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-Project Gutenberg's Castes and Tribes of Southern India, by Edgar Thurston
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
-almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
-re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
-with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
-
-
-Title: Castes and Tribes of Southern India
-       Vol. 3 of 7
-
-Author: Edgar Thurston
-
-Contributor: K. Rangachari
-
-Release Date: June 21, 2013 [EBook #42993]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed
-Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project
-Gutenberg.
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-
-                           CASTES AND TRIBES
-                                   OF
-                             SOUTHERN INDIA
-
-                                   By
-
-                        EDGAR THURSTON, C.I.E.,
-
-   Superintendent, Madras Government Museum; Correspondant Étranger,
-    Société d'Anthropologie de Paris; Socio Corrispondante, Societa,
-                        Romana di Anthropologia.
-
-                              Assisted by
-
-                          K. Rangachari, M.A.,
-                    of the Madras Government Museum.
-
-
-
-                             Volume III--K
-
-                        Government Press, Madras
-
-                                 1909.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-                  CASTES AND TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA.
-
-                              VOLUME III.
-
-
-K
-
-
-Kabbera.--The Kabberas are a caste of Canarese fishermen and
-cultivators. "They are," Mr. W. Francis writes, [1] "grouped into
-two divisions, the Gaurimakkalu or sons of Gauri (Parvati) and the
-Gangimakkalu or sons of Ganga, the goddess of water, and they do not
-intermarry, but will dine together. Each has its bedagus (exogamous
-septs), and these seem to be different in the two sub-divisions. The
-Gaurimakkalu are scarce in Bellary, and belong chiefly to Mysore. They
-seem to be higher in the social scale (as such things are measured
-among Hindus) than the Gangimakkalu, as they employ Brahmans as
-priests instead of men of their own caste, burn their dead instead of
-burying them, hold annual ceremonies in memory of them, and prohibit
-the remarriage of widows. The Gangimakkalu were apparently engaged
-originally in all the pursuits connected with water, such as propelling
-boats, catching fish, and so forth, and they are especially numerous
-in villages along the banks of the Tungabhadra." Coracles are still
-used on various South Indian rivers, e.g., the Cauvery, Bhavani,
-and Tungabhadra. Tavernier, on his way to Golgonda, wrote that
-"the boats employed in crossing the river are like large baskets,
-covered outside with ox-hides, at the bottom of which some faggots
-are placed, upon which carpets are spread to put the baggage and
-goods upon, for fear they should get wet." Bishop Whitehead has
-recently [2] placed on record his experiences of coracles as a means
-of conveyance. "We embarked," he writes, "in a boat (at Hampi on the
-Tungabhadra) which exactly corresponds to my idea of the coracle of
-the ancient Britons. It consists of a very large, round wicker basket,
-about eight or nine feet in diameter, covered over with leather,
-and propelled by paddles. As a rule, it spins round and round, but
-the boatmen can keep it fairly straight, when exhorted to do so,
-as they were on this occasion. Some straw had been placed in the
-bottom of the coracle, and we were also allowed the luxury of chairs
-to sit upon, but it is safer to sit on the straw, as a chair in a
-coracle is generally in a state of unstable equilibrium. I remember
-once crossing a river in the Trichinopoly district in a coracle, to
-take a confirmation at a village on the other side. It was thought
-more suitable to the dignity of the occasion that I should sit upon
-a chair in the middle of the coracle, and I weakly consented to do
-so. All the villagers were assembled to meet us on the opposite bank;
-four policemen were drawn up as a guard of honour, and a brass band,
-brought from Tanjore, stood ready in the background. As we came to the
-shore, the villagers salaamed, the guard of honour saluted, the band
-struck up a tune faintly resembling 'See the conquering hero comes,'
-the coracle bumped heavily against the shelving bank, my chair tipped
-up, and I was deposited, heels up, on my back in the straw!... We were
-rowed for about two miles down the stream. The current was very swift,
-and there were rapids at frequent intervals. Darkness overtook us,
-and it was not altogether a pleasant sensation being whirled swiftly
-over the rapids in our frail-looking boat, with ugly rocks jutting out
-of the stream on either side. But the boatmen seemed to know the river
-perfectly, and were extraordinarily expert in steering the coracle
-with their paddles." The arrival in 1847 of the American Missionary,
-John Eddy Chandler at Madura, when the Vaigai river was in flood, has
-been described as follows. [3] "Coolies swimming the river brought
-bread and notes from the brethren and sisters in the city. At last,
-after three days of waiting, the new Missionaries safely reached
-the mission premises in Madura. Messrs. Rendall and Cherry managed
-to cross to them, and they all recrossed into the city by a large
-basket boat, eight or ten feet in diameter, with a bamboo pole tied
-across the top for them to hold on to. The outside was covered with
-leather. Ropes attached to all sides were held by a dozen coolies
-as they dragged it across, walking and swimming." In recent years,
-a coracle has been kept at the traveller's bungalow at Paikara on
-the Nilgiris for the use of anglers in the Paikara river.
-
-"The Kabberas," Mr. Francis continues, "are at present engaged in a
-number of callings, and, perhaps in consequence, several occupational
-sub-divisions have arisen, the members of which are more often
-known by their occupational title than as either Gangimakkalu or
-Kabberas. The Barikes, for example, are a class of village servants
-who keep the village chavadi (caste meeting house) clean, look
-after the wants of officials halting in the village, and do other
-similar duties. The Jalakaras are washers of gold-dust; the Madderu
-are dyers, who use the root of the maddi (Morinda citrifolia) tree;
-and apparently (the point is one which I have not had time to clear
-up) the Besthas, who have often been treated as a separate caste,
-are really a sub-division of the Gangimakkalu, who were originally
-palanquin-bearers, but, now that these vehicles have gone out of
-fashion, are employed in divers other ways. The betrothal is formally
-evidenced by the partaking of betel-leaf in the girl's house, in the
-manner followed by the Kurubas. As among the Madigas, the marriage
-is not consummated for three months after its celebration. The caste
-follow the Kuruba ceremony of calling back the dead." Consummation is,
-as among the Kurubas and Madigas, postponed for three months, as it
-is considered unlucky to have three heads of a family in a household
-during the first year of marriage. By the delay, the birth of a child
-should take place only in the second year, so that, during the first
-year, there will be only two heads, husband and wife. In the ceremony
-of calling back the dead, referred to by Mr. Francis, a pot of water
-is worshipped in the house on the eleventh day after a funeral,
-and taken next morning to some lonely place, where it is emptied.
-
-For the following note on the Kabberas of the Bellary district, I
-am indebted to Mr. Kothandram Naidu. The caste is sometimes called
-Ambiga. Breaches of caste rules and customs are enquired into by a
-panchayat presided over by a headman called Kattemaniavaru. If the fine
-inflicted on the offender is a heavy one, half goes to the headman,
-and half to the caste people, who spend it in drink. In serious cases,
-the offender has to be purified by shaving and drinking holy water
-(thirtam) given to him by the headman. Both infant and adult marriage
-are practiced. Sexual license previous to marriage is tolerated, but,
-before that takes place, the contracting couple have to pay a fine
-to the headman. At the marriage ceremony, the tali is tied on the
-bride's neck by a Brahman. Married women carry painted new pots with
-lights, bathe the bride and bridegroom, etc. Widows are remarried
-with a ceremonial called Udiki, which is performed at night in a
-temple by widows, one of whom ties the tali. No married men or women
-may be present, and music is not allowed. Divorce is said to be not
-permitted. In religion the Kabberas are Vaishnavites, and worship
-various village deities. The dead are buried. Cloths and food are
-offered to ancestors during the Dasara festival, excepting those who
-have died a violent death. Some unmarried girls are dedicated to the
-goddess Hulugamma as Basavis (dedicated prostitutes).
-
-Concerning an agricultural ceremony in the Bellary district, in which
-the Kabberas take part, I gather that "on the first full-moon day
-in the month of Bhadrapada (September), the agricultural population
-celebrate a feast called Jokumara, to appease the rain-god. The Barikas
-(women), who are a sub-division of the Kabbera caste belonging to the
-Gaurimakkalu section, go round the town or village in which they live,
-with a basket on their heads containing margosa (Melia Azadirachta)
-leaves, flowers of various kinds, and holy ashes. They beg alms,
-especially of the cultivating classes (Kapus), and, in return for
-the alms bestowed (usually grain and food), they give some of the
-margosa leaves, flowers, and ashes. The Kapus, or cultivators, take
-the margosa leaves, flowers, and ashes to their fields, prepare cholum
-(Andropogon Sorghum) kanji, mix these with it, and sprinkle this kanji,
-or gruel, all round their fields. After this, the Kapu proceeds to
-the potter's kiln in the village or town, fetches ashes from it, and
-makes a figure of a human being. This figure is placed prominently
-in some convenient spot in the field, and is called Jokumara, or
-rain-god. It is supposed to have the power of bringing down the rain
-in proper time. The figure is sometimes small, and sometimes big." [4]
-
-Kabbili.--Kabbili or Kabliga, recorded as a sub-division of Bestha,
-is probably a variant of Kabbera.
-
-Kadacchil (knife-grinder or cutler).--A sub-division of Kollan.
-
-Kadaiyan.--The name, Kadaiyan, meaning last or lowest, occurs as a
-sub-division of the Pallans. The Kadaiyans are described [5] as being
-lime (shell) gatherers and burners of Ramesvaram and the neighbourhood,
-from whose ranks the pearl-divers are in part recruited at the present
-day. On the coasts of Madura and Tinnevelly they are mainly Christians,
-and are said, like the Paravas, to have been converted through the
-work of St. Francis Xavier. [6]
-
-Kadaperi.--A sub-division of Kannadiyan.
-
-Kadavala (pots).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale.
-
-Kadi (blade of grass).--A gotra of Kurni.
-
-Kadir.--The Kadirs or Kadans inhabit the Anaimalai or elephant
-hills, and the great mountain range which extends thence southward
-into Travancore. A night journey by rail to Coimbatore, and forty
-miles by road at the mercy of a typically obstinate jutka pony,
-which landed me in a dense patch of prickly-pear (Opuntia Dillenii),
-brought me to the foot of the hills at Sethumadai, where I came under
-the kindly hospitality of Mr. H. A. Gass, Conservator of Forests, to
-whom I am indebted for much information on forest and tribal matters
-gathered during our camp life at Mount Stuart, situated 2,350 feet
-above sea-level, in the midst of a dense bamboo jungle, and playfully
-named after Sir Mountstuart Grant Duff, who visited the spot during
-his quinquennium as Governor of Madras.
-
-At Sethumadai I made the acquaintance of my first Kadir, not dressed,
-as I hoped, in a primitive garb of leaves, but wearing a coloured
-turban and the cast-off red coat of a British soldier, who had come
-down the hill to carry up my camp bath, which acted as an excellent
-umbrella, to protect him from the driving monsoon showers. Very
-glad was I of his services in helping to convey my clothed, and
-consequently helpless self, across the mountain torrents, swollen by
-a recent burst of monsoon rain.
-
-The Kadir forest guards, of whom there are several in Government
-service, looked, except for their noses, very unjungle-like by
-contrast with their fellow-tribesmen, being smartly dressed in
-regulation Norfolk jacket, knickerbockers, pattis (leggings), buttons,
-and accoutrements.
-
-On arrival at the forest depôt, with its comfortable bungalows and
-Kadir settlement, I was told by a native servant that his master was
-away, as an "elephant done tumble in a fit." My memory went back to
-the occasion many years ago, when, as a medical student, I took part
-in the autopsy of an elephant, which died in convulsions at the London
-Zoological Gardens. It transpired later in the day that a young and
-grown-up cow elephant had tumbled, not in a fit, but into a pit made
-with hands for the express purpose of catching elephants. The story
-has a philological significance, and illustrates the difficulty which
-the Tamulian experiences in dealing with the letter F. An incident
-is still cherished at Mount Stuart in connection with a sporting
-globe-trotter, who was accredited to the Conservator of Forests for
-the purpose of putting him on to "bison" (the gaur, Bos gaurus), and
-other big game. On arrival at the depôt, he was informed that his
-host had gone to see the "ellipence." Incapable of translating the
-pigeon-English of the native butler, and, concluding that a financial
-reckoning was being suggested, he ordered the servant to pay the
-baggage coolies their elli-pence, and send them away. To a crusted
-Anglo-Indian it is clear that ellipence could only mean elephants. Sir
-M. E. Grant Duff tells [7] the following story of a man, who was
-shooting on the Anaimalais. In his camp was an elephant, who, in the
-middle of the night, began to eat the thatch of the hut, in which he
-was sleeping. His servant in alarm rushed in and awoke him, saying
-"Elephant, Sahib, must, must (mad)." The sleeper, half-waking and
-rolling over, replied "Oh, bother the elephant. Tell him he mustn't."
-
-The salient characteristics of the Kadirs may be briefly summed up
-as follows: short stature, dark skin, platyrhine. Men and women have
-the teeth chipped. Women wear a bamboo comb in the back-hair. Those
-whom I met spoke a Tamil patois, running up the scale in talking,
-and finishing, like a Suffolker, on a higher note than they commenced
-on. But I am told that some of them speak a mixture of debased Tamil
-and Malayalam. I am informed by Mr. Vincent that the Kadirs have
-a peculiar word Ali, denoting apparently a fellow or thing, which
-they apply as a suffix to names, e.g., Karaman Ali, black fellow;
-Mudi Ali, hairy fellow; Kutti Ali, man with a knife; Puv Ali, man
-with a flower. Among nicknames, the following occur: white mother,
-white flower, beauty, tiger, milk, virgin, love, breasts. The Kadirs
-are excellent mimics, and give a clever imitation of the mode of
-speech of the Muduvans, Malasars, and other hill tribes.
-
-The Kadirs afford a typical example of happiness without
-culture. Unspoiled by education, the advancing wave of which has not
-yet engulfed them, they still retain many of their simple "manners
-and customs." Quite refreshing was it to hear the hearty shrieks of
-laughter of the nude curly-haired children, wholly illiterate, and
-happy in their ignorance, as they played at funerals, or indulged in
-the amusement of making mud pies, and scampered off to their huts
-on my appearance. The uncultured Kadir, living a hardy out-door
-life, and capable of appreciating to the full the enjoyment of an
-"apathetic rest" as perfect bliss, has, I am convinced, in many
-ways, the advantage over the poor under-fed student with a small-paid
-appointment under Government as the narrow goal to which the laborious
-passing of examination tests leads.
-
-Living an isolated existence, confined within the thinly-populated
-jungle, where Nature furnishes the means of obtaining all the
-necessaries of life, the Kadir possesses little, if any, knowledge of
-cultivation, and objects to doing work with a mamuti, the instrument
-which serves the gardener in the triple capacity of spade, rake,
-and hoe. But armed with a keen-edged bill-hook he is immense. As
-Mr. O. H. Bensley says: [8] "The axiom that the less civilised men
-are, the more they are able to do every thing for themselves, is well
-illustrated by the hill-man, who is full of resource. Give him a simple
-bill-hook, and what wonders he will perform. He will build houses out
-of etâh, so neat and comfortable as to be positively luxurious. He
-will bridge a stream with canes and branches. He will make a raft
-out of bamboo, a carving knife out of etâh, a comb out of bamboo, a
-fishing-line out of fibre, and fire from dry wood. He will find food
-for you where you think you must starve, and show you the branch which,
-if cut, will give you drink. He will set traps for beasts and birds,
-which are more effective than some of the most elaborate products of
-machinery." A European, overtaken by night in the jungle, unable to
-light fire by friction or to climb trees to gather fruits, ignorant
-of the edible roots and berries, and afraid of wild beasts, would,
-in the absence of comforts, be quite as unhappy and ill-at-ease as
-a Kadir surrounded by plenty at an official dinner party.
-
-At the forest depôt the Kadir settlement consists of neatly constructed
-huts, made of bamboo deftly split with a bill-hook in their long
-axis, thatched with leaves of the teak tree (Tectona grandis)
-and bamboo (Ochlandra travancorica), and divided off into verandah
-and compartments by means of bamboo partitions. But the Kadirs are
-essentially nomad in habit, living in small communities, and shifting
-from place to place in the jungle, whence they suddenly re-appear as
-casually as if they had only returned from a morning stroll instead
-of a long camping expedition. When wandering in the jungle, the
-Kadirs make a rough lean-to shed covered over with leaves, and keep a
-small fire burning through the night, to keep off bears, elephants,
-tigers, and leopards. They are, I am told, fond of dogs, which they
-keep chiefly as a protection against wild beasts at night. The camp
-fire is lighted by means of a flint and the floss of the silk-cotton
-tree (Bombax malabaricum), over which powdered charcoal has been
-rubbed. Like the Kurumbas, the Kadirs are not, in a general way,
-afraid of elephants, but are careful to get out of the way of a cow
-with young, or a solitary rover, which may mean mischief. On the day
-following my descent from Mount Stuart, an Odde cooly woman was killed
-on the ghat road by a solitary tusker. Familiarity with wild beasts,
-and comparative immunity from accident, have bred contempt for them,
-and the Kadirs will go where the European, fresh to elephant land,
-fears to tread, or conjures every creak of a bamboo into the approach
-of a charging tusker. As an example of pluck worthy of a place in
-Kipling's 'Jungle-book,' I may cite the case of a hill-man and his
-wife, who, overtaken by night in the jungle, decided to pass it on
-a rock. As they slept, a tiger carried off the woman. Hearing her
-shrieks, the sleeping man awoke, and followed in pursuit in the vain
-hope of saving his wife. Coming on the beast in possession of the
-mangled corpse, he killed it at close quarters with a spear. Yet he
-was wholly unconscious that he had performed an act of heroism worthy
-of the bronze cross 'for valour.'
-
-The Kadirs carry loads strapped on the back over the shoulders by
-means of fibre, instead of on the head in the manner customary among
-coolies in the plains; and women on the march may be seen carrying the
-cooking utensils on their backs, and often have a child strapped on
-the top of their household goods. The dorsal position of the babies,
-huddled up in a dirty cloth, with the ends slung over the shoulders
-and held in the hands over the chest, at once caught my eye, as it is
-contrary to the usual native habit of straddling the infants across
-the loins as a saddle.
-
-Mr. Vincent informs me that "when the planters first came to the hills,
-the Kadirs were found practically without clothes of any description,
-with very few ornaments, and looking very lean and emaciated. All
-this, however, changed with the advent of the European, as the Kadirs
-then got advances in hard cash, clothes, and grain, to induce them
-to work. For a few years they tried to work hard, but were failures,
-and now I do not suppose that a dozen men are employed on the estates
-on the hills. They would not touch manure owing to caste scruples;
-they could not learn to prune; and with a mamoti (spade) they always
-promptly proceeded to chop their feet about in their efforts to dig
-pits." The Kadirs have never claimed, like the Todas, and do not
-possess any land on the hills. But the Government has declared the
-absolute right of the hill tribes to collect all the minor forest
-produce, and to sell it to the Government through the medium of a
-contractor, whose tender has been previously accepted. The contractor
-pays for the produce in coin at a fair market rate, and the Kadirs
-barter the money so obtained for articles of food with contractors
-appointed by Government to supply them with their requirements at
-a fixed rate, which will leave a fair, but not exorbitant margin of
-profit to the vendor. The principal articles of minor forest produce
-of the Anaimalai hills are wax, honey, cardamoms, myrabolams, ginger,
-dammer, turmeric, deer horns, elephant tusks, and rattans. And of
-these, cardamoms, wax, honey, and rattans are the most important. Honey
-and wax are collected at all seasons, and cardamoms from September to
-November. The total value of the minor produce collected, in 1897-98,
-in the South Coimbatore division (which includes the Anaimalais) was
-Rs. 7,886. This sum was exceptionally high owing to a good cardamom
-crop. An average year would yield a revenue of Rs. 4,000-5,000, of
-which the Kadirs receive approximately 50 per cent. They work for the
-Forest Department on a system of short advances for a daily wage of 4
-annas. And, at the present day, the interests of the Forest Department
-and planters, who have acquired land on the Anaimalais, both anxious
-to secure hill men for labour, have come into mild collision.
-
-Some Kadirs are good trackers, and a few are good shikaris. A
-zoological friend, who had nicknamed his small child his "little
-shikari" (=little sportsman) was quite upset because I, hailing from
-India, did not recognise the word with his misplaced accent. One Kadir,
-named Viapoori Muppan, is still held in the memory of Europeans, who
-made a good living, in days gone by, by shooting tuskers, and had
-one arm blown off by the bursting of a gun. He is reputed to have
-been a much married man, greatly addicted to strong drinks, and to
-have flourished on the proceeds of his tusks. At the present day,
-if a Kadir finds tusks, he must declare the find as treasure-trove,
-and hand it over to Government, who rewards him at the rate of Rs. 15
-to Rs. 25 per maund of 25 lb. according to the quality. Government
-makes a good profit on the transaction, as exceptionally good tusks
-have been known to sell for Rs. 5 per lb. If the find is not declared,
-and discovered, the possessor thereof is punished for theft according
-to the Act. By an elastic use of the word cattle, it is, for the
-purposes of the Madras Forest Act, made to include such a heterogeneous
-zoological collection of animals as elephants, sheep, pigs, goats,
-camels, buffaloes, horses--and asses. This classification recalls to
-mind the occasion on which the Flying-fox or Fox-bat was included in
-an official list of the insectivorous birds of the Presidency; and,
-further, a report on the wild animals of a certain district, which
-was triumphantly headed with the "wild tattu," the long-suffering,
-but pig-headed country pony.
-
-I gather, from an account of the process by one who had considerable
-knowledge of the Kadirs, that "they will only remove the hives of
-bees during dark nights, and never in the daytime or on moonlight
-nights. In removing them from cliffs, they use a chain made of
-bamboo or rattan, fixed to a stake or a tree on the top. The man,
-going down this fragile ladder, will only do so while his wife, or
-son watches above to prevent any foul play. They have a superstition
-that they should always return by the way they go down, and decline to
-get to the bottom of the cliff, although the distance may be less,
-and the work of re-climbing avoided. For hives on trees, they tie
-one or more long bamboos to reach up to the branch required, and
-then climb up. They then crawl along the branch until the hive is
-reached. They devour the bee-bread and the bee-maggots or larvæ,
-swallowing the wax as well." In a note on a shooting expedition in
-Travancore, [9] Mr. J. D. Rees, describing the collection of honey
-by the Kadirs of the southern hills, says that they "descend giddy
-precipices at night, torch in hand, to smoke out the bees, and take
-away their honey. A stout creeper is suspended over the abyss, and
-it is established law of the jungle that no brother shall assist in
-holding it. But it is more interesting to see them run a ladder a
-hundred feet up the perpendicular stem of a tree, than to watch them
-disappearing over a precipice. Axe in hand, the honey-picker makes
-a hole in the bark for a little peg, standing on which he inserts a
-second peg higher up, ties a long cane from one to the other, and by
-night--for the darkness gives confidence--he will ascend the tallest
-trees, and bring down honey without any accident." I have been told,
-with how much of truth I know not, that, when a Kadir goes down the
-face of a rock or precipice in search of honey, he sometimes takes
-with him, as a precautionary measure, and guarantee of his safety,
-the wife of the man who is holding the ladder above.
-
-Often, when out on the tramp with the late Government Botanist,
-Mr. M. A. Lawson, I have heard him lament that it is impossible to
-train arboreal monkeys to collect specimens of the fruit and flowers
-of lofty forest trees, which are inaccessible to the ordinary man. Far
-superior to any trained Simian is the Kadir, who, by means of pegs or
-notches, climbs even the tallest masts of trees with an agility which
-recalls to memory the celebrated picture in "Punch," representing
-Darwin's 'Habit of climbing plants.' For the ascent of comparatively
-low trees, notches are made with a bill-hook, alternately right and
-left, at intervals of about thirty inches. To this method the Kadir
-will not have recourse in wet weather, as the notches are damp and
-slippery, and there is the danger of an insecure foot-hold.
-
-An important ethnographic fact, and one which is significant,
-is that the detailed description of tree-climbing by the Dyaks of
-Borneo, as given by Wallace, [10] might have been written on the
-Anaimalai hills, and would apply equally well in every detail to the
-Kadir. "They drove in," Wallace writes, "a peg very firmly at about
-three feet from the ground, and, bringing one of the long bamboos,
-stood it upright close to the tree, and bound it firmly to the two
-first pegs by means of a bark cord and small notches near the head
-of each peg. One of the Dyaks now stood on the first peg and drove
-in a third about level with his face, to which he tied the bamboo in
-the same way, and then mounted another step, standing on one foot,
-and holding by the bamboo at the peg immediately above him, while he
-drove in the next one. In this manner he ascended about twenty feet,
-when the upright bamboo became thin; another was handed up by his
-companion, and this was joined on by tying both bamboos to three or
-four of the pegs. When this was also nearly ended, a third was added,
-and shortly after the lowest branch of the tree was reached, along
-which the young Dyak scrambled. The ladder was perfectly safe, since,
-if any one peg were loose or faulty, the strain would be thrown on
-several others above and below it. I now understood the use of the
-line of bamboo pegs sticking in trees, which I had often seen."
-
-In their search for produce in the evergreen forests of the higher
-ranges, with their heavy rainfall, the Kadirs became unpleasantly
-familiar with leeches and blue bottle flies, which flourish in the
-moist climate. And it is recorded that a Kadir, who had been gored
-and wounded by a bull 'bison,' was placed in a position of safety
-while a friend ran to the village to summon help. He was not away
-for more than an hour, but, in that short time, flies had deposited
-thousands of maggots in the wounds, and, when the man was brought into
-camp, they had already begun burrowing into the flesh, and were with
-difficulty extracted. On another occasion, the eye-witness of the
-previous unappetising incident was out alone in the forest, and shot
-a tiger two miles or so from his camp. Thither he went to collect
-coolies to carry in the carcase, and was away for about two hours,
-during which the flies had, like the child in the story, 'not been
-idle,' the skin being a mass of maggots and totally ruined. I have
-it on authority that, like the Kotas of the Nilgiris, the Kadirs will
-eat the putrid and fly-blown flesh of carcases of wild beasts, which
-they come across in their wanderings. To a dietary which includes
-succulent roots, which they upturn with a digging stick, bamboo seed,
-sheep, fowls, rock-snakes (python), deer, porcupines, rats (field,
-not house), wild pigs, monkeys, etc., they do credit by displaying a
-hard, well-nourished body. The mealy portion of the seeds of the Cycas
-tree, which flourishes on the lower slopes of the Anaimalais, forms a
-considerable addition to the ménu. In its raw state the fruit is said
-to be poisonous, but it is evidently wholesome when cut into slices,
-thoroughly soaked in running water, dried, and ground into flour for
-making cakes, or baked in hot ashes. Mr. Vincent writes that, "during
-March, April, and May, the Kadirs have a glorious time. They usually
-manage to find some wild sago palms, called by them koondtha panai,
-of the proper age, which they cut down close to the ground. They are
-then cut into lengths of about 1 1/2 feet, and split lengthways. The
-sections are then beaten very hard and for a long time with mallets,
-and become separated into fibre and powder. The powder is thoroughly
-wetted, tied in cloths and well beaten with sticks. Every now and
-then, between the beatings, the bag of powder is dipped in water,
-and well strained. It is then all put into water, when the powder
-sinks, and the water is poured off. The residue is well boiled, with
-constant stirring, and, when it is of the consistency of rubber,
-and of a reddish brown colour, it is allowed to cool, and then cut
-in pieces to be distributed. This food stuff is palatable enough,
-but very tough." The Kadir is said to prefer roasting and eating the
-flesh of animals with the skin on. For catching rats, jungle-fowl,
-etc., he resorts to cunningly devised snares and traps made of
-bamboo and fibre, as a substitute for a gun. Porcupines are caught
-by setting fire to the scrub jungle round them as they lie asleep,
-and thus smoking and burning them to death.
-
-When a Kadir youth's thoughts turn towards matrimony, he is said to
-go to the village of his bride-elect, and give her a dowry by working
-there for a year. On the wedding day a feast of rice, sheep, fowls,
-and other luxuries is given by the parents of the bridegroom, to which
-the Kadir community is invited. The bride and bridegroom stand beneath
-a pandal (arch) decorated with flowers, which is erected outside
-the home of the bridegroom, while men and women dance separately to
-the music of drum and fife. The bridegroom's mother or sister ties
-the tali (marriage badge) of gold or silver round the bride's neck,
-and her father puts a turban on the head of the bridegroom. The
-contracting parties link together the little fingers of their right
-hands as a token of their union, and walk in procession round the
-pandal. Then, sitting on a reed mat of Kadir manufacture, they exchange
-betel. The marriage tie can be dissolved for incompatibility of temper,
-disobedience on the part of the wife, adultery, etc., without appeal
-to any higher authority than a council of elders, who pronounce
-judgment on the evidence. As an illustration of the manner in which
-such a council of hill-men disposes of cases, Mr. Bensley cites the
-case of a man who was made to carry forty basket loads of sand to the
-house of the person against whom he had offended. He points out how
-absolute is the control exercised by the council. Disobedience would
-be followed by excommunication, and this would mean being turned out
-into the jungle, to obtain a living in the best way one could.
-
-By one Kadir informant I was assured, as he squatted on the floor
-of my bungalow at "question time," that it is essential that a wife
-should be a good cook, in accordance with a maxim that the way to the
-heart is through the mouth. How many men in civilised western society,
-who suffer from marrying a wife wholly incompetent, like the first
-Mrs. David Copperfield, to conduct the housekeeping, might well be
-envious of the system of marriage as a civil contract to be sealed or
-unloosed according to the cookery results! Polygyny is indulged in by
-the Kadirs, who agree with Benedick that "the world must be peopled,"
-and hold more especially that the numerical strength of their own
-tribe must be maintained. The plurality of wives seems to be mainly
-with the desire for offspring, and the father-in-law of one of the
-forest-guards informed me that he had four wives living. The first
-two wives producing no offspring, he married a third, who bore him
-a solitary male child. Considering the result to be an insufficient
-contribution to the tribe, he married a fourth, who, more prolific
-than her colleagues, gave birth to three girls and a boy, with which
-he remained content. In the code of polygynous etiquette, the first
-wife takes precedence over the others, and each wife has her own
-cooking utensils.
-
-Special huts are maintained for women during menstruation and
-parturition. Mr. Vincent informs me that, when a girl reaches puberty,
-the friends of the family gather together, and a great feast is
-prepared. All her friends and relations give her a small present
-of money, according to their means. The girl is decorated with the
-family jewelry, and made to look as smart as possible. For the first
-menstrual period, a special hut, called mutthu salai or ripe house,
-is constructed for the girl to live in during the period of pollution;
-but at subsequent periods, the ordinary menstruation hut, or unclean
-house, is used. All girls are said to change their names when they
-reach puberty. For three months after the birth of a child, the woman
-is considered unclean. When the infant is a month old, it is named
-without any elaborate ceremonial, though the female friends of the
-family collect together. Sexual intercourse ceases on the establishment
-of pregnancy, and the husband indulges in promiscuity. Widows are not
-allowed to re-marry, but may live in a state of concubinage. Women are
-said to suckle their children till they are two or three years old,
-and a mother has been seen putting a lighted cigarette to the lips of
-a year old baby immediately after suckling it. If this is done with
-the intention of administering a sedative, it is less baneful than the
-pellet of opium administered by ayahs (nurses) to Anglo-Indian babies
-rendered fractious by troubles climatic, dental, and other. The Kadir
-men are said to consume large quantities of opium, which is sold to
-them illicitly. They will not allow the women or children to eat it,
-and have a belief that the consumption thereof by women renders them
-barren. The women chew tobacco. The men smoke the coarse tobacco as
-sold in the bazars, and showed a marked appreciation of Spencer's
-Torpedo cheroots, which I distributed among them for the purposes of
-bribery and conciliation.
-
-The religion of the Kadirs is a crude polytheism, and vague worship
-of stone images or invisible gods. It is, as Mr. Bensley expresses
-it, an ejaculatory religion, finding vent in uttering the names of
-the gods and demons. The gods, as enumerated and described to me,
-were as follows:--
-
-(1) Paikutlatha, a projecting rock overhanging a slab of rock, on
-which are two stones set up on end. Two miles east of Mount Stuart.
-
-(2) Athuvisariamma, a stone enclosure, ten to fifteen feet square,
-almost level with the ground. It is believed that the walls were
-originally ten feet high, and that the mountain has grown up round
-it. Within the enclosure there is a representation of the god. Eight
-miles north of Mount Stuart.
-
-(3) Vanathavathi. Has no shrine, but is worshipped anywhere as an
-invisible god.
-
-(4) Iyappaswami, a stone set up beneath a teak tree, and worshipped
-as a protector against various forms of sickness and disease. In the
-act of worshipping, a mark is made on the stone with ashes. Two miles
-and a half from Mount Stuart, on the ghat road to Sethumadai.
-
-(5) Masanyatha, a female recumbent figure in stone on a masonry wall
-in an open plain near the village of Anaimalai, before which trial by
-ordeal is carried out. The goddess has a high repute for her power
-of detecting thieves or rogues. Chillies are thrown into a fire in
-her name, and the guilty person suffers from vomiting and diarrhoea.
-
-According to Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna Iyer, [11] the Kadirs are
-"worshippers of Kali. On the occasion of the offering to Kali, a number
-of virgins are asked to bathe as a preliminary to the preparation of
-the offering, which consists of rice and some vegetables cooked in
-honey, and made into a sweet pudding. The rice for this preparation
-is unhusked by these girls. The offering is considered to be sacred,
-and is partaken of by all men, women, and children assembled."
-
-When Kadirs fall sick, they worship the gods by saluting them with
-their hands to the face, burning camphor, and offering up fruits,
-cocoanuts, and betel. Mr. Vincent tells me that they have a horror
-of cattle, and will not touch the ordure, or other products of the
-cow. Yet they believe that their gods occasionally reside in the body
-of a "bison," and have been known to do puja (worship) when a bull
-has been shot by a sportsman. It is noted by Mr. Anantha Krishna
-Iyer that wild elephants are held in veneration by them, but tame
-ones are believed to have lost the divine element.
-
-The Kadirs are said, during the Hindu Vishu festival, to visit the
-plains, and, on their way, pray to any image which they chance to
-come across. They are believers in witchcraft, and attribute all
-diseases to the miraculous workings thereof. They are good exorcists,
-and trade in mantravadam or magic. Mr. Logan mentions [12] that "the
-family of famous trackers, whose services in the jungles were retained
-for H.R.H. the Prince of Wales' (now King Edward) projected sporting
-tour in the Anamalai mountains, dropped off most mysteriously, one
-by one, shortly afterwards, stricken down by an unseen hand, and all
-of them expressing beforehand their conviction that they were under
-a certain individual's spell, and were doomed to certain death at
-an early date. They were probably poisoned, but how it was managed
-remains a mystery, although the family was under the protection of
-a European gentleman, who would at once have brought to light any
-ostensible foul play."
-
-The Kadir dead are buried in a grave, or, if death occurs in the
-depths of the jungles, with a paucity of hands available for digging,
-the corpse is placed in a crevice between the rocks, and covered over
-with stones. The grave is dug from four to five feet deep. There
-is no special burial-ground, but some spot in the jungle, not far
-from the scene of death, is selected. A band of music, consisting of
-drum and fife, plays weird dirges outside the hut of the deceased,
-and whistles are blown when it is carried away therefrom. The old
-clothes of the deceased are spread under the corpse, and a new cloth
-is put on it. It is tied up in a mat, which completely covers it, and
-carried to the burial-ground on a bamboo stretcher. As it leaves the
-hut, rice is thrown over it. The funeral ceremony is simple in the
-extreme. The corpse is laid in the grave on a mat in the recumbent
-posture, with the head towards the east, and with split bamboo and
-leaves placed all round it, so that not a particle of earth can touch
-it. No stone, or sepulchral monument of any kind, is set up to mark the
-spot. The Kadir believes that the dead go to heaven, which is in the
-sky, but has no views as to what sort of place it is. The story that
-the Kadirs eat their dead originated with Europeans, the origin of it
-being that no one had ever seen a dead Kadir, a grave, or sign of a
-burial-place. The Kadirs themselves are reticent as to their method
-of disposing of the dead, and the story, which was started as a joke,
-became more or less believed. Mr. Vincent tells me that a well-to-do
-Kadir family will perform the final death ceremonies eight days after
-death, but poorer folk have to wait a year or more, till they have
-collected sufficient money for the expenses thereof. At cock-crow on
-the morning of the ceremonies, rice, called polli chor, is cooked,
-and piled up on leaves in the centre of the hut of the deceased. Cooked
-rice, called tullagu chor, is then placed in each of the four corners
-of the hut, to propitiate the gods, and to serve as food for them
-and the spirit of the dead person. At a short distance from the hut,
-rice, called kanal chor, is cooked for all Kadirs who have died,
-and been buried. The relations and friends of the deceased commence
-to cry, and make lamentations, and proclaim his good qualities, most
-of which are fictitious. After an hour or so, they adjourn to the
-hut of the deceased, where the oldest man present invokes the gods,
-and prays to them and to the heaped up food. A pinch from each of
-the heaps is thrown into the air as a gift of food to the gods, and
-those present fall to, and eat heartily, being careful to partake of
-each of the food-stuffs, consisting of rice, meat, and vegetables,
-which have been prepared.
-
-On a certain Monday in the months of Adi and Avani, the Kadirs observe
-a festival called nombu, during which a feast is held, after they have
-bathed and anointed themselves with oil. It was, they say, observed
-by their ancestors, but they have no definite tradition as to its
-origin or significance. It is noted by Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer that,
-at the Onam festival, presents in the shape of rice, cloths, coats,
-turbans, caps, ear-rings, tobacco, opium, salt, oil and cocoanuts
-are distributed among the Kadirs by the Forest Department.
-
-According to Mr. Bensley, "the Kadir has an air of calm dignity,
-which leads one to suppose that he had some reason for having a
-more exalted opinion of himself than that entertained for him by
-the outside world. A forest officer of a philanthropic turn had
-a very high opinion of the sturdy independence and blunt honesty
-of the Kadir, but he once came unexpectedly round a corner, to
-find two of them exploring the contents of his port-manteau, from
-which they had abstracted a pair of scissors, a comb, and a looking
-glass." "The Kadirs," Mr. (now Sir F. A.) Nicholson writes, [13]
-"are, as a rule, rather short in stature, and deep-chested, like
-most mountaineers; and, like many true mountaineers, they rarely walk
-with a straight leg. Hence their thigh muscles are often abnormally
-developed at the expense of those of the calf. Hence, too, in part,
-their dislike to walking long distances on level ground, though their
-objection, mentioned by Colonel Douglas Hamilton, to carrying loads
-on the plains, is deeper-rooted than that arising from mere physical
-disability. This objection is mainly because they are rather a timid
-race, and never feel safe out of the forests. They have also affirmed
-that the low-country air is very trying to them." As a matter of fact,
-they very rarely go down to the plains, even as far as the village of
-Anaimalai, only fifteen miles distant from Mount Stuart. One woman,
-whom I saw, had been as far as Palghat by railway from Coimbatore,
-and had returned very much up-to-date in the matter of jewelry and
-the latest barbarity in imported piece-good body-cloth.
-
-With the chest-girth of the Kadirs, as well as their general muscular
-development, I was very much impressed. Their hardiness, Mr. Conner
-writes, [14] has given rise to the observation among their neighbours
-that the Kadir and Kad Anai (wild elephant) are much the same sort
-of animal.
-
-Perhaps the most interesting custom of the Kadirs is that of chipping
-all or some of the incisor teeth, both upper and lower, into the form
-of a sharp-pointed, but not serrated cone. The operation, which is
-performed with a chisel or bill-hook and file by members of the tribe
-skilled therein, on boys and girls, has been thus described. The
-girl to be operated on lies down, and places her head against a
-female friend, who holds her head firmly. A woman takes a sharpened
-bill-hook, and chips away the teeth till they are shaded to a point,
-the girl operated on writhing and groaning with the pain. After the
-operation she appears dazed, and in a very few hours the face begins
-to swell. Swelling and pain last for a day or two, accompanied by
-severe headache. The Kadirs say that chipped teeth make an ugly man
-or woman handsome, and that a person, whose teeth have not been thus
-operated on, has teeth and eats like a cow. Whether this practice
-is one which the Kadir, and Mala Vedar of Travancore, have hit on
-spontaneously in comparatively recent times, or whether it is a relic
-of a custom resorted to by their ancestors of long ago, which remains
-as a stray survival of a custom once more widely practiced by the
-remote inhabitants of Southern India, cannot be definitely asserted,
-but I incline to the latter view.
-
-A friendly old woman, with huge discs in the widely dilated lobes of
-the ears, and a bamboo five-pronged comb in her back-hair, who acted
-as spokesman on the occasion of a visit to a charmingly situated
-settlement in a jungle of magnificent bamboos by the side of a
-mountain stream, pointed out to me, with conscious pride, that the
-huts were largely constructed by the females, while the men worked
-for the sircar (Government). The females also carry water from the
-streams, collect firewood, dig up edible roots, and carry out the
-sundry household duties of a housewife. Both men and women are clever
-at plaiting bamboo baskets, necklets, etc. I was told one morning by
-a Kadir man, whom I met on the road, as an important item of news,
-that the women in his settlement were very busy dressing to come and
-see me--an event as important to them as the dressing of a débutante
-for presentation at the Court of St. James'. They eventually turned
-up without their husbands, and evidently regarded my methods as a huge
-joke organised for the amusement of themselves and their children. The
-hair was neatly parted, anointed with a liberal application of cocoanut
-oil, and decked with wild flowers. Beauty spots and lines had been
-painted with coal-tar dyes on the forehead, and turmeric powder freely
-sprinkled over the top of the heads of the married women. Some had
-even discarded the ragged and dirty cotton cloth of every-day life
-in favour of a colour-printed imported sari. One bright, good-looking
-young woman, who had already been through the measuring ordeal, acted
-as an efficient lady-help in coaching the novices in the assumption
-of the correct positions. She very readily grasped the situation,
-and was manifestly proud of her temporary elevation to the rank of
-standard-bearer to Government.
-
-Dr. K. T. Preuss has drawn my attention to an article in Globus,
-1899, entitled 'Die Zauberbilder Schriften der Negrito in Malaka,'
-wherein he describes in detail the designs on the bamboo combs worn
-by the Negritos of Malacca, and compares them with the strikingly
-similar design on the combs worn by the Kadir women. Dr. Preuss
-works out in detail the theory that the design is not, as I have
-elsewhere called it, a geometrical pattern, but consists of a series of
-hieroglyphics. The collection of Kadir combs in the Madras Museum shows
-very clearly that the patterns thereon are conventional designs. The
-bamboo combs worn by the Semang women are stated [15] to serve as
-talismans, to protect them against diseases which are prevalent, or
-most dreaded by them. Mr. Vincent informs me that, so far as he knows,
-the Kadir combs are not looked on as charms, and the markings thereon
-have no mystic significance. A Kadir man should always make a comb,
-and present it to his intended wife just before marriage, or at the
-conclusion of the marriage ceremony, and the young men vie with each
-other as to who can make the nicest comb. Sometimes they represent
-strange articles on the combs. Mr. Vincent has, for example, seen a
-comb with a very good imitation of the face of a clock scratched on it.
-
-It is sometimes difficult to distinguish adolescent Kadir youths with
-curly fringe, chests covered by a cotton cloth, and wearing necklets
-made of plaited grass or glass and brass beads, from girls. And I was
-myself several times caught in an erroneous diagnosis of sex. Many of
-the infants have a charm tied round the neck, which takes the form of a
-dried tortoise foot; the tooth of a crocodile mimicking a phallus, and
-supposed to ward off attacks from a mythical water elephant which lives
-in the mountain streams; or wooden imitations of tiger's claws. One
-baby wore a necklet made of the seeds of Coix Lachryma-Jobi (Job's
-tears). Males have the lobes of the ears adorned with brass ornaments,
-and the nostril pierced, and plugged with wood. The ear-lobes of the
-females are widely dilated with palm-leaf rolls or huge wooden discs,
-and they wear ear-rings, brass or steel bangles and finger-rings,
-and bead necklets.
-
-It is recorded by Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer that the Kadirs are attached
-to the Raja of Cochin "by the strongest ties of personal affection and
-regard. Whenever His Highness tours in the forests, they follow him,
-carry him from place to place in manjals or palanquins, carry saman
-(luggage), and in fact do everything for him. His Highness in return
-is much attached to them, feeds them, gives them cloths, ornaments,
-combs, and looking-glasses."
-
-The Kadirs will not eat with Malasars, who are beef-eaters, and will
-not carry boots made of cow-hide, except under protest.
-
-Average stature 157.7 cm.; cephalic index 72.9; nasal index 89.
-
-Kadle.--Kadle, Kalle, and Kadale meaning Bengal gram (Cicer arietinum)
-have been recorded as exogamous septs or gotras of Kurubas and Kurnis.
-
-Kadu.--Kadu or Kattu, meaning wild or jungle, has been recorded as a
-division of Golla, Irula, Korava, Kurumba, and Tottiyan. Kadu also
-occurs as an exogamous sept or gotra of the Kurnis. Kadu Konkani
-is stated, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, to mean the bastard
-Konkanis, as opposed to the God or pure Konkanis. Kattu Marathi is
-a synonym for the bird-catching Kuruvikarans. In the Malabar Wynaad,
-the jungle Kurumbas are known as Kattu Nayakan.
-
-Kadukuttukiravar.--A synonym, meaning one who bores a hole in the ear,
-for Koravas who perform the operation of piercing the lobes of the
-ears for various castes.
-
-Kaduppattan.--The Kadupattans are said, [16] according to the
-traditional account of their origin, to have been Pattar Brahmans
-of Kadu gramam, who became degraded owing to their supporting
-the introduction of Buddhism. "The members of this caste are,"
-Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [17] "at present mostly palanquin-bearers,
-and carriers of salt, oil, etc. The educated among them follow the
-profession of teaching, and are called Ezhuttacchan, i.e., master of
-learning. Both titles are used in the same family. In the Native State
-of Cochin, the Kaduppattan is a salt-worker. In British Malabar he is
-not known to have followed that profession for some generations past,
-but it may be that, salt manufacture having long ago been stopped in
-South Malabar, he has taken to other professions, one of which is the
-carriage of salt. In manners and customs Kaduppattans resemble Nayars,
-but their inheritance follows the male line." The Kaduppattans are
-described [18] by Mr. Logan as "a caste hardly to be distinguished from
-the Nayars. They follow a modified makkatayam system of inheritance,
-in which the property descends from father to son, but not from
-father to daughter. The girls are married before attaining puberty,
-and the bridegroom, who is to be the girl's real husband in after
-life, arranges the dowry and other matters by means of mediators
-(enangan). The tali is tied round the girl's neck by the bridegroom's
-sister or a female relative. At the funeral ceremonies of this class,
-the barber caste perform priestly functions, giving directions and
-preparing oblation rice. A widow without male issue is removed on the
-twelfth day after her husband's death from his house to that of her
-own parents. And this is done even if she has female issue. But, on
-the contrary, if she has borne sons to the deceased, she is not only
-entitled to remain at her husband's house, but she continues to have,
-in virtue of her sons, a joint right over his property."
