of marumakkathayam rules and -customs long before they embraced the faith of Islam." "In the case of -the Mappillas," Mr. Vaidyanatha writes, "it is more than probable that -there were more numerous conversions from marumakkathayam families -in the north than in the south. The number of makkathayam adherents -has always been small in the north. According to marumakkathayam, the -wife is not a member of the husband's family, but usually resides in -her family house. The makkathayam Mappillas, curiously enough, seldom -take their wives home. In some parts, such as Calicut, a husband is -only a visitor for the night. The Mappillas, like the Nayars, call -themselves by the names of their houses (or parambas)." It is noted by -Mr. P. Kunjain [218] that the present generation of Moplahs following -marumakkathayam is not inclined to favour the perpetuation of this -flagrant transgression of the divine law, which enjoins makkathayam -on true believers in unequivocal terms. With the view of defeating -the operation of the law, the present generation settled their -self-acquisition on their children during their lifetime. A proposal -to alter the law to accord with the divine law will be hailed with -supreme pleasure. This is the current of public opinion among Moplahs. - -It is recorded in the Gazetteer of Malabar that "in North Malabar, -Mappillas as a rule follow the marumakkathayam system of inheritance, -though it is opposed to the precepts of the Koran; but a man's -self-acquisitions usually descend to his wife and family in accordance -with the Muhammadan law of property. The combination of the two -systems of law often leads to great complications. In the south, -the makkatayam system is usually followed, but it is remarkable that -succession to religious stanams, such as that of the Valiya Tangal of -Ponnani, usually goes according to the marumakkathayam system. There -seems to be a growing discontent with the marumakkathayam system; but, -on the other hand, there is no doubt that the minute sub-division of -property between a man's heirs, which the Koran prescribes, tends to -foster poverty, especially amongst petty cultivators, such as those -of Ernad and Walavanad." - -It is unnecessary to linger over the naming, tonsure, circumcision, and -ear-boring ceremonies, which the Mappilla infant has to go through. But -the marriage and death customs are worthy of some notice. [219] "Boys -are married at the age of 18 or 20 as a rule in North Malabar, and -girls at 14 or 15. In South Malabar, early marriages are more common, -boys being married between 14 and 18, and girls between 8 and 12. In -exceptional cases, girls have been known to be married at the age of -2 1/2, but this only happens when the girl's father is in extremis, -since an orphan must remain unmarried till puberty. The first thing -is the betrothal or settlement of the dowry, which is arranged by -the parents, or in North Malabar by the Karnavans. Large dowries are -expected, especially in North Malabar, where, in spite of polygamy, -husbands are at a premium, and a father with many daughters needs to -be a rich man. The only religious ceremony necessary is the nikka, -which consists in the formal conclusion of the contract before two -witnesses and the Kazi, who then registers it. The nikka may be -performed either on the day of the nuptials or before it, sometimes -months or years before. In the latter case, the fathers of the bride -and bridegroom go to the bride's family mosque and repeat the necessary -formula, which consists in the recital of the Kalima, and a formal -acceptance of the conditions of the match, thrice repeated. In the -former case, the Kazi, as a rule, comes to the bride's house where -the ceremony is performed, or else the parties go to the Kazi's -house. In North Malabar, the former is the rule; but in Calicut -the Kazi will only go to the houses of four specially privileged -families. After the performance of the nikka, there is a feast in the -bride's house. Then the bridegroom and his attendants are shown to a -room specially prepared, with a curtain over the door. The bridegroom -is left there alone, and the bride is introduced into the room by her -mother or sister. In North Malabar, she brings her dowry with her, -wrapped in a cloth. She is left with the bridegroom for a few minutes, -and then comes out, and the bridegroom takes his departure. In some -cases, the bride and bridegroom are allowed