-
-Kahar.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the Kahars are returned as
-a Bengal caste of boatmen and fishermen. In the Mysore Census Report,
-it is noted that Kahar means in Hindustani a blacksmith, and that
-those censused were immigrants from the Bombay Presidency.
-
-Kaikatti (one who shows the hand).--A division of the Kanakkans
-(accountants). The name has its origin in a custom, according to which
-a married woman is never allowed to communicate with her mother-in-law
-except by signs. [19]
-
-Kaikolan.--The Kaikolans are a large caste of Tamil weavers found
-in all the southern districts, who also are found in considerable
-numbers in the Telugu country, where they have adopted the Telugu
-language. A legend is current that the Nayakkan kings of Madura were
-not satisfied with the workmanship of the Kaikolans, and sent for
-foreign weavers from the north (Patnulkarans), whose descendants
-now far out-number the Tamil weavers. The word Kaikolan is the
-Tamil equivalent of the Sanskrit Virabahu, a mythological hero,
-from whom both the Kaikolans and a section of the Paraiyans claim
-descent. The Kaikolans are also called Sengundar (red dagger) in
-connection with the following legend. "The people of the earth,
-being harassed by certain demons, applied to Siva for help. Siva
-was enraged against the giants, and sent forth six sparks of fire
-from his eyes. His wife, Parvati, was frightened, and retired to her
-chamber, and, in so doing, dropped nine beads from her anklets. Siva
-converted the beads into as many females, to each of whom was born
-a hero with full-grown moustaches and a dagger. These nine heroes,
-with Subramanya at their head, marched in command of a large force,
-and destroyed the demons. The Kaikolans or Sengundar are said to be the
-descendants of Virabahu, one of these heroes. After killing the demon,
-the warriors were told by Siva that they should become musicians,
-and adopt a profession, which would not involve the destruction or
-injury of any living creature, and, weaving being such a profession,
-they were trained in it." [20] According to another version, Siva told
-Parvati that the world would be enveloped in darkness if he should
-close his eyes. Impelled by curiosity, Parvati closed her husband's
-eyes with her hands. Being terrified by the darkness, Parvati ran to
-her chamber, and, on the way thither, nine precious stones fell from
-her anklets, and turned into nine fair maidens, with whom Siva became
-enamoured and embraced them. Seeing later on that they were pregnant,
-Parvati uttered a curse that they should not bring forth children
-formed in their wombs. One Padmasura was troubling the people in this
-world, and, on their praying to Siva to help them, he told Subramanya
-to kill the Asura. Parvati requested Siva not to send Subramanya by
-himself, and he suggested the withdrawal of her curse. Accordingly,
-the damsels gave birth to nine heroes, who, carrying red daggers,
-and headed by Subramanya, went in search of the Asura, and killed
-him. The word kaikol is said to refer to the ratnavel or precious
-dagger carried by Subramanya. The Kaikolans, on the Sura Samharam day
-during the festival of Subramanya, dress themselves up to represent
-the nine warriors, and join in the procession.
-
-The name Kaikolan is further derived from kai (hand), and kol
-(shuttle). The Kaikolans consider the different parts of the loom
-to represent various Devatas and Rishis. The thread is said to have
-been originally obtained from the lotus stalk rising from Vishnu's
-navel. Several Devas formed the threads, which make the warp; Narada
-became the woof; and Vedamuni the treadle. Brahma transformed himself
-into the plank (padamaram), and Adisesha into the main rope.
-
-In some places, the following sub-divisions of the caste are
-recognised:--Sozhia; Rattu; Siru-tali (small marriage badge); Peru-tali
-(big marriage badge); Sirpadam, and Sevaghavritti. The women of the
-Siru and Peru-tali divisions wear a small and large tali respectively.
-
-In religion, most of the Kaikolans are Saivites, and some have taken
-to wearing the lingam, but a few are Vaishnavites.
-
-The hereditary headman of the caste is called Peridanakaran or
-Pattakaran, and is, as a rule, assisted by two subordinates entitled
-Sengili or Gramani, and Ural. But, if the settlement is a large one,
-the headman may have as many as nine assistants.
-
-According to Mr. H. A. Stuart, [21] "the Kaikolans acknowledge the
-authority of a headman, or Mahanattan, who resides at Conjeeveram,
-but itinerates among their villages, receiving presents, and settling
-caste disputes. Where his decision is not accepted without demur,
-he imposes upon the refractory weavers the expense of a curious
-ceremony, in which the planting of a bamboo post takes part. From the
-top of this pole the Mahanattan pronounces his decision, which must be
-acquiesced in on pain of excommunication." From information gathered
-at Conjeeveram, I learn that there is attached to the Kaikolans a class
-of mendicants called Nattukattada Nayanmar. The name means the Nayanmar
-who do not plant, in reference to the fact that, when performing, they
-fix their bamboo pole to the gopuram of a temple, instead of planting
-it in the ground. They are expected to travel about the country, and,
-if a caste dispute requires settlement, a council meeting is convened,
-at which they must be present as the representatives of the Mahanadu,
-a chief Kaikolan head-quarters at Conjeeveram. If the dispute is a
-complicated one, the Nattukattada Nayanmar goes to all the Kaikolan
-houses, and makes a red mark with laterite [22] on the cloth in the
-loom, saying "Andvaranai," as signifying that it is done by order
-of the headman. The Kaikolans may, after this, not go on with their
-work until the dispute is settled, for the trial of which a day is
-fixed. The Nattukattada Nayanmars set up on a gopuram their pole,
-which should have seventy-two internodes, and measure at least as many
-feet. The number of internodes corresponds to that of the nadus into
-which the Kaikolan community is divided. Kamatchiamma is worshipped,
-and the Nattukattada Nayanmars climb up the pole, and perform various
-feats. Finally, the principal actor balances a young child in a tray on
-a bamboo, and, letting go of the bamboo, catches the falling child. The
-origin of the performance is said to have been as follows. The demon
-Suran was troubling the Devas and men, and was advised by Karthikeya
-(Subramanya) and Virabahu to desist from so doing. He paid no heed,
-and a fight ensued. The demon sent his son Vajrabahu to meet the enemy,
-and he was slain by Virabahu, who displayed the different parts of
-his body in the following manner. The vertebral column was made to
-represent a pole, round which the other bones were placed, and the guts
-tightly wound round them. The connective tissues were used as ropes to
-support the pole. The skull was used as a jaya-mani (conquest bell),
-and the skin hoisted as a flag. The trident of Virabahu was fixed to
-the top of the pole, and, standing over it, he announced his victory
-over the world. The Nattukattada Nayanmars claim to be the descendants
-of Virabahu. Their head-quarters are at Conjeeveram. They are regarded
-as slightly inferior to the Kaikolans, with whom ordinarily they do
-not intermarry. The Kaikolans have to pay them as alms a minimum
-fee of four annas per loom annually. Another class of mendicant,
-called Ponnambalaththar, which is said to have sprung up recently,
-poses as true caste beggars attached to the Kaikolans, from whom,
-as they travel about the country, they solicit alms. Some Kaikolans
-gave Ontipuli as the name of their caste beggars. The Ontipulis,
-however, are Nokkans attached to the Pallis.
-
-The Kaikolan community is, as already indicated, divided into
-seventy-two nadus or desams, viz., forty-four mel (western)
-and twenty-eight kil (eastern) nadus. Intermarriages take place
-between members of seventy-one of these nadus. The great Tamil
-poet Ottaikuththar is said to have belonged to the Kaikolan caste
-and to have sung the praises of all castes except his own. Being
-angry on this account, the Kaikolans urged him to sing in praise of
-them. This he consented to do, provided that he received 1,008 human
-heads. Seventy-one nadus sent the first-born sons for the sacrifice,
-but one nadu (Tirumarudhal) refused to send any. This refusal led
-to their isolation from the rest of the community. All the nadus are
-subject to the authority of four thisai nadus, and these in turn are
-controlled by the mahanadu at Conjeeveram, which is the residence of
-the patron deity Kamatchiamman. The thisai nadus are (1) Sivapuram
-(Walajabad), east of Conjeeveram, where Kamatchiamman is said to
-have placed Nandi as a guard; (2) Thondipuram, where Thondi Vinayakar
-was stationed; (3) Virinjipuram to the west, guarded by Subramanya;
-(4) Sholingipuram to the south, watched over by Bairava. Each of the
-seventy-one nadus is sub-divided into kilai gramams (branch villages),
-perur (big) and sithur (little) gramams. In Tamil works relating
-to the Sengundar caste, Conjeeveram is said to be the mahanadu,
-and those belonging thereto are spoken of as the nineteen hundred,
-who are entitled to respect from other Kaikolans. Another name for
-Kaikolans of the mahanadu seems to be Andavar; but in practice this
-name is confined to the headman of the mahanadu, and members of
-his family. They have the privilege of sitting at council meetings
-with their backs supported by pillows, and consequently bear the
-title Thindusarndan (resting on pillows). At present there are two
-sections of Kaikolans at Conjeeveram, one living at Ayyampettai,
-and the other at Pillaipalayam. The former claim Ayyampettai as the
-mahanadu, and refuse to recognise Pillaipalayam, which is in the heart
-of Conjeeveram, as the mahanadu. Disputes arose, and recourse was had
-to the Vellore Court in 1904, where it was decided that Ayyampettai
-possesses no claim to be called the mahanadu.
-
-Many Kaikolan families have now abandoned their hereditary employment
-as weavers in favour of agriculture and trade, and some of the poorer
-members of the caste work as cart-drivers and coolies. At Coimbatore
-some hereditary weavers have become cart-drivers, and some cart-drivers
-have become weavers de necessité in the local jail.
-
-In every Kaikolan family, at least one girl should be set apart for,
-and dedicated to temple service. And the rule seems to be that,
-so long as this girl or her descendants, born to her or adopted,
-continue to live, another girl is not dedicated. But, when the line
-becomes extinct, another girl must be dedicated. All the Kaikolans
-deny their connection with the Deva-dasi (dancing-girl) caste. But
-Kaikolans freely take meals in Dasi houses on ceremonial occasions,
-and it would not be difficult to cite cases of genuine Dasis who have
-relationship with rich Kaikolans.
-
-Kaikolan girls are made Dasis either by regular dedication to a temple,
-or by the headman tying the tali (nattu pottu). The latter method is
-at the present day adopted because it is considered a sin to dedicate
-a girl to the god after she has reached puberty, and because the
-securing of the requisite official certificate for a girl to become
-a Dasi involves considerable trouble.
-
-"It is said," Mr. Stuart writes, [23] "that, where the head of a house
-dies, leaving only female issue, one of the girls is made a Dasi in
-order to allow of her working like a man at the loom, for no woman
-not dedicated in this manner may do so."
-
-Of the orthodox form of ceremonial in connection with a girl's
-initiation as a Dasi, the following account was given by the Kaikolans
-of Coimbatore. The girl is taught music and dancing. The dancing master
-or Nattuvan, belongs to the Kaikolan caste, but she may be instructed
-in music by Brahman Bhagavathans. At the tali-tying ceremony, which
-should take place after the girl has reached puberty, she is decorated
-with jewels, and made to stand on a heap of paddy (unhusked rice). A
-folded cloth is held before her by two Dasis, who also stand on heaps
-of paddy. The girl catches hold of the cloth, and her dancing master,
-who is seated behind her, grasping her legs, moves them up and down
-in time with the music, which is played. In the course of the day,
-relations and friends are entertained, and, in the evening, the girl,
-seated astride a pony, is taken to the temple, where a new cloth for
-the idol, the tali, and various articles required for doing puja,
-have been got ready. The girl is seated facing the idol, and the
-officiating Brahman gives sandal and flowers to her, and ties the tali,
-which has been lying at the feet of the idol, round her neck. The tali
-consists of a golden disc and black beads. Betel and flowers are then
-distributed among those present, and the girl is taken home through
-the principal streets. She continues to learn music and dancing, and
-eventually goes through a form of nuptial ceremony. The relations
-are invited for an auspicious day, and the maternal uncle, or his
-representative, ties a gold band on the girl's forehead, and, carrying
-her, places her on a plank before the assembled guests. A Brahman
-priest recites the mantrams, and prepares the sacred fire (homam). The
-uncle is presented with new cloths by the girl's mother. For the actual
-nuptials a rich Brahman, if possible, and, if not, a Brahman of more
-lowly status is invited. A Brahman is called in, as he is next in
-importance to, and the representative of the idol. It is said that,
-when the man who is to receive her first favours, joins the girl, a
-sword must be placed, at least for a few minutes, by her side. When a
-Dasi dies, her body is covered with a new cloth removed from the idol,
-and flowers are supplied from the temple, to which she belonged. No
-puja is performed in the temple till the body is disposed of, as the
-idol, being her husband, has to observe pollution.
-
-Writing a century ago (1807) concerning the Kaikolan Dasis,
-Buchanan says [24] that "these dancing women, and their musicians,
-now form a separate kind of caste; and a certain number of them are
-attached to every temple of any consequence. The allowances which the
-musicians receive for their public duty is very small, yet, morning and
-evening, they are bound to attend at the temple to perform before the
-image. They must also receive every person travelling on account of
-the Government, meet him at some distance from the town, and conduct
-him to his quarters with music and dancing. All the handsome girls
-are instructed to dance and sing, and are all prostitutes, at least
-to the Brahmans. In ordinary sets they are quite common; but, under
-the Company's government, those attached to temples of extraordinary
-sanctity are reserved entirely for the use of the native officers,
-who are all Brahmans, and who would turn out from the set any girl
-that profaned herself by communication with persons of low caste,
-or of no caste at all, such as Christians or Mussulmans. Indeed,
-almost every one of these girls that is tolerably sightly is taken
-by some officer of revenue for his own special use, and is seldom
-permitted to go to the temple, except in his presence. Most of these
-officers have more than one wife, and the women of the Brahmans are
-very beautiful; but the insipidity of their conduct, from a total
-want of education or accomplishment, makes the dancing women to be
-sought after by all natives with great avidity. The Mussulman officers
-in particular were exceedingly attached to this kind of company,
-and lavished away on these women a great part of their incomes. The
-women very much regret their loss, as the Mussulmans paid liberally,
-and the Brahmans durst not presume to hinder any girl who chose,
-from amusing an Asoph, or any of his friends. The Brahmans are not
-near so lavish of their money, especially where it is secured by the
-Company's government, but trust to their authority for obtaining
-the favour of the dancers. To my taste, nothing can be more silly
-and unanimated than the dancing of the women, nor more harsh and
-barbarous than their music. Some Europeans, however, from long habit,
-I suppose, have taken a liking to it, and have even been captivated
-by the women. Most of them I have had an opportunity of seeing have
-been very ordinary in their looks, very inelegant in their dress,
-and very dirty in their persons; a large proportion of them have the
-itch, and a still larger proportion are most severely diseased."
-
-Though the Kaikolans are considered to belong to the left-hand faction,
-Dasis, except those who are specially engaged by the Beri Chettis
-and Kammalans, are placed in the right-hand faction. Kaikolan Dasis,
-when passing through a Kammalan street, stop dancing, and they will
-not salute Kammalans or Beri Chettis.
-
-A peculiar method of selecting a bride, called siru tali kattu (tying
-the small tali), is said to be in vogue among some Kaikolans. A
-man, who wishes to marry his maternal uncle's or paternal aunt's
-daughter, has to tie a tali, or simply a bit of cloth torn from her
-clothing, round her neck, and report the fact to his parents and the
-headman. If the girl eludes him, he cannot claim her, but, should
-he succeed, she belongs to him. In some places, the consent of the
-maternal uncle to a marriage is signified by his carrying the bride
-in his arms to the marriage pandal (booth). The milk-post is made of
-Erythrina indica. After the tali has been tied, the bridegroom lifts
-the bride's left leg, and places it on a grinding-stone. Widows are
-stated by Mr. Stuart to be "allowed to remarry if they have no issue,
-but not otherwise; and, if the prevalent idea that a Kaikola woman
-is never barren be true, this must seldom take place."
-
-On the final day of the death ceremonies, a small hut is erected,
-and inside it stones, brought by the barber, are set up, and offerings
-made to them.
-
-The following proverbs are current about or among the Kaikolans:--
-
-
-    Narrate stories in villages where there are no Kaikolans.
-
-    Why should a weaver have a monkey?
-
-    This, it has been suggested, [25] implies that a monkey would
-    only damage the work.
-
-    On examining the various occupations, weaving will be found to
-    be the best.
-
-    A peep outside will cut out eight threads.
-
-    The person who was too lazy to weave went to the stars.
-
-    The Chetti (money-lender) decreases the money, and the weaver
-    the thread.
-
-    The titles of the Kaikolans are Mudali and Nayanar.
-
-
-Among the Kaikolan musicians, I have seen every gradation of colour
-and type, from leptorhine men with fair skin and chiselled features,
-to men very dark and platyrhine, with nasal index exceeding 90.
-
-The Kaikolans take part in the annual festival at Tirupati in honour of
-the goddess Gangamma. "It is," Mr. Stuart writes, [26] "distinguished
-from the majority of similar festivals by a custom, which requires
-the people to appear in a different disguise (vesham) every morning
-and evening. The Matangi vesham of Sunday morning deserves special
-mention. The devotee who consents to undergo this ceremony dances in
-front of an image or representation of the goddess, and, when he is
-worked up to the proper pitch of frenzy, a metal wire is passed through
-the middle of his tongue. It is believed that this operation causes no
-pain, or even bleeding, and the only remedy adopted is the chewing of a
-few margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves, and some kunkumam (red powder)
-of the goddess. This vesham is undertaken only by a Kaikolan (weaver),
-and is performed only in two places--the house of a certain Brahman
-and the Mahant's math. The concluding disguise is that known as the
-perantalu vesham. Perantalu signifies the deceased married women of
-a family who have died before their husbands, or, more particularly,
-the most distinguished of such women. This vesham is accordingly
-represented by a Kaikolan disguised as a female, who rides round the
-town on a horse, and distributes to the respectable inhabitants of
-the place the kunkumam, saffron paste, and flowers of the goddess."
-
-For the following account of a ceremony, which took
-place at Conjeeveram in August, 1908, I am indebted to the
-Rev. J. H. Maclean. "On a small and very lightly built car, about
-eight feet high, and running on four little wheels, an image of Kali
-was placed. It was then dragged by about thirty men, attached to it by
-cords passed through the flesh of their backs. I saw one of the young
-men two days later. Two cords had been drawn through his flesh, about
-twelve inches apart. The wounds were covered over with white stuff,
-said to be vibuthi (sacred ashes). The festival was organised by a
-class of weavers calling themselves Sankunram (Sengundar) Mudaliars,
-the inhabitants of seven streets in the part of Conjeeveram known as
-Pillaipalyam. The total amount spent is said to have been Rs. 500. The
-people were far from clear in their account of the meaning of the
-ceremony. One said it was a preventive of small-pox, but this view did
-not receive general support. Most said it was simply an old custom:
-what good it did they could not say. Thirty years had elapsed since
-the last festival. One man said that Kali had given no commands on the
-subject, and that it was simply a device to make money circulate. The
-festival is called Punter (flower car)."
-
-In September, 1908, an official notification was issued in the Fort
-St. George Gazette to the following effect. "Whereas it appears
-that hook-swinging, dragging of cars by men harnessed to them by
-hooks which pierce their sides, and similar acts are performed
-during the Mariyamman festival at Samayapuram and other places in
-the Trichinopoly division, Trichinopoly district, and whereas such
-acts are dangerous to human life, the Governor in Council is pleased,
-under section 144, sub-section (5), of the Code of Criminal Procedure,
-1898, to direct that the order of the Sub-divisional Magistrate,
-dated the 7th August, 1908, prohibiting such acts, shall remain in
-force until further orders."
-
-It is noted by Mr. F. R. Hemingway [27] that, at Ratnagiri, in
-the Trichinopoly district, the Kaikolans, in performance of a vow,
-thrust a spear through the muscles of the abdomen in honour of their
-god Sahanayanar.
-
-Kaila (measuring grain in the threshing-floor).--An exogamous sept
-of Mala.
-
-Kaimal.--A title of Nayars, derived from kai, hand, signifying power.
-
-Kaipuda.--A sub-division of Holeya.
-
-Kaivarta.--A sub-division of Kevuto.
-
-Kaka (crow).--The legend relating to the Kaka people is narrated in
-the article on Koyis. The equivalent Kaki occurs as a sept of Malas,
-and Kako as a sept of Kondras.
-
-Kakara or Kakarla (Momordica Charantia).--An exogamous sept of Kamma
-and Muka Dora.
-
-Kakirekka-vandlu (crows' feather people).--Mendicants who beg from
-Mutrachas, and derive their name from the fact that, when begging,
-they tie round their waists strings on which crows', paddy birds'
-(heron) feathers, etc., are tied.
-
-Kakka Kuravan.--A division of Kuravas of Travancore.
-
-Kakkalan.--The Kakkalans or Kakkans are a vagrant tribe met with in
-north and central Travancore, who are identical with the Kakka Kuravans
-of south Travancore. There are among them four endogamous divisions
-called Kavitiyan, Manipparayan, Meluttan, and Chattaparayan, of which
-the two first are the most important. The Kavitiyans are further
-sub-divided into Kollak Kavitiyan residing in central Travancore,
-Malayalam Kavitiyan, and Pandi Kavitiyan or immigrants from the
-Pandyan country.
-
-The Kakkalans have a legend concerning their origin to the effect
-that Siva was once going about begging as a Kapaladharin, and arrived
-at a Brahman street, from which the inhabitants drove him away. The
-offended god immediately reduced the village to ashes, and the guilty
-villagers begged his pardon, but were reduced to the position of the
-Kakkalans, and made to earn their livelihood by begging.
-
-The women wear iron and silver bangles, and a palunka mala or
-necklace of variously coloured beads. They are tattooed, and tattooing
-members of other castes is one of their occupations, which include
-the following:--
-
-
-Katukuttu, or boring the lobes of the ears.
-
-Katuvaippu, or plastic operations on the ear, which Nayar women and
-others who wear heavy pendant ear ornaments often require.
-
-Kainokku or palmistry, in which the women are more proficient than
-the men.
-
-Kompuvaippu, or placing the twig of a plant on any swelling of the
-body, and dissipating it by blowing on it.
-
-Taiyyal, or tailoring.
-
-Pampatam or snake dance, in which the Kakkalans are unrivalled.
-
-Fortune telling.
-
-
-The chief object of worship by the Kakkalans is the rising sun, to
-which boiled rice is offered on Sunday. They have no temples of their
-own, but stand at some distance from Hindu temples, and worship the
-gods thereof. Though leading a wandering life, they try to be at home
-for the Malabar new year, on which occasion they wear new clothes,
-and hold a feast. They do not observe the national Onam and Vishu
-festivals.
-
-The Kakkalans are conspicuously polygamous, and some have as many as
-twelve wives, who are easily supported, as they earn money by their
-professional engagements. A first marriage must be celebrated on
-Sunday, and the festivities last from Saturday to Monday. Subsequent
-marriages may also be celebrated on Thursday. On the night of the
-day before the wedding, a brother, or other near relation of the
-bridegroom, places the sambandham (alliance) by bringing a fanam
-(coin), material for chewing, and cooked rice to the marriage pandal
-(booth). Fruit and other things are flung at him by the bride's
-people. On the following day the bridegroom arrives at the pandal,
-and, after raising the tali (marriage badge) three times towards
-heaven, and, invoking a blessing from on high, ties it round the
-bride's neck. When a girl reaches puberty, a merry celebration is
-kept up for a week. The dead are buried. Inheritance is from father
-to son. A childless widow is a coparcener with the brothers of the
-deceased, and forfeits this right if she remarries.
-
-Though in the presence of other castes the Kakkalans speak Malayalam,
-they have a peculiar language which is used among themselves, and is
-not understood by others. [28]
-
-Kakke (Indian laburnum: Cassia fistula).--A gotra of Kurni.
-
-Kala.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a
-sub-division of Nayar.
-
-Kalaikuttadi (pole-dancer).--A Tamil synonym of Dommara.
-
-Kalal.--A Hindustani synonym of Gamalla.
-
-Kalamkotti (potter).--An occupational title of Nayar.
-
-Kalasi.--A name given to Vada fishermen by Oriya people.
-
-Kalava (channel or ditch).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale.
-
-Kalavant.--The Kalavants are dancers and singers, who, like other
-dancing-girls, are courtesans. The name occurs not only in South
-Canara, but also in the Telugu country.
-
-Kalinga.--A sub-division of Komatis, who "were formerly the inhabitants
-of the ancient Kalinga country. They are considered inferior to the
-other sub-divisions, on account of their eating flesh. Their titles
-are Subaddhi, Patro, and Chaudari." [29] In the Ganjam Manual, they
-are described as "traders and shopkeepers, principally prevalent
-in the Chicacole division. The name Kling or Kaling is applied,
-in the Malay countries, including the Straits Settlements, to the
-people of peninsular India, who trade thither, or are settled in
-those regions." It is recorded by Dr. N. Annandale that the phrase
-Orang Kling Islam (i.e., a Muhammadan from the Madras coast) occurs
-in Patani Malay.
-
-Kalingi and Kalinji.--There has been some confusion, in recorded
-accounts, between these two classes. In the Ganjam Manual, the
-Kalinjis are described as agriculturists in that district, and,
-in the Vizagapatam Manual, the Kalingas or Kalingulu are stated to
-be cultivators in the Vizagapatam district, and a caste of Paiks or
-fighting men in Jeypore. In the Census Report, 1891, the Kalingis are
-said to be "most numerous in Ganjam, but there is a considerable number
-of them in Vizagapatam also. The word means a native of Kalinga, the
-name of the sea-board of the Telugu country; the word Telugu itself is
-supposed by Dr. Caldwell to be a corruption of Tri-Kalinga. The three
-large sub-divisions of the caste are Buragam, Kintala, and Odiya. In
-the Kintala sub-division, a widow may remarry if she has no male issue,
-but the remarriage of widows is not allowed in other sub-divisions. The
-use of flesh and alcoholic liquor is permitted. Naidu and Chaudari
-are their titles." Further, in the Census Report, 1901, the Kalingis
-are described as follows: "A caste of temple priests and cultivators,
-found mainly in Ganjam and Vizagapatam, whither they are supposed
-to have been brought by the Kalinga kings to do service in the Hindu
-temples, before the advent of the Brahmans. They speak either Oriya or
-Telugu. They have two sub-divisions, the Kintali Kalingas, who live
-south of the Langulya river, and the Buragam Kalingis, who reside to
-the north of it, and the customs of the two differ a great deal. There
-is also a third section, called Pandiri or Bevarani, which is composed
-of outcastes from the other two. Except the Kalingis of Mokhalingam in
-Vizagapatam, [30] they have headmen called Nayakabalis or Santos. They
-also have priests called Kularazus, each of whom sees to the spiritual
-needs of a definite group of villages. They are divided into several
-exogamous gotras, each comprising a number of families or vamsas,
-some of which, such as Arudra, a lady-bird, and Revi-chettu, the Ficus
-religiosa tree, are of totemistic origin. Each section is said to
-worship its totem. Marriage before puberty is the rule, and the caste
-is remarkable for the proportion of its girls under twelve years of
-age who are married or widowed. Widow marriage is not recognised by
-the Buragam Kalingis, but the Kintalis freely allow it. As usual,
-the ceremonies at the wedding of a widow differ from those at the
-marriage of a maid. Some turmeric paste is placed on a new cloth,
-which is then put over a pot of water, and the ceremony takes place
-near this. The binding portion of it is the tying of a saffron-coloured
-string to the woman's wrist. The Kalingis pay special reverence to Sri
-Radha Krishna and Chaitanya. Some of the caste officiate in temples,
-wear the sacred thread, and call themselves Brahmans, but they are
-not received on terms of equality by other Brahmans. All Kalingis bury
-their dead, but sraddhas (memorial services) are performed only by the
-Kintali sub-division. The Buragam Kalingis do not shave their heads in
-front. Kalingi women wear heavy bangles of brass, silver bell-metal
-and glass, extending from the wrist to the elbow. The titles of the
-castes are Naidu, Nayarlu, Chowdari, Bissoyi, Podhano, Jenna, Swayi,
-and Naiko."
-
-In the foregoing account, the Oriya-speaking Kalinjis, and
-Telugu-speaking Kalingis, are both referred to. The confusion seems
-to have arisen from the fact that the Kalinjis are sometimes called
-Kalingis by other castes. The Kalingis are essentially Telugus, and
-are found mainly on the borderland between the districts of Ganjam and
-Vizagapatam. The Kalinjis are, on the other hand, Oriyas, and seem to
-be closely allied to the agricultural castes, Doluva, Alia, Bosantiya,
-etc., like which they are mainly agriculturists. The Kalinjis can be
-easily distinguished from the Kalingis, as the latter wear the sacred
-thread. The following story is told in connection with the origin of
-the Kalinji caste. A band of robbers was once upon a time staying in a
-fort near Bhattu Kunnarade, and molesting the people, who invited the
-king of Puri to come and drive the robbers away. Among the warriors
-who were recruited for this purpose, was a member of the Khondaito
-caste, who, with the permission of the king, succeeded in expelling
-the robbers. He was named by the people Bodo-Kalinja, or one having
-a stout heart. He and his followers remained in the Ganjam country,
-and the Kalinjis are their descendants. The caste is widespread in
-the northern part thereof.
-
-There do not seem to be any sub-divisions among the Kalinjis, but
-there is a small endogamous group, called Mohiri Kalinji. Mohiri
-is a well-known division in Ganjam, and Kalinjis who dwell therein
-intermarry with others, and do not form a separate community. It
-has been suggested that the Mohiri Kalinjis are Telugu Kalingis,
-who have settled in the Oriya country. Like other Oriya castes,
-the Kalinjis have gotras, e.g., bano (sun), sukro (star), sanko
-(conch-shell), bhago (tiger) and nago (cobra). There is a good
-deal of confusion regarding the gotras in their connection with
-marriage. The same gotra, e.g., sukro, is exogamous in some places,
-and not so in others. Many titles occur among the Kalinjis, e.g.,
-Borado, Bissoyi, Bariko, Behara, Dolei, Gaudo, Jenna, Moliko, Naiko,
-Patro, Podhano, Pulleyi, Ravuto, Santo, Savu, Swayi, Guru. In some
-places, the titles are taken as representing bamsams (or vamsams),
-and, as such, are exogamous. Families as a rule refrain from marrying
-into families bearing the same title. For example, a Dolei man will
-not marry a Dolei girl, especially if their gotras are the same. But
-a Dolei may marry a Pullei, even if they have the same gotra.
-
-The headman of the Kalinjis is styled Santo, and he is assisted by a
-Patro. There is also a caste messenger, called Bhollobhaya. For the
-whole community there are said to be four Santos and four Patros,
-residing at Attagada, Chinna Kimedi, Pedda Kimedi, and Mohiri. A man
-who is suffering from a wound or sore infested by maggots is said
-to be excommunicated, and, when he has recovered, to submit himself
-before the caste-council before he is received back into the community.
-
-Girls are generally married before puberty, and, if a real husband
-is not forthcoming, a maid goes through a mock marriage ceremony
-with her elder sister's husband, or some elder of the community. A
-bachelor must be married to the sado (Streblus asper) tree before he
-can marry a widow. The remarriage of widows (thuvathuvvi) is freely
-allowed. A widow, who has a brother-in-law, may not marry anyone
-else, until she has obtained a deed of separation (tsado patro) from
-him. The marriage ceremonies conform to the standard Oriya type. In
-some places, the little fingers of the contracting couple are linked,
-instead of their hands being tied together with thread. On the fourth
-day, a Bhondari (barber) places on the marriage dais some beaten rice
-and sugar-candy, which the bride and bridegroom sell to relations for
-money and grain. The proceeds of the sale are the perquisite of the
-Bhondari. On the seventh day, the bridegroom breaks a pot on the dais,
-and, as he and the bride go away, the brother of the latter throws
-brinjal (Solanum Melongena) fruits at him.
-
-The dead are as a rule cremated. On the day after death, food,
-made bitter by the addition of margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves,
-is offered. A piece of bone is carried away from the burning-ground,
-and buried under a pipal (Ficus religiosa) tree. Daily, until the
-tenth day, water is poured seven times over the spot where the bone
-is buried. On the tenth day, if the deceased was an elder of the
-community, the jola-jola handi ceremony is performed with a pot
-riddled with holes. (See Bhondari.)
-
-Kalkatta.--An occupation name for stone-masons in South Canara.
-
-Kalkatti.--Kalkatti, denoting, it has been suggested, those who wear
-glass beads, is a sub-division of Idaiyan. The Lingayats among Badagas
-of the Nilgiri hills are called Kalkatti, because they hang a stone
-(the lingam) from their necks in a casket. Some Irulas of the same
-hills are also said to go by the name Kalkatti.
-
-Kalla.--Recorded as a sub-division of Shanan, and of Idaiyans in
-localities where Kallans are most numerous.
-
-Kalladi.--The title of a Cheruman who performs important duties, and
-becomes possessed by the spirit of the deceased, at a Cheruman funeral.
-
-Kalladi Mangan.--A synonym of Mondi.
-
-Kalladi Siddhan.--The name, meaning a beggar who beats himself with
-a stone, of a class of Telugu mendicants, who are very clamorous and
-persistent in their demands for alms. The name is applied as a term of
-contempt for any obstinate and troublesome individual. These beggars
-carry with them a gourd, have tortoise and cowry shells tied on their
-elbows, and carry an iron rod, with which they beat an iron ring worn
-on the hand. They present a very revolting spectacle, as they smear
-their bodies with rice done up so as to resemble vomit, and with the
-juice of the prickly-pear (Opuntia Dillenii), to make people believe
-that it is blood oozing from cuts made with a knife. They are said to
-be very fond of eating crows, which they catch with nets. (See Mondi.)
-
-Kallamu (threshing-floor).--An exogamous sept of Panta Reddi.
-
-Kallan.--Of the Kallans of the Madura district in the early part of
-the last century, an excellent account was written by Mr. T. Turnbull
-(1817), from which the following extract has been taken. "The Cullaries
-are said to be in general a brave people, expert in the use of the
-lance and in throwing the curved stick called vullaree taddee. This
-weapon is invariably in use among the generality of this tribe; it
-is about 30 inches in curvature. The word Cullar is used to express
-a thief of any caste, sect or country, but it will be necessary to
-trace their progress to that characteristic distinction by which
-this race is designated both a thief, and an inhabitant of a certain
-Naud, which was not altogether exempted from paying tribute to the
-sovereign of Madura. This race appears to have become hereditary
-occupiers, and appropriated to themselves various Nauds in different
-parts of the southern countries; in each of these territories they
-have a chief among them, whose orders and directions they all must
-obey. They still possess one common character, and in general are such
-thieves that the name is very justly applied to them, for they seldom
-allow any merchandize to pass through their hands without extorting
-something from the owners, if they do not rob them altogether, and in
-fact travellers, pilgrims, and Brahmans are attacked and stript of
-everything they possess, and they even make no scruple to kill any
-caste of people, save only the latter. In case a Brahman happens to
-be killed in their attempt to plunder, when the fact is made known to
-the chief, severe corporal punishment is inflicted on the criminals
-and fines levied, besides exclusion from society for a period of six
-months. The Maloor Vellaloor and Serrugoody Nauds are denominated the
-Keelnaud, whose inhabitants of the Cullar race are designated by the
-appellation of Amblacaurs.
-
-"The women are inflexibly vindictive and furious on the least injury,
-even on suspicion, which prompts them to the most violent revenge
-without any regard to consequences. A horrible custom exists among
-the females of the Colleries when a quarrel or dissension arises
-between them. The insulted woman brings her child to the house of the
-aggressor, and kills it at her door to avenge herself. Although her
-vengeance is attended with the most cruel barbarity, she immediately
-thereafter proceeds to a neighbouring village with all her goods,
-etc. In this attempt she is opposed by her neighbours, which gives
-rise to clamour and outrage. The complaint is then carried to the head
-Amblacaur, who lays it before the elders of the village, and solicits
-their interference to terminate the quarrel. In the course of this
-investigation, if the husband finds that sufficient evidence has been
-brought against his wife, that she had given cause for provocation and
-aggression, then he proceeds unobserved by the assembly to his house,
-and brings one of his children, and, in the presence of witness,
-kills his child at the door of the woman who had first killed her
-child at his. By this mode of proceeding he considers that he has
-saved himself much trouble and expense, which would otherwise have
-devolved on him. This circumstance is soon brought to the notice of
-the tribunal, who proclaim that the offence committed is sufficiently
-avenged. But, should this voluntary retribution of revenge not be
-executed by the convicted person, the tribunal is prorogued to a
-limited time, fifteen days generally. Before the expiration of that
-period, one of the children of that convicted person must be killed. At
-the same time he is to bear all expenses for providing food, etc.,
-for the assembly during those days.
-
-"A remarkable custom prevails both among the males and females in
-these Nauds to have their ears bored and stretched by hanging heavy
-rings made of lead so as to expand their ear-laps (lobes) down to
-their shoulders. Besides this singular idea of beauty attached by
-them to pendant ears, a circumstance still more remarkable is that,
-when merchants or travellers pass through these Nauds, they generally
-take the precaution to insure a safe transit through these territories
-by counting the friendship of some individual of the Naud by payment
-of a certain fee, for which he deputes a young girl to conduct
-the travellers safe through the limits. This sacred guide conducts
-them along with her finger to her ear. On observing this sign, no
-Cullary will dare to plunder the persons so conducted. It sometimes
-happens, in spite of this precaution, that attempts are made to
-attack the traveller. The girl in such cases immediately tears one
-of her ear-laps, and returns to spread the report, upon which the
-complaint is carried before the chief and elders of the Naud, who
-forthwith convene a meeting in consequence at the Mundoopoolee. [31]
-If the violators are convicted, vindictive retaliation ensues. The
-assembly condemns the offenders to have both their ear-laps torn
-in expiation of their crime, and, if otherwise capable, they are
-punished by fines or absolved by money. By this means travellers
-generally obtain a safe passage through these territories. [Even
-at the present day, in quarrels between women of the lower castes,
-long ears form a favourite object of attack, and lobe-tearing cases
-figure frequently in police records. [32]]
-
-"The Maloor Naud was originally inhabited and cultivated by
-Vellaulers. At a certain period some Cullaries belonging to Vella
-Naud in the Conjeeveram district proceeded thence on a hunting
-excursion with weapons consisting of short hand pikes, cudgels,
-bludgeons, and curved sticks for throwing, and dogs. While engaged
-in their sport, they observed a peacock resist and attack one of
-their hounds. The sportsmen, not a little astonished at the sight,
-declared that this appeared to be a fortunate country, and its native
-inhabitants and every living creature naturally possessed courage and
-bravery. Preferring such a country to their Naud in Conjeeveram, they
-were desirous of establishing themselves here as cultivators. To effect
-this, they insinuated themselves into the favour of the Vellaulers,
-and, engaging as their servants, were permitted to remain in these
-parts, whither they in course of time invited their relations and
-friends, and to appearance conducted themselves faithfully and
-obediently to the entire satisfaction of the Vellaulers, and were
-rewarded for their labour. Some time afterwards, the Vellaulers,
-exercising an arbitrary sway over the Cullaries, began to inflict
-condign punishment for offences and misdemeanours committed in their
-service. This stirred up the wrath of the Cullaries, who gradually
-acquired the superiority over their masters, and by coercive measures
-impelled them to a strict observance of the following rules:--
-
-1st.--That, if a Culler was struck by his master in such a manner as
-to deprive him of a tooth, he was to pay a fine of ten cully chuckrums
-(money) for the offence.
-
-2nd.--That, if a Culler happened to have one of his ear-laps torn,
-the Vellauler was to pay a fine of six chuckrums.
-
-3rd.--That if a Culler had his skull fractured, the Vellauler was to
-pay thirty chuckrums, unless he preferred to have his skull fractured
-in return.
-
-4th.--That, if a Culler had his arm or leg broke, he was then to be
-considered but half a man. In such case the offender was required to
-grant the Culler one cullum of nunjah seed land (wet cultivation),
-and two koorkums of punjah (dry cultivation), to be held and enjoyed in
-perpetuity, exclusive of which the Vellauler was required to give the
-Culler a doopettah (cloth) and a cloth for his wife, twenty cullums of
-paddy or any other grain, and twenty chuckrums in money for expenses.
-
-5th.--That, if a Culler was killed, the offender was required to pay
-either a fine of a hundred chuckrums, or be subject to the vengeance
-of the injured party. Until either of these alternatives was agreed
-to, and satisfaction afforded, the party injured was at liberty to
-plunder the offender's property, never to be restored.
-
-"By this hostile mode of conduct imposed on their masters, together
-with their extravagant demands, the Vellaulers were reduced to that
-dread of the Cullers as to court their favour, and became submissive
-to their will and pleasure, so that in process of time the Cullers
-not only reduced them to poverty, but also induced them to abandon
-their villages and hereditary possessions, and to emigrate to foreign
-countries. Many were even murdered in total disregard of their former
-solemn promises of fidelity and attachment. Having thus implacably got
-rid of their original masters and expelled them from their Naud, they
-became the rulers of it, and denominated it by the singular appellation
-of Tun Arrasa Naud, signifying a forest only known to its possessors
-[or tanarasu-nad, i.e., the country governed by themselves]. [33]
-In short, these Colleries became so formidable at length as to
-evince a considerable ambition, and to set the then Government at
-defiance. Allagar Swamy they regarded as the God of their immediate
-devotion, and, whenever their enterprizes were attended with success,
-they never failed to be liberal in the performance of certain religious
-ceremonies to Allagar. To this day they invoke the name of Allagar in
-all what they do, and they make no objection in contributing whatever
-they can when the Stalaters come to their villages to collect money or
-grain for the support of the temple, or any extraordinary ceremonies of
-the God. The Cullers of this Naud, in the line of the Kurtaukles, once
-robbed and drove away a large herd of cows belonging to the Prince,
-who, on being informed of the robbery, and that the calves were highly
-distressed for want of nourishment, ordered them to be drove out of
-and left with the cows, wherever they were found. The Cullers were
-so exceedingly pleased with this instance of the Kurtaukle's goodness
-and greatness of mind that they immediately collected a thousand cows
-(at one cow from every house) in the Naud as a retribution, and drove
-them along with the plundered cattle to Madura. Whenever a quarrel
-or dispute happens among them, the parties arrest each other in the
-name of the respective Amblacaurs, whom they regard as most sacred,
-and they will only pay their homage to those persons convened as
-arbitrators or punjayems to settle their disputes.
-
-"During the feudal system that prevailed among these Colleries for a
-long time, they would on no consideration permit the then Government
-to have any control or authority over them. When tribute was demanded,
-the Cullers would answer with contempt: 'The heavens supply the earth
-with rain, our cattle plough, and we labour to improve and cultivate
-the land. While such is the case, we alone ought to enjoy the fruits
-thereof. What reason is there that we should be obedient, and pay
-tribute to our equal?'
-
-"During the reign of Vizia Ragoonada Saitooputty [34] a party of
-Colleries, having proceeded on a plundering excursion into the Ramnad
-district, carried off two thousand of the Raja's own bullocks. The
-Raja was so exasperated that he caused forts to be erected at five
-different places in the Shevagunga and Ramnad districts, and, on
-pretext of establishing a good understanding with these Nauttams, he
-artfully invited the principal men among them, and, having encouraged
-them by repeatedly conferring marks of his favour, caused a great
-number to be slain, and a number of their women to be transported
-to Ramiserum, where they were branded with the marks of the pagoda,
-and made Deva Dassies or dancing girls and slaves of the temple. The
-present dancing girls in that celebrated island are said to be the
-descendants of these women of the Culler tribe." In the eighteenth
-century a certain Captain Rumley was sent with troops to check the
-turbulent Colleries. "He became the terror of the Collerie Naud,
-and was highly respected and revered by the designation of Rumley
-Swamy, under which appellation the Colleries afterwards distinguished
-him." It is on record that, during the Trichinopoly war, the horses
-of Clive and Stringer Lawrence were stolen by two Kallan brothers.
-
-Tradition says that one of the rooms in Tirumala Nayakkan's palace
-at Madura "was Tirumala's sleeping apartment, and that his cot hung
-by long chains from hooks in the roof. One night, says a favourite
-story, a Kallan made a hole in the roof, swarmed down the chains, and
-stole the royal jewels. The king promised a jaghir (grant of land)
-to anyone who would bring him the thief, and the Kallan then gave
-himself up and claimed the reward. The king gave him the jaghir,
-and then promptly had him beheaded." [35]
-
-By Mr. H. A. Stuart [36] the Kallans are said to be "a middle-sized
-dark-skinned tribe found chiefly in the districts of Tanjore,
-Trichinopoly and Madura, and in the Pudukota territory. The name Kallan
-is commonly derived from Tamil kallam, which means theft. Mr. Nelson
-[37] expresses some doubts as to the correctness of this derivation,
-but Dr. Oppert accepts it, and no other has been suggested. The
-original home of the Kallans appears to have been Tondamandalam or the
-Pallava country, and the head of the class, the Raja of Pudukota, is
-to this day called the Tondaman. There are good grounds for believing
-that the Kallans are a branch of the Kurumbas, who, when they found
-their regular occupation as soldiers gone, 'took to maraudering,
-and made themselves so obnoxious by their thefts and robberies, that
-the term kallan, thief, was applied, and stuck to them as a tribal
-appellation.' [38] The Rev. W. Taylor, the compiler of the Catalogue
-Raisonné of Oriental Manuscripts, also identifies the Kallans with
-the Kurumbas, and Mr. Nelson accepts this conclusion. In the census
-returns, Kurumban is returned as one of the sub-divisions of the
-Kallan caste.'
-
-"The Chola country, or Tanjore," Mr. W. Francis writes, [39] "seems to
-have been the original abode of the Kallans before their migration to
-the Pandya kingdom after its conquest by the Cholas about the eleventh
-century A.D. But in Tanjore they have been greatly influenced by the
-numerous Brahmans there, and have taken to shaving their heads and
-employing Brahmans as priests. At their weddings also the bridegroom
-ties the tali himself, while elsewhere his sister does it. Their
-brethren across the border in Madura continue to merely tie their
-hair in a knot, and employ their own folk to officiate as their
-priests. This advance of one section will doubtless in time enhance
-the social estimation of the caste as a whole."
-
-It is further noted, in the Gazetteer of the Tanjore district, that the
-ambitions of the Kallans have been assisted "by their own readiness,
-especially in the more advanced portions of the district, to imitate
-the practices of Brahmans and Vellalans. Great variations thus occur in
-their customs in different localities, and a wide gap exists between
-the Kallans of this district as a whole and those of Madura."
-
-In the Manual of the Tanjore district, it is stated that "profitable
-agriculture, coupled with security of property in land, has converted
-the great bulk of the Kallar and Padeiyachi classes into a contented
-and industrious population. They are now too fully occupied with
-agriculture, and the incidental litigation, to think of their old
-lawless pursuits, even if they had an inclination to follow them. The
-bulk of the ryotwari proprietors in that richly cultivated part
-of the Cauvery delta which constituted the greater part of the old
-taluk of Tiruvadi are Kallars, and, as a rule, they are a wealthy and
-well-to-do class. The Kallar ryots, who inhabit the villages along
-the banks of the Cauvery, in their dress and appearance generally
-look quite like Vellalas. Some of the less romantic and inoffensive
-characteristics of the Kallars in Madura and Tinnevelly are found
-among the recent immigrants from the south, who are distinguished
-from the older Kallar colonies by the general term Terkattiyar,
-literally southerns, which includes emigrants of other castes from
-the south. The Terkattiyars are found chiefly in the parts of the
-district which border on Pudukota. Kallars of this group grow their
-hair long all over the head exactly like women, and both men and women
-enlarge the holes in the lobes of their ears to an extraordinary size
-by inserting rolls of palm-leaf into them." The term Terkattiyar is
-applied to Kallan, Maravan, Agamudaiyan, and other immigrants into the
-Tanjore district. At Mayaveram, for example, it is applied to Kalians,
-Agamudaiyans, and Valaiyans. It is noted, in the Census Report,
-1891, that Agamudaiyan and Kallan were returned as sub-divisions
-of Maravans by a comparatively large number of persons. "Maravan
-is also found among the sub-divisions of Kallan, and there can be
-little doubt that there is a very close connection between Kallans,
-Maravans, and Agamudaiyans." "The origin of the Kallar caste,"
-Mr. F. S. Mullaly writes, [40] "as also that of the Maravars and
-Ahambadayars, is mythologically traced to Indra and Aghalia, the wife
-of Rishi Gautama. The legend is that Indra and Rishi Gautama were,
-among others, rival suitors for the hand of Aghalia. Rishi Gautama
-was the successful one. This so incensed Indra that he determined to
-win Aghalia at all hazards, and, by means of a cleverly devised ruse,
-succeeded, and Aghalia bore him three sons, who respectively took the
-names Kalla, Marava, and Ahambadya. The three castes have the agnomen
-Theva or god, and claim to be descendants of Thevan (Indra)." According
-to another version of the legend "once upon a time Rishi Gautama left
-his house to go abroad on business. Devendra, taking advantage of his
-absence, debauched his wife, and three children were the result. When
-the Rishi returned, one of the three hid himself behind a door, and, as
-he thus acted like a thief, he was henceforward called Kallan. Another
-got up a tree, and was therefore called Maravan from maram, a tree,
-whilst the third brazened it out and stood his ground, thus earning
-for himself the name of Ahamudeiyan, or the possessor of pride. This
-name was corrupted into Ahambadiyan." [41] There is a Tamil proverb
-that a Kallan may come to be a Maravan. By respectability he may
-develop into an Agamudaiyan, and, by slow and small degrees, become
-a Vellala, from which he may rise to be a Mudaliar.
-
-"The Kallans," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [42] "will eat flesh,
-excepting beef, and have no scruples regarding the use of intoxicating
-liquor. They are usually farmers or field-labourers, but many of
-them are employed as village or other watchmen, and not a few depend
-for their subsistence upon the proceeds of thefts and robberies. In
-Trichinopoly town, householders are obliged to keep a member of the
-Kallan caste in their service as a protection against the depredations
-of these thieves, and any refusal to give in to this custom invariably
-results in loss of property. On the other hand, if a theft should,
-by any chance, be committed in a house where a Kallan is employed,
-the articles stolen will be recovered, and returned to the owner. In
-Madura town, I am informed, a tax of four annas per annum is levied
-on houses in certain streets by the head of the Kallan caste in return
-for protection against theft." In the Census Report, 1901, Mr. Francis
-records that "the Kallans, Maravans, and Agamudaiyans are responsible
-for a share of the crime of the southern districts, which is out of all
-proportion to their strength in them. In 1897, the Inspector-General of
-Prisons reported that nearly 42 per cent. of the convicts in the Madura
-jail, and 30 per cent, of those in the Palamcottah jail in Tinnevelly,
-belonged to one or other of these three castes. In Tinnevelly, in 1894,
-131 cattle thefts were committed by men of these three castes against
-47 by members of others, which is one theft to 1,497 of the population
-of the three bodies against one to 37,830 of the other castes. The
-statistics of their criminality in Trichinopoly and Madura were also
-bad. The Kallans had until recently a regular system of blackmail,
-called kudikaval, under which each village paid certain fees to
-be exempt from theft. The consequences of being in arrears with
-their payments quickly followed in the shape of cattle thefts and
-'accidental' fires in houses. In Madura the villagers recently struck
-against this extortion. The agitation was started by a man of the
-Idaiyan or shepherd caste, which naturally suffered greatly by the
-system, and continued from 1893 to 1896." The origin of the agitation
-is said [43] to have been the anger of certain of the Idaiyans with
-a Kallan Lothario, who enticed away a woman of their caste, and
-afterwards her daughter, and kept both women simultaneously under his
-protection. The story of this anti-Kallan agitation is told as follows
-in the Police Administration Report, 1896. "Many of the Kallans are the
-kavalgars of the villages under the kaval system. Under that system
-the kavalgars receive fees, and in some cases rent-free land for
-undertaking to protect the property of the villagers against theft,
-or to restore an equivalent in value for anything lost. The people
-who suffer most at the hands of the Kallars are the shepherds (Konans
-or Idaiyans). Their sheep and goats form a convenient subject for the
-Kallar's raids. They are taken for kaval fees alleged to be overdue,
-and also stolen, again to be restored on the payment of blackmail. The
-anti-Kallar movement was started by a man of the shepherd caste, and
-rapidly spread. Meetings of villagers were held, at which thousands
-attended. They took oath on their ploughs to dispense with the
-services of the Kallars; they formed funds to compensate such of
-them as lost their cattle, or whose houses were burnt; they arranged
-for watchmen among themselves to patrol the villages at night; they
-provided horns to be sounded to carry the alarm in cases of theft
-from village to village, and prescribed a regular scale of fines to
-be paid by those villagers who failed to turn out on the sound of
-the alarm. The Kallans in the north in many cases sold their lands,
-and left their villages, but in some places they showed fight. For six
-months crime is said to have ceased absolutely, and, as one deponent
-put it, people even left their buckets at the wells. In one or two
-places the Kallans gathered in large bodies in view to overawe the
-villagers, and riots followed. In one village there were three murders,
-and the Kallar quarter was destroyed by fire, but whether the fire was
-the work of Konans or Kallars has never been discovered. In August,
-large numbers of villagers attacked the Kallars in two villages in
-the Dindigul division, and burnt the Kallar quarters."
-
-"The crimes," Mr. F. S. Mullaly writes, [44] "that Kallars are addicted
-to are dacoity in houses or on highways, robbery, house-breaking and
-cattle-stealing. They are usually armed with vellari thadis or clubs
-(the so-called boomerangs) and occasionally with knives similar to
-those worn by the inhabitants of the western coast. Their method of
-house-breaking is to make the breach in the wall under the door. A
-lad of diminutive size then creeps in, and opens the door for the
-elders. Jewels worn by sleepers are seldom touched. The stolen property
-is hidden in convenient places, in drains, wells, or straw stacks, and
-is sometimes returned to the owner on receipt of blackmail from him
-called tuppu-kuli or clue hire. The women seldom join in crimes, but
-assist the men in their dealings (for disposal of the stolen property)
-with the Chettis." It is noted by the Abbé Dubois that the Kallars
-"regard a robber's occupation as discreditable neither to themselves,
-nor to their fellow castemen, for the simple reason that they consider
-robbery a duty, and a right sanctioned by descent. If one were to
-ask of a Kallar to what people he belonged, he would coolly answer,
-I am a robber."
-
-It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that "dacoity
-of travellers at night used to be the favourite pastime of the Kallans,
-and their favourite haunts the various roads leading out of Madura,
-and that from Ammayanayakkanur to Periyakulam. The method adopted
-consisted in threatening the driver of the cart, and then turning the
-vehicle into the ditch so that it upset. The unfortunate travellers
-were then forced by some of the gang to sit at the side of the road,
-with their backs to the cart and their faces to the ground, while
-their baggage was searched for valuables by the remainder. The gangs
-which frequented these roads have now broken up, and the caste has
-practically quitted road dacoity for the simpler, more paying, and
-less risky business of stealing officials' office-boxes and ryots'
-cattle. Cattle-theft is now the most popular calling among them. They
-are clever at handling animals, and probably the popularity of the
-jallikats (see Maravan) has its origin in the demands of a life,
-which always included much cattle-lifting. The stolen animals are
-driven great distances (as much as 20 or 30 miles) on the night of the
-theft, and are then hidden for the day either in a friend's house,
-or among hills and jungles. The next night they are taken still
-further, and again hidden. Pursuit is by this time hopeless, as the
-owner has no idea even in which direction to search. He, therefore,
-proceeds to the nearest go-between (these individuals are well-known
-to every one), and offers him a reward if he will bring back the
-cattle. This reward is called tuppu-kuli, or payment for clues, and
-is very usually as much as half the value of the animals stolen. The
-Kallan undertakes to search for the lost bullocks, returns soon,
-and states that he has found them, receives his tuppu-kuli, and then
-tells the owner of the property that, if he will go to a spot named,
-which is usually in some lonely neighbourhood, he will find his cattle
-tied up there. This information is always correct. If, on the other
-hand, the owner reports the theft to the police, no Kallan will
-help him to recover his animals, and these are eventually sold in
-other districts or Travancore, or even sent across from Tuticorin to
-Ceylon. Consequently, hardly any cattle-thefts are ever reported to the
-police. Where the Kallans are most numerous, the fear of incendiarism
-induces people to try to afford a tiled or terraced roof, instead
-of being content with thatch. The cattle are always tied up in the
-houses at night. Fear of the Kallans prevents them from being left
-in the fields, and they may be seen coming into the villages every
-evening in scores, choking every one with the dust they kick up,
-and polluting the village site (instead of manuring the land) for
-twelve hours out of every twenty-four. Buffaloes are tied up outside
-the houses. Kallans do not care to steal them, as they are of little
-value, are very troublesome when a stranger tries to handle them,
-and cannot travel fast or far enough to be out of reach of detection
-by daybreak. The Kallans' inveterate addiction to dacoity and theft
-render the caste to this day a thorn in the flesh of the authorities. A
-very large proportion of the thefts committed in the district are
-attributable to them. Nor are they ashamed of the fact. One of them
-defended his class by urging that every other class stole, the official
-by taking bribes, the vakil (law pleader) by fostering animosities,
-and so pocketing fees, the merchant by watering the arrack (spirit)
-and sanding the sugar, and so on, and that the Kallans differed from
-these only in the directness of their methods. Round about Melur,
-the people of the caste are taking energetically to wet cultivation,
-to the exclusion of cattle-lifting, with the Periyar water, which
-has lately been brought there. In some of the villages to the south
-of that town, they have drawn up a formal agreement (which has been
-solemnly registered, and is most rigorously enforced by the headmen),
-forbidding theft, recalling all the women who have emigrated to Ceylon
-and elsewhere, and, with an enlightenment which puts other communities
-to shame, prohibiting several other unwise practices which are only
-too common, such as the removal from the fields of cow-dung for fuel,
-and the pollution of drinking-water tanks (ponds) by stepping into
-them. Hard things have been said about the Kallans, but points to
-their credit are the chastity of their women, the cleanliness they
-observe in and around their villages, and their marked sobriety. A
-toddy-shop in a Kallan village is seldom a financial success."
-
-From a recent note, [45] I gather the following additional
-information concerning tuppu-kuli. "The Kallans are largely
-guilty of cattle-thefts. In many cases, they return the cattle on
-receiving tuppu-kuli. The official returns do not show many of these
-cases. No cattle-owner thinks of reporting the loss of any of his
-cattle. Naturally his first instinct is that it might have strayed
-away, being live property. The tuppu-kuli system generally helps
-the owner to recover his lost cattle. He has only to pay half of
-its real value, and, when he recovers his animal, he goes home with
-the belief that he has really made a profitable bargain. There is no
-matter for complaint, but, on the other hand, he is glad that he got
-back his animal for use, often at the most opportune time. Cattle are
-indispensable to the agriculturist at all times of the year. Perhaps,
-sometimes, when the rains fail, he may not use them. But if, after
-a long drought, there is a shower, immediately every agriculturist
-runs to his field with his plough and cattle, and tills it. If, at
-such a time, his cattle be stolen, he considers as though he were
-beaten on his belly, and his means of livelihood gone. No cattle will
-be available then for hire. There is nothing that he will not part
-with, to get back his cattle. There is then the nefarious system of
-tuppu-kuli offering itself, and he freely resorts to it, and succeeds
-in getting back his lost cattle sooner or later. On the other hand,
-if a complaint is made to the Village Magistrate or Police, recovery
-by this channel is impossible. The tuppu-kuli agents have their spies
-or informants everywhere, dogging the footsteps of the owner of the
-stolen cattle, and of those who are likely to help him in recovering
-it. As soon as they know the case is recorded in the Police station,
-they determine not to let the animal go back to its owner at any
-risk, unless some mutual friend intervenes, and works mightily for
-the recovery, in which case the restoration is generally through the
-pound. Such a restoration is, primâ facie, cattle-straying, for only
-stray cattle are taken to the pound. This, too, is done after a good
-deal of hard swearing on both sides not to hand over the offender to
-the authorities."
-
-In connection with the 'vellari thadi' referred to above, Dr. Oppert
-writes [46] that "boomerangs are used by the Tamil Maravans and Kallans
-when hunting deer. The Madras Museum collection contains three (two
-ivory, one wooden) from the Tanjore armoury. In the arsenal of the
-Pudukkottai Raja a stock of wooden boomerangs is always kept. Their
-name in Tamil is valai tadi (bent stick)." Concerning these boomerangs,
-the Dewan of Pudukkottai writes to me as follows. "The valari or valai
-tadi is a short weapon, generally made of some hard-grained wood. It
-is also sometimes made of iron. It is crescent-shaped, one end being
-heavier than the other, and the outer edge is sharpened. Men trained in
-the use of the weapon hold it by the lighter end, whirl it a few times
-over their shoulders to give it impetus, and then hurl it with great
-force against the object aimed at. It is said that there were experts
-in the art of throwing the valari, who could at one stroke despatch
-small game, and even man. No such experts are now forthcoming in the
-State, though the instrument is reported to be occasionally used in
-hunting hares, jungle fowl, etc. Its days, however, must be counted as
-past. Tradition states that the instrument played a considerable part
-in the Poligar wars of the last century. But it now reposes peacefully
-in the households of the descendants of the rude Kallan and Maravan
-warriors, who plied it with such deadly effect in the last century,
-preserved as a sacred relic of a chivalric past along with other
-old family weapons in their puja room, brought out and scraped and
-cleaned on occasions like the Ayudha puja day (when worship is paid
-to weapons and implements of industry), and restored to its place of
-rest immediately afterwards."
-
-The sub-divisions of the Kallans, which were returned in greatest
-numbers at the census, 1891, were Isanganadu (or Visangu-nadu),
-Kungiliyan, Menadu, Nattu, Piramalainadu, and Sirukudi. In the Census
-Report, 1901, it is recorded that "in Madura the Kallans are divided
-into ten main endogamous divisions [47] which are territorial in
-origin. These are (1) Mel-nadu, (2) Sirukudi-nadu, (3) Vellur-nadu, (4)
-Malla-kottai nadu, (5) Pakaneri, (6) Kandramanikkam or Kunnan-kottai
-nadu, (7) Kandadevi, (8) Puramalai-nadu, (9) Tennilai-nadu, and (10)
-Palaya-nadu. The headman of the Puramalai-nadu section is said to be
-installed by Idaiyans (herdsmen), but what the connection between
-the two castes may be is not clear. The termination nadu means a
-country. These sections are further divided into exogamous sections
-called vaguppus. The Mel-nadu Kallans have three sections called
-terus or streets, namely, Vadakku-teru (north street), Kilakku-teru
-(east street), and Terku-teru (south street). The Sirukudi Kallans
-have vaguppus named after the gods specially worshipped by each,
-such as Andi, Mandai, Aiyanar, and Viramangali. Among the Vellur-nadu
-Kallans the names of these sections seem merely fanciful. Some of
-them are Vengai puli (cruel-handed tiger), Vekkali puli (cruel-legged
-tiger), Sami puli (holy tiger), Sem puli (red tiger), Sammatti makkal
-(hammer men), Tiruman (holy deer), and Sayumpadai tangi (supporter
-of the vanquished army). A section of the Tanjore Kallans names its
-sections from sundry high-sounding titles meaning King of the Pallavas,
-King of Tanjore, conqueror of the south, mighty ruler, and so on."
-
-Portions of the Madura and Tanjore districts are divided into areas
-known as nadus, a name which, as observed by Mr. Nelson, is specially
-applicable to Kallan tracts. In each nadu a certain caste, called the
-Nattan, is the predominant factor in the settlement of social questions
-which arise among the various castes living within the nadu. Round
-about Devakotta in the Sivaganga zamindari there are fourteen nadus,
-representatives of which meet once a year at Kandadevi, to arrange for
-the annual festival at the temple dedicated to Swarnamurthi Swami. The
-four nadus Unjanai, Sembonmari, Iravaseri, and Tennilai in the same
-zamindari constitute a group, of which the last is considered the
-chief nadu, whereat caste questions must come up for settlement. For
-marriage purposes these four nadus constitute an endogamous section,
-which is sub-divided into septs or karais. Among the Vallambans
-these karais are exogamous, and run in the male line. But, among the
-Kallans, the karai is recognised only in connection with property. A
-certain tract of land is the property of a particular karai, and the
-legal owners thereof are members of the same karai. When the land
-has to be disposed of, this can only be effected with the consent of
-representatives of the karai. The Nattar Kallans of Sivaganga have
-exogamous septs called kilai or branches, which, as among the Maravans,
-run in the female line, i.e., a child belongs to the mother's, not
-the father's, sept. In some castes, and even among Brahmans, though
-contrary to strict rule, it is permissible for a man to marry his
-sister's daughter. This is not possible among the Kallans who have
-kilais such as those referred to, because the maternal uncle of a
-girl, the girl, and her mother all belong to the same sept. But the
-children of a brother and sister may marry, because they belong to
-different kilais, i.e., those of their respective mothers.
-
-
-                    Subban         =        Pachchai
-              (Kurivili kilai).    |   (Arasiya kilai).
-              +====================|======================+
-              |                                           |
-         Karuppan, son                            Ellamma, daughter
-        (Arasiya kilai)                           (Arasiya kilai)
-              |                                           |
-              |                                           |
-            Raman                                      Minachi
-        (Pesadan kilai)                            (Arasiya kilai)
-
-
-                 Example of allowable cousin-marriages.
-
-
-In the above example, the girl Minachi may not marry Karuppan, as both
-are members of the same kilai. But she ought, though he be a mere boy,
-to marry Raman, who belongs to a different sept.
-
-It is noted [48] that, among the Sivaganga Kallans, "when a member of a
-certain kilai dies, a piece of new cloth should be given to the other
-male member of the same kilai by the heir of the deceased. The cloth
-thus obtained should be given to the sister of the person obtaining
-it. If her brother fails to do so, her husband will consider himself
-degraded, and consequently will divorce her." Round about Pudukkottai
-and Tanjore, the Visangu-nadu Kallans have exogamous septs called
-pattaperu, and they adopt the sept name as a title, e.g., Muthu
-Udaiyan, Karuppa Tondaman, etc. It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the
-Tanjore district, that the sub-divisions of the Kallans are split
-into groups, e.g., Onaiyan (wolfish), Singattan (lion-like), etc.
-
-It is a curious fact that the Puramalai-nadu Kallans practice the rite
-of circumcision. The origin of this custom is uncertain, but it has
-been suggested [49] that it is a survival of a forcible conversion
-to Muhammadanism of a section of the Kurumbas who fled northwards
-on the downfall of their kingdom. At the time appointed for the
-initiatory ceremony, the Kallan youth is carried on the shoulders
-of his maternal uncle to a grove or plain outside the village, where
-betel is distributed among those who have assembled, and the operation
-is performed by a barber-surgeon. En route to the selected site,
-and throughout the ceremony, the conch shell (musical instrument)
-is blown. The youth is presented with new cloths. It is noted, in the
-Gazetteer of the Madura district, that "every Kallan boy has a right
-to claim the hand of his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. This
-aunt bears the expenses connected with his circumcision. Similarly,
-the maternal uncle pays the costs of the rites which are observed when
-a girl attains maturity, for he has a claim on the girl as a bride
-for his son. The two ceremonies are performed at one time for large
-batches of boys and girls. On an auspicious day, the young people are
-all feasted, and dressed in their best, and repair to a river or tank
-(pond). The mothers of the girls make lamps of plantain leaves, and
-float them on the water, and the boys are operated on by the local
-barber." It is stated, in the Census Report, 1901, that the Sirukudi
-Kallans use a tali, on which the Muhammadan badge of a crescent and
-star is engraved.
-
-In connection with marriage among the Kallans, it is noted by
-Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri [50] that "at the Mattupongal feast, towards
-evening, festoons of aloe fibre and cloths containing coins are tied
-to the horns of bullocks and cows, and the animals are driven through
-the streets with tom-tom and music. In the villages, especially those
-inhabited by the Kallans in Madura and Tinnevelly, the maiden chooses
-as her husband him who has safely untied and brought to her the cloth
-tied to the horn of the fiercest bull. The animals are let loose with
-their horns containing valuables, amidst the din of tom-tom and harsh
-music, which terrifies and bewilders them. They run madly about,
-and are purposely excited by the crowd. A young Kalla will declare
-that he will run after such and such a bull--and this is sometimes a
-risky pursuit--and recover the valuables tied to its horn. The Kallan
-considers it a great disgrace to be injured while chasing the bull."
-
-A poet of the early years of the present era, quoted by
-Mr. Kanakasabhai Pillai, [51] describes this custom as practiced
-by the shepherd castes in those days. "A large area of ground is
-enclosed with palisades and strong fences. Into the enclosure are
-brought ferocious bulls with sharpened horns. On a spacious loft,
-overlooking the enclosure, stand the shepherd girls, whom they intend
-to give away in marriage. The shepherd youths, prepared for the fight,
-first pray to their gods, whose images are placed under old banian
-or peepul trees, or at watering places. They then deck themselves
-with garlands made of the bright red flowers of the kanthal, and
-the purple flowers of the kaya. At a signal given by the beating of
-drums, the youths leap into the enclosure, and try to seize the bulls,
-which, frightened by the noise of the drums, are now ready to charge
-anyone who approaches them. Each youth approaches a bull, which he
-chooses to capture. But the bulls rush furiously, with tails raised,
-heads bent down, and horns levelled at their assailants. Some of the
-youths face the bulls boldly, and seize their horns. Some jump aside,
-and take hold of their tails. The more wary young men cling to the
-animals till they force them to fall on the ground. Many a luckless
-youth is now thrown down. Some escape without a scratch, while others
-are trampled upon or gored by the bulls. Some, though wounded and
-bleeding, again spring on the bulls. A few, who succeed in capturing
-the animals, are declared the victors of that day's fight. The elders
-then announce that the bull-fight is over. The wounded are carried
-out of the enclosure, and attended to immediately, while the victors
-and the brides-elect repair to an adjoining grove, and there, forming
-into groups, dance joyously before preparing for their marriage."
-
-In an account of marriage among the Kallans, Mr. Nelson writes that
-"the most proper alliance in the opinion of a Kallan is one between
-a man and the daughter of his father's sister, and, if an individual
-have such a cousin, he must marry her, whatever disparity there may
-be between their respective ages. A boy of fifteen must marry such
-a cousin, even if she be thirty or forty years old, if her father
-insists upon his so doing. Failing a cousin of this sort, he must marry
-his aunt or his niece, or any near relative. If his father's brother
-has a daughter, and insists upon him marrying her he cannot refuse;
-and this whatever may be the woman's age. One of the customs of the
-western Kallans is specially curious. It constantly happens that a
-woman is the wife of ten, eight, six, or two husbands, who are held
-to be the fathers jointly and severally of any children that may be
-born of her body, and, still more curiously, when the children grow
-up they, for some unknown reason, invariably style themselves the
-children not of ten, eight or six fathers as the case may be, but of
-eight and two, six and two, or four and two fathers. When a wedding
-takes place, the sister of the bridegroom goes to the house of the
-parents of the bride, and presents them with twenty-one Kali fanams
-(coins) and a cloth, and, at the same time, ties some horse-hair round
-the bride's neck. She then brings her and her relatives to the house
-of the bridegroom, where a feast is prepared.
-
-Sheep are killed, and stores of liquor kept ready, and all partake
-of the good cheer provided. After this the bride and bridegroom
-are conducted to the house of the latter, and the ceremony of an
-exchange between them of vallari thadis or boomerangs is solemnly
-performed. Another feast is then given in the bride's house, and
-the bride is presented by her parents with one markal of rice and a
-hen. She then goes with her husband to his house. During the first
-twelve months after marriage, it is customary for the wife's parents
-to invite the pair to stay with them a day or two on the occasion of
-any feast, and to present them on their departure with a markal of rice
-and a cock. At the time of the first Pongal feast after the marriage,
-the presents customarily given to the son-in-law are five markals
-of rice, five loads of pots and pans, five bunches of plantains,
-five cocoanuts, and five lumps of jaggery (crude sugar). A divorce
-is easily obtained on either side. A husband dissatisfied with his
-wife can send her away if he be willing at the same time to give her
-half of his property, and a wife can leave her husband at will upon
-forfeiture of forty-two Kali fanams. A widow may marry any man she
-fancies, if she can induce him to make her a present of ten fanams."
-
-In connection with the foregoing account, I am informed that, among
-the Nattar Kallans, the brother of a married woman must give her
-annually at Pongal a present of rice, a goat, and a cloth until
-her death. The custom of exchanging boomerangs appears to be fast
-becoming a tradition. But, there is a common saying still current "Send
-the valari tadi, and bring the bride." As regards the horse-hair,
-which is mentioned as being tied round the bride's neck, I gather
-that, as a rule, the tali is suspended from a cotton thread, and the
-horse-hair necklet may be worn by girls prior to puberty and marriage,
-and by widows. This form of necklet is also worn by females of other
-castes, such as Maravans, Valaiyans, and Morasa Paraiyans. Puramalai
-Kallan women can be distinguished by the triangular ornament, which
-is attached to the tali string. It is stated, in the Gazetteer of
-the Madura district, that "when a girl has attained maturity, she
-puts away the necklace of coloured beads she wore as a child, and
-dons the horse-hair necklet, which is characteristic of the Kallan
-woman. This she retains till death, even if she becomes a widow. The
-richer Kallans substitute for the horse-hair a necklace of many
-strands of fine silver wire. In Tirumangalam, the women often hang
-round their necks a most curious brass and silver pendant, six or
-eight inches long, and elaborately worked."
-
-It is noted in the Census Report, 1891, that as a token of divorce "a
-Kallan gives his wife a piece of straw in the presence of his caste
-people. In Tamil the expression 'to give a straw' means to divorce,
-and 'to take a straw' means to accept divorce."
-
-In their marriage customs, some Kallans have adopted the Puranic
-form of rite owing to the influence of Brahman purohits, and, though
-adult marriage is the rule, some Brahmanised Kallans have introduced
-infant marriage. To this the Puramalai section has a strong objection,
-as, from the time of marriage, they have to give annually till the
-birth of the first child a present of fowls, rice, a goat, jaggery,
-plantains, betel, turmeric, and condiments. By adult marriage the
-time during which this present has to be made is shortened, and less
-expenditure thereon is incurred. In connection with the marriage
-ceremonies as carried out by some Kallans, I gather that the consent
-of the maternal uncle of a girl to her marriage is essential. For
-the betrothal ceremony, the father and maternal uncle of the future
-bridegroom proceed to the girl's house, where a feast is held, and
-the date fixed for the wedding written on two rolls of palm leaf
-dyed with turmeric or red paper, which are exchanged between the
-maternal uncles. On the wedding day, the sister of the bridegroom
-goes to the house of the bride, accompanied by women, some of whom
-carry flowers, cocoanuts, betel leaves, turmeric, leafy twigs of
-Sesbania grandiflora, paddy (unhusked rice), milk, and ghi (clarified
-butter). A basket containing a female cloth, and the tali string
-wrapped up in a red cloth borrowed from a washerman, is given to a
-sister of the bridegroom or to a woman belonging to his sept. On the
-way to the bride's house, two of the women blow chank shells (musical
-instrument). The bride's people question the bridegroom's party as
-to his sept, and they ought to say that he belongs to Indra kulam,
-Thalavala nadu, and Ahalya gotra. The bridegroom's sister, taking up
-the tali, passes it round to be touched by all present, and ties the
-string, which is decorated with flowers, tightly round the bride's
-neck amid the blowing of the conch shell. The bride is then conducted
-to the home of the bridegroom, whence they return to her house on the
-following day. The newly married couple sit on a plank, and coloured
-rice-balls or coloured water are waved, while women yell out "killa,
-illa, illa; killa, illa, illa." This ceremony is called kulavi idal,
-and is sometimes performed by Kallan women during the tali-tying.
-
-The following details relating to the marriage ceremonies are
-recorded in the Gazetteer of the Tanjore district. "The arrival
-of the bridegroom has been described as being sometimes especially
-ceremonious. Mounted on a horse, and attended by his maternal uncle,
-he is met by a youth from the bride's house, also mounted, who conducts
-the visitors to the marriage booth. Here he is given betel leaves,
-areca nuts, and a rupee by the bride's father, and his feet are
-washed in milk and water, and adorned with toe-rings by the bride's
-mother. The tali is suspended from a necklet of gold or silver instead
-of cotton thread, but this is afterwards changed to cotton for fear of
-offending the god Karuppan. A lamp is often held by the bridegroom's
-sister, or some married woman, while the tali is being tied. This is
-left unlighted by the Kallans for fear it should go out, and thus cause
-an evil omen. The marriage tie is in some localities very loose. Even
-a woman who has borne her husband many children may leave him if she
-likes, to seek a second husband, on condition that she pays him her
-marriage expenses. In this case (as also when widows are remarried),
-the children are left in the late husband's house. The freedom of
-the Kallan women in these matters is noticed in the proverb that,
-"though there may be no thread in the spinning-rod, there will always
-be a (tali) thread on the neck of a Kallan woman," or that "though
-other threads fail, the thread of a Kallan woman will never do so."
-
-By some Kallans pollution is, on the occasion of the first menstrual
-period, observed for seven or nine days. On the sixteenth day, the
-maternal uncle of the girl brings a sheep or goat, and rice. She is
-bathed and decorated, and sits on a plank while a vessel of water,
-coloured rice, and a measure filled with paddy with a style bearing
-a betel leaf struck on it, are waved before her. Her head, knees,
-and shoulders are touched with cakes, which are then thrown away. A
-woman, conducting the girl round the plank, pours water from a vessel
-on to a betel leaf held in her hand, so that it falls on the ground
-at the four cardinal points of the compass, which the girl salutes.
-
-A ceremony is generally celebrated in the seventh month of pregnancy,
-for which the husband's sister prepares pongal (cooked rice). The
-pregnant woman sits on a plank, and the rice is waved before her. She
-then stands up, and bends down while her sister-in-law pours milk from
-a betel or pipal (Ficus religiosa) leaf on her back. A feast brings the
-ceremony to a close. Among the Vellur-nadu Kallans patterns are said
-[52] to be drawn on the back of the pregnant woman with rice-flour,
-and milk is poured over them. The husband's sister decorates a
-grindstone in the same way, invokes a blessing on the woman, and
-expresses a hope that she may have a male child as strong as a stone.
-
-When a child is born in a family, the entire family observes
-pollution for thirty days, during which entrance into a temple is
-forbidden. Among the Nattar Kallans, children are said to be named
-at any time after they are a month old. But, among the Puramalai
-Kallans, a first-born female child is named on the seventh day,
-after the ear-boring ceremony has been performed. "All Kallans,"
-Mr. Francis writes, [52] "put on sacred ashes, the usual mark of a
-Saivite, on festive occasions, but they are nevertheless generally
-Vaishnavites. The dead are usually buried, and it is said that,
-at funerals, cheroots are handed round, which those present smoke
-while the ceremony proceeds." Some Kallans are said, [53] when a
-death occurs in a family, to put a pot filled with dung or water,
-a broomstick, and a fire-brand at some place where three roads meet,
-or in front of the house, in order to prevent the ghost from returning.
-
-It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that
-"the Kilnad Kallans usually bury their dead. Lamps are periodically
-lighted on the tomb, and it is whitewashed annually. The Piramalainad
-division usually burn the dead. If a woman dies when with child, the
-baby is taken out, and placed alongside her on the pyre. This, it may
-be noted, is the rule with most castes in this district, and, in some
-communities, the relations afterwards put up a stone burden-rest by
-the side of a road, the idea being that the woman died with her burden,
-and so her spirit rejoices to see others lightened of theirs. Tradition
-says that the caste came originally from the north. The dead are buried
-with their faces laid in that direction; and, when puja is done to
-Karuppanaswami, the caste god, the worshippers turn to the north."
-
-According to Mr. H. A. Stuart [54] "the Kallans are nominally
-Saivites, but in reality the essence of their religious belief is
-devil-worship. Their chief deity is Alagarswami, the god of the great
-Alagar Kovil twelve miles to the north of the town of Madura. To this
-temple they make large offerings, and the Swami, called Kalla Alagar,
-has always been regarded as their own peculiar deity." The Kallans
-are said by Mr. Mullaly to observe omens, and consult their household
-gods before starting on depredations. "Two flowers, the one red and
-the other white, are placed before the idol, a symbol of their god
-Kalla Alagar. The white flower is the emblem of success. A child of
-tender years is told to pluck a petal of one of the two flowers,
-and the undertaking rests upon the choice made by the child." In
-like manner, when a marriage is contemplated among the Idaiyans, the
-parents of the prospective bride and bridegroom go to the temple, and
-throw before the idol a red and white flower, each wrapped in a betel
-leaf. A small child is then told to pick up one of the leaves. If the
-one selected contains the white flower, it is considered auspicious,
-and the marriage will take place.
-
-In connection with the Alagar Kovil, I gather [55] that, when oaths
-are to be taken, the person who is to swear is asked to worship Kallar
-Alagar, and, with a parivattam (cloth worn as a mark of respect in the
-presence of the god) on his head, and a garland round his neck, should
-stand on the eighteenth step of the eighteen steps of Karuppanaswami,
-and say: "I swear before Kallar Alagar and Karuppannaswami that I
-have acted rightly, and so on. If the person swears falsely, he dies
-on the third day; if truly the other person meets with the same fate."
-
-It was noted by Mr. M. J. Walhouse, [56] that "at the bull games
-(jellikattu) at Dindigul, the Kallans can alone officiate as priests,
-and consult the presiding deity. On this occasion they hold quite
-a Saturnalia of lordship and arrogance over the Brahmans." It is
-recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that "the keenness
-of the more virile sections of the community (especially the Kallans),
-in this game, is extraordinary, and, in many villages, cattle are
-bred and reared specially for it. The best jallikats are to be seen
-in the Kallan country in Tirumangalam, and next come those in Melur
-and Madura taluks." (See also Maravan.)
-
-It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that
-Karuppan is "essentially the god of the Kallans, especially of the
-Kallans of the Melur side. In those parts, his shrine is usually the
-Kallans' chavadi (assembly place). His priests are usually Kallans or
-Kusavans. Alagarswami (the beautiful god) is held in special veneration
-by the Kallans, and is often popularly called the Kallar Alagar. The
-men of this caste have the right to drag his car at the car festival,
-and, when he goes (from Alagar Kovil) on his visit to Madura, he is
-dressed as a Kallan, exhibits the long ears characteristic of that
-caste, and carries the boomerang and club, which were of their old
-favourite weapons. It is whispered that Kallan dacoits invoke his
-aid when they are setting out on marauding expeditions, and, if they
-are successful therein, put part of their ill-gotten gains into the
-offertory (undial) box, which is kept at his shrine."
-
-For the following note I am indebted to the Rev. J. Sharrock. "The
-chief temple of the Kallans is about ten miles west of Madura, and is
-dedicated to Alagarswami, said to be an incarnation of Vishnu, but
-also said to be the brother of Minatchi (the fish-eyed or beautiful
-daughter of the Pandya king of Madura). Now Minatchi has been married
-by the Brahmans to Siva, and so we see Hinduism wedded to Dravidianism,
-and the spirit of compromise, the chief method of conversion adopted
-by the Brahmans, carried to its utmost limit. At the great annual
-festival, the idol of Alagarswami is carried, in the month of Chittra
-(April-May), to the temple of Minatchi, and the banks of the river
-Vaiga swarm with two to three lakhs [57] of worshippers, a large
-proportion of whom are Kallans. At this festival, the Kallans have
-the right of dragging with a rope the car of Alagarswami, though
-other people may join in later on. As Alagarswami is a vegetarian,
-no blood sacrifice is offered to him. This is probably due to the
-influence of Brahmanism, for, in their ordinary ceremonies, the
-Kallans invariably slaughter sheep as sacrifices to propitiate their
-deities. True to their bold and thievish instincts, the Kallans do
-not hesitate to steal a god, if they think he will be of use to them
-in their predatory excursions, [58] and are not afraid to dig up
-the coins or jewels that are generally buried under an idol. Though
-they entertain little dread of their own village gods, they are often
-afraid of others that they meet far from home, or in the jungles when
-they are engaged in one of their stealing expeditions. As regards
-their own village gods, there is a sort of understanding that, if
-they help them in their thefts, they are to have a fair share of the
-spoil, and, on the principle of honesty among thieves, the bargain
-is always kept. At the annual festival for the village deities,
-each family sacrifices a sheep, and the head of the victim is given
-to the pujari (priest), while the body is taken home by the donor,
-and partaken of as a communion feast. Two at least of the elements of
-totem worship appear here: there is the shedding of the sacrificial
-blood of an innocent victim to appease the wrath of the totem god, and
-the common feasting together which follows it. The Brahmans sometimes
-join in these sacrifices, but of course take no part of the victim,
-the whole being the perquisite of the pujari, and there is no common
-participation in the meal. When strange deities are met with by the
-Kallans on their thieving expeditions, it is usual to make a vow that,
-if the adventure turns out well, part of the spoil shall next day
-be left at the shrine of the god, or be handed over to the pujari of
-that particular deity. They are afraid that, if this precaution be not
-taken, the god may make them blind, or cause them to be discovered,
-or may go so far as to knock them down, and leave them to bleed to
-death. If they have seen the deity, or been particularly frightened or
-otherwise specially affected by these unknown gods, instead of leaving
-a part of the body, they adopt a more thorough method of satisfying
-the same. After a few days they return at midnight to make a special
-sacrifice, which of course is conducted by the particular pujari, whose
-god is to be appeased. They bring a sheep with rice, curry-stuffs and
-liquors, and, after the sacrifice, give a considerable share of these
-dainties, together with the animal's head, to the pujari, as well as
-a sum of money for making the puja (worship) for them. Some of the
-ceremonies are worth recording. First the idol is washed in water,
-and a sandal spot is put on the forehead in the case of male deities,
-and a kunkuma spot in the case of females. Garlands are placed round
-the neck, and the bell is rung, while lamps are lighted all about. Then
-the deity's name is repeatedly invoked, accompanied by beating on
-the udukku. This is a small drum which tapers to a narrow waist in
-the middle, and is held in the left hand of the pujari with one end
-close to his left ear, while he taps on it with the fingers of his
-right hand. Not only is this primitive music pleasing to the ears of
-his barbarous audience, but, what is more important, it conveys the
-oracular communications of the god himself. By means of the end of
-the drum placed close to his ear, the pujari is enabled to hear what
-the god has to say of the predatory excursion which has taken place,
-and the pujari (who, like a clever gypsy, has taken care previously to
-get as much information of what has happened as possible) retails all
-that has occurred during the exploit to his wondering devotees. In
-case his information is incomplete, he is easily able to find out,
-by a few leading questions and a little cross-examination of these
-ignorant people, all that he needs to impress them with the idea that
-the god knows all about their transactions, having been present at
-their plundering bout. At all such sacrifices, it is a common custom
-to pour a little water over the sheep, to see if it will shake itself,
-this being invariably a sign of the deity's acceptance of the animal
-offered. In some sacrifices, if the sheep does not shake itself, it
-is rejected, and another substituted for it; and, in some cases (be it
-whispered, when the pujari thinks the sheep too thin and scraggy), he
-pours over it only a little water, and so demands another animal. If,
-however, the pujari, as the god's representative, is satisfied,
-he goes on pouring more and more water till the half-drenched animal
-has to shake itself, and so signs its own death-warrant. All who
-have ventured forth in the night to take part in the sacrifice then
-join together in the communal meal. An illustration of the value of
-sacrifices may here be quoted, to show how little value may be attached
-to an oath made in the presence of a god. Some pannaikarans (servants)
-of a Kallan land-owner one day stole a sheep, for which they were
-brought up before the village munsif. When they denied the theft, the
-munsif took them to their village god, Karuppan (the black brother),
-and made them swear in its presence. They perjured themselves again,
-and were let off. Their master quietly questioned them afterwards,
-asking them how they dared swear so falsely before their own god, and
-to this they replied 'While we were swearing, we were mentally offering
-a sacrifice to him of a sheep' (which they subsequently carried out),
-to pacify him for the double crime of stealing and perjury."
-
-As a typical example of devil worship, the practice of the Valaiyans
-and Kallans of Orattanadu in the Tanjore district is described
-by Mr. F. R. Hemingway. [59] "Valaiyan houses have generally an
-odiyan (Odina Wodier) tree in the backyard, wherein the devils are
-believed to live, and among Kallans every street has a tree for their
-accommodation. They are propitiated at least once a year, the more
-virulent under the tree itself, and the rest in the house, generally
-on a Friday or Monday. Kallans attach importance to Friday in Adi
-(July and August), the cattle Pongal day in Tai (January and February),
-and Kartigai day in the month Kartigai (November and December). A man,
-with his mouth covered with a cloth to indicate silence and purity,
-cooks rice in the backyard, and pours it out in front of the tree,
-mixed with milk and jaggery (crude sugar). Cocoanuts and toddy are
-also placed there. These are offered to the devils, represented in
-the form of bricks or mud images placed at the foot of the tree,
-and camphor is set alight. A sheep is then brought and slaughtered,
-and the devils are supposed to spring one after another from the
-tree into one of the bystanders. This man then becomes filled with
-the divine afflatus, works himself up into a kind of frenzy, becomes
-the mouthpiece of the spirits, pronounces their satisfaction or the
-reverse at the offerings, and gives utterance to cryptic phrases,
-which are held to foretell good or evil fortune to those in answer
-to whom they are made. When all the devils in turn have spoken and
-vanished, the man recovers his senses. The devils are worshipped in
-the same way in the houses, except that no blood is shed. All alike
-are propitiated by animal sacrifices."
-
-The Kallans are stated by Mr. Hemingway to be very fond of
-bull-baiting. This is of two kinds. The first resembles the game
-played by other castes, except that the Kallans train their animals
-for the sport, and have regular meetings, at which all the villagers
-congregate. These begin at Pongal, and go on till the end of May. The
-sport is called tolu madu (byre bull). The best animals for it are the
-Pulikkolam bulls from the Madura district. The other game is called
-pachal madu (leaping bull). In this, the animals are tethered to a
-long rope, and the object of the competition is to throw the animal,
-and keep it down. A bull which is good at the game, and difficult to
-throw, fetches a very high price.
-
-It is noted in the Gazetteer of the Tanjore district, that "the
-Kallans have village caste panchayats (councils) of the usual kind,
-but in some places they are discontinuing these in imitation of the
-Vellalans. According to the account given at Orattanadu, the members
-of Ambalakaran families sit by hereditary right as Karyastans or
-advisers to the headman in each village. One of these households
-is considered superior to the others, and one of its members is
-the headman (Ambalakaran) proper. The headmen of the panchayats of
-villages which adjoin meet to form a further panchayat to decide
-on matters common to them generally. In Kallan villages, the Kallan
-headman often decides disputes between members of other lower castes,
-and inflicts fines on the party at fault."
-
-In the Gazetteer, of the Madura district, it is recorded that
-"the organization of the Kilnad Kallans differs from that of their
-brethren beyond the hills. Among the former, an hereditary headman,
-called the Ambalakaran, rules in almost every village. He receives
-small fees at domestic ceremonies, is entitled to the first betel
-and nut, and settles caste disputes. Fines inflicted are credited
-to the caste fund. The western Kallans are under a more monarchial
-rule, an hereditary headman called Tirumala Pinnai Tevan deciding
-most caste matters. He is said to get this hereditary name from the
-fact that his ancestor was appointed (with three co-adjutors) by
-King Tirumala Nayakkan, and given many insignia of office including
-a state palanquin. If any one declines to abide by his decision,
-excommunication is pronounced by the ceremony of 'placing the thorn,'
-which consists in laying a thorny branch across the threshold of the
-recalcitrant party's house, to signify that, for his contumacy, his
-property will go to ruin and be overrun with jungle. The removal of
-the thorn, and the restitution of the sinner to Kallan society can
-only be procured by abject apologies to Pinnai Tevan."
-
-The usual title of the Kallans is Ambalakaran (president of an
-assembly), but some, like the Maravans and Agamudaiyans, style
-themselves Tevan (god) or Servaikkaran (commander). [60]
-
-Kallankanadoru (stone).--A sub-division of Komati, said to be descended
-from those who sat on the stone (kallu) mantapa outside the Penukonda
-Kanyakamma temple, when the question whether to enter the fire-pits
-or not was being discussed by the caste elders.