to spend the whole night -together. In some parts of South Malabar, it is the bride who is first -conducted to the nuptial chamber, where she is made to lie down on a -sofa, and the bridegroom is then introduced, and left with her for a -few minutes. In North Malabar and Calicut, the bride lives in her own -house with her mother and sisters, unless her husband is rich enough -to build her a house of her own. In South Malabar, the wife is taken -to the husband's house as soon as she is old enough for cohabitation, -and lives there. Polygamy is the rule, and it is estimated that in -South Malabar 80 per cent. of the husbands have two wives or more, -and 20 per cent. three or four. In North Malabar, it is not usual -for a man to have more than two wives. The early age at which girls -are married in South Malabar no doubt encourages polygamy. It also -encourages divorce, which in South Malabar is common, while in the -north it is comparatively rare, and looked upon with disfavour. All -that is required is for the husband to say, in the presence of the -wife's relations, or before her Kazi, that he has 'untied the tie, -and does not want the wife any more,' and to give back the stridhanam -or dowry. Divorce by the wife is rare, and can be had only for definite -reasons, such as that the husband is incapable of maintaining her, or -is incurably diseased or impotent. Widows may remarry without limit, -but the dearth of husbands makes it difficult for them to do so. - -"When a man dies, his body is undressed, and arranged so that the -legs point to Mecca. The two big toes are tied together, and the hands -crossed on the chest, the right over the left; the arms are also tied -with a cloth. Mullas are called in to read the Koran over the corpse, -and this has to be continued until it is removed to the cemetery. When -the relatives have arrived, the body is washed and laid on the floor -on mats, over which a cloth has been spread. Cotton wool is placed in -the ears, and between the lips, the fingers, and the toes, and the -body is shrouded in white cloths. It is then placed on a bier which -is brought from the mosque, and borne thither. At the mosque the bier -is placed near the western wall; the mourners arrange themselves in -lines, and offer prayers (niskaram) standing. The bier is then taken -to the grave, which is dug north and south; the body is lowered, -the winding sheets loosened, and the body turned so as to lie on -its right side facing Mecca. A handful of earth is placed below the -right cheek. The grave is then covered with laterite stones, over -which each of the mourners throws a handful of earth, reciting the -Kalima and passages from the Koran. Laterite stones are placed at the -head and foot of the grave, and some mailanji (henna: Lawsonia alba) -is planted at the side. A Mulla then seats himself at the head of the -grave, and reads certain passages of the Koran, intended to instruct -the dead man how to answer the questions about his faith, which it is -supposed that the angels are then asking him. The funeral concludes -with distribution of money and rice to the poor. For three days, a -week, or forty days, according to the circumstances of the deceased, -Mullas should read the Koran over the grave without ceasing day and -night. The Koran must also be read at home for at least three days. On -the third day, a visit is made to the tomb, after which a maulad is -performed, the Mullas are paid, alms are distributed, and a feast -is given to the relations, including the deceased's relations by -marriage, who should come to his house that day. A similar ceremony -is performed on the fortieth day, which concludes the mourning; and -by the rich on anniversaries. Widows should keep secluded in their -own houses for three months and ten days, without seeing any of the -male sex. After that period, they are at liberty to remarry." - -Concerning the Mappillas of the Laccadives, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes -as follows. [220] "The customs of the Mappillas of the Laccadive -islands are peculiar. The people are not called Mappilas, but -(1) Koya, (2) Malumi, (3) Urukkaran, (4) Takru, (5) Milikhan, -and (6) Melac'cheri. No. 1 is the land and boat owning class, -and is superior to the rest. Nos. 2 to 5 are pilots and sailors, -and, where they are cultivators, cultivate under No. 1. No. 6 were -the slaves of the first division; now they cultivate the Koyas' -lands, take the produce of those lands in boats to the mainland, -and pay 20 per cent. of the sale-proceeds to the Koya owners. The -islanders generally dress like ordinary Mappilas. The Melac'cheris, -however, may use only a coarser kind of cloth, and they are not -allowed intermarriage with the other classes. If any such marriage -takes place, the offender is put out of caste, but the marriage is -deemed a valid one. The current tradition is that these Laccadive -Mappilas were originally the inhabitants of Malabar--Nambudiris, -Nayars, Tiyyas, etc.