-
-Kallan Muppan.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Kallan Muppan
-is returned as "a sub-caste of the Malabar Kammalans, the members of
-which are stone-workers." A correspondent writes to me that, "while the
-Kammalans are a polluting and polyandrous class, the Kallan Muppans
-are allowed to enter the outside enclosure of temples. They do not
-remarry their widows, and are strictly monogamous. Their purohits are
-Tamil barbers, who officiate at their marriages. The barber shaves
-the bridegroom before the wedding ceremony. The purohit has also to
-blow the conch-shell all the way from the bridegroom's house to that
-of the bride."
-
-The names Kallan and Kalkotti are also those by which the Malabar
-stone-masons are known.
-
-Kallangi.--Kallangi and Kallaveli (Kallan's fence) are fanciful names,
-returned by Pallis at times of census.
-
-Kallasari (stone-workers).--The occupational name of a sub-division
-of Malayalam Kammalans.
-
-Kallatakurup.--A sub-division of Ambalavasis, who sing in Bhagavati
-temples. They play on a stringed instrument, called nandurini, with
-two strings and a number of wooden stops glued on to the long handle,
-and a wooden plectrum.
-
-Kallu (stone).--A sub-division of Ganiga and Odde. Kallukoti
-(stone-mason) is a sub-division of Malabar Kammalans, who work
-in stone.
-
-Kallukatti.--It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the South Canara
-district, that "a grinding stone made of granite is an article
-peculiar to South Canara. It is a semicircular, oval-shaped block with
-a flat bottom, and a round hole in the middle of the surface. It has
-another oval-shaped block, thin and long, with one end so shaped as
-to fit into the hole in the larger block. These two together make
-what is known as the grinding-stone of the district, which is used
-for grinding curry-stuff, rice, wheat, etc. Mill-stones for pounding
-grain are also made of granite. Formerly, a class of people called
-Kallukattis used to make such articles, but the industry is now taken
-up by other castes as well. Mile-stones, slabs for temple door-frames,
-idols and other figures for temple purposes are also made of granite."
-
-Kallur.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a name
-for the Pulikkappanikkan sub-division of Nayar.
-
-Kalluri (stone village).--An exogamous sept of Medara.
-
-Kal Tacchan (stone-mason).--A sub-division of Kammalan.
-
-Kalti (expunged).--A degraded Paraiyan is known as a Kalti. Amongst
-the Paraiyans of Madras, Chingleput and North Arcot, the rule
-is that a man who does not abide by the customs of the caste is
-formally excommunicated by a caste council. He then joins "those
-at Vinnamangalam" near Vellore, i.e., those who have, like himself,
-been driven out of the caste.
-
-Kalugunadu (eagle's country).--An exogamous sept of Tamil goldsmiths
-in the Madura district.
-
-Kaluthai (possessors of donkeys).--A sub-division of Odde.
-
-Kalyanakulam (marriage people).--A fanciful name returned by some
-Mangalas at times of census, as they officiate as musicians at
-marriages.
-
-Kamadi (tortoise).--A gotra of Kurni.
-
-Kamakshiamma.--Recorded, in the North Arcot Manual, as a sub-division
-of Vaniyan. Kamakshiamma is the chief goddess worshipped at
-Conjeeveram. She and Minakshi Amma of Madura are two well-known
-goddesses worshipped by Saivites. Both names are synonyms of Parvati,
-the wife of Siva.
-
-Kamati (foolish).--A name sometimes applied to carpenters, and also
-of a sub-division of Okkiliyans, who are said to have abandoned their
-original occupation of cultivating land, and become bricklayers.
-
-Kambalam.--The name Kambalam is applied to a group of nine castes
-(Tottiyan, Annappan, Kappiliyan, Chakkiliyan, etc.), because at
-their council meetings a blanket (kambli) is spread, on which is
-placed a brass vessel (kalasam) filled with water, and decorated with
-flowers. (See Tottiyan.)
-
-Kambalattan.--A synonym of Tottiyan.
-
-Kamban.--A title of the Occhans, to which caste the great Tamil epic
-poet Kamban is reputed to have belonged.
-
-Kambha.--Kambha or Kambhapu, meaning a pillar or post, has been
-recorded as an exogamous sept of Madiga and Komati.
-
-Kamma.--Writing collectively concerning the Kammas, Kapus or Reddis,
-Velamas, and Telagas, Mr. W. Francis states [61] that "all four
-of these large castes closely resemble one another in appearance
-and customs, and seem to have branched off from one and the same
-Dravidian stock. Originally soldiers by profession, they are now
-mainly agriculturists and traders, and some of them in the north are
-zamindars (land-owners). The Razus, who now claim to be Kshatriyas,
-were probably descended from Kapus, Kammas, and Velamas. The Kammas
-and Kapus of the Madura and Tinnevelly districts seem to have followed
-the Vijayanagar army south, and settled in these districts when the
-Nayak Governors were established there. Their women are less strict
-in their deportment than those of the same castes further north,
-the latter of whom are very careful of their reputations, and, in
-the case of one section of the Kammas, are actually gosha (kept in
-seclusion) like Musalmanis."
-
-Various stories are current, which point to the common ancestry of
-the Kammas, Kapus, and Velamas. The word Kamma in Telugu means the
-ear-ornament, such as is worn by women. According to one legend
-"the Rishis, being troubled by Rakshasas, applied to Vishnu for
-protection, and he referred them to Lakshmi. The goddess gave them
-a casket containing one of her ear ornaments (kamma), and enjoined
-them to worship it for a hundred years. At the expiry of that period,
-a band of five hundred armed warriors sprang up from the casket, who,
-at the request of the Rishis, attacked and destroyed the giants. After
-this they were directed to engage in agriculture, being promised
-extensive estates, and the consideration paid to Kshatriyas. They
-accordingly became possessed of large territories, such as Amravati
-and others in the Kistna, Nellore and other districts, and have always
-been most successful agriculturists." [62]
-
-Some Kammas, when questioned by Mr. F. R. Hemingway in the Godavari
-district, stated that they were originally Kshatriyas, but were long
-ago persecuted by a king of the family of Parikshat, because one of
-them called him a bastard. They sought refuge with the Kapus, who took
-them in, and they adopted the customs of their protectors. According
-to another legend, a valuable ear ornament, belonging to Raja Pratapa
-Rudra, fell into the hands of an enemy, whom a section of the Kapus
-boldly attacked, and recovered the jewel. This feat earned for
-them and their descendants the title Kamma. Some of the Kapus ran
-away, and they are reputed to be the ancestors of the Velamas (veli,
-away). At the time when the Kammas and Velamas formed a single caste,
-they observed the Muhammadan gosha system, whereby the women are kept
-in seclusion. This was, however, found to be very inconvenient for
-their agricultural pursuits. They accordingly determined to abandon
-it, and an agreement was drawn up on a palm-leaf scroll. Those who
-signed it are said to have become Kammas, and those who declined to
-do so Velamas, or outsiders. One meaning of the word kamma is the
-palm-leaf roll, such as is used to produce dilatation of the lobes
-of the ears. According to another story, there once lived a king,
-Belthi Reddi by name, who had a large number of wives, the favourite
-among whom he appointed Rani. The other wives, being jealous, induced
-their sons to steal all the jewels of the Rani, but they were caught
-in the act by the king, who on the following day asked his wife for
-her jewels, which she could not produce. Some of the sons ran away,
-and gave origin to the Velamas; others restored the kamma, and became
-Kammas. Yet one more story. Pratapa Rudra's wife lost her ear ornament,
-and four of the king's captains were sent in search of it. Of these,
-one restored the jewel, and his descendants became Kammas; the second
-attacked the thieves, and gave origin to the Velamas; the third ran
-away, and so his children became the ancestors of the Pakanatis;
-and the fourth disappeared.
-
-According to the Census Report, 1891, the main sub-divisions of the
-Kammas are Gampa, Illuvellani, Godajati, Kavali, Vaduga, Pedda, and
-Bangaru. It would seem that there are two main endogamous sections,
-Gampa (basket) Chatu, and Goda (wall) Chatu. Chatu is said to mean a
-screen or hiding place. Concerning the origin of these sections, the
-following story is told. Two sisters were bathing in a tank (pond),
-when a king happened to pass by. To hide themselves, one of the girls
-hid behind a basket, and the other behind a wall. The descendants of
-the two sisters became the Gampa and Goda Chatu Kammas, who may not
-intermarry by reason of their original close relationship. According
-to another legend, after a desperate battle, some members of the caste
-escaped by hiding behind baskets, others behind a wall. The terms
-Illuvellani and Pedda seem to be synonymous with Godachatu. The women
-of this section were gosha, and not allowed to appear in public,
-and even at the present day they do not go out and work freely
-in the fields. The name Illuvellani indicates those who do not go
-(vellani) out of the house (illu). The name Pedda (great) refers to
-the superiority of the section. Vaduga simply means Telugu, and is
-probably a name given by Tamilians to the Kammas who live amongst
-them. The name Bangaru is said to refer to the custom of the women of
-this sub-division wearing only gold nose ornaments (bangaramu). The
-Godajati sub-division is said to be most numerously represented in
-North Arcot and Chingleput, the Illuvellani in Kistna, Nellore and
-Anantapur. The Kavali sub-division is practically confined to the
-Godavari, and the Pedda to the Kistna district. The Vaduga Kammas
-are found chiefly in Coimbatore.
-
-In his note on the Kammas of the Godavari district, Mr. Hemingway
-writes that "in this district they are divided into Kavitis, Eredis,
-Gampas or Gudas, Uggams, and Rachas. These names are, according to
-local accounts, derived from curious household customs, generally
-from traditional methods of carrying water. Thus, the Kavitis will
-not ordinarily carry water except in pots on a kavidi, the Eredis
-except on a pack-bullock, the Uggams except in pots held in the hand,
-and not on the hip or head, the Rachas except in a pot carried by
-two persons. The Gampa women, when they first go to their husbands'
-houses, take the customary presents in a basket. It is said that
-these practices are generally observed at the present day."
-
-Writing concerning the Iluvedalani (Illuvellani) Kammas, the editor
-of the Kurnool Manual (1886) states that "a few families only exist
-in the district. The women are kept in strict gosha. They consider
-it beneath them to spin thread, or to do other work. A sub-division
-of this caste lives in Pullalcheruvu, whose families, also gosha,
-work at the spindles, like other women of the country. Another class
-of indoor Kammas resides about Owk. They are apparently descendants
-of the Kammas, who followed the Naiks from Guntur to Gandikota in the
-sixteenth century. They are now reduced, and the females work, like
-Kapus, in the field. The Gampas are distinguished from the indoor
-Kammas by their women wearing the cloth over the right, instead of
-the left shoulder."
-
-As with other Telugu castes, there are, among the Kammas, a number
-of exogamous septs or intiperu, of which the following are examples:--
-
-
-    Anumollu, Dolichos Lablab.
-    Tsanda, tax or subscription.
-    Jasthi, too much.
-    Mallela, jasmine.
-    Lanka, island.
-    Thota kura, Amarantus gangetícus.
-    Komma, horn, or branch of a tree.
-    Cheni, dry field.
-    Palakala, planks.
-    Kasturi, musk.
-    Baththala, rice.
-    Karnam, accountant.
-    Irpina, combs.
-    Gali, wind.
-    Dhaniala, coriander.
-
-
-The Kammas also have gotras such as Chittipoola, Kurunollu, Kulakala,
-Uppala, Cheruku (sugar-cane), Vallotla, and Yenamalla.
-
-When matters affecting the community have to be decided, a council
-of the leading members thereof assembles. But, in some places, there
-is a permanent headman, called Mannemantri or Chaudri.
-
-The Kammas will work as coolies in the fields, but will, on no account,
-engage themselves as domestic servants. "They are," the Rev. J. Cain
-writes, [63] "as a rule a fine well-built class of cultivators, very
-proud and exclusive, and have a great aversion to town life. Many
-of them never allow their wives to leave their compounds, and it is
-said that many never do field work on Sundays, but confine themselves
-on that day to their house-work." "If," a correspondent writes from
-the Kistna district, "you ask in a village whether so-and-so is a
-Brahman, and they say 'No. He is an asami (ordinary man),' he will
-be a Kamma or Kapu. If you ask how many pay income-tax in a village,
-they may tell you two Baniyas (merchants), and two Samsari-vallu,
-i.e., two prosperous Kamma ryots."
-
-The Kammas are stated by Mr. H. A. Stuart [64] to be "most industrious
-and intelligent cultivators, who, now that gosha has been generally
-abandoned, beat all rivals out of the field--a fact which is recognised
-by several proverbs, such as Kamma vani chetulu kattina nilavadu
-(though you tie a Kamma's hands, he will not be quiet); Kamma vandlu
-cherite kadama jatula vellunu (if Kammas come in, other castes go out);
-Kamma variki bhumi bhayapadu tunnadi (the earth fears the Kammas),
-and many others to the same effect. In addition to being industrious
-and well-to-do they are very proud, an instance of which occurred in
-the Kistna district, when the Revenue Settlement Officer offered them
-pattas, in which they were simply called Naidu without the honorific
-ending garu. They refused on this account to accept them, and finally
-the desired alteration was made, as they proved that all of their
-caste were considered entitled to the distinction. In North Arcot,
-however, they are not so particular, though some refuse to have their
-head shaved, because they scruple to bow down before a barber. Besides
-Vishnu the Kammas worship Ganga, because they say that long ago they
-fled from Northern India, to avoid the anger of a certain Raja,
-who had been refused a bride from among them. They were pursued,
-but their women, on reaching the Mahanadi, prayed for a passage to
-Ganga, who opened a dry path for them through the river. Crossing,
-they all hid themselves in a dholl (Cajanus indicus) field, and thus
-escaped from their pursuers. For this reason, at their marriages,
-they tie a bunch of dholl leaves to the north-eastern post of the
-wedding booth, and worship Ganga before tying the tali."
-
-Among the Kammas of the Tamil country, the bridegroom is said to be
-sometimes much younger than the bride, and a case is on record of a
-wife of twenty-two years of age, who used to carry her boy-husband
-on her hip, as a mother carries her child. [65] A parallel is to be
-found in Russia, where not very long ago grown-up women were to be
-seen carrying about boys of six, to whom they were betrothed. [66]
-Widow remarriage is not permitted. Widows of the Goda chatu section
-wear white, and those of the Gampa chatu section coloured cloths.
-
-Prior to the betrothal ceremony, female ancestors, Vigneswara, and
-the Grama Devata (village deities) are worshipped. A near relation
-of the future bridegroom proceeds, with a party, to the home of
-the future bride. On their way thither, they look for omens, such
-as the crossing of birds in an auspicious direction. Immediately on
-the occurrence of a favourable omen, they burn camphor, and break a
-cocoanut, which must split in two with clean edges. One half is sent to
-the would-be bridegroom, and the other taken to the bride's house. If
-the first cocoanut does not split properly, others are broken till the
-wished-for result is obtained. When the girl's house is reached, she
-demands the sagunam (omen) cocoanut. Her lap is filled with flowers,
-cocoanuts, turmeric, plantains, betel leaves and areca nuts, combs,
-sandal paste, and coloured powder (kunkumam). The wedding day is
-then fixed. Marriage is generally celebrated at the house of the
-bridegroom, but, if it is a case of kannikadhanam (presenting the girl
-without claiming the bride's price), at the house of the bride. The
-bride-price is highest in the Gampa section. On the first day of
-the marriage rites, the petta mugada sangyam, or box-lid ceremony
-is performed. The new cloths for the bridal couple, five plantains,
-nuts, and pieces of turmeric, one or two combs, four rupees, and
-the bride-price in money or jewels, are placed in a box, which is
-placed near the parents of the contracting couple. The contents of
-the box are then laid out on the lid, and examined by the sammandhis
-(new relations by marriage). The bride's father gives betel leaves
-and areca nuts to the father of the bridegroom, saying "The girl is
-yours, and the money mine." The bridegroom's father hands them back,
-saying "The girl is mine, and the money yours." This is repeated
-three times. The officiating purohit (priest) then announces that
-the man's daughter is to be given in marriage to so-and-so, and
-the promise is made before the assembled Deva Brahmanas, and in the
-presence of light, Agni, and the Devatas. This ceremony is binding,
-and, should the bridegroom perchance die before the bottu (marriage
-badge) is tied, she becomes, and remains a widow. The milk-post is
-next set up, the marriage pots are arranged, and the nalagu ceremony
-is performed. This consists of the anointing of the bridal couple with
-oil, and smearing the shoulders with turmeric flour, or Acacia Concinna
-paste. A barber pares the nails of the bridegroom, and simply touches
-those of the bride with a mango leaf dipped in milk. In some places
-this rite is omitted by the Gampa section. A small wooden framework,
-called dhornam, with cotton threads wound round it, is generally tied
-to the marriage pandal (booth) by a Tsakali (washerman) not only
-at a marriage among the Kammas, but also among the Balijas, Kapus,
-and Velamas. After the return of the bridal couple from bathing,
-the bridegroom is decorated, and taken to a specially prepared place
-within or outside the house, to perform Vira-gudimokkadam, or worship
-of heroes in their temple. At the spot selected a pandal has been
-erected, and beneath it three or five bricks, representing the heroes
-(viralu), are set up. The bricks are smeared with turmeric paste,
-and painted with red dots. In front of the bricks an equal number of
-pots are placed, and they are worshipped by breaking a cocoanut, and
-burning camphor and incense. The bridegroom then prostrates himself
-before the bricks, and, taking up a sword, cuts some lime fruits,
-and touches the pots three times. In former days, a goat or sheep
-was sacrificed. The hero worship, as performed by the Goda section,
-differs from the above rite as practiced by the Gampa section. Instead
-of erecting a pandal, the Godas go to a pipal (Ficus religiosa) tree,
-near which one or more daggers are placed. A yellow cotton thread is
-wound three or five times round the tree, which is worshipped. As a
-substitute for animal sacrifice, lime fruits are cut. The hero worship
-concluded, the wrist-threads of cotton and wool (kankanam) are tied
-on the bride and bridegroom, who is taken to the temple after he has
-bathed and dressed himself in new clothes. On his return to the booth,
-the purohit lights the sacred fire, and the contracting couple sit
-side by side on a plank. They then stand, with a screen spread between
-them, and the bridegroom, with his right big toe on that of the bride,
-ties the bottu round her neck. They then go three times round the dais,
-with the ends of their cloths knotted together. The bottu of the Gampas
-is a concave disc of gold, that of the Godas a larger flat disc. On
-the following day, the usual nagavali, or sacrifice to the Devas is
-offered, and a nagavali bottu (small gold disc) tied. All the relations
-make presents to the bridal pair, who indulge in a mock representation
-of domestic life. On the third day, pongal (rice) is offered to the
-pots, and the wrist-threads are removed. Like the Palli bridegroom,
-the Kamma bridegroom performs a mimic ploughing ceremony, but at the
-house instead of at a tank (pond). He goes to a basket filled with
-earth, carrying the iron bar of a ploughshare, an ox-goad, and rope,
-accompanied by the bride carrying in her lap seeds or seedlings. While
-he pretends to be ploughing, his sister stops him, and will not let him
-continue till he has promised to give his first-born daughter to her
-son in marriage. The marriage pots are presented to the sisters of the
-bridegroom. During the marriage celebration, meat must not be cooked.
-
-Among the Kammas, consummation does not take place till three months
-after the marriage ceremony, as it is considered unlucky to have three
-heads of a family in a household during the first year of marriage. By
-the delay, the birth of a child should take place only in the second
-year, so that, during the first year, there will be only two heads,
-husband and wife. In like manner, it is noted by Mr. Francis [67] that,
-among the Gangimakkalu and Madigas, the marriage is not consummated
-till three months after its celebration.
-
-When a pregnant woman is delivered, twigs of Balanites Roxburghii
-are placed round the house.
-
-The dead are usually cremated. As the moment of death approaches,
-a cocoanut is broken, and camphor burnt. The thumbs and great
-toes of the corpse are tied together. A woman, who is left a widow,
-exchanges betel with her dead husband, and the women put rice into his
-mouth. The corpse is carried to the burning-ground on a bier, with the
-head towards the house. When it approaches a spot called Arichandra's
-temple, the bier is placed on the ground, and food is placed at the
-four corners. Then a Paraiyan or Mala repeats the formula "I am the
-first born (i.e., the representative of the oldest caste). I wore the
-sacred thread at the outset. I am Sangu Paraiyan (or Reddi Mala). I
-was the patron of Arichandra. Lift the corpse, and turn it round with
-its head towards the smasanam (burning-ground), and feet towards the
-house." When the corpse has been laid on the pyre, the relations throw
-rice over it, and the chief mourner goes three times round the pyre,
-carrying on his shoulder a pot of water, in which a barber makes
-holes. During the third turn he lights the pyre, and throwing down
-the pot, goes off to bathe. On the following day, a stone is placed
-on the spot where the deceased breathed his last, and his clothes are
-put close to it. The women pour milk over the stone, and offer milk,
-cocoanuts, cooked rice, betel, etc., to it. These are taken by the
-males to the burning-ground. When Arichandra's temple is reached, they
-place there a small quantity of food on a leaf. At the burning-ground,
-the fire is extinguished, and the charred bones are collected, and
-placed on a plantain leaf. Out of the ashes they make an effigy on
-the ground, to which food is offered on four leaves, one of which is
-placed on the abdomen of the figure, and the other three are set by
-the side of it. The first of these is taken by the Paraiyan, and the
-others are given to a barber, washerman, and Panisavan (a mendicant
-caste). The final death ceremonies (karmandhiram) are performed on
-the sixteenth day. They commence with the punyaham, or purificatory
-ceremony, and the giving of presents to Brahmans. Inside the house,
-the dead person's clothes are worshipped by the women. The widow is
-taken to a tank or well, where her nagavali bottu is removed. This
-usually wears out in a very short time, so a new one is worn for the
-purpose of the death ceremony. The males proceed to a tank, and make
-an effigy on the ground, near which three small stones are set up. On
-these libations of water are poured, and cooked rice, vegetables, etc.,
-are offered. The chief mourner then goes into the water, carrying the
-effigy, which is thrown in, and dives as many times as there have been
-days between the funeral and the karmandhiram. The ceremony closes
-with the making of presents to the Brahmans and agnates. Towards
-evening, the widow sits on a small quantity of rice on the ground,
-and her marriage bottu is removed. The Kammas perform a first annual
-ceremony, but not a regular sradh afterwards. [68]
-
-As regards their religion, some Kammas are Saivites, others
-Vaishnavites. Most of the Saivites are disciples of Aradhya Brahmans,
-and the Vaishnavites of Vaishnava Brahmans or Satanis. The Gampas
-reverence Draupadi, Mannarsami, Gangamma, Ankamma, and Padavetiamma;
-the Godas Poleramma, Veikandla Thalli (the thousand-eyed goddess)
-and Padavetiamma.
-
-Kamma (ear ornament).--An exogamous sept of Motati Kapu.
-
-Kammalan (Tamil).--The original form of the name Kammalan appears to
-have been Kannalan or Kannalar, both of which occur in Tamil poems,
-e.g., Thondamandala Satakam and Er Ezhuvathu, attributed to the
-celebrated poet Kamban. Kannalan denotes one who rules the eye, or
-one who gives the eye. When an image is made, its consecration takes
-place at the temple. Towards the close of the ceremonial, the Kammalan
-who made it comes forward, and carves out the eyes of the image. The
-name is said also to refer to those who make articles, and open the
-eyes of the people, i.e., who make articles pleasing to the eyes.
-
-A very interesting account of the netra mangalya, or ceremony of
-painting the eyes of images, as performed by craftsmen in Ceylon, has
-been published by Mr. A. K. Coomaraswamy. [69] Therein he writes that
-"by far the most important ceremony connected with the building and
-decoration of a vihara (temple), or with its renovation, was the actual
-netra mangalya or eye ceremonial. The ceremony had to be performed
-in the case of any image, whether set up in a vihara or not. Even in
-the case of flat paintings it was necessary. D. S. Muhandiram, when
-making for me a book of drawings of gods according to the Rupavaliya,
-left the eyes to be subsequently inserted on a suitable auspicious
-occasion, with some simpler form of the ceremony described.
-
-"Knox has a reference to the subject as follows. 'Some, being
-devoutly disposed, will make the image of this god (Buddha) at their
-own charge. For the making whereof they must bountifully reward the
-Founder. Before the eyes are made, it is not accounted a god, but a
-lump of ordinary metal, and thrown about the shop with no more regard
-than anything else. But, when the eyes are to be made, the artificer is
-to have a good gratification, besides the first agreed upon reward. The
-eyes being formed, it is thenceforward a god. And then, being brought
-with honour from the workman's shop, it is dedicated by solemnities
-and sacrifices, and carried with great state into its shrine or little
-house, which is before built and prepared for it.'" The pupils of the
-eyes of a series of clay votive offerings, which were specially made
-for me, were not painted at the potter's house, but in the verandah
-of the traveller's bungalow where I was staying.
-
-The Tamil Kammalans are divided into three endogamous territorial
-groups, Pandya, Sozia (or Chola), and Kongan. The Pandyas live
-principally in the Madura and Tinnevelly districts, and the Sozias
-in the Trichinopoly, Tanjore, Chingleput, North and South Arcot
-districts, and Madras. The Kongas are found chiefly in the Salem
-and Coimbatore districts. In some places, there are still further
-sub-divisions of territorial origin. Thus, the Pandya Tattans are
-divided into Karakattar, Vambanattar, Pennaikku-akkarayar (those on
-the other side of the Pennaiyar river), Munnuru-vittukarar (those of
-the three hundred families), and so forth. They are further divided
-into exogamous septs, the names of which are derived from places,
-e.g., Perugumani, Musiri, Oryanadu, Thiruchendurai, and Kalagunadu.
-
-The Kammalans are made up of five occupational sections, viz., Tattan
-(goldsmith), Kannan (brass-smith), Tac'chan (carpenter), Kal-Tac'chan
-(stone-mason), and Kollan or Karuman (blacksmith). The name Panchala,
-which is sometimes used by the Tamil as well as the Canarese artisan
-classes, has reference to the fivefold occupations. The various
-sections intermarry, but the goldsmiths have, especially in towns,
-ceased to intermarry with the blacksmiths. The Kammalans, claiming,
-as will be seen later on, to be Brahmans, have adopted Brahmanical
-gotras, and the five sections have five gotras called Visvagu, Janagha,
-Ahima, Janardana, and Ubhendra, after certain Rishis (sages). Each of
-these gotras, it is said, has twenty-five subordinate gotras attached
-to it. The names of these, however, are not forthcoming, and indeed,
-except some individuals who act as priests for the Kammalans, few seem
-to have any knowledge of them. In their marriages the Kammalans closely
-imitate the Brahmanical ceremonial, and the ceremonies last for three
-or five days according to the means of the parties. The parisam, or
-bride's money, is paid, as among other non-Brahmanical castes. Widows
-are allowed the use of ordinary jewelry and betel, which is not the
-case among Brahmans, and they are not compelled to make the usual
-fasts, or observe the feasts commonly observed by Brahmans.
-
-The Kammalan caste is highly organised, and its organisation is
-one of its most interesting features. Each of the five divisions
-has at its head a Nattamaikkaran or headman, and a Karyasthan, or
-chief executive officer, under him, who are elected by members of the
-particular division. Over them is the Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran (also
-known as Ainduvittu Periyathanakkaran or Anjijati Nattamaikkaran),
-who is elected by lot by representatives chosen from among the five
-sub-divisions. Each of these chooses ten persons to represent it at
-the election. These ten again select one of their number, who is the
-local Nattamaikkaran, or one who is likely to become so. The five men
-thus selected meet on an appointed day, with the castemen, at the
-temple of the caste goddess Kamakshi Amman. The names of the five
-men are written on five slips of paper, which, together with some
-blank slips, are thrown before the shrine of the goddess. A child,
-taken at random from the assembled crowd, is made to pick up the
-slips, and he whose name first turns up is proclaimed as Anjivittu
-Nattamaikkaran, and a big turban is tied on his head by the caste
-priest. This is called Uruma Kattaradu, and is symbolic of his having
-been appointed the general head of the caste. Lots are then drawn, to
-decide which of the remaining four shall be the Anjivittu Karyasthan
-of the newly-elected chief. At the conclusion of the ceremony, betel
-leaf and areca nut are given first to the new officers, then to the
-local officers, and finally to the assembled spectators. With this,
-the installation ceremony, which is called pattam-kattaradu, comes
-to an end. The money for the expenses thereof is, if necessary,
-taken from the funds of the temple, but a special collection is
-generally made for the occasion, and is, it is said, responded to with
-alacrity. The Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran is theoretically invested with
-full powers over the caste, and all members thereof are expected to
-obey his orders. He is the final adjudicator of civil and matrimonial
-causes. The divisional heads have power to decide such causes, and
-they report their decisions to the Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran, who
-generally confirms them. If, for any reason, the parties concerned
-do not agree to abide by the decision, they are advised to take their
-cause to one of the established courts. The Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran
-has at times to nominate, and always the right to confirm or not, the
-selection of the divisional heads. In conjunction with the Karyasthan
-and the local heads, he may appoint Nattamaikkarans and Karyasthans
-to particular places, and delegate his powers to them. This is done
-in places where the caste is represented in considerable numbers,
-as at Sholavandan and Vattalagundu in the Madura district. In this
-connection, a quaint custom may be noted. The Pallans, who are known
-as "the sons of the caste" in villages of the Madura and Tinnevelly
-districts, are called together, and informed that a particular
-village is about to be converted into a local Anjivittu Nattanmai,
-and that they must possess a Nattamaikkaran and Karyasthan for
-themselves. These are nominated in practice by the Pallans, and the
-nomination is confirmed by the Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran. From that day,
-they have a right to get new ploughs from the Kallans free of charge,
-and give them in return a portion of the produce of the land. The local
-Nattamaikkarans are practically under the control of the Karyasthan
-of the Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran, and, as the phrase goes, they are
-"bound down to" the words of this official, who possesses great power
-and influence with the community. The local officials may be removed
-from office by the Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran or his Karyasthan, but this
-is rarely done, and only when, for any valid reason, the sub-divisions
-insist on it. The mode of resigning office is for the Nattamaikkaran
-or Karyasthan to bring betel leaf and areca nut, lay them before the
-Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran, or his Karyasthan, and prostrate himself in
-front of him. There is a tendency for the various offices to become
-hereditary, provided those succeeding to them are rich and respected
-by the community. The Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran is entitled to the first
-betel at caste weddings, even outside his own jurisdiction. His powers
-are in striking contrast with those of the caste Guru, who resides in
-Tinnevelly, and occasionally travels northwards. He purifies, it is
-said, those who are charged with drinking intoxicating liquor, eating
-flesh, or crossing the sea, if such persons subject themselves to his
-jurisdiction. If they do not, he does not even exercise the power of
-excommunication, which he nominally possesses. He is not a Sanyasi,
-but a Grihastha or householder. He marries his daughters to castemen,
-though he refrains from eating in their houses.
-
-The dead are, as a rule, buried in a sitting posture, but, at the
-present day, cremation is sometimes resorted to. Death pollution, as
-among some other non-Brahmanical castes, lasts for sixteen days. It is
-usual for a Pandaram to officiate at the death ceremonies. On the first
-day, the corpse is anointed with oil, and given a soap-nut bath. On
-the third day, five lingams are made with mud, of which four are
-placed in the four corners at the spot where the corpse was buried,
-and the fifth is placed in the centre. Food is distributed on the
-fifth day to Pandarams and the castemen. Sradh (annual death ceremony)
-is not as a rule performed, except in some of the larger towns.
-
-The Kammalans profess the Saiva form of the Brahman religion, and
-reverence greatly Pillaiyar, the favourite son of Siva. A few have
-come under the Lingayat influence. The caste, however, has its own
-special goddess Kamakshi Amma, who is commonly spoken of as Vriththi
-Daivam. She is worshipped by all the sub-divisions, and female
-children are frequently named after her. She is represented by the
-firepot and bellows-fire at which the castemen work, and presides
-over them. On all auspicious occasions, the first betel and dakshina
-(present of money) are set apart in her name, and sent to the pujari
-(priest) of the local temple dedicated to her. Oaths are taken in
-her name, and disputes affecting the caste are settled before her
-temple. There also elections to caste offices are held. The exact
-connection of the goddess Kamakshi with the caste is not known. There
-is, however, a vague tradition that she was one of the virgins
-who committed suicide by throwing herself into a fire, and was in
-consequence deified. Various village goddesses (grama devata) are
-also worshipped, and, though the Kammalans profess to be vegetarians,
-animal sacrifices are offered to them. Among these deities are the
-Saptha Kannimar or seven virgins, Kochade Periyandavan, and Periya
-Nayanar. Those who worship the Saptha Kannimar are known by the name
-of Madavaguppu, or the division that worships the mothers. Those who
-revere the other two deities mentioned are called Nadika Vamsathal,
-or those descended from men who, through the seven virgins, attained
-eternal bliss. Kochade Periyandavan is said to be a corruption of
-Or Jate Periya Pandyan, meaning the great Pandya with the single
-lock. He is regarded as Vishnu, and Periya Nayanar is held to be a
-manifestation of Siva. The former is said to have been the person who
-invited the Tattans (who called themselves Pandya Tattans) to settle
-in his kingdom. It is traditionally stated that they emigrated from
-the north, and settled in the Madura and Tinnevelly districts. An
-annual festival in honour of Kochade Periyandavan is held in these
-districts, for the expenses in connection with which a subscription
-is raised among the five sub-divisions. The festival lasts over three
-days. On the first day, the image of the deified king is anointed
-with water, and a mixture of the juices of the mango, jak (Artocarpus
-integrifolia), and plantain, called muppala pujai. On the second
-day, rice is boiled, and offered to the god, and, on the last day,
-a healthy ram is sacrificed to him. This festival is said to be held,
-in order to secure the caste as a whole against evils that might
-overtake it. Tac'chans (carpenters) usually kill, or cut the ear of
-a ram or sheep, whenever they commence the woodwork of a new house,
-and smear the blood of the animal on a pillar or wall of the house.
-
-The Kammalans claim to be descended from Visvakarma, the
-architect of the gods, and, in some places, claim to be superior
-to Brahmans, calling the latter Go-Brahmans, and themselves Visva
-Brahmans. Visvakarma is said to have had five sons, named Manu,
-Maya, Silpa, Tvashtra, and Daivagna. These five sons were the
-originators of the five crafts, which their descendants severally
-follow. Accordingly, some engage in smithy work, and are called Manus;
-others, in their turn, devote their attention to carpentry. These
-are named Mayas. Others again, who work at stone-carving,
-are known as Silpis. Those who do metal work are Tvashtras, and
-those who are engaged in making jewelry are known as Visvagnas or
-Daivagnas. According to one story of the origin of the Kammalans,
-they are the descendants of the issue of a Brahman and a Beri Chetti
-woman. Hence the proverb that the Kammalans and the Beri Chettis are
-one. Another story, recorded in the Mackenzie manuscripts, which is
-current all over the Tamil country, is briefly as follows. In the
-town of Mandapuri, the Kammalans of the five divisions formerly lived
-closely united together. They were employed by all sorts of people,
-as there were no other artificers in the country, and charged very
-high rates for their wares. They feared and respected no king. This
-offended the kings of the country, who combined against them. As the
-fort in which the Kammalans concealed themselves, called Kantakkottai,
-was entirely constructed of loadstone, all the weapons were drawn away
-by it. The king then promised a big reward to anyone who would burn
-down the fort, and at length the Deva-dasis (courtesans) of a temple
-undertook to do this, and took betel and nut in signification of
-their promise. The king built a fort for them opposite Kantakkottai,
-and they attracted the Kammalans by their singing, and had children
-by them. One of the Deva-dasis at length succeeded in extracting
-from a young Kammalan the secret that, if the fort was surrounded
-with varaghu straw and set on fire, it would be destroyed. The king
-ordered that this should be done, and, in attempting to escape from the
-sudden conflagration, some of the Kammalans lost their lives. Others
-reached the ships, and escaped by sea, or were captured and put to
-death. In consequence of this, artificers ceased to exist in the
-country. One pregnant Kammalan woman, however, took refuge in the
-house of a Beri Chetti, and escaped decapitation by being passed off
-as his daughter. The country was sorely troubled owing to the want
-of artificers, and agriculture, manufactures, and weaving suffered a
-great deal. One of the kings wanted to know if any Kammalan escaped
-the general destruction, and sent round his kingdom a piece of coral
-possessing a tortuous aperture running through it, and a piece of
-thread. A big reward was promised to anyone who should succeed in
-passing the thread through the coral. At last, the boy born of the
-Kammalan woman in the Chetti's house undertook to do it. He placed the
-coral over the mouth of an ant-hole, and, having steeped the thread
-in sugar, laid it down at some distance from the hole. The ants took
-the thread, and drew it through the coral. The king, being pleased
-with the boy, sent him presents, and gave him more work to do. This
-he performed with the assistance of his mother, and satisfied the
-king. The king, however, grew suspicious, and, having sent for the
-Chetti, enquired concerning the boy's parentage. The Chetti thereon
-detailed the story of his birth. The king provided him with the means
-for making ploughshares on a large scale, and got him married to the
-daughter of a Chetti, and made gifts of land for the maintenance of
-the couple. The Chetti woman bore him five sons, who followed the
-five branches of work now carried out by the Kammalan caste. The king
-gave them the title of Panchayudhattar, or those of the five kinds of
-weapons. They now intermarry with each other, and, as children of the
-Chetti caste, wear the sacred thread. The members of the caste who
-fled by sea are said to have gone to China, or, according to another
-version, to Chingaladvipam, or Ceylon, where Kammalans are found at
-the present day. In connection with the above story, it may be noted
-that, though ordinarily two different castes do not live in the same
-house, yet Beri Chettis and Kammalans so live together. There is a
-close connection between the Kammalans and Acharapakam Chettis, who
-are a section of the Beri Chetti caste. Kammalans and Acharapakam
-Chettis interdine; both bury their dead in a sitting posture; and
-the tali (marriage badge) used by both is alike in size and make,
-and unlike that used by the generality of the Beri Chetti caste. The
-Acharapakam Chettis are known as Malighe Chettis, and are considered
-to be the descendants of those Beri Chettis who brought up the Kammalan
-children, and intermarried with them. Even now, in the city of Madras,
-when the Beri Chettis assemble for the transaction of caste business,
-the notice summoning the meeting excludes the Malighe Chettis, who
-can neither vote nor receive votes at elections, meetings, etc.,
-of the Kandasami temple, which every other Beri Chetti has a right to.
-
-It may be noted that the Deva-dasis, whose treachery is said to
-have led to the destruction of the Kammalan caste, were Kaikolans by
-caste, and that their illegitimate children, like their progenitors,
-became weavers. The weavers of South India, according to old Tamil
-poems, were formerly included in the Kammiyan or Kammalan caste. [70]
-Several inscriptions show that, as late as 1013 A.D., the Kammalans
-were treated as an inferior caste, and, in consequence, were confined
-to particular parts of villages. [71] A later inscription gives an
-order of one of the Chola kings that they should be permitted to blow
-conches, and beat drums at their weddings and funerals, wear sandals,
-and plaster their houses. [72] "It is not difficult," Mr. H. A. Stuart
-writes, [73] "to account for the low position held by the Kammalans,
-for it must be remembered that, in those early times, the military
-castes in India, as elsewhere, looked down upon all engaged in labour,
-whether skilled or otherwise. With the decline of the military power,
-however, it was natural that a useful caste like the Kammalans should
-generally improve its position, and the reaction from their long
-oppression has led them to make the exaggerated claims described
-above, which are ridiculed by every other caste, high or low." The
-claims here referred to are that they are descended from Visvakarma,
-the architect of the gods, and are Brahmans.
-
-From a note by Mr. F. R. Hemingway, I gather that the friendship
-between the Muhammadans and Kammalans, who call each other mani
-(paternal uncle) "originated in the fact that a holy Muhammadan,
-named Ibrahim Nabi, was brought up in the house of a Kammalan, because
-his father was afraid that he would be killed by a Hindu king named
-Namaduta, who had been advised by his soothsayers that he would thus
-avoid a disaster, which was about to befall his kingdom. The Kammalan
-gave his daughter to the father of Ibrahim in exchange. Another
-story (only told by Kammalans) is to the effect that the Kammalans
-were once living in a magnetic castle, called Kanda Kottai, which
-could only be destroyed by burning it with varagu straw; and that
-the Musalmans captured it by sending Musalman prostitutes into the
-town, to wheedle the secret out of the Kammalans. The friendship,
-according to the story, sprang up because the Kammalans consorted
-with the Musalman women."
-
-The Kammalans belong to the left hand, as opposed to the right
-hand faction. The origin of this distinction of castes is lost in
-obscurity, but, according to one version, it arose out of a dispute
-between the Kammalans and Vellalas. The latter claimed the former as
-their Jatipillaigal or caste dependents, while the former claimed
-the latter as their own dependents. The fight grew so fierce that
-the Chola king of Conjeeveram ranged these two castes and their
-followers on opposite sides, and enquired into their claims. The
-Kammalans, and those who sided with them, stood on the left of
-the king, and the Vellalas and their allies on the right. The king
-is said to have decided the case against the Kammalans, who then
-dispersed in different directions. According to another legend,
-a Kammalan who had two sons, one by a Balija woman, and the other
-by his Kammalan wife, was unjustly slain by a king of Conjeeveram,
-and was avenged by his two sons, who killed the king and divided his
-body. The Kammalan son took his head and used it as a weighing pan,
-while the Balija son made a pedler's carpet out of the skin, and
-threads out of the sinews for stringing bangles. A quarrel arose,
-because each thought the other had got the best of the division,
-and all the other castes joined in, and took the side of either the
-Kammalan or the Balija. Right and left hand dancing-girls, temples,
-and mandapams, are still in existence at Conjeeveram, and elsewhere in
-the Tamil country. Thus, at Tanjore, there are the Kammala Tevadiyals,
-or dancing-girls. As the Kammalans belong to the left-hand section,
-dancing-girls of the right-hand section will not perform before them,
-or at their houses. Similarly, musicians of the right-hand section
-will not play in Kammalan houses. In olden days, Kammalans were
-not allowed to ride in palanquins through the streets of the right
-hands. If they did, a riot was the result. Such riots were common
-during the eighteenth century. Thus, Fryer refers to one of these
-which occurred at Masulipatam, when the contumacy of the Kamsalas
-(Telugu artisans) led to their being put down by the other castes
-with the aid of the Moors.
-
-The Kammalans call themselves Achari and Paththar, which are
-equivalent to the Brahman titles Acharya and Bhatta, and claim a
-knowledge of the Vedas. Their own priests officiate at marriages,
-funerals, and on other ceremonial occasions. They wear the sacred
-thread, which they usually don on the Upakarmam day, though some
-observe the regular thread investiture ceremony. Most of them claim
-to be vegetarians. Non-Brahmans do not treat them as Brahmans, and do
-not salute them with the namaskaram (obeisance). Their women, unlike
-those of other castes, throw the end of their body-cloth over the right
-shoulder, and are conspicuous by the nose ornament known as the nattu.
-
-In connection with the professional calling of the Kammalans,
-Surgeon-Major W. R. Cornish writes as follows. [74] "The artisans, who
-are smiths or carpenters, usually bring up their children to the same
-pursuits. It might have been supposed that the hereditary influence
-in the course of generations would have tended to excellence in the
-several pursuits, but it has not been so. Ordinary native work in
-metal, stone, and wood, is coarse and rough, and the designs are of the
-stereotyped form. The improvement in handicraft work of late years has
-been entirely due to European influence. The constructors of railways
-have been great educators of artisans. The quality of stone-masonry,
-brick-work, carpentry, and smith-work has vastly improved within the
-last twenty years, and especially in districts where railway works
-have been in progress. The gold and silver smiths of Southern India
-are a numerous body. Their chief employment consists in setting and
-making native jewellery. Some of their designs are ingenious, but here
-again the ordinary work for native customers is often noticeable for a
-want of finish, and, with the exception of a few articles made for the
-European markets, there is no evidence of progressive improvement in
-design or execution. That the native artists are capable of improvement
-as a class is evident from their skill and ingenuity in copying designs
-set before them, and from the excellent finish of their work under
-European supervision; but there must be a demand for highly finished
-work before the goldsmiths will have generally improved. The wearers
-of jewellery in India look more to the intrinsic value of an article,
-than to the excellence of the design or workmanship. So that there
-is very little encouragement for artistic display." The collection of
-silver jewelry at the Madras Museum, which was made in connection with
-the Colonial and Indian Exhibition, London, 1886, bears testimony to
-the artistic skill of the silversmiths. Recently, Colonel Townshend,
-Superintendent of the Madras Gun Carriage Factory, has expressed his
-opinion [75] that "good as the Bombay smiths are, the blacksmiths of
-Southern India are the best in Hindustan, and the pick of them run
-English smiths very close, not only in skill, but in speed of outturn."
-
-Anyone who has seen the celebrated temples of Southern India, for
-example, the Madura and Tanjore temples, and the carving on temple
-cars, can form some idea of the skill of South Indian stone-masons and
-carpenters. The following note on idols and idol-makers is taken from
-a recent article. [76] "The idol-maker's craft, like most of the other
-callings in this country, is a hereditary one, and a workman who has
-earned some reputation for himself, or has had an ancestor of renown,
-is a made man. The Sthapathi, as he is called in Sanskrit, claims
-high social rank among the representatives of the artisan castes. Of
-course he wears a heavy sacred thread, and affects Brahman ways of
-living. He does not touch flesh, and liquor rarely passes down his
-throat, as he recognises that a clear eye and steady hand are the
-first essentials of success in his calling. There are two sorts of
-idols in every temple, mulavigrahas or stone idols which are fixed to
-the ground, and utsavavigrahas or metal idols used in processions. In
-the worst equipped pagoda there are at least a dozen idols of every
-variety. They do duty for generations, for, though they become black
-and begrimed with oil and ashes, they are rarely replaced, as age and
-dirt but add to their sanctity. But now and then they get desecrated
-for some reason, and fresh ones have to be installed in their stead; or
-it may be that extensions are made in the temple, and godlings in the
-Hindu Pantheon, not accommodated within its precincts till then, have
-to be carved and consecrated. It is on such occasions that the hands
-of the local Sthapathi are full of work, and his workshop is as busy
-as a bee-hive. In the larger temples, such as the one at Madura, the
-idols in which are to be counted by the score, there are Sthapathis on
-the establishment receiving fixed emoluments. Despite the smallness of
-the annual salary, the office of temple Sthapathi is an eagerly coveted
-one, for, among other privileges, the fortunate individual enjoys that
-of having his workshop located in the temple premises, and thereby
-secures an advertisement that is not to be despised. Besides, he is
-not debarred from adding to his pecuniary resources by doing outside
-work when his hands are idle. Among stone images, the largest demand
-is for representations of Ganapati or Vignesvara (the elephant god),
-whose popularity extends throughout India. Every hamlet has at least
-one little temple devoted to his exclusive worship, and his shrines are
-found in the most unlikely places. Travellers who have had occasion to
-pass along the sandy roads of the Tanjore district must be familiar
-with the idols of the god of the protuberant paunch, which they pass
-every half mile or so, reposing under the shade of avenue trees with an
-air of self-satisfaction suffusing their elephantine features. Among
-other idols called into being for the purpose of wayside installation
-in Southern India, may be mentioned those of Viran, the Madura
-godling, who requires offerings of liquor, Mariamma, the small-pox
-goddess, and the evil spirit Sangili Karappan. Representations are
-also carved of nagas or serpents, and installed by the dozen round
-the village asvatha tree (Ficus religiosa). Almost every week, the
-mail steamer to Rangoon takes a heavy consignment of stone and metal
-idols commissioned by the South Indian settlers in Burma for purposes
-of domestic and public worship. The usual posture of mulavigrahas
-is a standing one, the figure of Vishnu in the Srirangam temple,
-which represents the deity as lying down at full length, being an
-exception to this rule. The normal height is less than four feet,
-some idols, however, being of gigantic proportions. Considering the
-very crude material on which he works, and the primitive methods of
-stone-carving which he continues to favour, the expert craftsman
-achieves quite a surprising degree of smoothness and polish. It
-takes him several weeks of unremitting toil to produce a vigraha
-that absolutely satisfies his critical eye. I have seen him engaged
-for hours at a stretch on the trunk of Vignesvara or the matted tuft
-of a Rishi. The casting of utsavavigrahas involves a greater variety
-of process than the carving of stone figures. The substance usually
-employed is a compound of brass, copper and lead, small quantities of
-silver and gold being added, means permitting. The required figure
-is first moulded in some plastic substance, such as wax or tallow,
-and coated with a thin layer of soft wet clay, in which one or two
-openings are left. When the clay is dry, the figure is placed in a
-kiln, and the red-hot liquid metal is poured into the hollow created by
-the running out of the melted wax. The furnace is then extinguished,
-the metal left to cool and solidify, and the clay coating removed. A
-crude approximation to the image required is thus obtained, which is
-improved upon with file and chisel, till the finished product is a
-far more artistic article than the figure that was enclosed within
-the clay. It is thus seen that every idol is made in one piece, but
-spare hands and feet are supplied, if desired. Whenever necessary, the
-Archaka (temple priest) conceals the limbs with cloth and flowers, and,
-inserting at the proper places little pieces of wood which are held
-in position by numerous bits of string, screws on the spare parts,
-so as to fit in with the posture that the idol is to assume during
-any particular procession."
-
-An association, called the Visvakarma Kulabhimana Sabha, was
-established in the city of Madras by the Kammalans in 1903. The
-objects thereof were the advancement of the community as a whole on
-intellectual and industrial lines, the provision of practical measures
-in guarding the interests, welfare and prospects of the community,
-and the improvement of the arts and sciences peculiar to them by
-opening industrial schools and workshops, etc.
-
-Of proverbs relating to the artisan classes, the following may
-be noted:--
-
-
-    The goldsmith who has a thousand persons to answer. This in
-    reference to the delay in finishing a job, owing to his taking
-    more orders than he can accomplish in a given time.
-
-    The goldsmith knows what ornaments are of fine gold, i.e., knows
-    who are the rich men of a place.
-
-    It must either be with the goldsmith, or in the pot in which he
-    melts gold, i.e., it will be found somewhere in the house. Said
-    to one who is in search of something that cannot be found.
-
-    Goldsmiths put inferior gold into the refining-pot.
-
-    If, successful, pour it into a mould; if not, pour it into the
-    melting pot. The Rev. H. Jensen explains [77] that the goldsmith
-    examines the gold after melting it. If it is free from dross,
-    he pours it into the mould; if it is still impure, it goes back
-    into the pot.
-
-    The goldsmith will steal a quarter of the gold of even his
-    own mother.
-
-    Stolen gold may be either with the goldsmith, or in his fire-pot.
-
-    If the ear of the cow of a Kammalan is cut and examined, some wax
-    will be found in it. It is said that the Kammalan is in the habit
-    of substituting sealing-wax for gold, and thus cheating people. The
-    proverb warns them not to accept even a cow from a Kammalan. Or,
-    according to another explanation, a Kammalan made a figure of a
-    cow, which was so lifelike that a Brahman purchased it as a live
-    animal with his hard-earned money, and, discovering his mistake,
-    went mad. Since that time, people were warned to examine an animal
-    offered for sale by Kammalans by cutting off its ears. A variant
-    of the proverb is that, though you buy a Kammalan's cow only after
-    cutting its ears, he will have put red wax in its ears (so that,
-    if they are cut into, they will look like red flesh).
-
-    What has a dog to do in a blacksmith's shop? Said of a man who
-    attempts to do work he is not fitted for.
-
-    When the blacksmith sees that the iron is soft, he will raise
-    himself to the stroke.
-
-    Will the blacksmith be alarmed at the sound of a hammer?
-
-    When a child is born in a blacksmith's family, sugar must be
-    dealt out in the street of the dancing-girls. This has reference
-    to the legendary relation of the Kammalans and Kaikolans.
-
-    A blacksmith's shop, and the place in which donkeys roll
-    themselves, are alike.
-
-    The carpenters and blacksmiths are to be relegated, i.e., to the
-    part of the village called the Kammalacheri.
-
-    What if the carpenter's wife has become a widow? This would seem
-    to refer to the former practice of widow remarriage.
-
-    The carpenter wants (his wood) too long, and the blacksmith wants
-    (his iron) too short, i.e., a carpenter can easily shorten a piece
-    of wood, and a blacksmith can easily hammer out a piece of iron.
-
-    When a Kammalan buys cloth, the stuff he buys is so thin that it
-    does not hide the hair on his legs.
-
-
-Kammalan (Malayalam).--"The Kammalans of Malabar," Mr. Francis writes,
-[78] "are artisans, like those referred to immediately above, but
-they take a lower position than the Kammalans and Kamsalas of the
-other coast, or the Panchalas of the Canarese country. They do not
-claim to be Brahmans or wear the sacred thread, and they accept the
-position of a polluting caste, not being allowed into the temples
-or into Brahman houses. The highest sub-division is Asari, the men
-of which are carpenters, and wear the thread at certain ceremonies
-connected with house-building."
-
-According to Mr. F. Fawcett "the orthodox number of classes of
-Kammalans is five. But the artisans do not admit that the workers
-in leather belong to the guild, and say that there are only
-four classes. According to them, the fifth class was composed of
-coppersmiths, who, after the exodus, remained in Izhuva land, and did
-not return thence with them to Malabar. [79] Nevertheless, they always
-speak of themselves as the Ayen Kudi or five-house Kammalans. The
-carpenters say that eighteen families of their community remained
-behind in Izhuva land. Some of these returned long afterwards, but they
-were not allowed to rejoin the caste. They are known as Puzhi Tachan
-or sand carpenters, and Pathinettanmar or the eighteen people. There
-are four families of this class now living at or near Parpan gadi. They
-are carpenters, but the Asaris treat them as outcastes."
-
-For the following note on Malabar Kammalans I am indebted to
-Mr. S. Appadorai Iyer. The five artisan classes, or Ayinkudi Kammalans,
-are made up of the following:--
-
-
-    Asari, carpenters.
-    Musari, braziers.
-    Tattan, goldsmiths.
-    Karuman, blacksmiths.
-    Chembotti or Chempotti, coppersmiths.
-
-
-The name Chembotti is derived from chembu, copper, and kotti, he who
-beats. They are, according to Mr. Francis, "coppersmiths in Malabar,
-who are distinct from the Malabar Kammalans. They are supposed to be
-descendants of men who made copper idols for temples, and so rank
-above the Kammalans in social position, and about equally with the
-lower sections of the Nayars."
-
-The Kammalans will not condescend to eat food at the hands of Kurups,
-Tolkollans, Pulluvans, Mannans, or Tandans. But a Tandan thinks
-it equally beneath his dignity to accept food from a Kammalan. The
-Kammalans believe themselves to be indigenous in Malabar, and boast
-that their system of polyandry is the result of the sojourn of the
-exiled Pandavas, with their common wife Panchali, and their mother
-Kunthi, in the forest of the Walluvanad division. They say that the
-destruction of the Pandavas was attempted in the Arakkuparamba amsam
-of this division, and that the Tac'chans (artisans) were given as
-a reward by the Kurus the enjoyment of Tacchanattukara amsam. They
-state further that the Pandus lived for some time at the village of
-Bhimanad, and went to the Attapadi valley, where they deposited their
-cooking utensils at the spot where the water falls from a height of
-several hundred feet. This portion of the river is called Kuntipuzha,
-and the noise of the water, said to be falling on the upset utensils,
-is heard at a great distance.
-
-The Kammalans, male and female, dress like Nayars, and their ornaments
-are almost similar to those of the Nayars, with this difference, that
-the female Tattan wears a single chittu or ring in the right ear only.
-
-In the building of a house, the services of the Asari are required
-throughout. He it is who draws the plan of the building. And, when
-a door is fixed or beam raised, he receives his perquisite. The
-completion of a house is signified as a rule by a kutti-poosa. For
-this ceremony, the owner of the house has to supply the workmen with
-at least four goats to be sacrificed at the four corners thereof,
-a number of fowls to be killed so that the blood may be smeared
-on the walls and ceiling, and an ample meal with liquor. The feast
-concluded, the workmen receive presents of rings, gold ear-rings,
-silk and other cloths, of which the Moothasari or chief carpenter
-receives the lion's share. "The village carpenter," Mr. Gopal Panikkar
-writes, [80] "has to do everything connected with our architecture,
-such as fixing poles or wickets at the exact spot where buildings
-are to be erected, and clearing newly erected buildings of all devils
-and demons that may be haunting them. This he does by means of pujas
-(worship) performed after the completion of the building. But people
-have begun to break through the village traditions, and to entrust
-architectural work to competent hands, when the village carpenter is
-found incompetent for the same."
-
-It is noted by Canter Visscher [81] that "in commencing the building of
-a house, the first prop must be put up on the east side. The carpenters
-open three or four cocoanuts, spilling the juice as little as possible,
-and put some tips of betel leaves into them; and, from the way these
-float in the liquid, they foretell whether the house will be lucky
-or unlucky, whether it will stand for a long or short period, and
-whether another will ever be erected on its site. I have been told
-that the heathens say that the destruction of fort Paponetti by our
-arms was foretold by the builders from these auguries."
-
-The blacksmith is employed in the manufacture of locks and keys,
-and ornamental iron and brasswork for the houses of the rich. The
-smithy is near the dwelling hut, and the wife blows the bellows. The
-smith makes tyres for wheels, spades, choppers, knives, sickles,
-iron spoons, ploughshares, shoes for cattle and horses, etc. These
-he takes to the nearest market, and sells there. In some places there
-are clever smiths, who make excellent chellams (betel boxes) of brass,
-and there is one man at Walluvanad who even makes stylographic pens.
-
-The Musari works in bell-metal, and makes all kinds of household
-utensils, and large vessels for cooking purposes. He is an adept
-at making such articles with the proper proportions of copper, lead
-and brass. In some of the houses of the wealthier classes there are
-cooking utensils, which cost nearly a thousand rupees. Excellent
-bell-metal articles are made at Cherpalcheri, and Kunhimangalam in
-North Malabar is celebrated for its bell-metal lamps. The importation
-of enamelled and aluminium vessels, and lamps made in Europe, has
-made such inroads into the metal industry of the district that the
-brazier and blacksmith find their occupation declining.
-
-The goldsmith makes all kinds of gold ornaments worn by Malaialis. His
-lot is better than that of the other artisan classes.
-
-It is noted in the Malabar Marriage Commission's report that "among
-carpenters and blacksmiths in the Calicut, Walluvanad and Ponnani
-taluks, several brothers have one wife between them, although the son
-succeeds the father amongst them." Polyandry of the fraternal type is
-said to be most prevalent among the blacksmiths, who lead the most
-precarious existence, and have to observe the strictest economy. As
-with the Nayars, the tali-kettu kalyanam has to be celebrated. For
-this the parents of the child have to find a suitable manavalan or
-bridegroom by the consultation of horoscopes. An auspicious day is
-fixed, and new cloths are presented to the manavalan. The girl bathes,
-and puts on new clothes. She and the manavalan are conducted to a
-pandal (booth), where the tali-tying ceremony takes place. This
-concluded, the manavalan takes a thread from the new cloth, and
-breaks it in two, saying that his union with the girl has ceased. He
-then walks away without looking back. When a Kammalan contemplates
-matrimony, his parents look out for a suitable bride. They are received
-by the girl's parents, and enquiries are made concerning her. The
-visit is twice repeated, and, when an arrangement has been arrived
-at, the village astrologer is summoned, and the horoscopes of the
-contracting parties are consulted. It is sufficient if the horoscope
-of one of the sons agrees with that of the girl. The parents of the
-sons deposit as earnest money, or achcharapanam, four, eight, twelve,
-or twenty-one fanams according to their means, in the presence of
-the artisans of the village; and a new cloth (kacha) is presented
-to the bride, who thus becomes the wife of all the sons. There
-are instances in which the girl, after the achcharam marriage, is
-immediately taken to the husband's house. All the brother-husbands,
-dressed in new clothes and decorated with ornaments, with a new palmyra
-leaf umbrella in the hand, come in procession to the bride's house,
-where they are received by her parents and friends, and escorted
-to the marriage pandal. The bride and bridegrooms sit in a row,
-and the girl's parents give them fruits and sugar. This ceremony is
-called mathuram kotukkal. The party then adjourns to the house of the
-bridegrooms where a feast is held, in the course of which a ceremony
-called pal kotukkal is performed. The priest of the Kammalans takes
-some milk in a vessel, and pours it into the mouths of the bride and
-bridegrooms, who are seated, the eldest on the right, the others in
-order of seniority, and lastly the bride. During the nuptials the
-parents of the bride have to present a water-vessel, lamp, eating
-dish, cooking vessel, spittoon, and a vessel for drawing water from
-the well. The eldest brother cohabits with the bride on the wedding
-day, and special days are set apart for each brother. There seems to
-be a belief among the Kammalan women that, the more husbands they
-have, the greater will be their happiness. If one of the brothers,
-on the ground of incompatibility of temper, brings a new wife, she
-is privileged to cohabit with the other brothers. In some cases, a
-girl will have brothers ranging in age from twenty-five to five, whom
-she has to regard as her husband, so that by the time the youngest
-reaches puberty she may be well over thirty, and a young man has to
-perform the duties of a husband with a woman who is twice his age.
-
-If a woman becomes pregnant before the achchara kalyanam has been
-performed, her parents are obliged to satisfy the community that her
-condition was caused by a man of their own caste, and he has to marry
-the girl. If the paternity cannot be traced, a council is held, and
-the woman is turned out of the caste. In the sixth or eighth month
-of pregnancy, the woman is taken to her mother's house, where the
-first confinement takes place. During her stay there the pulikudi
-ceremony is performed. The husbands come, and present their wife with
-a new cloth. A branch of a tamarind tree is planted in the yard of
-the house, and, in the presence of the relations, the brother of the
-pregnant woman gives her conji (rice gruel) mixed with the juices of
-the tamarind, Spondias mangifera and Hibiscus, to drink. The customary
-feast then takes place. A barber woman (Mannathi) acts as midwife. On
-the fourteenth day after childbirth, the Thali-kurup sprinkles water
-over the woman, and the Mannathi gives her a newly-washed cloth to
-wear. Purification concludes with a bath on the fifteenth day. On the
-twenty-eighth day the child-naming ceremony takes place. The infant
-is placed in its father's lap, and in front of it are set a measure
-of rice and paddy (unhusked rice) on a plantain leaf. A brass lamp is
-raised, and a cocoanut broken. The worship of Ganesa takes place, and
-the child is named after its grandfather or grandmother. In the sixth
-month the choronu or rice-giving ceremony takes place. In the first
-year of the life of a boy the ears are pierced, and gold ear-rings
-inserted. In the case of a girl, the ear-boring ceremony takes place
-in the sixth or seventh year. The right nostril of girls is also bored,
-and mukkuthi worn therein.
-
-It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that, "amongst Kammalans,
-the betrothal ceremony is similar to that of the Tiyans. If more
-than one brother is to be married, to the same girl, her mother asks
-how many bridegrooms there are, and replies that there are mats and
-planks for so many. Cohabitation sometimes begins from the night of
-the betrothal, the eldest brother having the priority, and the rest
-in order of seniority on introduction by the bride's brother. If
-the girl becomes pregnant, the formal marriage must be celebrated
-before the pregnancy has advanced six months. At the formal marriage,
-the bridegrooms are received by the bride's mother and brothers; two
-planks are placed before a lighted lamp, before which the bridegrooms
-and the bride's brothers prostrate themselves. The bride is dressed
-in a new cloth, and brought down by the bridegroom's sister and fed
-with sweetmeats.
-
-"Next day all the bridegroom's party visit the Tandan of the bride's
-desam (village), who has to give them arrack (liquor) and meat,
-receiving in his turn a present of two fanams (money). The next day the
-bride is again feasted in her house by the bridegrooms, and is given
-her dowry consisting of four metal plates, one spittoon, one kindi
-(metal vessel), and a bell-metal lamp. The whole party then goes to
-the bridegroom's house, where the Tandan proclaims the titles of the
-parties and their desam. All the brothers who are to share in the
-marriage sit in a row on a mat with the bride on the extreme left,
-and all drink cocoanut milk. The presence of all the bridegrooms is
-essential at this final ceremony, though for the preceding formalities
-it is sufficient if the eldest is present."
-
-The Kammalans burn the corpses of adults, and bury the young. Fifteen
-days' pollution is observed, and at the expiration thereof the
-Thali-kurup pours water, and purification takes place. On the third
-day the bones of the cremated corpse are collected, and placed
-in a new earthen pot, which is buried in the grounds of the house
-of the deceased. One of the sons performs beli (makes offerings),
-and observes diksha (hair-growing) for a year. The bones are then
-carried to Tirunavaya in Ponnani, Tiruvilamala in Cochin territory,
-Perur in Coimbatore, or Tirunelli in the Wynad, and thrown into the
-river. A final beli is performed, and the sradh memorial ceremony is
-celebrated. If the deceased was skilled in sorcery, or his death was
-due thereto, his ghost is believed to haunt the house, and trouble
-the inmates. To appease it, the village washerman (Mannan) is brought
-with his drums, and, by means of his songs, forces the devil into one
-of the members of the household, who is made to say what murthi or
-evil spirit possesses him, and how it should be satisfied. It is then
-appeased with the sacrifice of a fowl, and drinking the juice of tender
-cocoanuts. A further demand is that it must have a place consigned to
-it in the house or grounds, and be worshipped once a year. Accordingly,
-seven days later, a small stool representing the deceased is placed
-in a corner of one of the rooms, and there worshipped annually with
-offerings of cocoanuts, toddy, arrack, and fowls. In the grounds of
-some houses small shrines, erected to the memory of the dead, may be
-seen. These are opened once a year, and offerings made to them.
-
-The Kammalans worship various minor deities, such as Thikutti,
-Parakutti, Kala Bairavan, and others. Some only worship stone images
-erected under trees annually. They have barbers of their own, of
-whom the Mannan shaves the men, and the Mannathi the women. These
-individuals are not admitted into the Mannan caste, which follows
-the more honourable profession of washing clothes.
-
-In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the following sub-castes of
-Malabar Kammalans are recorded:--Kallan Muppan and Kallukkotti
-(stone-workers), Kotton (brass-smith), Pon Chetti (gold merchant),
-and Puliasari (masons). In the Cochin Census Report, 1901, it is
-stated that "the Kammalans are divided into six sub-castes, viz.,
-Marasari (carpenter), Kallasari (mason), Musari (brazier), Kollan
-(blacksmith), Tattan (goldsmith), and Tolkollan (leather-worker). Of
-these six, the first five interdine, and intermarry. The Tolkollan
-is considered a degraded caste, probably on account of his working in
-leather, which in its earlier stages is an unholy substance. The other
-sub-castes do not allow the Tolkollans even to touch them. Among the
-Marasaris are included the Marasaris proper and Tacchans. The Tacchans
-are looked upon by other castes in the group as a separate caste, and
-are not allowed to touch them. All the sub-castes generally follow
-the makkathayam law of inheritance, but there are some vestiges
-of marumakkathayam also among them. There is a sub-caste called
-Kuruppu, who are their barbers and priests. They officiate as priest
-at marriage and funeral ceremonies. When they enter the interior
-shrine of temples for work in connection with the image of a god,
-or with the temple flagstaff, the Asari and Musari temporarily wear
-a sacred thread, which is a rare privilege. Their approach within a
-radius of twenty-four feet pollutes Brahmans. On the completion of a
-building, the Marasari, Kallasari and Kollan perform certain pujas,
-and sacrifice a fowl or sheep to drive out the demons and devils
-which are supposed to have haunted the house till then."
-
-For the following note on the Kammalans of Travancore, I am indebted
-to Mr. N. Subramania Aiyar. "The titles of the Malayalam Kammalans
-are Panikkan and Kanakkan. The word Panikkan means a worker, and
-Kanakkan is the title given to a few old and respectable Kammalas in
-every village, who superintend the work of others, and receive the
-highest remuneration. It is their business to sketch the plan of a
-building, and preside at the vastubali rite. Many Tamil Kammalans have
-naturalised themselves on the west coast, and speak Malayalam. Between
-them and the Malayalam Kammalans neither intermarriage nor interdining
-obtains. The latter are divided into five classes, viz., Asari or
-Marapanikkan (workers in wood), Kallan or Kallasari (workers in stone),
-Musari (braziers and coppersmiths), Tattan (goldsmiths), and Kollan
-(workers in iron). To these the Jatinirnaya and Keralaviseshamahatmya
-add a sixth class, the Tacchan or Irchchakollan, whose occupation is
-to fell trees and saw timber. The Tacchans are also known as Villasans
-(bowmen), as they were formerly required to supply bows and arrows
-for the Travancore army.
-
-Epigraphic records point to the existence of the five classes of
-Kammalans in Malabar at least as early as the beginning of the ninth
-century A.D., as a Syrian Christian grant refers to them as Aimvazhi
-Kammalas. There is a tradition that they were brought to Kerala by
-Parasu Rama, but left in a body for Ceylon on being pressed by one of
-the early Perumal satraps of Cranganur to marry into the washerman
-caste, after they had by a special arrangement of the marriage shed
-trapped to death a large number of that obnoxious community. The King
-of Ceylon was requested, as an act of international courtesy, to send
-back some of the Kammalans. As, however, they were loth to return to
-their former persecutor, they were sent in charge of some Izhavas,
-who formed the military caste of the island. The legend is given
-in detail by Canter Visscher, who writes as follows. "In the time
-of Cheramperoumal, a woman belonging to the caste of the washermen,
-whose house adjoined that of an Ajari (the carpenter caste), being
-occupied as usual in washing a cloth in water mixed with ashes (which
-is here used for soap), and having no one at hand to hold the other
-end of it, called to a young daughter of the Ajari, who was alone
-in the house, to assist her. The child, not knowing that this was
-an infringement of the laws of her caste, did as she was requested,
-and then went home. The washerwoman was emboldened by this affair to
-enter the Ajari's house a few days afterwards; and, upon the latter
-demanding angrily how she dared to cross his threshold, the woman
-answered scornfully that he belonged now to the same caste as she did,
-since his daughter had helped to hold her cloth. The Ajari, learning
-the disgrace that had befallen him, killed the washerwoman. Upon this,
-her friends complained to Cheramperoumal, who espoused their cause, and
-threatened the carpenters; whereupon the latter combined together to
-take refuge in Ceylon, where they were favourably received by the King
-of Candy, for whom the Malabars have great veneration. Cheramperoumal
-was placed in great embarrassment by their departure, having no one in
-his dominions who could build a house or make a spoon, and begged the
-King of Candy to send them back, promising to do them no injury. The
-Ajaris would not place entire confidence in these promises, but asked
-the king to send them with two Chegos (Chogans) and their wives,
-to witness Cheramperoumal's conduct towards them, and to protect
-them. The king granted their request, with the stipulation that on all
-high occasions, such as weddings and deaths and other ceremonies, the
-Ajaris should bestow three measures of rice on each of these Chegos
-and their descendants as a tribute for their protection; a custom
-which still exists. If the Ajari is too poor to afford the outlay,
-he is still obliged to present the requisite quantity of rice, which
-is then given back to him again; the privilege of the Chegos being
-thus maintained.
-
-"The Kammalans are to some extent educated, and a few of them have
-a certain knowledge of Sanskrit, in which language several works
-on architecture are to be found. Their houses, generally known as
-kottil, are only low thatched sheds. They eat fish and flesh, and
-drink intoxicating liquors. Their jewelry is like that of the Nayars,
-from whom, however, they are distinguished by not wearing the nose
-ornaments mukkutti and gnattu. Some in Central Travancore wear silver
-mukkuttis. Tattooing, once very common, is going out of fashion.
-
-"In timber work the Asaris excel, but the Tamil Kammalans have
-outstripped the Tattans in gold and silver work. The house-building
-of the Asari has a quasi-religious aspect. When a temple is built,
-there is a preliminary rite known as anujgna, when the temple priest
-transfers spiritual force from the image, after which a cow and
-calf are taken thrice round the temple, and the Kanakkan is invited
-to enter within for the purposes of work. The cow and calf are let
-loose in front of the carpenter, who advances, and commences the
-work. On the completion of a building, an offering known as vastubali
-is made. Vastu is believed to represent the deity who presides over
-the house, and the spirits inhabiting the trees which were felled for
-the purpose of building it. To appease these supernatural powers,
-the figure of a demon is drawn with powders, and the Kanakkan,
-after worshipping his tutelary deity Bhadrakali, offers animal
-sacrifices to him in non-Brahmanical houses, and vegetable sacrifices
-in Brahman shrines and homes. An old and decrepit carpenter enters
-within the new building, and all the doors thereof are closed. The
-Kanakkan from without asks whether he has inspected everything,
-and is prepared to hold himself responsible for any architectural or
-structural shortcomings, and he replies in the affirmative. A jubilant
-cry is then raised by all the assembled Asaris. Few carpenters are
-willing to undertake this dangerous errand, as it is supposed that
-the dissatisfied demons are sure to make short work of the man who
-accepts the responsibility. The figure is next effaced, and no one
-enters the house until the auspicious hour of milk-boiling.
-
-"Vilkuruppu or Vilkollakkuruppu, who used formerly to supply bows and
-arrows for the Malabar army, are the recognised priests and barbers of
-the Kammalans. They still make and present bows and arrows at the Onam
-festival. In some places the Kammalans have trained members of their
-own caste to perform the priestly offices. The Malayala Kammalans,
-unlike the Tamils, are not a thread-wearing class, but sometimes put
-on a thread when they work in temples or at images. They worship Kali,
-Matan, and other divinities. Unlike the Tamil Kammalans, they are a
-polluting class, but, when they have their working tools with them,
-they are less objectionable. In some places, as in South Travancore,
-they are generally regarded as higher in rank than the Izhavas,
-though this is not universal.
-
-"The tali-kettu ceremony is cancelled by a ceremony called vazhippu,
-by which all connection between the tali-tier and the girl is
-extinguished. The wedding ornament is exactly the same as that of
-the Izhavas, and is known as the minnu (that which shines). The
-system of inheritance is makkathayam. It is naturally curious that,
-among a makkathayam community, paternal polyandry should have been
-the rule till lately. 'The custom,' says Mateer, 'of one woman having
-several husbands is sometimes practiced by carpenters, stone-masons,
-and individuals of other castes. Several brothers living together
-are unable to support a single wife for each, and take one, who
-resides with them all. The children are reckoned to belong to each
-brother in succession in the order of seniority.' But this, after
-all, admits of explanation. If only the marumakkathayam system of
-inheritance is taken, as it should be, as a necessary institution
-in a society living in troublous times, and among a community whose
-male members had duties and risks which would not ordinarily permit
-of the family being perpetuated solely through the male line, and not
-indicating any paternal uncertainty as some theorists would have it;
-and if polyandry, which is much more recent than the marumakkathayam
-system of inheritance, is recognised to be the deplorable result
-of indigence, individual and national, and not of sexual bestiality,
-there is no difficulty in understanding how a makkathayam community can
-be polyandrous. Further, the manners of the Kammalars lend a negative
-support to the origin just indicated by the marumakkathayam system of
-inheritance even among the Nayars. The work of the Kammalars was within
-doors and at home, not even in a large factory where power-appliances
-may lend an element of risk, for which reason they found it quite
-possible to keep up lineage in the paternal line, which the fighting
-Nayars could not possibly do. And the fact that the marumakkathayam
-system was ordained only for the Kshatriyas, and for the fighting
-races, and not for the religious and industrial classes, deserves to
-be specially noted in this connection."
-
-Kammara.--The Kammaras are the blacksmith section of the Telugu
-Kamsalas, whose services are in great demand by the cultivator, whose
-agricultural implements have to be made, and constantly repaired. It is
-noted, in the Bellary Gazetteer, that "until recently the manufacture
-of the huge shallow iron pans, in which the sugar-cane is boiled,
-was a considerable industry at Kamalapuram. The iron was brought
-by pack bullocks from Jambunath Konda, the dome-shaped hill at the
-Hospet end of the Sandur range, and was smelted and worked by men
-of the Kammara caste. Of late years, the cheaper English iron has
-completely ousted the country product, the smelting industry is dead,
-and the Kammaras confine themselves to making and mending the boilers
-with English material. They have a temple of their own, dedicated
-to Kali, in the village, where the worship is conducted by one of
-themselves." The name Baita Kammara, meaning outside blacksmiths,
-is applied to Kamsala blacksmiths, who occupy a lowly position,
-and work in the open air or outside a village. [82]
-
-Kammiyan.--A Tamil name for blacksmiths.
-
-Kampa (bush of thorns).--An exogamous sept of Yerukala.
-
-Kampo.--In the Manual of the Ganjam district, the Kampos are described
-as Oriya agriculturists. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the name
-is taken as an Oriya form of Kapu. Kampu is the name for Savaras,
-who have adopted the customs of the Hindu Kampos.
-
-Kamsala.--The Kamsalas, or, as they are sometimes called, Kamsaras,
-are the Telugu equivalent of the Tamil Kammalans. They are found
-northward as far as Berhampore in Ganjam. According to tradition,
-as narrated in the note on Kammalans, they emigrated to the districts
-in which they now live on the disruption of their caste by a certain
-king. The Kamsalas of Vizagapatam, where they are numerically strong,
-say that, during the reign of a Chola king, their ancestors claimed
-equality with Brahmans. This offended the king, and he ordered their
-destruction. The Kamsalas fled northward, and some escaped death by
-taking shelter with people of the Ozu caste. As an acknowledgment of
-their gratitude to their protectors, some of them have Ozu added to
-their house-names, e.g., Lakkozu, Kattozu, Patozu, etc.
-
-The Kamsalas have territorial sub-divisions, such as Murikinadu,
-Pakinadu, Dravida, etc. Like the Kammalans, they have five
-occupational sections, called Kamsali (goldsmiths), Kanchari or
-Musari (brass-smiths), Vadrangi (carpenters), and Kasi or Silpi
-(stone-masons). In a note on the Kamsalas of the Godavari district,
-Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes that "they recognise two main divisions,
-called Desayi (indigenous) and Turpusakas (easterns) or immigrants
-from Vizagapatam. They sometimes speak of their occupational
-sub-divisions as gotras. Thus, Sanathana is the iron, Sanaga, the
-wooden, Abhonasa, the brass, Prathanasa, the stone, and Suparnasa,
-the gold gotra." Intermarriage takes place between members of the
-different sections, but the goldsmiths affect a higher social status
-than the blacksmiths, and do not care to interdine or intermarry
-with them. They have taken to calling themselves Brahmans, have
-adopted Brahmanical gotras, and the Brahmanical form of marriage
-rites. They quote a number of well-known verses of the Telugu
-poet Vemana, who satirised the Brahmans for their shortcomings,
-and refer to the Sanskrit Mulastambam and Silpasastram, which are
-treatises on architecture. They trace their descent from Visvakarma,
-the architect of the gods. Visvakarma is said to have had five sons,
-of whom the first was Kammaracharya. His wife was Surelavathi, the
-daughter of Vasishta. The second was Vadlacharyudu. The third was Rudra
-or Kamcharacharya of the Abhavansa gotra, whose wife was Jalavathi,
-the daughter of Paulasthya Brahma. The fourth was Kasacharyudu of the
-Prasnasa gotra. His wife was Gunavati, the daughter of Visvavasa. The
-fifth was Agasalacharya or Chandra of the Suvarnasa gotra, whose
-wife was Saunati, the daughter of Bhrigumahamuni. Visvakarma had
-also five daughters, of whom Sarasvathi was married to Brahma, Sachi
-Devi to Indra, Mando Dari to Ravana, and Ahalya to Gautama. Since
-they were married to the devatas, their descendants acquired the
-title of Acharya. The use of the umbrella, sacred thread, golden
-staff, the insignia of Garuda, and the playing of the bheri were
-also allowed to them. It is recorded by the Rev. J. Cain [83] that
-"the so-called right-hand castes object most strongly to the Kamsalilu
-being carried in a palki (palanquin), and three years ago some of them
-threatened to get up a little riot on the occasion of a marriage in
-the Kamsali caste. They were deprived of this opportunity, for the
-palki was a borrowed one, and its owner, more anxious for the safety
-of his property than the dignity of the Kamsali caste, recalled
-the loan on the third day. A ringleader of the discontented was a
-Madras Pariah. The Kamsalilu were formerly forbidden to whitewash
-the outside of their houses, but municipal law has proved stronger
-in this respect than Brahmanical prejudice." The Kamsalas of Ganjam
-and Vizagapatam do not make such a vigorous claim to be Brahmans,
-as do those further south. They rear poultry, partake of animal food,
-do not prohibit the use of alcoholic liquor, and have no gotras. They
-also have sub-divisions among them, which do not wear the sacred
-thread, and work outside the village limits. Thus, the Karamalas are a
-section of blacksmiths, who do not wear the sacred thread. Similarly,
-the Baita Kammaras are another section of blacksmiths, who do not wear
-the thread, and, as their name implies, work outside the village. In
-Vizagapatam, almost the only castes which will consent to receive
-food at the hands of Kamsalas are the humble Malas and Rellis. Even
-the Tsakalas and Yatas will not do so. There is a popular saying
-that the Kamsalas are of all castes seven visses (viss, a measure of
-weight) less.
-
-In 1885, a criminal revision case came before the High Court of Madras,
-in which a goldsmith performed abishekam by pouring cocoanut-water
-over a lingam. In his judgment, one of the Judges recorded that
-"the facts found are that 1st accused, a goldsmith by caste, on the
-night of the last Mahasivaratri, entered a Siva temple at Vizagapatam,
-and performed abishekam, i.e., poured cocoanut-water over the lingam,
-the 2nd and 3rd accused (Brahmans) reciting mantrams (sacred formulæ)
-while he did so. Another Brahman who was there expostulated with 1st
-accused, telling him that he, a goldsmith, had no right to perform
-abishekam himself, upon which 1st accused said that it was he who
-made the idol, and he was fit to perform abishekam. An outcry being
-raised, some other Brahmans came up, and objected to 1st accused
-performing abishekam, and he was turned out, and some ten rupees
-spent in ceremonies for the purification of the idol. The 2nd-class
-Magistrate convicted the 1st accused under sections 295 and 296,
-Indian Penal Code, and the 2nd and 3rd accused of abetment. All these
-convictions were reversed on appeal by the District Magistrate. There
-was certainly no evidence that any of the accused voluntarily caused
-disturbance to an assembly engaged in the performance of religious
-worship or religious ceremonies, and therefore a conviction under
-section 296 could not be supported. In order to support a conviction
-under section 295, it would be necessary for the prosecution to prove
-(1) that the accused 'defiled' the lingam, and (2) that he did so,
-knowing that a class of persons, viz., the Brahmans, would consider
-such defilement as an insult to their religion. It may be noted that
-the 1st accused is a person of the same religion as the Brahmans,
-and, therefore, if the act be an insult at all, it was an insult to
-his own religion. The act of defilement alleged was the performance
-of abishekam, or the pouring of cocoanut-water over the lingam. In
-itself, the act is regarded as an act of worship and meritorious,
-and I understand that the defilement is alleged to consist in the fact
-that the 1st accused was not a proper person--not being a Brahman--to
-perform such a ceremony, but that he ought to have got some Brahman
-to perform it for him." The other Judge (Sir T. Muttusami Aiyar)
-recorded that "in many temples in this Presidency, it is not usual
-for worshippers generally to touch the idol or pour cocoanut-water
-upon it, except through persons who are specially appointed to do so,
-and enjoined to observe special rules of cleanliness. If the accused
-knew that the temple, in the case before us, is one of those temples,
-and if he did the act imputed to him to ridicule openly the established
-rule in regard to the purity of the lingam as an object of worship,
-it might then be reasonably inferred that he did the act wantonly,
-and with the intention of insulting the religious notions of the
-general body of worshippers. The Sub-Magistrate refers to no specific
-evidence in regard to the accused's knowledge of the usage. I may
-also observe that, in certain temples attended by the lower classes,
-the slaughtering of sheep is an act of worship. But, if the same act
-is done in other temples to which other classes resort as places
-of public worship, it is generally regarded as a gross outrage or
-defilement." The High Court upheld the decision of the District
-Magistrate.
-
-Each occupational sub-division of the Kamsalas has a headman styled
-Kulampedda, and occasionally the five headmen assemble for the
-settlement of some important question of general interest to the
-community.
-
-A Kamsala may, according to the custom called menarikam, claim his
-maternal uncle's daughter in marriage. The following account of the
-wedding rites is given in the Nellore Manual. "The relations of the
-bridegroom first go to the bride's parents or guardians, and ask
-their consent to the proposed union. If consent is given, a day is
-fixed, on which relations of the bridegroom go to the bride's house,
-where all her relations are present with cocoanuts, a cloth for the
-bride, betel, turmeric, etc. On the same occasion, the amount of
-the dower is settled. The bride bathes, and is adorned with flowers,
-turmeric, etc., and puts on the new cloth brought for her, and she
-receives the articles which the bridegroom's party have brought. On
-the auspicious day appointed for the marriage, the relations of the
-bride go to the bridegroom's house, and fetch him in a palanquin. A
-Brahman is sent for, who performs the ceremonies near the dais on
-which the bride and bridegroom are seated. After the recital of the
-mantras (hymns) before the young couple, he sends for their uncles,
-and blesses them. The bridegroom then ties a pilgrim's cloth upon him,
-places a brass water-pot on his head, holds a torn umbrella in his
-hands, and starts out from the pandal (booth), and says he is going
-on a pilgrimage to Benares, when the bride's brother runs after him,
-and promises that he will give his sister in marriage, swearing thrice
-to this effect. The bridegroom, satisfied with this promise, abandons
-his pretended journey, takes off his pilgrim cloths, and gives them,
-with the umbrella, to the Brahman. The couple seat themselves on the
-dais, and the Brahman, having repeated some mantras, gives a sacred
-thread to the bridegroom to place over his shoulders. He then blesses
-the mangalasutram (marriage badge corresponding to the Tamil tali),
-and hands it to the bridegroom, who ties it round the bride's neck,
-his sister or other elderly matron seeing that it is properly tied. The
-bride's father comes forward, and, placing his daughter's right hand
-in the bridegroom's right, pours water on them. The other ceremonies
-are exactly similar to those practiced by the Brahmans." Girls are
-invariably married before puberty. Widows are not allowed to remarry,
-and divorce is not recognised.
-
-The Kamsalas are either Madhvas, Saivites, or Lingayats. All revere the
-caste goddess Kamakshi Amma, who is represented by each sub-division
-in a special manner. Thus the Kanchara represents her by the stone on
-which he beats his metal work, the goldsmith by one of his implements,
-and the blacksmith by his bellows. On the eighteenth day of the Dasara
-festival, an annual festival is celebrated in honour of the goddess.
-
-The dead are buried in a seated posture, but, in recent years, some
-Kamsalas have taken to cremation. The death rites closely follow the
-Brahmanical form. Death pollution is observed for twelve days.
-
-In the Vizagapatam district, some artisans are engaged in the
-ivory-carving industry. They "manufacture for European clients fancy
-articles, such as chess-boards, photograph frames, card-cases, trinket
-boxes, and so on, from tortoise-shell, horn, porcupine quills, and
-ivory. The industry is in a flourishing state, and has won many medals
-at exhibitions. It is stated to have been introduced by Mr. Fane, who
-was Collector of the district from 1859 to 1862, and to have then been
-developed by the Kamsalis, and men of other castes who eventually took
-it up. The foundation of the fancy articles is usually sandal-wood,
-which is imported from Bombay. Over this are laid porcupine quills
-split in half and placed side by side, or thin slices of 'bison,'
-buffalo, or stag horn, tortoise-shell, or ivory. The ivory is sometimes
-laid over the horn or shell, and is always either cut into geometrical
-patterns with a small key-hole saw, or etched with designs representing
-gods and flowers. The etching is done with a small V tool, and then
-black wax is melted into the design with a tool like a soldering iron,
-any excess being scraped off with a chisel, and the result is polished
-with a leaf of Ficus asperrima (the leaves of which are very rough,
-and used as a substitute for sand-paper). This gives a black design
-(sgraffito) on a white ground. The horn and porcupine quills are
-obtained from the Agency, and the tortoise-shell and ivory mainly
-from Bombay through the local Marvaris. The designs employed both
-in the etching and fret-work are stiff, and suited rather to work
-in metal than in ivory; and the chief merit of this Vizagapatam work
-perhaps lies in its careful finish--a rare quality in Indian objects
-of art. The ivory is rarely carved now, but, in the Calcutta Museum
-and elsewhere, may be seen samples of the older Vizagapatam work,
-which often contained ivory panels covered with scenes from holy writ,
-executed in considerable relief." [84]
-
-The caste title of the Kamsalas is usually Ayya, but, in recent times,
-a good many have taken the title Achari.
-
-The two begging castes Panasa and Runja are stated by Mr. Hemingway
-to be exclusively devoted to the Kamsalas. "The former," he writes,
-"are said to be out-castes from the Komati sub-division of that
-name. Formerly in the service of the Nizam, it is said they were
-disgraced by him, and driven to accept food of a degrading nature
-from a Kamsala. The Kamsalas accordingly took them under their
-protection. The Runjas are said to have been specially created by
-Siva. Siva had killed a giant named Ravundasura, and the giant's dying
-request was that his limbs might be turned into musical instruments,
-and a special caste created to play them at the celebration of
-Siva's marriage. The Runjas were the caste created. The god ordered
-Viswakarma, the ancestor of the Kamsalas, to support them, and the
-Kamsalas say that they have inherited the obligation."
-
-It is recorded, in the Kurnool Manual, that "the story goes that
-in Golkonda a tribe of Komatis named Bacheluvaru were imprisoned
-for non-payment of arrears of revenue. Finding certain men of the
-artificer caste, who passed by in the street, spit chewed betel-nut,
-they got it into their mouths, and begged the artificers to get them
-released. The artificers pitied them, paid the arrears, and procured
-their release. It was then that the Kamsalis fixed a vartana or annual
-house fee for the maintenance of the Panasa class, on condition that
-they should not beg alms from the other castes."
-
-Kamukham (areca-nut: Areca Catechu).--A tree or kothu of
-Kondaiyamkottai Maravan.
-
-Kamunchia.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a very
-small class of Oriya cultivators.
-
-Kanagu (Pongamia glabra).--An exogamous sept of Koravas and Thumati
-Gollas. The latter may not use the oil obtained from the seeds of
-this tree. The equivalent Kanagala occurs as an exogamous sept of Kapu.
-
-Kanaka.--An exogamous sept of Badagas of the Nilgiris.
-
-Kanakkan.--Kanakkan is a Tamil accountant caste, corresponding to
-the Oriya Korono. In an account thereof, in the North Arcot Manual,
-Mr. H. A. Stuart writes that they are "found chiefly in the districts
-of North Arcot, South Arcot, and Chingleput. The name is derived from
-the Tamil word kanakku, which means an account. They were employed
-as village accountants by the ancient kings. In the inscriptions
-the word Karanam or Kanakkan occurs very often, and their title
-is invariably given as Velan, which is possibly a contracted form
-of Vellalan. These accountants of the Tamil districts seem to be
-quite distinct from those of Ganjam and other Telugu provinces (see
-Korono), some of whom claim to be Kshatriyas, or even Brahmans. It
-is true that the Karnams themselves claim to be the sons of Brahma,
-but others maintain that they are the offspring of a Sudra woman by a
-Vaisya. The caste is said to have four divisions, Sir (Sri), Sarattu,
-Kaikatti, and Solia. The Sir Karnams are considered of highest rank,
-and are generally the most intelligent accountants, though they are
-sadly deficient when compared with the Brahmans who perform the duty
-of keeping the village accounts above the ghats. The Kai-katti Karnams
-(or Karnams who show the hand) derive their name from a peculiar custom
-existing among them, by which a daughter-in-law is never allowed to
-speak to her mother-in-law except by signs. The reason may perhaps
-be surmised. The members of the four divisions cannot intermarry. In
-their customs the caste is somewhat peculiar. They wear the thread,
-disallow liquor-drinking, flesh-eating, and widow remarriage. Most
-of them worship Siva, but there are some who are Vaishnavites, and
-a very few are Lingayats." Their title is Pillai. In the records
-relating to the Tamil country, Conicopoly, Conicoply, Canacappel,
-and other variants appear as a corrupt form of Kanakka Pillai. For
-example, in the records of Fort St. George, 1680, it is noted that
-"the Governour, accompanyed with the Councell and several persons of
-the factory, attended by six files of soldyers, the Company's Peons,
-300 of the Washers, the Pedda Naigue, the Cancoply of the Towne and of
-the grounds, went the circuit of Madras ground, which was described
-by the Cancoply of the grounds." It is recorded by Baldæus (1672)
-that Xaverius set everywhere teachers called Canacappels. [85] The
-title Conicopillay is still applied to the examiner of accounts by
-the Corporation of Madras.
-
-It is laid down in the Village Officers' Manual that "the Karnam,
-who is entrusted with the keeping of village accounts, is subordinate
-to the Head of the village. He should help and advise the Head of
-the village in every way. He is the clerk of the Head of the village
-in his capacity of village munsif and magistrate. He has to prepare
-reports, accounts, statements, etc., which it is necessary to put in
-writing." When sudden or unnatural death takes place within the limits
-of a village, the Karnam takes down in writing the evidence of persons
-who are examined, and frames a report of the whole proceedings. He
-keeps the register of those who are confined, or placed in the stocks
-by the Head of the village for offences of a trivial nature, such
-as using abusive language, or petty assaults or affrays. It is the
-Karnam who keeps the revenue accounts, and registers of the price
-of all kinds of grain, strangers passing or re-passing through the
-village, births and deaths, and cattle mortality when cattle disease,
-e.g., anthrax or rinderpest, exists. Further, it is the duty of the
-Karnam to take proper care of Government survey instruments, and,
-when revenue survey is being carried out, to satisfy himself that
-the village and field boundary marks are properly erected.