--who went in search of Cheraman Perumal when the -latter left for Mecca, and were wrecked on these islands. The story -goes that these remained Hindus for a long time, that Obeidulla, -the disciple of Caliph Abu Bakr, having received instructions from -the prophet in a dream to go and convert the unbelievers on these -islands, left for the place and landed on Ameni island, that he was -ill-treated by the people, who were all Brahmans, but that, having -worked some miracles, he converted them. He then visited the other -islands, and all the islanders embraced the Moslem faith. His remains -are said to be interred in the island of Androth. Among this section -of the Mappilas, succession is generally--in fact almost entirely--in -the female line. Girls are married when they are six or seven years -old. No dowry is given. They are educated equally with the boys, and, -on marriage, they are not taken away from school, but continue there -until they finish the course. In the island of Minicoy, the largest -of the islands, the women appear in public, and take part in public -affairs. The women generally are much more educated than the ordinary -Mappila males of the mainland. The Koyas are said to be descendants -of Nambudiris, Melach'cheris of Tiyyans and Mukkuvans, and the rest -of Nayars. Whatever the present occupation of Koyas on these islands, -the tradition that Koyas were originally Brahmans also confirms the -opinion that they belong to the priestly class." - -In a note on the Laccadives and Minicoy, [221] Mr. C. W. E. Cotton -writes that "while it would appear that the Maldives and Minicoy were -long ago peopled by the same wave of Aryan immigration which overran -Ceylon, tradition ascribes the first settlements in the northern -group to an expedition shipwrecked on one of the Atolls so late as -825 A.D. This expedition is said to have set out from Kodungallur -(Cranganore) in search of the last of the Perumal Viceroys of Malabar, -a convert either to Buddhism or Islam, and included some Nambudris, -commonly employed, as Duarte Barbosa tells us, on account of their -persons being considered sacrosanct, as envoys and messengers in times -of war, and perhaps also for dangerous embassies across the seas. Some -support may be found for this tradition in the perpetuation of the -name illam for some of the principal houses in Kalpeni, and in the -existence of strongly marked caste divisions, especially remarkable -among communities professing Mahomedanism, corresponding to the -aristocrats, the mariners, and the dependants, of which such an -expeditionary force would have been composed. The Tarwad islands, -Ameni, Kalpeni, Androth, and Kavarathi, were probably peopled first, -and their inhabitants can claim high-caste Hindu ancestry. There has -been no doubt everywhere considerable voluntary immigration from the -coast, and some infusion of pure Arab blood; but the strain of Negro -introduced into the Maldives by Zanzibar slaves is nowhere traceable -in Minicoy or the northern Archipelago." - -In a further note, Mr. Cotton writes as follows. [222] "The inhabitants -of Androth, Kalpeni, Kavaratti and Agatti, are Mappillas, almost -undistinguishable, except in the matter of physical development, -from those on the mainland. The admixture of Arab blood seems to -be confined to a few of the principal families in the two 'tarwad' -islands, Kalpeni and Androth. The islanders, though Muhammadans, -perpetuate the old caste distinctions which they observed before -their conversion to Islam. The highest caste is called Koya, in its -origin merely a religious title. The Koyas represent the aristocracy -of the original colonists, and in them vests the proprietorship of -most of the cocoanut trees and the odams (ships), which constitute -the chief outward and visible signs of wealth on the islands. They -supply each Amin with a majority of his council of hereditary -elders (Karanavans). The lowest and largest class is that of the -Melacheris (lit. high climbers), also called Thandels in Kavaratti, -the villeins in the quasi-feudal system of the islands, who do the -tree-tapping, cocoanut plucking, and menial labour. They hold trees -on kudiyan service, which involves the shipping of produce on their -overlord's boat or odam, the thatching of his house and boat-shed, -and an obligation to sail on the odam to the mainland whenever called -upon. Intermediately come the Malumis (pilots), also called Urakars, -who represent the skilled navigating class, to which many of the -Karnavans in Kavaratti belong. Intermarriage between them and the less -prosperous Koyis is now permitted. Monogamy is almost the universal -rule, but divorces can be so easily obtained that the marriage tie -can scarcely be regarded as more binding than the sambandham among -the Hindus on the coast. The women go about freely with their heads -uncovered. They continue to live after marriage in their family or -tarwad houses, where they are visited by their husbands, and the system -of inheritance in vogue is marumakkathayam as regards family property, -and makkatayam as regards self-acquisitions. These are distinguished -on the islands under the terms Velliyaricha (Friday) and Tingalaricha -(Monday) property. The family house is invariably called pura in -contradistinction to Vidu--the wife's house. Intermarriage between the -inhabitants of different islands is not uncommon. The islanders are -very superstitious, and believe in ghosts and hobgoblins, about the -visible manifestations of which many stories are current; and there -is an old mamul (established) rule on all the islands forbidding any -one to go out after nightfall. Phantom steamers and sailing ships -are sometimes seen in the lagoons or rowed out to on the open sea; -and in the prayers by the graves of his ancestors, which each sailor -makes before setting out on a voyage, we find something akin to the -Roman worship of the Manes. The Moidin mosque at Kalpeni, and the big -West Pandaram at Androth are believed to be haunted. There are Jarams -(shrines) in Cheriyam and Cheriyakara, to which pilgrimages are made -and where vows are taken, and it is usual to chant the fateah [223] -on sighting the Jamath mosque in Androth, beneath the shadow of which -is the tomb of Mumba Mulyaka, the Arab apostle to the Laccadives." - -In his inspection report of the Laccadives, 1902, Mr. G. H. B. Jackson -notes that "the caste barrier, on the island of Androth, between the -Koya and the Malumi class and the Melacheris is as rigid as ever. It -divides capital from labour, and has given the upper classes much of -the appearance of an effete aristocracy." In a more recent inspection -report (1905), Mr. C. W. E. Cotton writes as follows. "Muhammadans, -owing to their inordinate love of dress, are apt to give an exaggerated -impression of wealth, but I should think that, despite the laziness of -all but the Melacheris, the majority of the inhabitants (of Androth) -are well-to-do, and, in this respect, compare very favourably with -those of the other islands. The Qazi and several other Karnavars, who -have a smattering of the Koran, go to the mainland, and, in centres of -superstition, earn considerable sums by their profession of extreme -learning and piety. The long satin coats (a canary yellow is the -fashionable tint) procured in Bombay or Mangalore are evidence of the -financial success of their pilgrimages. It is perhaps fortunate that -the Koyas have discovered this additional source of income, for, though -they continue to own nearly all the cargo-carrying odams (boats), -their position as jenmis (landlords) has been seriously jeopardised -owing to the repudiation of their obligations as Kudians by many of -the enterprising Melacheri community. The Melacheris are now alive to -the fact that, as their tenure is not evidenced by documents and rests -upon oral assertions, they have a very reasonable chance of freeing -themselves of their overlords altogether. The Mukhyastars are quite -a representative lot. Sheikindevittil Muthu Koya is a fine specimen -of the sea-faring Moplah, and the Qazi, twenty-fourth in descent -from Mumby Moolyaka, the Arab who converted the islanders to Islam, -struck me as a man of very considerable attainments. In his report -on the dispensary at Androth (1905), Mr. K. Ibrahim Khan, hospital -assistant, states