-
-In their marriage and death ceremonies, the Kanakkans closely follow
-the Tamil Puranic type as observed by Vellalas. The Kaikatti section,
-however, has one peculiar custom. After the marriage ceremony, the
-girl is kept inside the house, and not allowed to move about freely,
-for at least two or three days. She is considered to be under some
-kind of pollution. It is said that, in former times, she was confined
-in the house for forty days, and, as occupation, had to separate dhal
-(peas) and rice, which had been mixed together.
-
-The following proverbs are not complimentary to the Kanakkan, who, as
-an influential village official, is not always a popular individual:--
-
-Though babies are sold for a pie each, we do not want a Kanakka baby.
-
-Wherever you meet with a Kanakka child or with a crow's young one,
-put out its eyes.
-
-In Travancore, Kanakkan is a name by which Kammalans are addressed,
-and a prefix to the name of Todupuzha Vellalas. It further occurs,
-on the west coast, as a sub-division of Cheruman or Pulayan.
-
-For the following note on the Kanakkans of the Cochin State, I am
-indebted to Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna Aiyar. [86]
-
-The Kanakkans belong to the slave castes, and are even now attached to
-some landlords. In the taluks of Trichur, Mukandapuram, and Cranganur,
-where I obtained all my information about them, I learnt that they are
-the Atiyars (slaves) of Chittur Manakkal Nambudiripad at Perumanom
-near Trichur, and they owe him a kind of allegiance. The Nambudiri
-landlord told me that the members of the caste, not only from almost
-all parts of the State, but also from the British taluks of Ponnani,
-Chowghat, and even from Calicut, come to him with a Thirumulkazhcha,
-i.e., a few annas in token of their allegiance. This fact was also
-confirmed by a Kanakkanar (headman) at Cranganur, who told me that
-he and his castemen were the slaves of the same landlord, though,
-in disputes connected with the caste, they abide by the decision of
-the local Raja. In the event of illness or calamity in the family of
-a Kanakkan, an astrologer (Kaniyan), who is consulted as to the cause
-and remedy, sometimes reminds the members thereof of the negligence
-in their allegiance to the landlord, and suggests the advisability
-of paying respects to him (Nambikuru) with a few annas. On the Puyam
-day in Makaram (January-February), these people from various parts
-of the State present themselves in a body with a few annas each,
-to own their allegiance to him. The following story is mentioned by
-him. One of his ancestors chanced to pay his respects to one of the
-rulers of the State, when the residence of the Royal Family was in
-Cochin. On arriving near the town, the boat capsised in a storm, but
-was luckily saved by the bravery of a few rowers of this caste. The
-Raja, who witnessed the incident from a window of his palace, admired
-their valour, and desired to enlist some Kanakkans into his service.
-
-There are four endogamous sub-divisions among the Kanakkans, viz.,
-Patunna, the members of which formerly worked in salt-pans, Vettuva,
-Chavala, and Parattu. Each of these is further sub-divided into clans
-(kiriyam), which are exogamous.
-
-A young man may marry the daughter of his maternal uncle, but this is
-not permissible in some places. Marriage is both infant and adult,
-and may be celebrated by Patunna Kanakkans at any time between the
-tenth and thirteenth years of a girl, while the Vettuva Kanakkans may
-celebrate it only after girls attain puberty. They often choose the
-bridegroom beforehand, with the intention of performing the ceremony
-after puberty.
-
-When a girl attains maturity, she is kept apart in a part of the
-house on the score of pollution, which lasts for seven days. She
-bathes on the fourth day. On the morning of the seventh day seven
-girls are invited, and they accompany the girl to a tank (pond) or a
-river. They all have an oil bath, after which they return home. The
-girl, dressed and adorned in her best, is seated on a plank in a
-conspicuous part of the hut, or in a pandal (booth) put up for the
-time in front of it. A small vessel full of paddy [87] (nerapara),
-a cocoanut, and a lighted lamp, are placed in front of her. Her
-Enangan begins his musical tunes, and continues for an hour or two,
-after which he takes for himself the above things, while his wife,
-who has purified the girl by sprinkling cow-dung water, gets a few
-annas for her service. It is now, at the lucky moment, that the girl's
-mother ties the tali round her neck. The seven girls are fed, and given
-an anna each. The relations, and other castemen who are invited, are
-treated to a sumptuous dinner. The guests as they depart give a few
-annas each to the chief host, to meet the expenses of the ceremony
-and the feast. This old custom of mutual help prevails largely among
-the Pulayas also. The girl is now privileged to enter the kitchen,
-and discharge her domestic duties. The parents of the bridegroom
-contribute to the ceremony a small packet of jaggery (crude sugar),
-a muri (piece of cloth), some oil and incha (Acacia Intsia), the soft
-fibre of which is used as soap. This contribution is called bhendu
-nyayam. If the girl is married before puberty, and she attains her
-maturity during her stay with her husband, the ceremony is performed
-in his hut, and the expenses are met by the parents of the bridegroom,
-while those of the bride contribute a share.
-
-When a Vettuva Kanakka girl comes of age, the headman (Vatikaran)
-of the caste is informed. He comes, along with his wife, to help
-the girl's parents in the performance of the ceremony. Seven girls
-are invited. Each of them breaks a cocoanut, and pours the water on
-the girl's head. Water is also poured over her. As soon as she is
-thus bathed, she is allowed to remain in a room, or in a part of the
-hut. Near her are placed a mirror made of metal, a vessel of paddy,
-a pot full of water, and a lighted lamp. The young man who has been
-chosen as her husband is invited. He has to climb a cocoanut tree to
-pluck a tender cocoanut for the girl, and a cluster of flowers. He
-then takes a meal in the girl's hut, and departs. The same proceedings
-are repeated on the fourth day, and, on the seventh day, he takes
-the cluster of flowers, and throws it on water.
-
-As soon as a young man is sufficiently old, his parents look out for
-a girl as his wife. When she is chosen, the negotiations leading to
-marriage are opened by the father of the bridegroom, who, along with
-his brother-in-law and Enangan (relations by marriage), goes to the
-house of the bride-elect, where, in the midst of relations and friends
-previously assembled, the formal arrangements are made, and a portion
-of the bride's money is also paid. The auspicious day for the wedding
-is settled, and the number of guests to be invited is fixed. There is
-also an entertainment for those that are assembled. A similar one is
-also held at the hut of the bridegroom-elect. These people are too
-poor to consult the local Kaniyan (astrologer); but, if it is known
-that the couple were born on the day of the same constellation, the
-match is at once rejected. On the day chosen for the celebration of
-the marriage, the bridegroom, neatly dressed, and with a knife and
-stylus, sets out from his hut, accompanied by his parents, uncles,
-other relatives, and men of his village, to the hut of the bride,
-where they are welcomed, and seated on mats in a pandal (booth)
-put up for the occasion. The bride, somewhat veiled, is taken to
-the pandal and seated along with the bridegroom, and to both of them
-a sweet preparation of milk, sugar and plantain fruits is given, to
-establish the fact that they have become husband and wife. There is no
-tali-tying then. The guests are treated to a sumptuous dinner. As they
-take leave of the chief host, each of them pays a few annas to meet the
-expenses of the ceremony. The bridegroom, with the bride and those who
-have accompanied him, returns to his hut, where some ceremonies are
-gone through, and the guests are well fed. The bridegroom and bride
-are seated together, and a sweet preparation is given, after which
-the parents and the maternal uncle of the former, touching the heads
-of both, says "My son, my daughter, my nephew, my niece," meaning
-that the bride has become a member of their family. They throw rice
-on their heads as a token of their blessings on them. After this,
-the couple live together as man and wife. In some places, marriage
-is performed by proxy. A young Vettuva Kanakkan cannot marry by
-proxy. Neither can the tali-tying ceremony be dispensed with.
-
-If a woman has abandoned herself to a member of a lower caste, she is
-put out of caste, and becomes a Christian or Muhammadan. Adultery is
-regarded with abhorrence. All minor offences are dealt with by the
-headman, whose privileges are embodied in a Thituram (royal order),
-according to which he may preside at marriage, funeral, and other
-ceremonies, and obtain a small fee as remuneration for his services. He
-may use a stick, a stylus, and a knife lined with gold. He may wear
-a white coat, turban and ear-rings, and use an umbrella. He may also
-construct a shed with six posts for marriage ceremonies. He has to
-pay a tax of ten annas to the Sirkar (Government). Chittur Manakkal
-Nambudiripad in the taluk of Talapilly, the Cranganur Raja in the taluk
-of Cranganur, and His Highness the Maharaja exercise absolute powers
-in the settlement of disputes connected with this and other castes.
-
-The Kanakkans believe in magic, sorcery, and witchcraft. Persons
-who practice the art are very rare among them. They go to a Panan,
-Velan, or Parayan, whenever they require his services. They profess
-Hinduism, and worship Siva, Vishnu, Ganapathi, and Subramania,
-Mukkan, Chathan, Kandakaranan, and the spirits of their ancestors are
-also adored. Vettuva Kanakkans do homage to Kappiri and Virabhadran
-also. Chathan cannot be worshipped at Cranganur, as he is opposed to
-the local deity. Wooden or brass images of their ancestors are kept
-in their huts, to whom regular sacrifices are offered on Karkadagom,
-Thulam, and Makaram Sankranthis. In their compounds is often seen
-a raised platform beneath a tree, on which are placed a few stones
-representing the images of the demons whom they much fear and
-respect. Sacrifices are offered to them on leaves.
-
-Patunna Kanakkans invariably bury their dead. The funeral rites are
-similar to those observed by other low castes. Death pollution lasts
-for fifteen days. On the sixteenth morning, the hut and compound
-are swept and cow-dunged. The relatives and castemen are invited,
-and bring some rice and curry stuffs for a feast. Along with the
-chief mourner (the son of the deceased) and his brothers, they go
-to the nearest tank or river to bathe. The Enangan of the family
-purifies them by the sprinkling of cow-dung water. They return home,
-and those assembled are treated to a grand dinner. The son observes
-the diksha (mourning) either for forty-one days, or for a whole year,
-after which a grand feast called Masam is celebrated.
-
-The Kanakkans are employed in fishing in the backwaters, cutting
-timber and floating it on bamboo rafts down rivers flooded during
-the monsoon, boating, pumping out water from rice fields by means
-of water-wheels, and all kinds of agricultural labour. They were
-at one time solely engaged in the manufacture of salt from the
-backwaters. Women are engaged in making coir (cocoanut fibre) and
-in agricultural labour. Vettuva Kanakkans are engaged in cocoanut
-cultivating, and making lime out of shells. They are very skilful in
-climbing cocoanut trees for plucking cocoanuts.
-
-The Kanakkans take food prepared by members of the higher castes, and
-by Kammalans, Izhuvas, and Mappillas. They have a strong objection
-to eating at the hands of Veluthedans (washermen), Velakkathalavans
-(barbers), Panans, Velans, and Kaniyans. Pulayas, Ulladans, and
-Nayadis have to stand far away from them. They themselves have to
-keep at a distance of 48 feet from high caste Hindus. They pollute
-Izhuvas by touch, and Kammalans and Valans at a short distance. They
-cannot approach the temples of the higher castes, but take part in
-the festivals of temples in rural parts. At Cranganur, they can come
-as far as the kozhikallu, which is a stone outside the temple at a
-short distance from it, on which fowls are offered by low caste people.
-
-Kanakku.--A prefix to the name of Nayars, e.g., Kanakku Raman Krishnan,
-and also adopted as a prefix by the Todupuzha Vellalas of Travancore.
-
-Kancharan.--A Malabar caste, the occupation of which is the manufacture
-of brass vessels.
-
-Kanchera.--Kanchera and Kanchari are names of the Telugu section
-of metal-workers.
-
-Kanchimandalam Vellala. --A name assumed by Malaiyalis of the Salem
-hills, who claim to be Vellalas who emigrated from Conjeeveram
-(Kanchipuram).
-
-Kanchu (bell-metal).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. Kansukejje (bronze
-bell) occurs as a sub-division of Toreya.
-
-Kanchugara.--In the Madras and Mysore Census Reports, Kanchugara
-is recorded as a sub-division of Panchala, the members of which are
-workers in brass, copper, and bell-metal. The Kanchugaras of South
-Canara are described by Mr. H. A. Stuart [88] as "a Canarese caste of
-brass-workers. They are Hindus of the Vaishnava sect, and pay special
-reverence to Venkatramana of Tirupati. Their spiritual guru is the
-head of the Ramachandrapuram math. A man cannot marry within his own
-gotra or family. They have the ordinary system of inheritance through
-males. Girls must be married before puberty, and the dhare form of
-marriage (see Bant) is used. The marriage of widows is not permitted,
-and divorce is allowed only in the case of women who have proved
-unchaste. The dead are either cremated, or buried in a recumbent
-posture. Brahmans officiate as their priests. The use of spirituous
-liquors, and flesh and fish is permitted. Bell-metal is largely used
-for making household utensils, such as lamps, goglets, basins, jugs,
-etc. The process of manufacturing these articles is as follows. The
-moulds are made of clay, dried and coated with wax to the thickness
-of the articles required, and left to dry again, a hole being made in
-them so as to allow the wax to flow out when heated. After this has
-been done, the molten metal is poured in. The moulds are then broken,
-and the articles taken out and polished."
-
-Kandappan.--A sub-division of Occhan.
-
-Kandulu (dal: Cajanus indicus).--An exogamous sept of
-Yerukala. Kandikattu (dal soup) occurs as an exogamous sept of Medara.
-
-Kangara.--The word Kangara means servant, and the Kangaras (or
-Khongars) were originally village watchmen in the Vizagapatam Agency
-tracts, corresponding to the Kavalgars of the Tamil country. They
-are described as follows by Lieutenant J. Macdonald Smith, who was
-Assistant Agent to the Governor in Jeypore in the sixties of the last
-century. "A Khongar, it seems, is nothing but a Kavilgar or village
-watchman. That these people, in many parts of India, are little better
-than a community of thieves, is pretty well known, and what was the
-true nature of the system in Jeypore was very clearly brought to light
-in a case which was committed to my Court. It was simply this. Before
-we entered the country, the entire police and magisterial authority
-of a taluk was lodged in the revenue ameen or renter. Whenever a theft
-occurred, and the property was of sufficient importance to warrant the
-trouble and expense, the traveller or householder, as the case might
-be, resorted at once to the ameen, who (if sufficiently fed by the
-complainant) forthwith sent for the Head Khongar of the quarter, and
-desired him to recover the goods, whatever they might be. The Khongar
-generally knows very well where to lay his hand on the property, and
-would come back with such portion of it as the urgency of the ameen's
-order seemed to require, while the zeal of that functionary of course
-varied in each case, according to the extent of the gratification
-the complainant seemed disposed to give. This is the Khongar system
-of Jeypore in its length and breadth, as proved at the trial referred
-to. Wherever a taluk is taken up by the Police, the system of course
-falls down of itself. As for the Khongars, they willingly enlist in
-our village constabulary, and are proving themselves both intelligent
-and fearless." The Meriah Officers (1845-61) remarked that the former
-Rajas of Jeypore, and their subordinate chiefs, retained in their
-service great numbers of professional robbers, called Khongars,
-whom they employed within the Jeypore country, and in the plains,
-on expeditions of rapine and bloodshed.
-
-The Khongars were generally Paidis by caste, and their descendants
-are even now the most notorious among the dacoits of the Vizagapatam
-district. Their methods are thus described in the Gazetteer of
-the Vizagapatam district (1907). "Like the Konda Doras, they have
-induced some of the people to employ watchmen of their caste as the
-price of immunity from theft. They are connected with the Dombus of
-the Rayagada and Gunupur taluks, who are even worse. These people
-dacoit houses at night in armed gangs of fifty or more, with their
-faces blackened to prevent recognition. Terrifying the villagers into
-staying quiet in their huts, they force their way into the house of
-some wealthy person (for choice the local Sondi, liquor-seller and
-sowcar [89]--usually the only man worth looting in an Agency village,
-and a shark who gets little pity from his neighbours when forced to
-disgorge), tie up the men, rape the women, and go off with everything
-of value. Their favourite method of extracting information regarding
-concealed property is to sprinkle the house-owner with boiling oil."
-
-Kangayan.--A division of Idaiyans settled in Travancore.
-
-Kaniala (land-owners).--A sub-division of Vellala.
-
-Kanigiri (a hill in the Nellore district).--An exogamous sept of
-Medara.
-
-Kanikar.--The Kanikars, who are commonly known as Kanis, are a jungle
-tribe inhabiting the mountains of South Travancore. Till recently they
-were in the habit of sending all their women into the seclusion of the
-dense jungle on the arrival of a stranger near their settlements. But
-this is now seldom done, and some Kanikars have in modern times settled
-in the vicinity of towns, and become domesticated. The primitive
-short, dark-skinned and platyrhine type, though surviving, has become
-changed as the result of contact metamorphosis, and many leptorhine
-or mesorhine individuals above middle height are to be met with.
-
-
-    ==============+=======================+======================
-                  |        Stature.       |      Nasal index.
-    ==============+=======+=======+=======+=======+=======+======
-                  |  AV.  |  MAX. |  MIN. |  AV.  | MAX.  | MIN.
-                  |       |       |       |       |       |
-    Jungle        | 155.2 | 170.3 | 150.2 |  84.6 | 105   | 72.3
-    Domesticated  | 158.7 | 170.4 | 148   |  81.2 |  90.5 | 70.8
-    ==============+=======+=======+=======+=======+=======+======
-
-
-The Kanikars are said to be characterised by a high standard of honour,
-and to be straightforward, honest and truthful. They are good trackers
-and fond of sport, and in clearing forest paths they have hardly any
-equals. Their help and guidance are sought by, and willingly given
-to any person who may have to travel through the forests.
-
-The jungle Kanikars have no permanent abode, but shift about from
-one part of the forest to another. Their settlements, composed of
-lowly huts built of bamboo and reeds, are abandoned when they suffer
-from fever, or are harassed by wild beasts, or when the soil ceases
-to be productive. The settlements are generally situated, away from
-the tracks of elephants, on steep hill slopes, which are terraced
-and planted with useful trees. In their system of cultivation the
-Kanikars first clear a patch of forest, and then set fire to it. The
-ground is sown with hardly any previous tillage. When, after two or
-three years, the land diminishes in productiveness, they move onto
-another part of the forest, and follow the same rough and ready
-method of cultivation. Thus one patch of ground after another is
-used for agricultural purposes, until a whole tract of forest is
-cleared. But the Kanikars have now to a large extent abandoned this
-kind of migratory cultivation, because, according to the forest rules,
-forests may not be set fire to or trees felled at the unrestricted
-pleasure of individuals. They cultivate various kinds of cereals
-and pulses, as well as tapioca (Manihot utilissima), sweet potatoes
-(Ipomoea batatas), ganja (Indian hemp), and tobacco. Each settlement
-now has a forest block assigned to it for cultivation, with which
-other tribes are not allowed to interfere, and wherein the Kanikars
-are allowed to fell, clear, and grow their crops. They do not pay
-anything in the way of tax to the Government. Once a year they go in
-a group to visit the Maharaja at Trivandrum, and he "always receives
-them most kindly, accepting the nuzzur they offer in the shape of the
-bamboo plantain with large though few fruits, a parcel of Muttucheri
-hill rice, bamboo joints containing different varieties of honey,
-and virukachattam or a parcel of civet. The customary modes of court
-address, and the prescribed court etiquette are alike unknown to them,
-and the Maharaja, pleased with their simplicity and unaffected homage,
-rewards them with presents of cloth, money, salt, and tobacco, with
-which they return satisfied to their jungle home." The Rev. S. Mateer
-notes that he had difficulty in persuading the Kanikars to part with
-a sucker of the bamboo plantain, as they fancied it must be reserved
-for the use of the Maharaja alone.
-
-Some Kanikars are engaged as coolies on planters' estates, or in
-felling timber and cutting bamboos for contractors, others in the
-manufacture of bows and arrows with blunt or barbed iron heads. Heated
-arrows are used by them, for hitting elephants which invade their
-sugar-cane or other crop, from the safe protection of a hut built on
-a platform of sticks in tall trees of branches or bamboo covered with
-leaves of Ochlandra Travancorica or other large leaves. In connection
-with these huts, which are called anamadam (elephant huts), it has been
-said that "the hills abound with game. 'Bison' (Bos gaurus), bears, and
-sambar (Cervus unicolor) are frequently met with, while elephants and
-tigers are so numerous that the Kanikars are in some parts compelled
-to build their houses high up in trees. These primitive houses are
-quickly and easily constructed. The walls are made of bamboo, and
-the roof is thatched with jungle leaves. They are generally built
-about fifty feet above the ground, and are securely fastened to the
-branches of a substantial tree, and a crude ladder of bamboo connects
-them with the ground. When all the inmates are safely housed for the
-night, the ladder is removed aloft out of the reach of elephants, who,
-mischievously inclined, might remove the obstruction, and leave the
-Kanikars to regain terra firma the best way they could." Sometimes a
-single bamboo, with the shoots on the sides cut short, does duty for
-a ladder. It has been said that, when the crops are ripening, the
-Kanikar watchmen are always at home in their arboreal houses, with
-their bows and arrows, and chanting their wild songs. Sometimes the
-blunt end of an arrow is used as a twirling stick in making fire by
-friction, for which purpose sticks made of Grewia tilioefolia, etc.,
-are also used. In making fire, the Kanikars "procure two pieces of
-wood, one of which is soft, and contains a small hole or hollow about
-half an inch deep to receive the end of the other, which is a hard
-round stick about eighteen inches long, and as thick as an ordinary
-ruler. The Kanikar takes this stick between the palms of his hands,
-keeping it in a vertical position, with the end of it in the hollow
-referred to, and produces a quick rotary and reverse motion, and with
-slight pressure causes the friction necessary to produce a quantity
-of fluff, which soon ignites."
-
-The Kanikars are employed by the Government to collect honey, wax,
-ginger, cardamoms, dammar, and elephant tusks, in return for a small
-remuneration known as kutivaram. Other occupations are trapping,
-capturing or killing elephants, tigers, and wild pigs, and making
-wicker-work articles of bamboo or rattan. The Rev. S. Mateer mentions
-having seen a wicker bridge, perhaps a hundred feet long, over which
-a pony could pass. A tiger trap is said to be a huge affair made of
-strong wooden bars, with a partition at one end for a live goat as
-bait. The timbers thereof are supported by a spring, which, on a wild
-beast entering, lets fall a crushing weight on it.
-
-The Kanikars wander all over the hills in search of honey, and
-a resident in Travancore writes that "I have seen a high rugged
-rock, only accessible on one side, the other side being a sheer
-precipice of several hundred feet, and in its deep crevices scores
-of bees' nests. Some of them have been there for generations, and
-the Kanikars perform periodically most daring feats in endeavouring
-to secure at least a portion of the honey. On this precipice I have
-seen overhanging and fluttering in the breeze a rattan rope, made in
-rings and strongly linked together, the whole forming a rope ladder
-several hundred feet long, and securely fastened to a tree at the
-top of the precipice. Only a short time ago these people made one of
-their usual raids on the 'honey rock.' One of the tribe descended the
-rope ladder for a considerable distance, with a basket fastened to his
-back to receive the honey, and carrying with him torch-wood with which
-to smoke the bees out of the nests. Having arrived at his goal two
-hundred feet from the top, and over three hundred feet from the ground
-below, he ignited the torch, and, after the usual smoking process,
-which took some little time to perform, the bees made a hurried exit
-from the nests, and the Kanikar began the work of destruction, and
-with every movement the man and the ladder swayed to and fro, as if
-the whole thing would collapse at any moment. However, all was safe,
-and, after securing as much honey as he could conveniently carry, he
-began the return journey. Hand and foot he went up ring after ring
-until he reached the top in safety, performing the ascent with an
-air of nonchalant ease, which would have done credit to any steeple
-jack." The honey is brought for sale in hollow bamboo joints.
-
-Sometimes Kanikars come into Trivandrum, bringing with them live
-animals for the zoological gardens.
-
-The word Kanikaran means a hereditary proprietor of land. There
-is a tradition that there were once two hill kings, Sri Rangan and
-Virappan, whose descendants emigrated from the Pandyan territories
-beyond Agastyakutam under pressure from a superior force, and never
-returned to the low country. The following legend is current among
-the Kanikars. "The sea originally covered everything, but God caused
-the water to roll back, and leave bare all the hills. Then Parameswara
-and Parvati made a man and woman, whose descendants were divided into
-fifty-six races, and multiplied exceedingly, so that a sore famine
-invaded the land. In those days men were hunters, and lived by snaring
-animals and plucking wild fruits off the trees. There was no corn,
-for men did not know how to sow rice, and cultivate it. The cry of
-the famine-stricken reached Parameswara and Parvati, and they visited
-the earth in the form of a pair of hamsam (the bird which carries
-Brahma), and alighted on a kanjiram tree. While seated there, the god
-and goddess noticed a pair of dragon-flies, which paired together,
-and they too, their hearts swelling with love, embraced each other,
-and, taking pity on mankind, willed that a field of rice should sprout
-on the low-lying land near the sea-shore. The Paraiyans and Pulayans,
-who witnessed the rice growing, were the first to taste of the crop,
-and became prosperous. This was in Malabar, or the far north of
-Travancore. The Maharaja, hearing of the new grain, sent seven green
-parrots to go On a journey of discovery, and they returned with seven
-ears of rice. These the Maharaja placed in a granary, and gave some
-to the Paraiyans to sow, and the grain miraculously increased. But
-the Maharaja wanted to know how it was to be cooked. The parrots were
-accordingly once more brought into requisition, and they flew away,
-and brought back eighteen varieties of cooked rice which a Paraiyan's
-wife had prepared. Then the Maharaja, having got some rice prepared
-by his cooks, fell to and eat heartily. After eating, he went into the
-yard to wash his hands, and, before drying them on a cloth, wrung his
-right hand to get the last drops of water off. A valuable gold ring
-with three stones fell therefrom, and, burying itself in the dust,
-was never recovered. The Maharaja was sore distressed by his loss,
-but, Parameswara, as some recompense, caused to grow from the ground
-where the ring fell three trees which are very valuable in Travancore,
-and which, by the sale of their produce, would make the Maharaja
-wealthy and prosperous. The trees were the dammar tree, the resinous
-gum of which is useful in religious ceremonies, the sandal-wood tree
-so widely used for its perfume, and lastly the bamboo, which is so
-useful and necessary to the well-being of the Kanikars."
-
-The sub-divisions among the Kanikars are known as illams or families,
-of which five are said to be endogamous, and five exogamous. The
-former are called Machchampi or brother-in-law illams, and the latter
-Annantampi or brother illams. They are named after mountains (e.g.,
-Palamala, Talamala), places (e.g., Vellanat), etc. The Kanikars who
-live south of the Kodayar river cannot marry those living north of it,
-the river forming a marital boundary.
-
-Among the names of Kanikars are Parapan (broad-faced), Chanthiran
-(moon), Marthandan (sun), Muntan (dwarf), Kaliyan (little Kali),
-Madan (a deity), Nili (blue) and Karumpi (black). The first name is
-sometimes that of the settlement in which they live. For example,
-the various Mullans are known as Kuzhumbi Mullan, Anaimalai Mullan,
-Chembilakayam Mullan, etc.
-
-The Kanikars live together in small communities under a Muttakani
-or headman, who wields considerable influence over them, and enjoys
-various perquisites. He presides over tribal council meetings, at
-which all social questions are discussed and settled, and fixes the
-time for clearing the jungle, sowing the seed, gathering the harvest,
-worshipping the gods, etc. Fines which are inflicted are spent in
-propitiating the gods.
-
-The language of the Kanikars is a dialect of Malayalam, with a
-large admixture of Tamil, which they call Malampashai or language of
-the hills.
-
-The system of inheritance among those who live in the hills is
-makkathayam (from father to son). But a moiety of the personal
-property goes to the nephews. With those who live in the plains, an
-equal distribution of their self-acquired property is made between
-the sons and nephews. If there are no sons, the nephews inherit the
-property, the widow being entitled to maintenance.
-
-The chief object of worship is said to be Sasthan, a forest
-god. But the Kanikars also make offerings to a variety of deities,
-including Amman, Poothathan, Vetikad Pootham, Vadamala Poothathan,
-and Amcala. They have, it has been said, "certain spots, trees or
-rocks, where their relations or friends have met with some unusual good
-luck or calamity, where they generally offer their prayers. Here they
-periodically assemble, and pray that the catastrophe that had befallen
-a comrade may not fall on them, or that the blessings which another had
-received may be showered on them." Generally in February a festival
-called kodai is held, whereat the Kanikars assemble. Goats and fowls
-are sacrificed, and the pujari (priest) offers boiled rice and meat to
-the sylvan deities in a consecrated place. The festival, to which many
-come from the low country, winds up with drinking and dancing. The
-Kanikar musical instruments include a reed flute or clarionet, and
-men dance to the music, while the women clap their hands in time with
-it. The Kanikars worship their gods twice a year, in the months of
-Minam and Kanni. On the morning of the celebration, every family takes
-rice and plantains to the dwelling of the headman. With the exception
-of a small quantity which is set aside, the rice is husked and ground
-to flour by boys or men, after bathing and washing their hands and
-feet. The rice is taken to a clearing in the fields, whither a Kanikar
-who knows how to invoke the deity comes after bathing. He lays out
-a row of plantain leaves, and spreads on each leaf a little rice, on
-which plantains are laid. These are covered over with a plantain leaf,
-on which rice is sprinkled. The officiating Kanikar then burns incense,
-carries it round the trophy, and places it in front thereof. All do
-obeisance by raising their hands to their foreheads, and pray for a
-fruitful harvest. Sometimes the officiating Kanikar becomes inspired
-like a Velichapad, and gives expression to oracular utterances. At the
-close of the ceremony, a distribution of the rice and plantains takes
-place. When the land is to be cleared for cultivation, the headman is
-invited to attend, and some rice and cocoanuts are presented to him,
-which he offers up, and clears a small portion with his own hand. On
-the first appearance of the ears of grain, the Kanikars spend two
-nights in drumming, singing, and repeating mantrams at the field,
-and put up a tattu or platform on four sticks as a shrine for the
-spirits, to whom they offer raw rice, tender cocoanuts, flowers,
-etc. At harvest time rice, plantains, sweetmeats, and flowers are
-offered to the various hill demons, Purcha Mallan Pey, the cat giant,
-Athirakodi Pey, the boundary flag demon, and others.
-
-For the following note on a Kanikar harvest festival I am indebted to
-an article by Mr. A. P. Smith. [90] It was performed in propitiation
-of the Baradevata, or household gods of a house in the neighbourhood,
-the presiding deity being Madan. The ceremony is commonly called the
-feeding ceremony, and should be carried out just before the harvesting
-of the grain commences. "The officiating Kani is generally an elderly
-and influential man, who professes inspiration and knowledge obtained
-when asleep. The articles necessary to perform the ceremony are called
-Paduka or sacrifice, and Ashtamangalyam. Paduka is for the adult gods
-or manes, male or female, called Chava, and Ashtamangalyam is for
-the virgins who have died, called Kanyakas. A temporary pavilion or
-pandal had been erected in front of the house, and from the canopy
-long streamers of tender cocoanut leaves, bunches of plantains,
-and tender cocoanuts, with their husk on, were hung. Branches of
-areca nuts and flowers adorned the posts and pillars. Small heaps,
-consisting of boiled rice, paddy, a tender cocoanut, a sprig of areca
-flowers, and betel were placed on plantain leaves in seven definite
-spots. The officiating Kanikar, after formally getting the permission
-of the assembled spectators, and especially of one who subsequently
-appeared on the scene as the chief dancer, began a monotonous chant in
-what appeared to be a mixed language. It was understood to be a history
-of the beginning of earthly kings, a record of the life and doings of
-departed souls, whose protection was prayed for, and a prayer for the
-souls of those persons for whose benefit the ceremony of propitiation
-was in progress. Now and again the feelings of the narrator or singer
-would overcome him, and he would indulge in a shout or in emphatic
-gesticulations. This went on for about three or four hours, punctuated
-at intervals by the firing of petards or old smooth-bore guns, and the
-shrill cries of the women. Before the chanting terminated, a large
-heap of the red flowers of Ixora coccinea (thetti pu), about a yard
-square at the base, had been raised in the centre of the pandal, and
-it was prettily picked out with areca flowers in artistic designs. The
-horrible sound of a human voice roaring like a wild beast aroused
-every one to a sense of activity. From behind the hut came the man
-already mentioned, very primitively clothed, his hair hanging loose,
-his eyes staring, and what appeared like foam at his mouth. He would
-stand, run short distances, leap, sit, agitate his body, and dance,
-keeping step to the rhythmic and muffled beating of the drum. This
-he did for ten minutes or so. Suddenly, with a shout, he dived into
-the hut specially set apart as the feeding place of the god Madan,
-and presently appeared with two long sticks adorned at their ends
-with bells, which emitted a jingling sound. The frenzy of motion,
-ecstatic, unregulated and ungovernable, was apparently infectious, for
-a young man, hitherto a silent spectator of the scene, gave a shout,
-and began to dance wildly, throwing up his arms, and stepping out
-quite actively. This encouragement stimulated the original performer,
-and he caught a man standing near by the neck, thrust the stick with
-the bells into his hand, and he thereupon started dancing as well. In
-about ten minutes there were some half a dozen wild dancing dervishes,
-shouting, gesticulating, revolving, and most certainly in an abnormal
-state of excitement. A dying but still glowing heap of fire and
-ashes became the centre of attraction, for the chief dancer danced
-over the fire, and sent the sparks flying, and scattered the wood,
-and evoked the admiration and eulogies of the crowd. Streaming with
-perspiration, spotted with ashes, wild, dishevelled and exhausted,
-the chief dancing demoniac stepped under the pandal, and finally sat
-himself before the heap of red flowers, and tossed the blossoms over
-his head in a kind of shower bath. He was assisted in this by the old
-Kanikar and other bystanders. A little boy was brought before him,
-and he called the lad by a name. This was his christening ceremony,
-for the lad assumed the name from that time. The chief dancer then
-stood up, and appeared to be still in a possessed state. A fine old
-rooster was brought, and its throat cut. It was then handed to the
-dancer, who applied his lips to the gaping wound, and drained the
-blood, swallowing the fluid audibly. Before relinquishing his hold
-of the bird, he swayed and fell on the ground in what seemed to
-be a swoon. This indicated that the sacrifice had been acceptable,
-that the propitiation was perfected, and that all the wishes of the
-persons interested in them would be granted. The crowd then set to
-eating and drinking the sacrificial elements, and dispersed."
-
-Both adult and infant marriage are practiced. Those who had married
-'infants,' on being questioned, stated that this is the safest course,
-as grown-up brides sometimes run away to their parents' house, whereas
-younger girls get accustomed to their husbands' home. On a fixed day,
-within a month of the marriage ceremony, four Kanikars, accompanied
-by a boy carrying betel leaves and areca nuts, go to the home of the
-future bride, and present them to the families of the settlement. On
-the wedding morning, all assemble at a pandal (booth), and the
-bridegroom distributes pan-supari (betel leaf and areca nuts). His
-sister then brings forward the bride, and the bridegroom presents
-her with a cloth, which she puts on. Bride, bridegroom, and a young
-boy, then stand on a mat beneath the pandal, and the bridegroom ties
-the minnu (marriage badge) round the neck of the bride if she is an
-infant. If she is an adult, he places the minnu in front of her neck,
-on which it is tied by his sister. A plantain leaf is then placed
-in front of the bridal couple, and curry and rice served thereon by
-their mothers. The two women then take hold of the bride's head, and
-press it seven times towards her husband's shoulders. This ceremony
-concluded, the young boy takes a small quantity of the curry and
-rice, and puts it in the mouth of the bridegroom seven times. The
-bridegroom's younger brother then gives a morsel to the bride. The
-ceremonial terminates with a feast. The dowry includes billhooks,
-brass vessels, choppers, grain, and pulses. The headman, according to
-Mateer, offers some advice to the husband concerning the management of
-his wife. The heads of his discourse are arranged under the following
-heads:--teaching by words, pinching, and blows, and casting the woman
-away at last, if she is not obedient. In the remarriage of widows,
-the bridegroom simply gives the woman a pair of cloths, and, with
-the consent of the male members of her family, takes her to his home.
-
-During the seventh month of pregnancy, a woman has to perform a
-ceremony called vaguthu pongal. Seven pots are placed on seven hearths,
-and, when the rice placed therein has boiled, the woman salutes it,
-and all present partake thereof. According to Mateer "the ceremony
-practised on the occasion of pregnancy is called vayaru pongal,
-when boiled rice is offered to the sun. First they mould an image of
-Ganesha, and, setting it in a suitable place, boil the rice. To this
-they add for an offering aval or flattened rice, parched rice, cakes,
-plantain fruits, young cocoanuts, and tender leaves of the same palm,
-with the flowers of the areca palm. The headman then commences dancing,
-and repeating mantrams. He waves the offerings to the sun. On first
-giving rice to a child, a feast is held, and an offering presented
-to the jungle demons."
-
-Concerning the death ceremonies, Mateer writes that "when any one is
-taken ill, the headman is at once consulted. He visits the sick person,
-and orders two drumming and singing ceremonies to be performed. A
-whole night is spent in dancing, singing, drumming, and prayers for
-the recovery of the patient. The offerings consist of tapioca, flour
-and cocoanuts, and other articles. After some time the headman, with
-manifestations of demoniac possession, reveals whether the sufferer
-will die or not. If the former, he repeats a mantram (kudumi vettu
-mantram, or formula on cutting off the top-knot), and cuts off the sick
-man's kudumi. This being a sign of approaching death, the relatives
-and others pay their last visits to the sick. After death, a mixture of
-ganja (Indian hemp), raw rice, and cocoanut, is put into the mouth of
-the corpse by the son and nephews, and it is buried at some distance
-from their abode, mantrams being repeated over it. Occasionally the
-corpse is cremated. The relatives bathe before returning home, and
-cannot take any of the produce of their lands till the death pollution
-is removed, fearing that wild beasts will attack them or destroy their
-crops. To this end a small shed is built outside their clearing on the
-third day. Three measures of rice are boiled, and placed in a cup or on
-a plantain leaf inside the shed. Then all bathe, and return home. On
-the seventh day all this is repeated, the old shed being pulled down,
-and a new one put up. On returning to their dwelling, they sprinkle
-cow-dung on their houses and in the yard, which finally removes the
-defilement. People in better circumstances make a feast of curry and
-rice for all present." The cow-dung is sprinkled with leafy twigs of
-the mango or jak tree, or flower stalks of the areca palm. The ashes,
-after cremation, are said to be collected in a pot or leaf, and thrown
-into the nearest stream or river. An annual ceremony, in commemoration
-of ancestors, is held, at which rice is boiled and offered up.
-
-The Kanikars, like the Irulas and Yanadis of the Tamil and Telugu
-countries, do not belong to the polluting classes. Pulayans, Kuruvans,
-and Vedans are not allowed to approach them.
-
-The dietary of the jungle Kanikars includes wild pigs, deer,
-porcupines, hares, monkeys, fowls, sheep and goats, parakeets, doves,
-tortoises, fish, crabs, peacocks, tigers (said to taste like black
-monkey), owls, squirrels and field rats, in addition to many vegetable
-products of the forest. They will not eat beef or the flesh of 'bison.'
-
-Some Kanikars are tattooed on the forehead with a crescent and dot,
-or a vertical stripe. The Kanikars say that their ancestors wore
-a garment made of jungle fibre, which has been replaced by a cotton
-loin-cloth. "Both men and women," Mr. M. Ratnaswami Aiyar writes, "wear
-on the neck numerous strings of red beads and rings made of shells,
-which hang down to the abdomen in the case of the women. The men wear
-ear-rings of brass or silver. The women wear bangles of brass and iron,
-and a number of brass rings on the fingers. The men bear suspended from
-one of their shoulders a cloth bag containing two or more partitions,
-in which they keep their vilangupetti or box containing betel,
-tobacco, and chunam. They carry, too, suspended from the shoulder,
-a cane basket wherein they place their day's crop of grain or roots,
-or any other food obtained by them. They attach to their waist-string
-or cloth a billhook and knife, and carry their bows and arrows slung
-on their shoulders. Whenever the Kanikars from the different kanis
-or settlements have to be gathered together for a common meeting,
-or for going together elsewhere on a common purpose, a messenger
-amongst them carries from one kani to another the message with a knot
-of fibres of creepers, which serves as a symbol of call. The knotted
-fibre is passed on from one kani to another till the required assembly
-is secured. It is thus that I secured my Kanikars to present them to
-their Excellencies Lord and Lady Curzon."
-
-For most of the information contained in this article I am indebted
-to Mateer's 'Native Life in Travancore,' an article by Mr. Ratnaswami
-Aiyar, [91] and notes by Mr. N. Subrahmani Aiyar.
-
-Kani Kuruppu.--Barbers of the Kaniyans.
-
-Kani Razu.--A name, denoting fortune-telling Razus, sometimes used as
-a synonym by Bhatrazus, in whose songs it occurs. The name Kani-vandlu,
-or fortune-tellers, occurs as a synonym of Yerukala.
-
-Kaniyan.--Kaniyan, spelt and pronounced Kanisan in Malabar, is a
-Malayalam corruption of the Sanskrit Ganika, meaning an astrologer. The
-word was originally Kani, in which form it invariably appears in
-Malayalam works and Tamil documents. The honorific suffix 'an' has
-been added subsequently.
-
-The two titles, generally applied to Kaniyans, are Panikkar and
-Asan. The former is said to be a common title in Malabar, but in
-Travancore it seems to be restricted to the north. The word Panikkar
-comes from pani, or work, viz., that of military training. The fact
-that most of the families, who own this title at present, were once
-teachers of bodily exercises, is evident not only from the name kalari,
-literally a military school, by which their houses are usually known,
-but also from the Keralolpatti, which assigns military training as
-a duty of the caste. Asan, a corruption of the Sanskrit Acharya, is
-a common title among Kaniyans in South Travancore. Special titles,
-such as Anantapadmanabham, Sivasankaran, and Sankili, are said to be
-possessed by certain families in the south, having been conferred on
-them by kings in olden times. Some Kaniyans in the north enjoy the
-surname of Nampikuruppu.
-
-Kaniyans are divided into two endogamous sections, viz., Kaniyar and
-Tinta (or polluting). The occupations of the latter are umbrella-making
-and spirit-exorcising, while the others remain astrologers, pure
-and simple. A few families, living at Alengad, are called Vattakan
-Kaniyans, and are believed to have come there on the eve of Tipu
-Sultan's invasion. The women of the Kaniyans proper do not eat
-with them. According to tradition, eight sub-septs are said to have
-existed among the Kaniyans, four of which were known as kiriyams,
-and four as illams. The names of the former are Annavikkannam,
-Karivattam, Kutappilla, and Nanna; of the latter Pampara, Tachchazham,
-Netumkanam, and Ayyarkala. These divisions were once endogamous,
-but this distinction has now disappeared.
-
-In a note on the Kaniyans of the Cochin State, [92] Mr. L. K. Anantha
-Krishna Iyer writes that "there is some difference in the social status
-between the Kaniyans of the southern, and the Kalari Panikkans of the
-northern parts of the State. The latter profess a kind of superiority
-in status, on the ground that the former have no kalaris. It is
-also said by the latter that the occupation of the former was once
-that of umbrella-making, and that astrology as a profession has been
-recently adopted by them. There is at present neither intermarriage,
-nor interdining between them. The Kaniyans pollute the Kalari Panikkans
-by touch." In connection with the old village organisation in Malabar,
-Cochin, and Travancore, Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer writes further
-that "every tara or kara (village) consisted of all castemen below
-Brahmans, especially the Nayars of all classes, more or less living
-in a community, the Kammalans, Izhuvans, Panans, Mannans, and other
-castemen living further apart. For every such village in the northern
-part of the State, there was also a Kalari Panikkan, with a kalari
-(gymnastic or military school), where the young men of the village,
-chiefly the Nayars, were trained in all kinds of athletic feats,
-and in arms. The institution of the kalaris has now disappeared,
-though the building remains in some places, and the Panikkans are now
-mainly astrologers and village schoolmasters. According to their own
-statement, Parasurama, the great coloniser of Kerala, established
-kalaris throughout the kingdom, and appointed them as the masters
-to train Sudra young men in all kinds of feats (one thousand and
-eight in number), for the protection of the country against foreign
-invaders. The Nayars, who then formed the fighting race, were mostly
-trained by the Panikkans. In memory of this, the Kalari Panikkans
-of the northern portions of the State, and of South Malabar, profess
-even now a preceptorship to the Nayars, and the Nayars show them some
-respect, being present at their marriages and other ceremonies. The
-Pannikkans say that the Nayars obtained their kalaris from them. There
-are still a few among the Panikkans, here and there, fit to teach
-young men various feats. The following are the names of some of them:--
-
-(1) Pitichu Kali. Two persons play on their drums (chenda), while
-a third person, well dressed in a kacha, and with a turban on his
-head, and provided with a sword and shield, performs various feats
-in harmony with the drum beating. It is a kind of sword-dance.
-
-(2) Parishathalam Kali. A large pandal (booth) is erected in front
-of the house where the performance is to take place, and the boys
-below sixteen, who have been previously trained for it, are brought
-there. The performance takes place at night. The chenda, maddhalam,
-chengala, and elathalam (circular bell-metal plates slightly concave
-in the middle) are the instruments used in the performance. After the
-performance, the boys, whom the Asan has trained, present themselves
-before him, and remunerate him with whatever they can afford. Parties
-are organised to give this performance on all auspicious occasions
-in rural districts.
-
-(3) Kolati. Around a lighted lamp, a number of persons stand in a
-circle, each with a stick a foot in length, and as thick as a thumb,
-in each hand. They begin to sing, first in slow time, and gradually in
-rapid measure. The time is marked by each one hitting his neighbours'
-sticks with his own on both sides. Much dexterity and precision
-are required, as also experience in combined action and movements,
-lest the amateur should be hit by his neighbours as the measure is
-accelerated. The songs are invariably in praise of God or man.