that "the quacks are said to be clever enough to -treat cases both by their drugs and by their charms. They actually -prevent other poor classes seeking medical and surgical treatment in -the dispensary, and mislead them by their cunning words. Most of the -quacks come to the dispensary, and take medicines such as santonine -powders, quinine pills, purgatives, etc. They make use of these for -their own cases, and thus earn their livelihood. The quacks are among -the Koya class. The Koyas are jenmis, and the Malims and Melacheris -are their tenants. The latter, being low classes, always believe them, -and depend upon their landlords, who are also their physicians, to -treat them when they fall sick. The islanders, as a rule, have no -faith in English medical treatment. The rich folks who can afford -it go to Malabar for native treatment; only the poorer classes, -who have neither means to pay the quacks here nor to go to Malabar, -attend the dispensary with half inclination." - -Marakallu.--Marakallu or Marakadu, meaning fishermen, has been -recorded as a sub-division of Pallis engaged as fishermen in the -Telugu country. The equivalent of Mukku Marakkaleru is a title or -synonym of Moger and Marakkan of Mukkuvan. Marakkayar is a title of -Labbai boatmen. - - - - - - - -NOTES - - -[1] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[2] Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsa, 1893. - -[3] Account of the Primitive Tribes and Monuments of the Nilgiris, -1873. - -[4] Ind. Ant., II, 1873. - -[5] Aboriginal Tribes of the Nilgiri hills, 1870. - -[6] Tribes inhabiting the Neilgherry hills. By a German Missionary. - -[7] The Todas, 1906. - -[8] A Singular Aboriginal Race of the Nilagiris. - -[9] Tribes of the Neilgherries, 1868. - -[10] At Kotamale there are three temples, two dedicated to Kamataraya -and one to Kalikai. - -[11] Goa and the Blue Mountains, 1851. - -[12] Tribes inhabiting the Neilgherry hills. By a German Missionary. - -[13] Reise nach Süd-Indien, 1894. - -[14] Mysore Census Report, 1891. - -[15] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[16] Ind. Ant., III, 1874. - -[17] Cf. Pendukkumekki and Valasu sub-divisions of the Idaiyan caste. - -[18] The present note is mainly based on the articles by the -Rev. J. Cain in the Indian Antiquary V, 1876, and VIII, 1879; and -the Madras Christian College Magazine, V, 1887-8, and VI, 1888-9. - -[19] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[20] Calcutta Christian Observer, May and June, 1853, Second Edition, -by the Rev. J. M. Descombes and J. A. Grierson, Calcutta, 1900. - -[21] Gazetteer of the Godavari district. - -[22] Gazetteer of the Godavari district. - -[23] Notes for a Lecture on the Tribes and Castes of Bombay, 1907. - -[24] Manual of the Godavari district. - -[25] Rev. W. Taylor. iii. 1862. - -[26] This account is taken from a note by Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. - -[27] Ethnog. Survey of Cochin. Monograph No. II, Kshatriyas, 1906. - -[28] Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district. - -[29] Monograph, Ethnog. Survey of Cochin, Kootan, 1905. - -[30] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[31] Indian Forester, XXXII, 1906. - -[32] This account is taken from a note by Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. - -[33] Madras Mail, 1907. - -[34] Ind. Ant., IV, 1875. - -[35] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[36] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[37] Not collectors of art pottery, but Collectors or District -Magistrates. - -[38] Madras Mail, 1903. - -[39] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[40] Mysore Census Report, 1901. - -[41] Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer. - -[42] Manual of the Salem district. - -[43] Ind. Ant., X, 1881. - -[44] Manual of the Madura district. - -[45] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[46] Manual of Malabar. - -[47] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[48] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[49] Mysore Census Report, 1901. - -[50] Gazetteer of the Anantapur district. - -[51] Gazetteer of the Bellary district. - -[52] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[53] W.F.S. Ind. Ant., VI, 1877. - -[54] Madras Mail, November 1905. - -[55] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[56] Manual of the Nilgiri district. - -[57] Mysore Census Report, 1901. - -[58] Journey