-
-The Kaniyans, according to one tradition, are Brahman astrologers,
-who gradually lost their position, as their predictions became less
-and less accurate. Concerning their legendary history, Mr. Anantha
-Krishna Iyer writes as follows. "Once, says one of these legends,
-when the god Subrahmanya, son of Siva, and his friend were learning
-astrology, they knew that the sound of a lizard close by foreboded some
-evil to the mother of the former. The friend practiced some magical
-rite, which averted the evil. His mother, who had been in a state of
-unconsciousness, suddenly woke up as if from slumber, and asked the
-son 'Kany-ar,' i.e., who it was that she looked at. To which the son
-replied that she was looking at a Kaniyan (astrologer). The Kaniyans
-still believe that the umbrella, the stick, the holy ashes, and the
-purse of cowries, which form the paraphernalia of a Kaniyan nowadays,
-were given by Subramanya. The following is another tradition regarding
-the origin of the caste. In ancient times, it is said, Panans, Velans,
-and Kaniyans were practicing magic, but astrology as a profession
-was practiced exclusively by the Brahmans. There lived a famous
-astrologer, Thalakkaleth Bhattathiripad, who was the most renowned
-of the astrologers of the time. He had a son whose horoscope he cast,
-and from it he concluded that his son would live long. Unfortunately
-he proved to be mistaken, for his son died. Unable to find out the
-error in his calculation and prediction, he took the horoscope to an
-equally famous astrologer of the Chola kingdom, who, aware of the
-cause of his advent, directed him to adore some deity that might
-aid him in the working out of his predictions. Accordingly he came
-to the Trichur temple, where, as directed, he spent some days in
-devotion to the deity. Thereafter he worked wonders in astrology,
-and became so well known in Malabar, Cochin, and Travancore, that he
-commanded the respect and admiration of the rulers, who invited him to
-cast horoscopes, and make predictions. For so doing he was liberally
-rewarded. One day a Brahman, hearing that his guru at Benares was
-seriously ill, consulted the Bhattathiripad whether and how he would
-be able to see him before his death. The Brahman astrologer directed
-him to go to the southern side of the Trichur temple, where he would
-see two persons coming towards him, who might gratify his desire to
-see his preceptor. These persons were really the servants of Yama
-(the god of death). They asked him to touch them, and he at once
-found himself at the side of his teacher. The Brahman was asked who
-had directed him to them, and, when he told them that it was the
-renowned Brahman astrologer, they cursed him, saying that he would
-become an outcaste. This fate came as no surprise to the astrologer,
-for he had already perceived from an evil conjunction of the planets
-that disgrace and danger were impending. To try to avoid the sad
-fate which he foresaw, he left his home and friends, and set out on
-a boating excursion in a river close by Pazhur. The night was dark,
-and it was midnight when he reached the middle of the stream. A
-severe storm, accompanied by rain, had come on, and the river was in
-flood. He was swept away to an unknown region, and scrambled ashore
-in torrents of rain and in darkness, when he saw a light in a house
-near where he landed, and he made for it in an exhausted condition. On
-reaching it, he lay down in the verandah at the gate of the house,
-musing on the untoward events of the night, and on his affectionate
-family whom he had left. The hut belonged to the family of a Kaniyan,
-[93] who, as it happened, had had a quarrel with his wife that day,
-and had left his hut. Anxiously expecting her husband's return,
-the wife opened the door about midnight, and, seeing a man lying
-in the verandah, mistook him for her husband. The man was so wrapt
-in his thoughts of his home that he in turn mistook her for his
-wife. When the Brahman woke up from his slumber, he found her to be
-a Kaniya woman. On looking at the star in the heavens to calculate
-the precise time, he saw that the prediction that he would become an
-outcaste had been fulfilled. He accepted the degradation, and lived
-the rest of his days with the Kaniya woman. She bore him several
-sons, whom in due course he educated in the lore of his profession,
-and for whom, by his influence, he obtained an important place in
-the Hindu social system as astrologers (Ganikans). It is said that,
-according to his instruction, his body, after his death, was placed
-in a coffin, and buried in the courtyard of the house. The spot is
-still shown, and an elevated platform is constructed, with a thatched
-roof over it. A lighted lamp is placed at all times on the platform,
-and in front of it astrological calculations and predictions are made,
-for it is believed that those who made such calculations there will
-have the aid of the spirit of their dead Brahman ancestor, who was
-so learned in the science that he could tell of events long past, and
-predict even future birth. As an instance of the last, the following
-incident may be given. Once the great Brahman ascetic Vilwamangalath
-Swamiyar was suffering severely from pains in the stomach, when he
-prayed to the divine Krishna for relief. Finding no remedy, he turned
-to a Brahman friend, a Yogi, who gave him some holy ashes, which he
-took, and which relieved him of the pains. He mentioned the fact to
-his beloved god Krishna, who, by the pious adoration of the ascetic,
-appeared before him, when he said that he would have three births in
-the world instead of one which was destined for him. With an eager
-desire to know what they would be, he consulted the Bhattathiripad,
-who said that he would be born first as a rat-snake (Zamenis mucosus),
-then as an ox, and thirdly as a tulsi plant (Ocimum sanctum), and that
-he would be along with him in these births. With great pleasure he
-returned home. It is also said that the astrologer himself was born as
-an ox, and was in this form afterwards supported by the members of his
-family. The incident is said to have taken place at Pazhur, eighteen
-miles east of Ernakulam. The members of the family are called Pazhur
-Kaniyans, and are well known throughout Malabar, Cochin and Travancore,
-for their predictions in astrology, and all classes of people even
-now resort to them for aid in predictions. The Kalari Panikkans in
-the northern parts of the Cochin State have a different account of
-the origin of the caste. Once, they say, a sage and astrologer,
-named a Ganikan, was making prediction to a Sudra regarding his
-future destiny. As this was done by him when in an uncleanly state,
-he was cursed by the Saptharishis (seven sages). The Panikkans who
-are reputed to be his descendants are ordained to be teachers and
-astrologers of all castes below Brahmans."
-
-According to another legendary account, there were Kaniyans before the
-time of Bhattatiri, but their astrological attainments are connected
-with him. Talakulattu Bhattatiri was one of the earliest astrologers
-of renown, being the author of Muhurtapadavi, and lived in the fourth
-century A.D. There is a tradition, believed by the Kaniyans south of
-Neyyattenkara, that their ancestor was descended from the union of a
-Gandharva woman with Kani, a Brahman saint, who lived in the western
-ghats. Their grandson propitiated the god Subrahmanya presiding over
-astronomy, and acquired the surname Nalika from his never-ceasing
-truthfulness. Some of the southern Kaniyans even at the present day
-call themselves Nali. According to another legend, Parameswara and his
-wife Parvati were living happily together, when Agni fell desperately
-in love with the latter. Eventually, Parameswara caught them together,
-and, to save Agni, Parvati suggested that he should hide himself
-inside her body. On Agni doing this, Parvati became very indisposed,
-and Parameswara, distressed at seeing his wife rolling in agony,
-shed tears, one of which fell on the ground, and became turned into
-a man, who, being divinely born, detected the cause of Parvati's
-indisposition, and, asking for some incense, sprinkled it over a
-blazing torch. Agni, seeing his opportunity, escaped in the smoke,
-and Parvati had instant relief. For this service, Parameswara blessed
-the man, and appointed him and his descendants to cure diseases,
-exorcise demons, and foretell events.
-
-The Kaniyans of Malabar have been connected by tradition with the
-Valluvans of the Tamil country, who are the priests, doctors, and
-astrologers of the Pallans and Paraiyans. According to this tradition,
-the modern Kaniyans are traced to the Valluvans brought from the
-east by a Perumal who ruled over Kerala in 350 M.E. The latter are
-believed to have become Kaniyans proper, while the old Kaniyans of
-the west coast descended to the rank of Tinta Kaniyans. The chief of
-the Valluvans so brought was a Yogi or ascetic, who, being asked by a
-Nambutiri concerning a missing article at Pazhur, replied correctly
-that the lost ring had been placed in a hole in the bank of the
-Nambutiri's tank (pond), and was consequently invited to settle
-there permanently.
-
-The Kaniyans are easily recognised by their punctilious cleanness of
-person and clothing, the iron style and knife tucked into the waist,
-the palm umbrella with its ribs holding numbers of horoscopes, their
-low artistic bow, and their deliberate answers to questions put to
-them. Most of them are intelligent, and well versed in Malayalam and
-Sanskrit. They are, however, not a flourishing community, being averse
-to manual labour, and depending for their living on their hereditary
-profession. There are no more conservative people in Travancore,
-and none of them have taken kindly to western education. In their
-clothing they follow the orthodox Malabar fashion. The dress of the
-males seldom hangs loose, being tucked in in token of humility. The
-Kaniyan, when wanted in his professional capacity, presents himself
-with triple ash marks of Siva on his chest, arms, and forehead. The
-woman's ornaments resemble those of the Izhuvans. Fish and flesh
-are not forbidden as food, but there are many families, as those
-of Pazhur and Onakkuru, which strictly abstain from meat. Marriage
-between families which eat and abstain from flesh is not absolutely
-forbidden. But a wife must give up eating flesh immediately on entering
-the house of her vegetarian husband. The profession of the Kaniyans
-is astrology. Marco Polo, writing as early as the thirteenth century
-about Travancore, says that it was even then pre-eminently the land
-of astrologers. Barbosa, at the beginning of the sixteenth century,
-has a detailed reference to the Kaniyans, of whom he writes that "they
-learn letters and astronomy, and some of them are great astrologers,
-and foretell many future things, and form judgments upon the births
-of men. Kings and great persons send to call them, and come out of
-their palaces to gardens and pleasure-grounds to see them, and ask
-them what they desire to know; and these people form judgment upon
-these things in a few days, and return to those that asked of them,
-but they may not enter the palaces; nor may they approach the king's
-person on account of being low people. And the king is then alone
-with him. They are great diviners, and pay great attention to times
-and places of good and bad luck, which they cause to be observed by
-those kings and great men, and by the merchants also; and they take
-care to do their business at the time which these astrologers advise
-them, and they do the same in their voyages and marriages. And by
-these means these men gain a great deal." Buchanan, three centuries
-later, alludes in the same glowing terms to the prosperity of the
-Kaniyans. He notes that they are of very low caste, a Nambutiri coming
-within twenty-four feet of one being obliged to purify himself by
-prayer and ablution. "The Kaniyans," he writes, "possess almanacks,
-by which they inform people as to the proper time for performing
-ceremonies or sowing their seeds, and the hours which are fortunate or
-unfortunate for any undertaking. When persons are sick or in trouble,
-the Cunishun, by performing certain ceremonies in a magical square
-of 12 places, discovers what spirit is the cause of the evil, and
-also how it may be appeased. Some Cunishuns possess mantrams, with
-which they pretend to cast out devils." Captain Conner notes twenty
-years later that "Kanneans derive the appellation from the science of
-divination, which some of their sect profess. The Kannean fixes the
-propitious moment for every undertaking, all hysterical affections
-being supposed to be the visitation of some troublesome spirit. His
-incantations are believed alone able to subdue it."
-
-The Kaniyans are practically the guiding spirits in all the social and
-domestic concerns of Travancoreans, and even Muhammadans and Christians
-do not fail to profit by their wisdom. From the moment of the birth of
-an infant, which is noted by the Kaniyan for the purpose of casting
-its horoscope, to the moment of death, the services of the village
-astrologer are constantly in requisition. He is invariably consulted
-as to the cause of all calamities, and the cautious answers that he
-gives satisfy the people. "Putro na putri," which may either mean no
-son but a daughter, or no daughter but a son, is jocosely referred
-to as the type of a Kaniyan's answer, when questioned about the sex
-of a child in utero. "It would be difficult," Mr. Logan writes, [94]
-"to describe a single important occasion in everyday life when the
-Kanisan is not at hand as a guiding spirit, foretelling lucky days
-and hours, casting horoscopes, explaining the cause of calamities,
-prescribing remedies for untoward events, and physicians (not physic)
-for sick persons. Seed cannot be sown, or trees planted, unless the
-Kanisan has been consulted beforehand. He is even asked to consult his
-shastras to find lucky days and moments for setting out on a journey,
-commencing an enterprise, giving a loan, executing a deed, or shaving
-the head. For such important occasions as births, marriages, tonsure,
-investiture with the sacred thread, and beginning the A, B, C, the
-Kanisan is of course indispensable. His work in short mixes him up
-with the gravest as well as the most trivial of the domestic events
-of the people, and his influence and position are correspondingly
-great. The astrologer's finding, as one will solemnly assert with
-all due reverence, is the oracle of God himself, with the justice of
-which everyone ought to be satisfied, and the poorer classes follow
-his dictates unhesitatingly. There is no prescribed scale of fees for
-his services, and in this respect he is like the native physician and
-teacher. Those who consult him, however, rarely come empty-handed, and
-the gift is proportioned to the means of the party, and the time spent
-in serving him. If no fee is given, the Kanisan does not exact it, as
-it is one of his professional characteristics, and a matter of personal
-etiquette, that the astrologer should be unselfish, and not greedy of
-gain. On public occasions, however, and on important domestic events,
-a fixed scale of fees is usually adhered to. The astrologer's most busy
-time is from January to July, the period of harvest and of marriages,
-but in the other six months of the year his is far from being an
-idle life. His most lucrative business lies in casting horoscopes,
-recording the events of a man's life from birth to death, pointing out
-dangerous periods of life, and prescribing rules and ceremonies to be
-observed by individuals for the purpose of propitiating the gods and
-planets, and so averting the calamities of dangerous times. He also
-shows favourable junctures for the commencement of undertakings,
-and the grantham or book, written on palmyra leaf, sets forth in
-considerable detail the person's disposition and mental qualities, as
-affected by the position of the planets in the zodiac at the moment
-of birth. All this is a work of labour, and of time. There are few
-members of respectable families who are not thus provided, and nobody
-grudges the five to twenty-five rupees usually paid for a horoscope
-according to the position and reputation of the astrologer. Two
-things are essential to the astrologer, namely, a bag of cowry shells
-(Cypræa moneta), and an almanac. When any one comes to consult him, he
-quietly sits down, facing the sun, on a plank seat or mat, murmuring
-some mantrams or sacred verses, opens his bag of cowries, and pours
-them on the floor. With his right hand he moves them slowly round
-and round, solemnly reciting meanwhile a stanza or two in praise of
-his guru or teacher, and of his deity, invoking their help. He then
-stops, and explains what he has been doing, at the same time taking
-a handful of cowries from the heap, and placing them on one side. In
-front is a diagram drawn with chalk on the floor, and consisting of
-twelve compartments (rasis) one for each month in the year. Before
-commencing operations with the diagram, he selects three or five of
-the cowries highest up in the heap, and places them in a line on the
-right-hand side. [In an account before me, three cowries and two glass
-bottle-stoppers are mentioned as being placed on this side.] These
-represent Ganapati (the belly god, the remover of difficulties),
-the sun, the planet Jupiter, Sarasvati (the goddess of speech),
-and his own guru or preceptor. To all of these the astrologer gives
-due obeisance, touching his ears and the ground three times with
-both hands. The cowries are next arranged in the compartments of
-the diagram, and are moved about from compartment to compartment
-by the astrologer, who quotes meanwhile the authority on which he
-makes the moves. Finally he explains the result, and ends with again
-worshipping the deified cowries, who were witnessing the operation
-as spectators." According to another account, [95] the astrologer
-"pours his cowries on the ground, and, after rolling them in the palm
-of his right hand, while repeating mantrams (consecrated formulæ),
-he selects the largest, and places them in a row outside the diagram
-at its right hand top corner. They represent the first seven planets,
-and he does obeisance to them, touching his forehead and the ground
-three times with both hands. The relative position of the nine planets
-is then worked out, and illustrated with cowries in the diagram."
-
-At the chal (furrow) ceremony in Malabar, on the eve of the new
-agricultural year, "every Hindu house in the district is visited by the
-Kanisans of the respective desams, who, for a modest present of rice,
-vegetables and oils, makes a forecast of the season's prospects, which
-is engrossed on a cadjan (palm leaf). This is called the Vishu phalam,
-which is obtained by comparing the nativity with the equinox. Special
-mention is made therein as to the probable rainfall from the position
-of the planets--highly prized information in a district where there
-are no irrigation works or large reservoirs for water." [96]
-
-The science of astrology is studied and practiced by other castes, but
-the Kani house of Pazhur is the most celebrated. Numerous stories are
-related of the astrological skill of the Pazhur Kaniyans, of which one
-relates to the planets Mercury and Venus, who, arriving at the house
-of one of the Kaniyans, were asked by him to wait at the gate. He
-then jumped into a neighbouring well, to conduct some prayers with a
-view to keeping them there permanently. In this task he succeeded,
-and even today a prophecy made at that out-house is believed to be
-certain of turning out true.
-
-In addition to astrology, the Kaniyans practice sorcery and exorcism,
-which are strictly the occupation of the Tinta Kaniyans. The process
-by which devils are driven out is known as kolamtullal (a peculiar
-dance). A troupe of Kaniyans, on being invited to a house where a
-person is suspected of being possessed by a devil, go there wearing
-masques representing Gandharva, Yakshi, Bhairava, Raktesvari, and
-other demons, and dressed up in tender cocoanut leaves. Accompanied by
-music and songs, they rush towards the affected person, who is seated
-in the midst of the assembly, and frighten away the evil spirit. For
-the cure of disease, which is considered as incurable by ordinary
-methods of treatment, a form of exorcism called kalapasamtikkuka, or
-the removal of the rope or evil influence, is resorted to. In this,
-two Kaniyans take the stage, and play the parts of Siva and Yama,
-while a third recites in song the story of the immortal Markandeya.
-
-"The Pannikar's astrology," Mr. F. Fawcett writes, [97] "he will tell
-you, is divided into three parts:--
-
-(1) Ganita, which treats of the constellations.
-
-(2) Sankita, which explains the origin of the constellations, comets,
-falling stars, and earthquakes.
-
-(3) Hora, by which the fate of man is explained.
-
-"The Panikkar, who follows in the footsteps of his forefathers,
-should have a thorough knowledge of astrology and mathematics, and be
-learned in the Vedas. He should be sound in mind and body, truthful,
-and patient. He should look well after his family, and should worship
-regularly the nine planets:--Suryan, the sun; Chandran, moon; Chovva,
-Mars; Budhan, Mercury; Vyazham, Guru, or Brihaspati, Jupiter; Sukran,
-Venus; Sani, Saturn; Rahu; and Ketu. The two last, though not visible,
-are, oddly enough, classed as planets by the Panikkar. They are said
-to be two parts of an Asura who was cut in two by Vishnu. The Panikkars
-also dabble in magic, and I have in my possession a number of yantrams
-presented to me by a Panikkar. They should be written on a thin gold,
-silver, or copper plate, and worn on the person. A yantram written
-on gold is the most effective. As a rule, the yantram is placed in
-a little cylinder-case made of silver, fastened to a string tied
-round the waist. Many of these are often worn by the same person. The
-yantram is sometimes written on cadjan (palm leaf), or paper. I have
-one of this kind in my collection, taken from the neck of a goat. It
-is common to see them worn on the arm, around the neck."
-
-The following examples of yantrams are given by Mr. Fawcett:--
-
-Aksharamala.--Fifty-one letters. Used in connection with every other
-yantram. Each letter has its own meaning, and does not represent any
-word. In itself this yantram is powerless, but it gives life to all
-others. It must be written on the same plate as the other yantram.
-
-Sulini.--For protection against sorcery or devils, and to secure the
-aid of the goddess.
-
-Maha Sulini.--To prevent all kinds of harm through the devils,
-chief of whom is Pulatini, he who eats infants. Women wear it to
-avert miscarriage.
-
-Ganapati.--To increase knowledge, and put away fear and shyness.
-
-Sarasvati.--To enable its possessor to please his listeners, and
-increase his knowledge.
-
-Santana gopalam.--As a whole it represents Sri Krishna. Used by barren
-women, so that they may bear children. It may be traced on a metal
-plate and worn in the usual way, or on a slab of butter, which is
-eaten. When the latter method is adopted, it is repeated on forty-one
-consecutive days, during which the woman, as well as the Panikkar,
-may not have sexual connection.
-
-Navva.--Drawn in ashes of cow-dung on a new cloth, and tied round
-the waist. It relieves a woman in labour.
-
-Asvarudha (to climb a horse).--A person wearing it is able to
-cover long distances easily on horseback, and he can make the most
-refractory horse amenable by tying it round its neck. It will also
-help to cure cattle.
-
-"The charms," Mr. Fawcett explains, "are entirely inoperative, unless
-accompanied in the first place with the mystic rite, which is the
-secret of the Panikkar."
-
-Many Kaniyans used formerly to be village schoolmasters, but, with the
-abolition of the old methods of teaching, their number is steadily
-decreasing. Some of them are clever physicians. Those who have no
-pretension to learning live by making palm-leaf umbrellas, which
-gives occupation to the women. But the industry is fast declining
-before the competition of umbrellas imported from foreign countries.
-
-The Kaniyans worship the sun, the planets, the moon, Ganesa and
-Subramanya, Vishnu, Siva, and Baghavati. On each day of the week, the
-planet, which is believed to preside over it, is specially worshipped
-by an elaborate process, which is compulsorily gone through for at
-least three weeks after a Kaniyan has become proficient in astrology,
-and able to make calculations for himself.
-
-It is generally believed that the supreme authority in all social
-matters affecting the Kaniyan rests in British Malabar with the
-Yogi already referred to, in Cochin and North Travancore with the
-head of the Pazhur house, and in South Travancore with the eldest
-member of a house at Manakkad in Trivandrum, known by the name of
-Sankili. Practically, however, the spiritual headmen, called Kannalmas,
-are independent. These Kannalmas are much respected, and well paid on
-festive occasions by every Kaniyan house. They and other elders sit
-in judgment on persons guilty of adultery, commensality with lower
-castes, and other offences, and inflict punishments.
-
-The Kaniyans observe both the tali-kettu ceremony before puberty,
-and sambandham after that event. Inheritance is through the father,
-and the eldest male of a family has the management of the ancestral
-estate. Fraternal polyandry is said to have been common in olden
-times, and Mr. Logan observes that, "like the Pandava brothers, as
-they proudly point out, the Kanisans used formerly to have one wife
-in common among several brothers, and this custom is still observed
-by some of them." There is no restriction to the marriage of widows.
-
-Concerning polyandry, Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer states that "among the
-Kaniyans, as well as among Panikkans, polyandry largely prevails. If
-the young woman is intended to be the wife of several brothers, the
-eldest brother goes to the bride's house, and gives her the cloth, and
-takes her home the next day along with her parents and relations, who
-are all well entertained. The young woman and the brothers are seated
-together, and a sweet preparation is given to them, which signifies
-that she has become the common wife of all. The Kalari Muppan (Nayar
-headman of the village) also declares her to be such. The guests
-depart, and the bridegroom (the eldest brother) and the bride are
-invited to what they call virunnu-oon (sumptuous meal) in the house
-of the latter, where they stay for a few days. The bridegroom then
-returns home with the wife. The other brothers, one after another, are
-similarly entertained along with the bride at her house. The brothers
-cannot afford to live together for a long time, and they go from place
-to place, earning their livelihood by astrology. Each brother is at
-home only for a few days in each month; hence practically the woman
-has only one husband at a time. If several of them happen to be at
-home together for a few weeks, each in turn associates with the woman,
-in accordance with the directions given by their mother."
-
-The Kaniyans follow high-caste Hindus as regards many of their
-ceremonies. They have their name-bestowing, food-giving and tuft-making
-ceremonies, and also a superstitious rite called ittaluzhiyuka, or
-exorcism in child-birth on the seventh or ninth day after the birth
-of a child. A Kaniyan's education begins in his seventh year. In the
-sixteenth year a ceremony, corresponding to the upanayana of the higher
-castes, is performed. For forty-one days after, the Kannalma initiates
-the young Kaniyan into the mysteries of astrology and witchcraft. He
-is obliged to worship Subramanya, the tutelary god of the caste,
-and abstains from meat and liquor. This may be taken as the close of
-his Brahmacharya stage or Samavartana, as marriage cannot take place
-before the observance of this ceremony.
-
-On the subject of religion, Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer writes that
-"the Kalari Panikkans and the Kaniyans are generally Saivite
-worshippers, but are not disinclined to the worship of Vishnu
-also. It is said that their kalaris are forty-two feet long, and
-contain the images of forty-two deities. The following are the most
-important of them:--Subrahmanya, Sastha, Ganapati, Virabhadran,
-Narasimha, Ashtabairavas, Hanuman, and Bhadrakali. Some of their
-kalaris, which were seen by me, contained stone and metal images of
-these gods. Every night a lamp is lighted in front of them for their
-worship. During the Mandalam (forty days) from the first of Vrischikam
-to the tenth of Dhanu (14th November to 25th December), the senior
-member of the Panikkan's family bathes early in the morning, and
-performs his pujas to all the gods, making offerings of boiled rice,
-plantains and cocoanuts. On the fortieth day, i.e., the last day of
-the Mandalam, a grand puja is performed individually to every one
-of the deities in the kalari, and this lasts for twenty-four hours,
-from sunrise to sunrise, when offerings of boiled rice, parched rice,
-sheep and fowls are also given. This is the grand puja performed once
-in the course of the year. Besides this, some of their deities command
-their special reverence. For instance, Subrahmanya is adored for the
-sake of astrology, Sastha for wealth and offspring. They are also
-worshippers of Sakti in any of her following manifestations, namely,
-Bala, Thripura, Mathangi, Ambika, Durga, Bhadrakali, the object of
-which is to secure accuracy in their astrological predictions. Further,
-every member of the caste proficient in astrology daily offers, after
-an early bath, his prayers to the seven planets. Among the minor
-deities whom they worship, are also Mallan, Mundian, Muni and Ayutha
-Vadukan, the first three of which they worship for the prosperity of
-their cattle, and the last four for their success in the training of
-young men in athletic feats. These deities are represented by stones
-placed at the root of some shady tree in their compounds. They also
-worship the spirits of their ancestors, on the new-moon nights in
-Karkadakam (July-August), Thulam (October-November), and Makaram
-(December-January). The Kalari Panikkans celebrate a kind of feast
-to the spirits of their female ancestors. This is generally done
-a few days before the celebration of a wedding in their houses,
-and is probably intended to obtain their blessings for the happy
-married life of the bride. This corresponds to the performance of
-Sumangalia Prarthana (feast for the spirits of departed virgins and
-married women) performed by Brahmans in their families. At times
-when small-pox, cholera, and other pestilential diseases prevail in a
-village, special pujas are offered to Mariamma (the small-pox demon)
-and Bhadrakali, who should be propitiated. On these occasions, their
-priest turns Velichapad (oracle), and speaks to the village men as if
-by inspiration, telling them when and how the maladies will subside."
-
-Kaniyans were formerly buried, but are now, excepting young children,
-cremated in a portion of the grounds of the habitation, or in a spot
-adjacent thereto. The ashes are collected on the fourth day, and
-deposited under water. In memory of the deceased, an annual offering
-of food is made, and an oblation of water offered on every new moon.
-
-The Potuvans or Kani Kuruppus are the barbers of the Kaniyans, and have
-the privilege of being in attendance during marriages and funerals. It
-is only after they have sprinkled water in the houses of polluted
-Kaniyans that they again become pure. In fact, the Potuvans stand in
-the same relation to the Kaniyans as the Marans to the Nayars. The
-Potuvans are not expected to shave the Tinta Kaniyans.
-
-The Kaniyans are said to keep at a distance of twenty-four feet from
-a Brahman or Kshatriya, and half that distance from a Sudra. The
-corresponding distances for a Tinta Kaniyan are thirty-six and
-eighteen feet. This restriction is not fully observed in Trivandrum,
-and south of it. It is noted by Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer that, on
-marriage occasions, a Nayar gives a gift of a few annas and betel
-leaves to the astrologer, standing close beside him, and yet there
-is no pollution. The Malayalam proverb "On marriage occasions the
-Nayars give dakshina (gift), almost touching the hand," refers to
-this fact. The Kaniyans cannot enter Brahmanical temples. They will
-not receive food from Izhavans, except in a few villages in central
-Travancore, but this is a regular practice with the Tinta Kaniyans. It
-is believed that the Kaniyans proper have no objection to receiving
-sweetmeats from Kammalans.
-
-The Kaniyans have been summed up as a law-abiding people, who not
-infrequently add agriculture to their avocations of village doctor,
-prophet, or demon-driver, and are popular with Christians and
-Muhammadans as well as with Hindus. [98]
-
-The late Mr. Pogson, when Government astronomer, used to say that
-his principal native assistant was an astronomer from 10 A.M. to 5
-P.M. and an astrologer from 5 P.M. to 10 A.M.
-
-Kannada.--Kannada (Kanarese) has, at recent times of census, been
-returned as a linguistic or territorial division of various classes,
-e.g., Agasa, Bedar, Devanga, Holeya, Koracha, Kumbara, Samagara,
-Rachewar, and Uppiliyan.
-
-Kanna Pulayan.--Described by the Rev. W. J. Richards [99] as Pulayans
-of Travancore, who wear rather better and more artistically made
-aprons than the Thanda Pulayan women.
-
-Kannaku.--A prefix to the name of Nanchinat Vellalas in Travancore.
-
-Kannan.--A sub-division of Kammalans, the members of which do braziers'
-work.
-
-Kannadiyan.--The Kannadiyans have been summed up [100] as "immigrants
-from the province of Mysore. Their traditional occupation is
-said to have been military service, although they follow, at the
-present day, different pursuits in different districts. They are
-usually cattle-breeders and cultivators in North and South Arcot and
-Chingleput, and traders in the southern districts. Most of them are
-Lingayats, but a few are Vaishnavites." "They are," it is stated,
-[101] "in the Mysore State known as Gaulis. At their weddings, five
-married women are selected, who are required to bathe as each of
-the most important of the marriage ceremonies is performed, and are
-alone allowed to cook for, or to touch the happy couple. Weddings
-last eight days, during which time the bride and bridegroom must
-not sit on anything but woollen blankets." Some Kannadiyans in the
-Tanjore district are said to be weavers. For the following account
-of the Kannadiyans of the Chingleput district I am indebted to
-Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao.
-
-About twenty miles from the city of Madras is a big tank (lake)
-named after the village of Chembrambakam, which is close by. The
-fertile land surrounding this tank is occupied, among others, by a
-colony of Lingayats, of whom each household, as a rule, owns several
-acres of land. With the cultivation thereof, they have the further
-occupation of cattle grazing. They utilize the products of the cow
-in various ways, and it supplies them with milk, butter and curds,
-in the last two of which they carry on a lucrative trade in the
-city of Madras. The curds sold by them are very highly appreciated
-by Madras Brahmans, as they have a sour taste caused by keeping them
-till fermentation has set in. So great is the demand for their curds
-that advances of money are made to them, and regular delivery is thus
-secured. Their price is higher than that of the local Madras curds,
-and if a Lingayat buys the latter and sells them at the higher rate,
-he is decisively stigmatised as being a "local." They will not even
-touch sheep and goats, and believe that even the smell of these
-animals will make cows and buffaloes barren.
-
-Though the chief settlement of the Lingayats is at Chembrambakam, they
-are also to be found in the adjacent villages and in the Conjeeveram
-taluk, and, in all, they number, in the Chingleput district, about
-four thousand.
-
-The Lingayats have no idea how their forefathers came to the Chingleput
-district. Questioned whether they have any relatives in Mysore, many
-answered in the affirmative, and one even pointed to one in a high
-official position as a close relation. Another said that the Gurukkal
-or Jangam (priest) is one and the same man for the Mysore Lingayats and
-themselves. A third told me of his grandfather's wanderings in Mysore,
-Bellary, and other places of importance to the Lingayats. I have also
-heard the story that, on the Chembrambakam Lingayats being divided into
-two factions through disputes among the local caste-men, a Lingayat
-priest came from Mysore, and brought about their union. These few
-facts suffice to show that the Lingayats are emigrants from Mysore,
-and not converts from the indigenous populations of the district. But
-what as to the date of their immigration? The earliest date which
-can, with any show of reason, be ascribed thereto seems to be towards
-the end of the seventeenth century, when Chikka Deva Raja ruled over
-Mysore. He adopted violent repressive measures against the Lingayats
-for quelling a widespread insurrection, which they had fomented
-against him throughout the State. His measures of financial reform
-deprived the Lingayat priesthood of its local leadership and much
-of its pecuniary profit. What followed may best be stated in the
-words of Colonel Wilks, [102] the Mysore historian. "Everywhere the
-inverted plough, suspended from the tree at the gate of the village,
-whose shade forms a place of assembly for its inhabitants, announced
-a state of insurrection. Having determined not to till the land, the
-husbandmen deserted their villages, and assembled in some places like
-fugitives seeking a distant settlement; in others as rebels breathing
-revenge. Chikka Deva Raja, however, was too prompt in his measures to
-admit of any very formidable combination. Before proceeding to measures
-of open violence, he adopted a plan of perfidy and horror, yielding to
-nothing which we find recorded in the annals of the most sanguinary
-people. An invitation was sent to all the Jangam priests to meet the
-Raja at the great temple of Nunjengod, ostensibly to converse with him
-on the subject of the refractory conduct of their followers. Treachery
-was apprehended, and the number which assembled was estimated at about
-four hundred only. A large pit had been previously prepared in a walled
-enclosure, connected by a series of squares composed of tent walls with
-the canopy of audience, at which they were received one at a time, and,
-after making their obeisance, were desired to retire to a place where,
-according to custom, they expected to find refreshments prepared at
-the expense of the Raja. Expert executioners were in waiting in the
-square, and every individual in succession was so skilfully beheaded
-and tumbled into the pit as to give no alarm to those who followed,
-and the business of the public audience went on without interruption
-or suspicion. Circular orders had been sent for the destruction on
-the same day of all the Jangam Mutts (places of residence and worship)
-in his dominions, and the number reported to have been destroyed was
-upwards of seven hundred.... This notable achievement was followed
-by the operations of the troops, chiefly cavalry. The orders were
-distinct and simple--to charge without parley into the midst of
-the mob; to cut down every man wearing an orange-coloured robe (the
-peculiar garb of the Jangam priests)."
-
-How far the husbandmen carried out their threat of seeking a distant
-settlement it is impossible, at this distance of time, to determine. If
-the theory of religious persecution as the cause of their emigration
-has not an air of certainty about it, it is at least plausible.
-
-If the beginning of the eighteenth century is the earliest, the end of
-that century is the latest date that can be set down for the Lingayat
-emigration. That century was perhaps the most troublous one in the
-modern history of India. Armies were passing and repassing the ghats,
-and I have heard from some old gentlemen that the Chingleput Lingayats,
-who are mostly shepherds, accompanied the troops in the humble capacity
-of purveyors of milk and butter.
-
-Whatever the causes of their emigration, we find them in the Chingleput
-district ordinarily reckoning the Mysore, Salem and Bellary Lingayats
-as of their own stock. They freely mix with each other, and I hear
-contract marital alliances with one another. They speak the Kannada
-(Kanarese) language--the language of Mysore and Bellary. They
-call themselves by the name of Kannadiyans or Kannadiyars,
-after the language they speak, and the part of the village they
-inhabit--Kannadipauliem, or village of the Kannadiyars. In parts of
-Madras they are known as Kavadi and Kavadiga (=bearers of head-loads).
-
-Both men and women are possessed of great stamina. Almost every other
-day they walk to and fro, in all seasons, more than twenty miles by
-road to sell their butter and curds in Madras. While so journeying,
-they carry on their heads a curd pot in a rattan basket containing
-three or four Madras measures of curds, besides another pot containing
-a measure or so of butter. Some of the men are good acrobats and
-gymnasts, and I have seen a very old man successively break in two
-four cocoanuts, each placed on three or four crystals of common salt,
-leaving the crystals almost intact. And I have heard that there are
-men who can so break fifty cocoanuts--perhaps an exaggeration for a
-considerable number. In general the women may be termed beautiful,
-and, in Mysore, the Lingayat women are, by common consent, regarded
-as models of feminine beauty.
-
-These Lingayats are divided into two classes, viz., Gauliyars of Damara
-village, and Kadaperi or Kannadiyars proper, of Chembrambakam and
-other places. The Gauliyars carry their curd pots in rattan baskets;
-the Kannadiyars in bamboo baskets. Each class has its own beat in
-the city of Madras, and, while the majority of the rattan basket
-men traffic mainly in Triplicane, the bamboo basket men carry on
-their business in Georgetown and other localities. The two classes
-worship the same gods, feed together, but do not intermarry. The
-rattan is considered superior to the bamboo section. Both sections
-are sub-divided into a large number of exogamous septs or bedagagulu,
-of which the meaning, with a few exceptions, e.g., split cane, bear,
-and fruit of Eugenia Jambolana, is not clear.
-
-Monogamy appears to be the general rule among them, but polygamy to
-the extent of having two wives, the second to counteract the sterility
-of the first, is not rare. Marriage before puberty is the rule, which
-must not be transgressed. And it is a common thing to see small boys
-grazing the cattle, who are married to babies hardly more than a year
-old. Marriages are arranged by the parents, or through intermediaries,
-with the tacit approval of the community as a whole. The marriage
-ceremony generally lasts about nine or ten days, and, to lessen
-the expenses for the individual, several families club together and
-celebrate their marriages simultaneously. All the preliminaries such
-as inviting the wedding guests, etc., are attended to by the agent
-of the community, who is called Chaudri. The appointment of agent
-is hereditary.
-
-The first day of the marriage ceremony is employed in the erection
-of the booth or pandal. On the following day, the bodice-wearing
-ceremony is performed. The bride and bridegroom are presented with
-new clothes, which they put on amid general merriment. In connection
-with this ceremony, the following Mysore story may not be out of
-place. When Tipu Sultan once saw a Lingayat woman selling curds in
-the street without a body cloth, he ordered the cutting off of her
-breasts. Since then the wearing of long garments has come into use
-among the whole female population of Mysore.
-
-The third day is the most important, as it is on that day that the
-Muhurtham, or tali-tying ceremony, takes place, and an incident of
-quite an exceptional character comes off amid general laughter. A
-Brahman (generally a Saivite) is formally invited to attend, and
-pretends that he is unable to do so. But he is, with mock gravity,
-pressed hard to do so, and, after repeated guarantees of good faith,
-he finally consents with great reluctance and misgivings. On his
-arrival at the marriage booth, the headman of the family in which the
-marriage is taking place seizes him roughly by the head, and ties as
-tightly as possible five cocoanuts to the kudumi, or lock of hair at
-the back of the head, amidst the loud, though not real, protestations
-of the victim. All those present, with all seriousness, pacify him,
-and he is cheered by the sight of five rupees, which are presented
-to him. This gift he readily accepts, together with a pair of new
-cloths and pan-supari (betel leaves and areca nuts). Meanwhile the
-young folk have been making sport of him by throwing at his new and
-old clothes big empty brinjal fruits (Solanum Melongena) filled with
-turmeric powder and chunam (lime). He goes for the boys, who dodge
-him, and at last the elders beat off the youngsters with the remark
-that "after all he is a Brahman, and ought not to be trifled with in
-this way." The Brahman then takes leave, and is heard of no more in
-connection with the wedding rites. The whole ceremony has a decided
-ring of mockery about it, and leads one to the conclusion that it
-is celebrated more in derision than in honour of the Brahmans. It
-is a notorious fact that the Lingayats will not even accept water
-from a Brahman's hands, and do not, like many other castes, require
-his services in connection with marriage or funeral ceremonies. The
-practice of tying cocoanuts to the hair of the Brahman seems to be
-confined to the bamboo section. But an equally curious custom is
-observed by the rattan section. The village barber is invited to the
-wedding, and the infant bride and bridegroom are seated naked before
-him. He is provided with some ghi(clarified butter) in a cocoanut
-shell, and has to sprinkle some of it on the head of the couple with a
-grass or reed. He is, however, prevented from doing so by a somewhat
-cruel contrivance. A big stone (representing the linga) is suspended
-from his neck by a rope, and he is kept nodding to and fro by another
-rope which is pulled by young lads behind him. Eventually they leave
-off, and he sprinkles the ghi, and is dismissed with a few annas,
-pan-supari, and the remains of the ghi. By means of the stone the
-barber is for the moment turned into a Lingayat.
-
-The officiating priest at the marriage ceremony is a man of
-their own sect, and is known as the Gurukkal. They address him as
-Ayyanavaru, a title generally reserved for Brahmans in Kannada-speaking
-districts. The main items of expenditure at a wedding are the musician,
-presents of clothes, and pan-supari, especially the areca nuts. One
-man, who was not rich, told me that it cost him, for a marriage,
-three maunds of nuts, and that guests come more for them than for
-the meals, which he characterised as not fit for dogs.
-
-Widow remarriage is permitted. But it is essential that the contracting
-parties should be widower and widow. For such a marriage no pandal is
-erected, but all the elders countenance it by their presence. Such
-a marriage is known as naduvittu tali, because the tali is tied
-in the mid-house. It is usually a simple affair, and finished in a
-short time after sunset instead of in the day time. The offspring
-of such marriages are considered as legitimate, and can inherit. But
-remarried couples are disqualified from performing certain acts, e.g.,
-the distribution of pan-supari at weddings, partaking in the harathi
-ceremony, etc. The disqualifications attaching to remarried people
-are, by a curious analogy, extended to deformed persons, who are,
-in some cases, considered to be widowers and widows.
-
-Among the ordinary names of males are Basappa, Linganna, Devanna,
-Ellappa, Naganna; and of females Ellamma, Lingi and Nagamma. It is
-said that all are entitled to the honorific Saudri; but the title
-is specially reserved for the agent of their sect. Among common
-nicknames are Chikka and Dodda Thamma (younger and elder brother),
-Andi (beggar), Karapi (black woman), Guni (hunch back). In the Mysore
-Province the most becoming method of addressing a Lingayat is to call
-him Sivane. Their usual titles are Ravut, Appa, Anna, and Saudri.
-
-The child-naming ceremony is a very important one. Five swords with
-limes fixed to their edges are set in a line with equi-distant spaces
-between them. By each sword are placed two plantain fruits, a cocoanut,
-four dried dates, two cocoanut cups, pan-supari, and karamani (Vigna
-Catiang) cakes. In front of the swords are also placed rice-balls
-mixed with turmeric powder, various kinds of vegetables and fruits,
-curds and milk. Opposite each sword five leaves are spread out, and
-in front of each leaf a near relation of the family sits. The chief
-woman of the house then brings five pots full of water, and gives
-to each man a potful for the worship of the jangama linga which he
-wears. She also brings consecrated cow-dung ashes. The men pour the
-water over the linga, holding it in the left hand, and smear both the
-linga and their faces with the ashes. The woman then retires, and the
-guests partake of a hearty meal, at the conclusion of which the woman
-reappears with five vessels full of water, with which they wash their
-hands. The vessels are then broken, and thrown on a dung-heap. After
-partaking of pan-supari and chunam (lime), each of the men ties up
-some of the food in a towel, takes one of the swords in his hand,
-and leaves the house without turning back. The headman of the family
-then removes the limes from the swords, and puts them back in their
-scabbards. The same evening the child is named. Sometimes this
-ceremony, which is costly, is held even after the child is a year old.
-
-When a death takes place, information is sent round to the relations
-and castemen by two boys carrying little sticks in their hands. Under
-the instructions of a priest, the inmates of the house begin to make
-arrangements for the funeral. The corpse is washed, and the priest's
-feet are also washed, and the refuse-water on the ground is poured
-over the corpse or into its mouth. Among certain sections of Lingayats
-it is customary, contrary to the usual Hindu practice, to invite the
-friends and relations, who have come for the funeral, to a banquet,
-at which the priest is a guest. It is said that the priest, after
-partaking of food, vomits a portion of it, which is shared by the
-members of the family. These practices do not seem to be followed by
-the Chingleput Lingayats. A second bath is given to the corpse, and
-then the nine orifices of the body are closed with cotton or cloth. The
-corpse is then dressed as in life, and, if it be that of a priest, is
-robed in the characteristic orange tawny dress. Before clothing it,
-the consecrated cow-dung ashes are smeared over the forehead, arms,
-chest, and abdomen. The bier is made like a car, such as is seen in
-temple processions on the occasion of car festivals. To each of its
-four bamboo posts are attached a plantain tree and a cocoanut, and
-it is decorated with bright flowers. In the middle of the bier is a
-wooden plank, on which the corpse is set in a sitting position. The
-priest touches the dead body three or four times with his right leg,
-and the funeral cortège, accompanied by weird village music, proceeds
-to the burial-ground. The corpse, after removal from the bier, is
-placed in the grave in a sitting posture, facing south, with the linga,
-which the man had worn during life, in the mouth. Salt, according
-to the means of the family, is thrown into the grave by friends and
-relations, and it is considered that a man's life would be wasted if he
-did not do this small service for a dead fellow-casteman. They quote
-the proverb "Did he go unserviceable even for a handful of mud?" The
-grave is filled in, and four lights are placed at the corners. The
-priest, standing over the head of the corpse, faces the lamps, with
-branches of Leucas aspera and Vitex Negundo at his feet. A cocoanut is
-broken and camphor burnt, and the priest says "Lingannah (or whatever
-the name of the dead man may be), leaving Nara Loka, you have gone
-to Bhu Loka," which is a little incongruous, for Nara Loka and Bhu
-Loka are identical. Perhaps the latter is a mistake for Swarga Loka,
-the abode of bliss of Brahmanical theology. Possibly, Swarga Loka is
-not mentioned, because it signifies the abode of Vishnu. Then the
-priest calls out Oogay! Oogay! and the funeral ceremony is at an
-end. On their return home the corpse-bearers, priest, and sons of
-the deceased, take buttermilk, and apply it with the right hand to
-the left side of the back. A Nandi (the sacred bull) is made of mud,
-or bricks and mortar, and set up over the grave. Unmarried girls
-and boys are buried in a lying position. From enquiries made among
-the Lingayats of Chembarambakam, it appears that, when a death has
-occurred, pollution is observed by the near relatives; and, even
-if they are living at such distant places as Bellary or Bangalore,
-pollution must be observed, and dissolved by a bath.