through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar, 1807. - -[59] Asian, 1902. - -[60] Manual of the Nilgiri district. - -[61] Aboriginal Race of the Neilgherry hills, 1832. - -[62] Ind. Ant., VI, 1877. - -[63] Rude Stone Monuments. - -[64] Police Admn. Report, 1900. - -[65] Agricult. Ledger Series, No. 47, 1904. - -[66] Comptes rendus des Séances de la Société de Biologie, T. LVIII, -1019. - -[67] Gazetteer of the Malabar district. - -[68] Op. cit. - -[69] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[70] Tennent, Ceylon. - -[71] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[72] Gazetteer of the Madura district. - -[73] Journ. Roy. Asiat. Soc., 1899, 267-8. - -[74] Madras Pottery. Journ. Ind. Arts, VII, 1897. - -[75] Brahmanism and Hinduism. - -[76] Gazetteer of the Madura district. - -[77] Ind. Law Reports, Madras Series, XVII, 1894. - -[78] A Native. Pen and ink sketches of Native life in S. India. - -[79] Madras Mail. - -[80] Trans. S. Ind. branch, Brit. Med. Association, XIV, 1906. - -[81] Classified Collection of Tamil Proverbs, 1897. - -[82] J. S. F. Mackenzie. Ind. Ant., IV, 1875. - -[83] Historical Sketches of the South of India, Mysore, 1810-17. - -[84] Mem. Asiat. Soc., Bengal, Miscellanea Ethnographica, I, 1906. - -[85] Journ. and Proc. Asiatic Society of Bengal, I, No. 9, 1905. - -[86] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[87] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[88] Mysore Census Report, 1891, 1901. - -[89] Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, XV, Part I, 1883. - -[90] Hindu Feasts, Fasts and Ceremonies, 1903. - -[91] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[92] Linguistic Survey of India, IX, 1907. - -[93] From Kashmir to the Madras Presidency. - -[94] Notes on Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency. - -[95] Mysore Census Report, 1891. - -[96] Ind. Ant. VIII, 1879. - -[97] Gazetteer of the Bellary district. - -[98] Narrative of the Operations of Little's Detachment against Tippoo -Sultan, 1794. - -[99] Shells of Cypræa moneta. - -[100] S. M. Natesa Sastri, Calcutta Review, 1905. - -[101] Narrative of a Journey through the Upper Provinces of India, -1844. - -[102] Hindu Manners, Customs, and Ceremonies. - -[103] Historical Sketches of the South of India: Mysore. - -[104] Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district. - -[105] Report on Public Instruction, Mysore, 1901-02; and Mysore Census -Report, 1891. - -[106] Manual of the Cuddapah district. - -[107] Jeypur, Breklum, 1901. - -[108] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[109] Mysore Census Report, 1901. - -[110] Gazetteer of the Anantapur district. - -[111] Ind. Ant., VIII., 1879. - -[112] Ind. Ant., XXX., 1901. - -[113] Narrative of Little's Detachment, 1784. - -[114] Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district. - -[115] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[116] Section III, Inhabitants, Madras Government Press, 1907. - -[117] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[118] Manual of Mysore and Coorg. - -[119] Lilly, Renaissance Types. - -[120] J. F. Fleet, Epigraphia Indica. V, 1898-99. - -[121] The Proceedings, partly in Canarese and partly in English, -were published at the Star Press, Mysore, in 1905. - -[122] Madras Journal of Literature and Science, XI, 1840. - -[123] R. Sewell. A Forgotten Empire, Vijayanagar, 1900. - -[124] Indian Review, May, 1907. - -[125] Madras Series, VII, 1884. - -[126] Madras Series, VIII, 1885. - -[127] Bombay Gazetteer. - -[128] Manual of the Nellore district. - -[129] Manual of the Kurnool district, 1886. - -[130] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[131] Madras Mail, 1902. - -[132] While Wearing Sandals, or Tales of a Telugu Pariah Tribe. - -[133] Madras Christ. Coll. Mag., XXIII (New Series V), 1906. - -[134] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[135] A. Chatterton, Monograph of tanning and working in Leather, -Madras, 1904. - -[136] Manual of the Kurnool district. - -[137] Manual of the Bellary district. - -[138] Madras Museum Bull. V. 3, 1907. - -[139] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[140] Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay Presidency, -1882. - -[141] Manual of the Cuddapah district. - -[142] Manual of the Bellary district. - -[143] Manual of the Bellary district. - -[144] Manual of the Bellary district. - -[145] Gazetteer of the Anantapur district. - -[146] Mysore Census Report, 1901. - -[147] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[148] Notes from a Diary, 1881-1886. - -[149] Manual of the Kurnool district. - -[150] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[151] Madras Diocesan Record, 1905. - -[152] Gazetteer of the Godavari district. - -[153] Madras Museum Bull. V. 3, 1907. - -[154] East and West, 6th May 1907. - -[155] Gazetteer of the Anantapur district. - -[156] Madras and Tinnevelly Dioces. Mag., June, 1908. - -[157] Gochi, a clout, a truss or flap; a waist-cloth. C. P. Brown, -Telugu Dictionary. - -[158] Gazetteer of the Godavari district. - -[159] Ind. Ant., III, 1874; VI, 1877. - -[160] Native Life in Travancore, 1883. - -[161] Journey from Madras through the countries of Mysore, Canara, -and Malabar, 1807. - -[162] Calcutta Review, 1902. - -[163] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[164] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[165] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[166] Darakhast: application for land for purposes of cultivation; -or bid at an auction. - -[167] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[168] Madras Mail, 1904. - -[169] Madras Mail, 1908. - -[170] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[171] C. Hayavadana Rao, MS. - -[172] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[173] Manual of the South Arcot district. - -[174] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[175] Madras Diocesan Magazine, 1906. - -[176] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[177] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[178] Travancore Census Report, 1901. - -[179] Lecture delivered at Trivandrum. - -[180] See A. T. Mackenzie. History of the Periyar Project. Madras, -1899. - -[181] Rev. J. Cain. Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879. - -[182] Malabar Law and Custom. 3rd ed., 1905. - -[183] Elements of South Indian Palæography. - -[184] Madras Review, 1896. - -[185] Man, 1903. - -[186] Manual of Malabar. - -[187] Manual of the Madura district. - -[188] Hobson-Jobson. - -[189] Ind. Ant., XXXI, 1902. - -[190] Cf. Javan, Genesis X, 2; Isaiah, LXVI, 19; Ezekiel, XXVII, -13, 19. - -[191] Malabar Quart. Review, 1903. - -[192] Vide Correspondence on Moplah Outrages, 1849-53. - -[193] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[194] Madras Mail, 1908. - -[195] Malabar Quart. Review, 1906. - -[196] When not officially attached to a mosque, the Mulla is said to -be called Nattu (country) Mulla. - -[197] Ind. Ant., XXX, 1901. - -[198] P. V. Ramunni, loc. cit. - -[199] The taboot is "a kind of shrine, or model of a Mahomedan -mausoleum, of flimsy material, intended to represent the tomb of Husain -at Kerbela, which is carried in procession during the Mohurram." Yule -and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson. - -[200] Gazetteer of the Malabar district. - -[201] Fanatical (fanum, a temple). Possessed by a deity or devil, -frantic, mad, furious. Murray. New English Dictionary. - -[202] Major Holland-Pryor, 1904. - -[203] See also Government Orders, Judicial Department, Nos. 1267, -24th May, 1894; 2186, 8th September, 1894; 1567, 30th September, -1896; and 819, 25th May, 1898. - -[204] Forbes' Oriental Memoirs. - -[205] Manual of Malabar, 1887, p. 102. - -[206] Ind. Ant., XXX, 1901. - -[207] General Burton. An Indian Olio. - -[208] Calcutta Review, 1897. - -[209] Calcutta Review, 1897. - -[210] Ibid. - -[211] Manual of Malabar. - -[212] Monograph on Tanning and Working in Leather, 1904. - -[213] Gazetteer of Malabar. - -[214] General Burton. Op. cit. - -[215] Loc. cit. - -[216] Op. cit. - -[217] Manual of Malabar. - -[218] Loc. cit. - -[219] Gazetteer of the Malabar district. - -[220] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[221] Malabar Quarterly Review, Vol. 3, 1906. - -[222] Gazetteer of the Malabar district. - -[223] The recital of the first chapter of the Koran. - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Castes and Tribes of Southern India, by -Edgar Thurston - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA *** - -***** This file should be named 42994-8.txt or 42994-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/2/9/9/42994/ - -Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project -Gutenberg. - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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