-
-Basava attached no importance to pilgrimages. The Chingleput Lingayats,
-however, perform what they call Jatray (i.e., pilgrimage), of which
-the principal celebration takes place in Chittra-Vyasi (April-May),
-and is called Virabhadra Jatray. The bamboo Lingayats of Chembarambakam
-send word, with some raw rice, to the rattan Lingayats of Kadaperi
-to come to the festival on a fixed day with the image of their god
-Virabhadra. The Gauliyars of Kadaperi and other villages accordingly
-proceed to a tank on the confines of the village of Chembrambakam,
-and send word that they have responded to the call of their
-brethren. The chief men of the village, accompanied by a crowd,
-and the village musicians, start for the tank, and bring in the
-Kadaperi guests. After a feast all retire for the night, and get up
-at 3 A.M. for the celebration of the festival. Swords are unsheathed
-from their scabbards, and there is a deafening noise from trumpets
-and pipes. The images of Virabhadra are taken in procession to a tank,
-and, on the way thither, the idol bearers and others pretend that they
-are inspired, and bawl out the various names of the god. Sometimes
-they become so frenzied that the people break cocoanuts on their
-foreheads, or pierce their neck and wrists with a big needle, such as
-is used in stitching gunny bags. Under this treatment the inspired
-ones calm down. All along the route cocoanuts are broken, and may
-amount to as many as four hundred, which become the perquisite of the
-village washerman. When the tank is reached, pan-supari and kadalai
-(Cicer arietinum) are distributed among the crowd. On the return
-journey, the village washerman has to spread dupatis (cloths) for the
-procession to walk over. At about noon a hearty meal is partaken of,
-and the ceremony is at an end. After a few days, a return celebration
-takes place at Kadaperi. The Virabhadra images of the two sections, it
-may be noted, are regarded as brothers. Other ceremonial pilgrimages
-are also made to Tirutani, Tiruvallur and Mylapore, and they go to
-Tiruvallur on new moon days, bathe in the tank, and make offerings
-to Vira Raghava, a Vaishnava deity. They do not observe the feast of
-Pongal, which is so widely celebrated throughout Southern India. It
-is said that the celebration thereof was stopped, because, on one
-occasion, the cattle bolted, and the men who went in pursuit of them
-never returned. The Ugadi, or new year feast, is observed by them as
-a day of general mourning. They also observe the Kama festival with
-great éclat, and one of their national songs relates to the burning
-of Kama. When singing it during their journeys with the curd-pots,
-they are said to lose themselves, and arrive at their destination
-without knowing the distance that they have marched.
-
-In addition to the grand Virabhadra festival, which is celebrated
-annually, the Ariservai festival is also observed as a great
-occasion. This is no doubt a Tamil rendering of the Sanskrit
-Hariservai, which means the service of Hari or worship of Vishnu. It
-is strange that Lingayats should have this formal worship of Vishnu,
-and it must be a result of their environment, as they are surrounded
-on all sides by Vaishnavite temples. More than six months before
-the festival a meeting of elders is convened, and it is decided
-that an assessment of three pies per basket shall be levied, and
-the Saudri is made honorary treasurer of the fund. If a house has
-two or more baskets, i.e., persons using baskets in their trade,
-it must contribute a corresponding number of three pies. In other
-words, the basket, and not the family, is the unit in their communal
-finance. An invitation, accompanied by pan-supari, is sent to the
-Thadans (Vaishnavite dramatists) near Conjeeveram, asking them
-to attend the festival on the last Saturday of Paratasi, the four
-Saturdays of which month are consecrated to Vishnu. The Thadans arrive
-in due course at Chembrambakam, the centre of the bamboo section of
-the Lingayats, and make arrangements for the festival. Invitations
-are sent to five persons of the Lingayat community, who fast from
-morning till evening. About 8 or 9 P.M., these five guests, who perhaps
-represent priests for the occasion, arrive at the pandal (booth), and
-leaves are spread out before them, and a meal of rice, dhal (Cajanus
-indicus) water, cakes, broken cocoanuts, etc., is served to them. But,
-instead of partaking thereof, they sit looking towards a lighted
-lamp, and close their eyes in meditation. They then quietly retire
-to their homes, where they take the evening meal. After a torchlight
-procession with torches fed with ghi (clarified butter) the village
-washermen come to the pandal, and collect together the leaves and
-food, which have been left there. About 11 P.M. the villagers repair
-to the spot where a dramatic performance of Hiranya Kasyapa Natakam,
-or the Prahallada Charitram, is held during five alternate nights. The
-latter play is based on a favourite story in the Bhagavatha, and it
-is strange that it should be got up and witnessed by a community of
-Saivites, some of whom (Vira Saivas) are such extremists that they
-would not tolerate the sight of a Vaishnavite at a distance.
-
-The Chembrambakam Lingayats appear to join the other villagers in
-the performance of the annual puja (worship) to the village deity,
-Namamdamma, who is worshipped in order to ward off cholera and cattle
-disease. One mode of propitiating her is by sacrificing a goat,
-collecting its entrails and placing them in a pot, with its mouth
-covered with goat skin, which is taken round the village, and buried
-in a corner. The pot is called Bali Setti, and he who comes in front
-of it while it is being carried through the streets, is supposed to
-be sure to suffer from serious illness, or even die. The sacrifice,
-filling of the pot, and its carriage through the streets, are all
-performed by low class Occhans and Vettiyans. The Chembrambakam
-Lingayats assert that the cholera goddess has given a promise that
-she will not attack any of their community, and keeps it faithfully,
-and none of them die even during the worst cholera epidemics.
-
-Kanni (rope).--A gotra of Kurni.
-
-Kapata.--A name for rag-wearing Koragas.
-
-Kappala (frog).--An exogamous sept of Madiga, and sub-division
-of Yanadis, who are said to be frog-eaters. It is also a gotra of
-Janappans, who have a legend that, when some of their family were
-fishing, they caught a haul of big frogs instead of fish. Consequently,
-members of this gotra will not injure frogs. I have seen frogs hanging
-up for sale in the Cochin bazar.
-
-Kappiliyan.--The Kappiliyans, or Karumpuraththals, as they are
-sometimes called, are Canarese-speaking farmers, who are found
-chiefly in Madura and Tinnevelly. It is noted, in the Manual of the
-Madura district, that "a few of the original Poligars were Canarese;
-and it is to be presumed that the Kappiliyans immigrated under their
-auspices. They are a decent and respectable class of farmers. Their
-most common agnomen is Koundan (or Kavandan)."
-
-Some Kappiliyans say that they came south six or seven generations
-ago, along with the Urumikkarans, from the banks of the Tungabhadra
-river, because the Tottiyans tried to ravish their women. According
-to another tradition, similar to that current among the Tottiyans,
-"the caste was oppressed by the Musalmans of the north, fled across
-the Tungabhadra, and was saved by two pongu (Pongamia glabra) trees
-bridging an unfordable stream, which blocked their escape. They
-travelled, says the legend, through Mysore to Conjeeveram, thence to
-Coimbatore, and thence to the Madura district. The stay at Conjeeveram
-is always emphasised, and is supported by the fact that the caste
-has shrines dedicated to Kanchi Varadaraja Perumal." [103]
-
-The Kappiliyans are one of the nine Kambalam castes, who are so called
-because, at their caste council meetings, a kambli (blanket) is spread,
-on which is placed a kalasam (brass vessel) filled with water, and
-decorated with flowers. Its mouth is closed by mango leaves and a
-cocoanut. According to the Gazetteer of the Madura district, they are
-"split into two endogamous sub-divisions, namely the Dharmakattu, so
-called because, out of charity, they allow widows to marry one more
-husband, and the Munukattu, who permit a woman to have three husbands
-in succession." They are also said to recognise, among themselves,
-four sub-divisions, Vokkiliyan (cultivator), Muru Balayanoru (three
-bangle people), Bottu Kattoru (bottu tying people), Vokkulothoru,
-to the last of which the following notes mainly refer.
-
-They have a large number of exogamous septs, which are further divided
-into exogamous sub-septs, of which the following are examples:--
-
-
-          Sept.             Sub-sept.
-
-          Basiriyoru      { Hennu (female) Basiri.
-                          { Gandu (male) Basiri.
-
-                          { Loddu.
-                          { Palingi Loddu.
-                          { Kolingi Loddu.
-          Lodduvoru       { Uddudhoru (Phaseolus Mungo, var.
-                          {   radiatus).
-                          { Huniseyoru (tamarind people).
-                          { Mottuguni.
-                          { Manaloru, sand people.
-
-
-One exogamous sept is called Ane (elephant), and as names of sub-septs,
-named after animate or inanimate objects, I may mention Hatti (hamlet),
-Arane (lizard) and Puli (tiger).
-
-The affairs of the caste are regulated by a headman called Gauda,
-assisted by the Saundari. In some places, the assistance of a Pallan
-or Maravan called Jadipillai, is sought.
-
-Marriage is, as a rule, adult, and the common emblem of married
-life--the tali or bottu--is dispensed with. On the first day of
-the marriage ceremonies, the bride and bridegroom are conducted,
-towards evening, to the houses of their maternal uncles. There the
-nalagu ceremony, or smearing the body with Phaseolus Mungo, sandal
-and turmeric paste, is performed, and the uncles place toe-rings on
-the feet of the contracting couple. On the following day, the bride's
-price is paid, and betel is distributed, in the presence of a Kummara,
-Urumikkaran, and washerman, to the villagers in a special order of
-precedence. On the third day, the bridegroom goes in procession to
-the house of the bride, and their fingers are linked together by
-the maternal uncle or uncles. For this reason, the day is called Kai
-Kudukahodina, or hand-locking day.
-
-It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that "the binding
-portions of the marriage ceremony are the donning by the bride of a
-turmeric-coloured cloth sent her by bridegroom, and of black glass
-bangles (unmarried girls may only wear bangles made of lac), and
-the linking of the couple's little fingers. A man's right to marry
-his paternal aunt's daughter is so rigorously insisted upon that,
-as among the Tottiyans, ill-assorted matches are common. A woman,
-whose husband is too young to fulfil the duties of his position,
-is allowed to consort with his near relations, and the children so
-begotten are treated as his. [It is said that a woman does not suffer
-in reputation, if she cohabits with her brothers-in-law.] Adultery
-outside the caste is punished by expulsion, and, to show that the
-woman is thenceforward as good as dead, funeral ceremonies are solemnly
-performed to some trinket of hers, and this is afterwards burnt."
-
-At the first menstrual period, a girl remains under pollution
-for thirteen days, in a corner of the house or outside it in the
-village common land (mandai). If she remains within, her maternal
-uncle makes a screen, and, if outside, a temporary hut, and, in
-return for his services, receives a hearty meal. On the thirteenth
-day the girl bathes in a tank (pond), and, as she enters the house,
-has to pass over a pestle and a cake. Near the entrance, some food is
-placed, which a dog is allowed to eat. While so doing, it receives
-a severe beating. The more noise it makes, the better is the omen
-for a large family of children. If the poor brute does not howl,
-it is supposed that the girl will bear no children. A cotton thread,
-dyed with turmeric, is tied round her neck by a married woman, and,
-if she herself is married, she puts on glass bangles. The hut is
-burnt down and the pots she used are broken to atoms.
-
-The caste deities are said to be Lakkamma and Vira Lakkamma,
-but they also worship other deities, such as Chenraya, Thimmappa,
-and Siranga Perumal. Certain septs seem to have particular deities,
-whom they worship. Thus Thimmaraya is reverenced by the Dasiriyoru,
-and Malamma by the Hattiyoru.
-
-The dead are as a rule cremated, but children, those who have died of
-cholera, and pregnant women, are buried. In the case of the last, the
-child is, before burial, removed from the mother's body. The funeral
-ceremonies are carried out very much on the lines of those of the
-Tottiyans. Fire is carried to the burning ground by a Chakkiliyan. On
-the last day of the death ceremonies (karmandiram) cooked food, fruits
-of Solanum xanthocarpum, and leaves of Leucas aspera are placed on a
-tray, by the side of which a bit of a culm of Saccharum arundinaceum,
-with leaves of Cynodon Dactylon twined round it, is deposited. The
-tray is taken to a stream, on the bank of which an effigy is made,
-to which the various articles are offered. A small quantity thereof is
-placed on arka (Calotropis gigantea) leaves, to be eaten by crows. On
-the return journey to the house, three men, the brother-in-law or
-father-in-law of the deceased, and two sapindas (agnates) stand in a
-row at a certain spot. A cloth is stretched before them as a screen,
-over which they place their right hands. These a washerman touches
-thrice with Cynodon leaves dipped in milk, cow's urine, and turmeric
-water. The washerman then washes the hands with water. All the agnates
-place new turbans on their heads, and go back in procession to the
-village, accompanied by a Urimikkaran and washerman, who must be
-present throughout the ceremony.
-
-For the following note on the Kappiliyans of the Kambam valley, in
-the Madura district, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. According
-to a tradition which is current among them, they migrated from their
-original home in search of new grazing ground for their cattle. The
-herd, which they brought with them, still lives in its descendants
-in the valley, which are small, active animals, well known for their
-trotting powers. It is about a hundred and fifty strong, and is called
-devaru avu in Canarese, and thambiran madu in Tamil, both meaning
-the sacred herd. The cows are never milked, and their calves, when
-they grow up, are not used for any purpose, except breeding. When
-the cattle die, they are buried deep in the ground, and not handed
-over to Chakkiliyans (leather-workers). One of the bulls goes by the
-name of pattada avu, or the king bull. It is selected from the herd
-by a quaint ceremonial. On an auspicious day, the castemen assemble,
-and offer incense, camphor, cocoanuts, plantains, and betel to the
-herd. Meanwhile, a bundle of sugar-cane is placed in front thereof,
-and the spectators eagerly watch to see which of the bulls will
-reach it first. The animal which does so is caught hold of, daubed
-with turmeric, and decorated with flowers, and installed as the king
-bull. It is styled Nanda Gopala, or Venugopalaswami, after Krishna, the
-divine cattle-grazer, and is an object of adoration by the caste. To
-meet the expenses of the ceremony, which amount to about two hundred
-rupees, a subscription is raised among them. The king bull has a
-special attendant, or driver, whose duties are to graze and worship
-it. He belongs to the Maragala section of the Endar sub-division of
-the caste. When he dies, a successor is appointed in the following
-manner. Before the assembled castemen, puja (worship) is offered to
-the sacred herd, and a young boy, "upon whom the god comes," points
-out a man from among the Maragalas, who becomes the next driver. He
-enjoys the inams, and is the custodian of the jewels presented to the
-king bull in former days, and of the copper plates, whereon grants made
-in its name are engraved. As many as nine of these copper grants were
-entrusted to the keeping of a youthful driver, about sixteen years old,
-in 1905. Most of them record grants from unknown kings. One Ponnum
-Pandyan, a king of Gudalur, is recorded as having made grants of
-land, and other presents to the bull. Others record gifts of land
-from Ballala Raya and Rama Rayar. Only the names of the years are
-recorded. None of the plates contain the saka dates. Before the annual
-migration of the herd to the hills during the summer, a ceremony
-is carried out, to determine whether the king bull is in favour of
-its going. Two plates, one containing milk, and the other sugar,
-are placed before the herd. Unless, or until the bull has come up to
-them, and gone back, the migration does not take place. The driver,
-or some one deputed to represent him, goes with the herd, which is
-accompanied by most of the cattle of the neighbouring villages. The
-driver is said to carry a pot of fresh-drawn milk within a kavadi
-(shrine). On the day on which the return journey to the valley is
-commenced, the pot is opened, and the milk is said to be found in a
-hardened state. A slice thereof is cut off, and given to each person
-who accompanied the herd to the hills. It is believed that the milk
-would not remain in good condition, if the sacred herd had been in any
-way injuriously affected during its sojourn there. The sacred herd is
-recruited by certain calves dedicated as members thereof by people of
-other castes in the neighbourhood of the valley. These calves, born
-on the 1st of the month Thai (January-February), are dedicated to the
-god Nandagopala, and are known as sanni pasuvu. They are branded on
-the legs or buttocks, and their ears are slightly torn. They are not
-used for ploughing or milking, and cannot be sold. They are added
-to the sacred herd, but the male calves are kept distinct from the
-male calves thereof. Many miracles are attributed to the successive
-king bulls. During the fight between the Tottiyans and Kappiliyans at
-Dindigul, a king bull left on the rock the permanent imprint of its
-hoof, which is still believed to be visible. At a subsequent quarrel
-between the same castes, at Dombacheri, a king bull made the sun turn
-back in its course, and the shadow is still pointed under a tamarind
-tree beneath which arbitration took place. For the assistance rendered
-by the bull on this occasion, the Maragalas will not use the wood of
-the tamarind tree, or of the vela tree, to which the bull was tied,
-either for fuel or for house-building. The Kappiliyans have recently
-(1906) raised Rs. 11,000 by taxing all members of the caste in the
-Periyakulam taluk for three years, and have spent this sum in building
-roomy masonry quarters at Kambam for the sacred herd. Their chief
-grievance at present is that the same grazing fees are levied on their
-animals as on mere ordinary cattle, which, they urge, is equivalent
-to treating gods as equals of men. In the settlement of caste affairs,
-oaths are taken within the enclosure for the sacred herd.
-
-"Local tradition at Kambam (where a large proportion of the people
-are Kappiliyans) says that the Anuppans, another Canarese caste, were
-in great strength here in olden days, and that quarrels arose between
-the two bodies, in the course of which the chief of the Kappiliyans,
-Ramachcha Kavundan, was killed. With his dying breath he cursed the
-Anuppans, and thenceforth they never prospered, and now not one of
-them is left in the town. A fig tree to the east of the village is
-shown as marking the place where Ramachcha's body was burned; near
-it is the tank, the Ramachchankulam; and under the bank of this is
-his math, where his ashes were deposited." [104]
-
-Kapu.--The Kapus or Reddis are the largest caste in the Madras
-Presidency, numbering more than two millions, and are the great caste
-of cultivators, farmers, and squireens in the Telugu country. In
-the Gazetteer of Anantapur they are described as being the great
-land-holding body in the Telugu districts, who are held in much respect
-as substantial, steady-going yeomen, and next to the Brahmans are the
-leaders of Hindu Society. In the Salem Manual it is stated that "the
-Reddis are provident. They spend their money on the land, but are not
-parsimonious. They are always well dressed, if they can afford it. The
-gold ornaments worn by the women or the men are of the finest kind
-of gold. Their houses are always neat and well built, and the Reddis
-give the idea of good substantial ryots. They live chiefly on ragi
-(grain: Eleusine Coracana), and are a fine, powerful race." Of proverbs
-relating to the hereditary occupation of the Reddis, the following
-may be quoted. "Only a Reddi can cultivate the land, even though he
-has to drink for every clod turned over." "Those are Reddis who get
-their living by cultivating the earth." "The Reddi who grows arika
-(Paspalum strobiculatum) can have but one cloth for man and wife."
-
-"The term Kapu," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [105] "means a watchman, and
-Reddi means a king. The Kapus or Reddis (Ratti) appear to have been
-a powerful Dravidian tribe in the early centuries of the Christian
-era, for they have left traces of their presence at various places
-in almost every part of India. Though their power has been put down
-from time to time by the Chalukyas, the Pallavas, and the Bellalas,
-several families of zamindars came into existence after the captivity
-of Pratapa Rudra of Warrangal in A.D. 1323 by the Muhammadan emperor
-Ghiyas-ud-din Toghluk."
-
-Writing in the Manual of the Salem district concerning the Kongu
-kingdom, the Rev. T. Foulkes states that "the Kongu kingdom claims to
-have existed from about the commencement of the Christian era, and to
-have continued under its own independent kings down to nearly the end
-of the ninth century A.D., when it was conquered by the Chola kings of
-Tanjore, and annexed to their dominions. The earliest portion of the
-Kongu Chronicle (one of the manuscripts of the Mackenzie collection)
-gives a series of short notices of the reigns of twenty-eight kings
-who ruled the country previous to its conquest by the Cholas. These
-kings belonged to two distinct dynasties: the earlier line was of the
-solar race, and the later line of the Ganga race. The earlier dynasty
-had a succession of seven kings of the Ratti tribe, a tribe very
-extensively distributed, which has at various periods left its mark
-throughout almost every part of India. This is probably the earliest
-reference to them as a ruling power, and it is the most southern
-situation in which they ever held dominion. They disappear in these
-parts about the end of the second century A.D.; and, in the next
-historical references to them, we find them high up in the Northern
-Dakkan, amongst the kingdoms conquered by the Chalukyas about the
-fourth century A.D. soon after they first crossed the Nerbudda. In
-the Kongu Chronicle they are stated to be of the solar race: and the
-genealogies of this tribe accordingly trace them up to Kusha, the
-second son of Rama, the hero of the great solar epic of the Hindus;
-but their claim to this descent is not undisputed. They are, however,
-sometimes said to be of the lunar race, and of the Yadava tribe,
-though this latter statement is sometimes confined to the later
-Rathors." According to the Rev. T. Foulkes, the name Ratti is found
-under various forms, e.g., Irattu, Iretti, Radda, Rahtor, Rathaur,
-Rashtra-kuta, Ratta, Reddi, etc.
-
-In a note on the Rashtrakutas, Mr. J. F. Fleet writes [106] that "we
-find that, from the first appearance of the Chalukyas in this part of
-the country, in the fifth century A.D., the Kanarese districts of the
-Bombay Presidency were held by them, with short periods of interruption
-of their power caused by the invasions of the Pallavas and other
-kings, down to about the early part or the middle of the eighth century
-A.D. Their sway over this part of the country then ceased entirely for
-a time. This was due to an invasion by the Rashtrakuta kings, who,
-like their predecessors, came from the north.... It is difficult to
-say when there was first a Rashtrakuta kingdom. The earliest notices
-that we have of the family are contained in the western Chalukya
-inscriptions. Thus, the Miraj plates tell us that Jayasimha I, restored
-the fortunes of the Chalukya dynasty by defeating, among others,
-one Indra of the Rashtrakuta family, who was the son of Krishna, and
-who possessed an army of eight hundred elephants; and there is little
-doubt that Appayika-Govinda, who, as we are told in the Aihole Meguti
-inscription, came from the north and invaded the Chalukya kingdom
-with his troops of elephants, and was repulsed by Pulikesi II, also
-belonged to this same dynasty. It is plain, therefore, that in the
-fifth and sixth centuries A.D. the Rashtrakuta dynasty was one of
-considerable importance in central or in northern India. The later
-inscriptions state that the Rashtrakutas were of the Somavamsa or
-lunar race, and were descendants of Yadu. Dr. Burnell seems inclined
-to look upon the family as of Dravidian origin, as he gives 'Rashtra'
-as an instance of the Sanskritising of Dravidian names, and considers
-it to be a mythological perversion for 'Ratta,' which is the same
-as the Kanarese and Telugu 'Reddi.' Dr. Bühler is unable to record
-any opinion as to 'whether the Rashtrakutas were an Aryan Kshatriya,
-i.e., Rajput race, which immigrated into the Dekkan from the north
-like the Chalukyas, or a Dravidian family which was received into
-the Aryan community after the conquest of the Dekkan.' The earliest
-inscriptions, at any rate, show them as coming from the north, and,
-whatever may be their origin, as the word Rashtrakuta is used in many
-inscriptions of other dynasties as the equivalent of Rashtrapati, i.e.,
-as an official word meaning 'the headman or governor of a country or
-district,' it appears to me that the selection of it as a dynastic
-name implies that, prior to attaining independent sovereignty,
-the Rashtrakutas were feudal chiefs under some previous dynasty,
-of which they have not preserved any record."
-
-It is a common saying among the Kapus that they can easily enumerate
-all the varieties of rice, but it is impossible to give the names of
-all the sections into which the caste is split up. Some say that there
-are only fourteen of these, and use the phrase Panta padnalagu kulalu,
-or Panta and fourteen sections.
-
-The following sub-divisions are recorded by Mr. Stuart [107] as being
-the most important:--
-
-Ayodhya, or Oudh, where Rama is reputed to have lived. The sub-division
-is found in Madura and Tinnevelly. They are very proud of their
-supposed connection with Oudh. At the commencement of the marriage
-ceremony, the bride's party asks the bridegroom's who they are, and
-the answer is that they are Ayodhya Reddis. A similar question is
-then asked by the bridegroom's party, and the bride's friends reply
-that they are Mithila Reddis.
-
-Balija. The chief Telugu trading caste. Many of the Balijas are
-now engaged in cultivation, and this accounts for so many having
-returned Kapu as their main caste, for Kapu is a common Telugu word
-for a ryot or cultivator. It is not improbable that there was once
-a closer connection than now between the Kapus and Balijas.
-
-Bhumanchi (good earth).
-
-Desur. Possibly residents originally of a place called Desur, though
-some derive the word from deha, body, and sura, valour, saying that
-they were renowned for their courage.
-
-Gandi Kottai. Found in Madura and Tinnevelly. Named after Gandi Kota in
-the Ceded districts, whence they are said to have emigrated southward.
-
-Gazula (glass bangle makers). A sub-division of the Balijas. They are
-said to have two sections, called Naga (cobra) and Tabelu (tortoise),
-and, in some places, to keep their women gosha.
-
-Kammapuri. These seem to be Kammas, who, in some places, pass as
-Kapus. Some Kammas, for example, who have settled in the city of
-Madras, call themselves Kapu or Reddi.
-
-Morasa. A sub-division of the Vakkaligas. The Verala icche Kapulu,
-or Kapus who give the fingers, have a custom which requires that,
-when a grandchild is born in a family, the wife of the eldest son of
-the grandfather must have the last two joints of the third and fourth
-fingers of her right hand amputated at a temple of Bhairava.
-
-Nerati, Nervati, or Neradu. Most numerous in Kurnool, and the Ceded
-districts.
-
-Oraganti. Said to have formerly worked in the salt-pans. The name is
-possibly a corruption of Warangal, capital of the Pratapa Rudra.
-
-Pakanati. Those who come from the eastern country (prak nadu).
-
-Palle. In some places, the Pallis who have settled in the Telugu
-country call themselves Palle Kapulu, and give as their gotra Jambumaha
-Rishi, which is the gotra of the Pallis. Though they do not intermarry
-with the Kapus, the Palle Kapulu may interdine with them.
-
-Panta (Panta, a crop). The largest sub-division of all.
-
-Pedaganti or Pedakanti. By some said to be named after a place called
-Pedagallu. By others the word is said to be derived from peda, turned
-aside, and kamma eye, indicating one who turns his eyes away from
-the person who speaks to him. Another suggestion is that it means
-stiff-necked. The Pedakantis are said to be known by their arrogance.
-
-The following legend is narrated in the Baramahal Records. [108]
-"On a time, the Guru or Patriarch came near a village, and put up in a
-neighbouring grove until he sent in a Dasari to apprize his sectaries
-of his approach. The Dasari called at the house of one of them, and
-announced the arrival of the Guru, but the master of the house took no
-notice of him, and, to avoid the Guru, he ran away through the back
-door of the house, which is called peradu, and by chance came to the
-grove, and was obliged to pay his respects to the Guru, who asked if
-he had seen his Dasari, and he answered that he had been all day from
-home. On which, the Guru sent for the Dasari, and demanded the reason
-of his staying away so long, when he saw the master of the house was
-not in it. The Dasari replied that the person was at home when he
-went there, but that, on seeing him, he fled through the back door,
-which the Guru finding true, he surnamed him the Peratiguntavaru or the
-runaway through the back door, now corruptly called Perdagantuwaru,
-and said that he would never honour him with another visit, and that
-he and his descendants should henceforth have no Guru or Patriarch."
-
-Pokanadu (poka, areca palm: Areca Catechu).
-
-Velanati. Kapus from a foreign (veli) country.
-
-Yerlam.
-
-"The last division," Mr. Stuart writes, "are the most peculiar of
-all, and are partly of Brahmanical descent. The story goes that a
-Brahman girl named Yerlamma, not having been married by her parents
-in childhood, as she should have been, was for that reason turned
-out of her caste. A Kapu, or some say a Besta man, took compassion on
-her, and to him she bore many children, the ancestors of the Yerlam
-Kapu caste. In consequence of the harsh treatment of Yerlamma by her
-parents and caste people, all her descendants hate Brahmans with a
-deadly hatred, and look down upon them, affecting also to be superior
-to every other caste. They are most exclusive, refusing to eat with any
-caste whatever, or even to take chunam (lime for chewing with betel)
-from any but their own people, whereas Brahmans will take lime from
-a Sudra, provided a little curd be mixed with it. The Yerlam Kapus
-do not employ priests of the Brahman or other religious classes
-even for their marriages. At these no homam (sacred fire) ceremony
-is performed, and no worship offered to Vigneswara, but they simply
-ascertain a fortunate day and hour, and get an old matron (sumangali)
-to tie the tali to the bride's neck, after which there is feasting
-and merry-making."
-
-The Panta Kapus are said to be divided into two tegas or endogamous
-divisions, viz., Perama Reddi or Muduru Kapu (ripe or old Kapu); and
-Katama Reddi or Letha Kapu (young or unripe Kapus). A sub-division
-called Konda (hill) Kapus is mentioned by the Rev. J. Cain  [109]
-as being engaged in cultivation and the timber trade in the eastern
-ghats near the Godavari river (see Konda Dora). Akula (betel-leaf
-seller) was returned at the census, 1901, as a sub-caste of Kapus.
-
-In the Census Report, 1891, Kapu (indicating cultivator), is given
-as a sub-division of Chakkiliyans, Dommaras, Gadabas, Savaras and
-Telis. It further occurs as a sub-division of Mangala. Some Maratha
-cultivators in the Telugu country are known as Are Kapu. The Konda
-Doras are also called Konda Kapus. In the Census Report, 1901, Pandu
-is returned as a Tamil synonym, and Kampo as an Oriya form of Kapu.
-
-Reddi is the usual title of the Kapus, and is the title by which the
-village munsiff is called in the Telugu country, regardless of the
-caste to which he may belong. Reddi also occurs as a sub-division
-of cultivating Linga Balijas, Telugu Vadukans or Vadugans in the
-Tamil country, Velamas, and Yanadis. It is further given as a name
-for Kavarais engaged in agriculture, and as a title of the Kallangi
-sub-division of Pallis, and Sadars. The name Sambuni Reddi is adopted
-by some Palles engaged as fishermen.
-
-As examples of exogamous septs among the Kapus, the following may
-be cited:--
-
-
-    Avula, cow.
-    Alla, grain.
-    Bandi, cart.
-    Barrelu, buffaloes.
-    Dandu, army.
-    Gorre, sheep.
-    Gudise, hut.
-    Guntaka, harrow.
-    Kodla, fowl.
-    Mekala, goats.
-    Kanugala, Pongamia glabra.
-    Mungaru, woman's skirt.
-    Nagali, plough.
-    Tangedu, Cassia auriculata.
-    Udumala, Varanus bengalensis.
-    Varige, Setaria italica.
-    Yeddulu, bulls.
-    Yenuga, elephant.
-
-
-At Conjeeveram, some Panta Reddis have true totemistic septs, of
-which the following are examples:--
-
-
-    Magili (Pandanus fascicularis). Women do not, like women of
-    other castes, use the flower-bracts for the purpose of adorning
-    themselves. A man has been known to refuse to purchase some bamboo
-    mats, because they were tied with the fibre of this tree.
-
-    Ippi (Bassia longifolia). The tree, and its products, must not
-    be touched.
-
-    Mancham (cot). They avoid sleeping on cots.
-
-    Arigala (Paspalum scrobiculatum). The grain is not used as food.
-
-    Chintaginjalu (tamarind seeds). The seeds may not be touched,
-    or used.
-
-    Puccha (Citrullus vulgaris; water melon). The fruit may not
-    be eaten.
-
-
-The Pichigunta vandlu, a class of mendicants who beg chiefly from
-Kapus and Gollas, manufacture pedigrees and gotras for these castes
-and the Kammas.
-
-Concerning the origin of the Kapus, the following legend is
-current. During the reign of Pratapa Rudra, the wife of one Belthi
-Reddi secured by severe penance a brilliant ear ornament (kamma) from
-the sun. This was stolen by the King's minister, as the King was very
-anxious to secure it for his wife. Belthi Reddi's wife told her sons
-to recover it, but her eldest son refused to have anything to do with
-the matter, as the King was involved in it. The second son likewise
-refused, and used foul language. The third son promised to secure
-it, and, hearing this, one of his brothers ran away. Finally the
-ornament was recovered by the youngest son. The Panta Kapus are said
-to be descended from the eldest son, the Pakanatis from the second,
-the Velamas from the son who ran away, and the Kammas from the son
-who secured the jewel.
-
-The Kapus are said to have originally dwelt in Ayodhya. During the
-reign of Bharata, one Pillala Mari Belthi Reddi and his sons deceived
-the King by appropriating all the grain to themselves, and giving him
-the straw. The fraud was detected by Rama when he assumed charge of the
-kingdom, and, as a punishment, he ordered the Kapus to bring Cucurbita
-(pumpkin) fruits for the sradh (death ceremony) of Dasaratha. They
-accordingly cultivated the plant, but, before the ceremony took
-place, all the plants were uprooted by Hanuman, and no fruits were
-forthcoming. In lieu thereof, they promised to offer gold equal in
-weight to that of the pumpkin, and brought all of which they were
-possessed. This they placed in the scales, but it was not sufficient to
-counterbalance a pumpkin against which it was weighed. To make up the
-deficiency in weight, the Kapu women removed their bottus (marriage
-badges), and placed them in the scales. Since that time women of the
-Motati and Pedakanti sections have substituted a cotton string dyed
-with turmeric for the bottu. It is worthy of notice that a similar
-legend is current among the Vakkaligas (cultivators) of Mysore, who,
-instead of giving up the bottu, seem to have abandoned the cultivation
-of the Cucurbita plant. The exposure of the fraud led Belthi Reddi
-to leave Ayodhya with one of his wives and seventy-seven children,
-leaving behind thirteen wives. In the course of their journey, they
-had to cross the Silanadi (petrifying river), and, if they passed
-through the water, they would have become petrified. So they went
-to a place called Dhonakonda, and, after worshipping Ganga, the head
-of the idol was cut off, and brought to the river bank. The waters,
-like those of the Red Sea in the time of Pharaoh, were divided,
-and the Kapus crossed on dry ground. In commemoration of this event,
-the Kapus still worship Ganga during their marriage ceremonies. After
-crossing the river, the travellers came to the temple of Mallikarjuna,
-and helped the Jangams in the duties of looking after it. Some time
-afterwards the Jangams left the place for a time, and placed the
-temple in charge of the Kapus. On their return, the Kapus refused
-to hand over charge to them, and it was decided that whoever should
-go to Nagalokam (the abode of snakes), and bring back Naga Malligai
-(jasmine from snake-land), should be considered the rightful owner of
-the temple. The Jangams, who were skilled in the art of transformation,
-leaving their mortal frames, went in search of the flower in the
-guise of spirits. Taking advantage of this, the Kapus burnt the
-bodies of the Jangams, and, when the spirits returned, there were no
-bodies for them to enter. Thereon the god of the temple became angry,
-and transformed the Jangams into crows, which attacked the Kapus,
-who fled to the country of Oraganti Pratapa Rudra. As this King was
-a Sakti worshipper, the crows ceased to harass the Kapus, who settled
-down as cultivators. Of the produce of the land, nine-tenths were to
-be given to the King, and the Kapus were to keep a tithe. At this time
-the wife of Belthi Reddi was pregnant, and she asked her sons what they
-would give to the son who was about to be born. They all promised to
-give him half their earnings. The child grew into a learned man and
-poet, and one day carried water to the field where his brothers were
-at work. The vessel containing the water was only a small one, and
-there was not enough water for all. But he prayed to Sarasvati, with
-whose aid the vessel was always filled up. Towards evening, the grain
-collected during the day was heaped together, with a view to setting
-apart the share for the King. But a dispute arose among the brothers,
-and it was decided that only a tithe should be given to him. The King,
-being annoyed with the Kapus for not giving him his proper share,
-waited for an opportunity to bring disgrace on Belthi Reddi, and
-sought the assistance of a Jangam, who managed to become the servant
-of Belthi Reddi's wife. After some time, he picked up her kamma when
-it fell off while she was asleep, and handed it over to Pratapa Rudra,
-who caused it to be proclaimed that he had secured the ornament as
-a preliminary to securing the person of its owner. The eldest son of
-Belthi Reddi, however, recovered the kamma in a fight with the King,
-during which he carried his youngest brother on his back. From him the
-Kammas are descended. The Velamas are descended from the sons who ran
-away, and the Kapus from those who would neither fight nor run away.
-
-Pollution at the first menstrual ceremony lasts, I am informed, for
-sixteen days. Every day, both morning and evening, a dose of gingelly
-(Sesamum) oil is administered to the girl, and, if it produces much
-purging, she is treated with buffalo ghi (clarified butter). On
-alternate days water is poured over her head, and from the neck
-downwards. The cloth which she wears, whether new or old, becomes
-the property of the washerwoman. On the first day the meals consist
-of milk and dhal (Cajanus indicus), but on subsequent days cakes,
-etc., are allowed.
-
-In their marriage ceremonial, the Panta Reddis of the South Arcot and
-Salem districts appear to follow the Brahmanical form. In the Telugu
-country, however, it is as follows. On the pradhanam or betrothal
-day, the party of the bridegroom-elect go in procession under a
-canopy (ulladam), attended by musicians, and matrons carrying betel,
-cocoanuts, date and plantain fruits, and turmeric on plates. As soon
-as they have arrived at the courtyard of the future bride's house, she
-seats herself on a plank. A Brahman purohit moulds a little turmeric
-paste into a conical mass representing Vigneswara (the elephant god),
-and it is worshipped by the girl, in front of whom the trays brought
-by the women are placed. She is presented with a new cloth, which
-she puts on, and a near female relation gives her three handfuls of
-areca nuts, a few betel leaves, and the bride-price and jewels tied up
-in a turmeric-dyed cloth. All these things the girl deposits in her
-lap. The fathers of the contracting couple then exchange betel, with
-the customary formula. "The girl is yours, and the money mine" and "The
-money is yours, and the girl mine." Early on the wedding morning the
-bridegroom's party, accompanied by a purohit and washerman (Tsakala),
-go to fetch the bride from her house. The milk-post is set up, and is
-usually made of a branch of Mimusops hexandra or, in the Tamil country,
-Odina Wodier. On the conclusion of the marriage rites, the Odina post
-is planted in the backyard, and, if it takes root and flourishes,
-it is regarded as a happy omen for the newly married couple. A small
-party of Kapus, taking with them some food and gingelly (Sesamum) oil,
-proceed in procession beneath a canopy to the house of a washerman
-(Tsakala), in order to obtain from him a framework made of bamboo or
-sticks over which cotton threads are wound (dhornam), and the Ganga
-idol, which is kept in his custody. The food is presented to him,
-and some rice poured into his cloth. Receiving these things, he says
-that he cannot find the dhornam and idol without a torch-light, and
-demands gingelly oil. This is given to him, and the Kapus return with
-the washerman carrying the dhornam and idol to the marriage house. When
-they arrive at the entrance thereto, red coloured food, coloured water
-(arathi) and incense are waved before the idol, which is taken into a
-room, and placed on a settle of rice. The washerman is then asked to
-tie the dhornam to the pandal (marriage booth) or roof of the house,
-and he demands some paddy, which is heaped up on the ground. Standing
-thereon, he ties the dhornam. The people next proceed to the houses
-of the goldsmith and potter, and bring back the bottu (marriage badge)
-and thirteen marriage pots, on which threads (kankanam) are tied before
-they are removed. A Brahman purohit ties the thread round one pot, and
-the Kapus round the rest. The pots are placed in the room along with
-the Ganga idol. The bottu is tied round the neck of a married woman
-who is closely related to the bridegroom. The contracting couple are
-seated with the ends of their clothes tied together. A barber comes
-with a cup of water, and a tray containing rice dyed with turmeric
-is placed on the floor. A number of men and women then scatter rice
-over the heads of the bride and bridegroom, and, after, waving a
-silver or copper coin in front of them, throw it into the barber's
-cup. The barber then pares the finger and toe nails of the bridegroom,
-and touches the toe nails of the bride with his razor. They then go
-through the nalagu ceremony, being smeared with oil and Phaseolus
-Mungo paste, and bathe. After the bath the bridegroom, dressed in
-his wedding finery, proceeds to the temple. As he leaves the house,
-a Madiga hands him a pair of shoes, which he puts on. The Madiga is
-given food placed in a basket on eleven leaves. At the temple worship
-is performed, and a Bhatrazu (bard and panegyrist), who has accompanied
-the bridegroom, ties a bashingham (chaplet) on his forehead. From
-this moment the Bhatrazu must remain with the bridegroom, as his
-personal attendant, painting the sectarian marks on his forehead, and
-carrying out other functions. In like manner, a Bhogam woman (dedicated
-prostitute) waits on the bride. "The tradition," Mr. Stuart writes,
-"is that the Bhatrazus were a northern caste, which was first invited
-south by king Pratapa Rudra of the Kshatriya dynasty of Warrangal
-(1295-1323 A.D.). After the downfall of that kingdom they seem to
-have become court bards and panegyrists under the Reddi and Velama
-feudal chiefs." From the temple the bridegroom and his party come
-to the marriage pandal, and, after food and other things have been
-waved to avert the evil eye, he enters the house. On the threshold his
-brother-in-law washes his feet, and sits thereon till he has extracted
-some money or a cow as a present. The bridegroom then goes to the
-marriage dais, whither the bride is conducted, and stands facing him,
-with a screen interposed between them. Vigneswara is worshipped, and
-the wrist threads (kankanam) are tied on, the bridegroom placing his
-right foot on the left foot of the bride. The bottu is removed from
-the neck of the married woman, passed round to be blessed, and tied
-by the bridegroom on the bride's neck. The bride is lifted up by her
-maternal uncle, and the couple sprinkle each other with rice. The
-screen is removed, and they sit side by side with the ends of their
-cloths tied together. Rice is thrown over them by those assembled,
-and they are made to gaze at the pole star (Arundati). The proceedings
-terminate by the pair searching for a finger-ring and pap-bowl in one
-of the pots filled with water. On the second day there is feasting,
-and the nalagu ceremony is again performed. On the following day,
-the bridegroom and his party pretend to take offence at some thing
-which is done by the bride's people, who follow them with presents,
-and a reconciliation is speedily effected. Towards evening, a ceremony
-called nagavali, or sacrifice to the Devatas, is performed. The bridal
-pair, with the Bhatrazu and Bhogam woman, occupy the dais. The Brahman
-purohit places on a tray a conical mass of turmeric representing
-Vigneswara, to whom puja (worship) is done. He then places a brass
-vessel (kalasam) filled with water, and with its mouth closed
-by a cocoanut, on a settle of rice spread on a tray. The kalasam
-is worshipped as representing the Devatas. The Brahman invokes the
-blessing of all the Gods and Devatas, saying "Let Siva bless the pair,"
-"Let Indra bless the pair," etc. A near relative of the bridegroom
-sits by the side of the purohit with plenty of betel leaves and areca
-nuts. After each God or Devata has been mentioned, he throws some of
-the nuts and leaves into a tray, and, as these are the perquisites
-of the purohit, he may repeat the same name three or four times. The
-Kapu then makes playful remarks about the greed of the purohit, and,
-amid much laughter, refuses to put any more leaves or nuts in the
-tray. This ceremonial concluded, the near relations of the bridegroom
-stand in front of him, and, with hands crossed, hold over his head two
-brass plates, into which a small quantity of milk is poured. Fruit,
-betel leaves and areca nuts (pan-supari) are next distributed in a
-recognised order of precedence. The first presentation is made to
-the house god, the second to the family priest, and the third to the
-Brahman purohit. If a Pakanati Kapu is present, he must receive his
-share immediately after the Brahman, and before other Kapus, Kammas,
-and others. Before it is presented to each person, the leaves and nuts
-are touched by the bridegroom, and the hand of the bride is placed
-on them by the Bhogam woman. At a Panta Kapu wedding, the Ganga idol,
-together with a goat and a kavadi (bamboo pole with baskets of rice,
-cakes, betel leaves and areca nuts), is carried in procession to a pond
-or temple. The washerman, dressed up as a woman, heads the procession,
-and keeps on dancing and singing till the destination is reached. The
-idol is placed inside a rude triangular hut made of three sheaves of
-straw, and the articles brought in the baskets are spread before it. On
-the heap of rice small lumps of flour paste are placed, and these are
-made into lights by scooping out cavities, and feeding the wicks with
-ghi (clarified butter). One of the ears of the goat is then cut, and
-it is brought near the food. This done, the lights are extinguished,
-and the assembly returns home without the least noise. The washerman
-takes charge of the idol, and goes his way. If the wedding is spread
-over five days, the Ganga idol is removed on the fourth day, and
-the customary mock-ploughing ceremony performed on the fifth. The
-marriage ceremonies close with the removal of the threads from the
-wrists of the newly married couple. Among the Panta Reddis of the Tamil
-country, the Ganga idol is taken in procession by the washerman two
-or three days before the marriage, and he goes to every Reddi house,
-and receives a present of money. The idol is then set up in the
-verandah, and worshipped daily till the conclusion of the marriage
-ceremonies. "Among the Reddis of Tinnevelly," Dr. J. Shortt writes,
-"a young woman of sixteen or twenty years of age is frequently married
-to a boy of five or six years, or even of a more tender age. After
-marriage she, the wife, lives with some other man, a near relative
-on the maternal side, frequently an uncle, and sometimes with the
-boy-husband's own father. The progeny so begotten are affiliated
-on the boy-husband. When he comes of age, he finds his wife an old
-woman, and perhaps past child-bearing. So he, in his turn, contracts
-a liaison with some other boy's wife, and procreates children." The
-custom has doubtless been adopted in imitation of the Maravans,
-Kallans, Agamudaiyans, and other castes, among whom the Reddis have
-settled. In an account of the Ayodhya Reddis of Tinnevelly, Mr. Stuart
-writes that it is stated that "the tali is peculiar, consisting of
-a number of cotton threads besmeared with turmeric, without any gold
-ornament. They have a proverb that he who went forth to procure a tali
-and a cloth never returned." This proverb is based on the following
-legend. In days of yore a Reddi chief was about to be married, and he
-accordingly sent for a goldsmith, and, desiring him to make a splendid
-tali, gave him the price of it in advance. The smith was a drunkard,
-and neglected his work. The day for the celebration of the marriage
-arrived, but there was no tali. Whereupon the old chief, plucking a
-few threads from his garment, twisted them into a cord, and tied it
-round the neck of the bride, and this became a custom. [110]
-
-In the Census Report, 1891, Mr. Stuart states that he was informed
-that polyandry of the fraternal type exists among the Panta Kapus,
-but the statement requires verification. I am unable to discover any
-trace of this custom, and it appears that Reddi Yanadis are employed
-by Panta Reddis as domestic servants. If a Reddi Yanadi's husband
-dies, abandons, or divorces his wife, she may marry his brother. And,
-in the case of separation or divorce, the two brothers will live on
-friendly terms with each other.
-
-In the Indian Law Reports [111] it is noted that the custom of illatom,
-[112] or affiliation of a son-in-law, obtains among the Motati Kapus
-in Bellary and Kurnool, and the Pedda Kapus in Nellore. He who has
-at the time no son, although he may have more than one daughter, and
-whether or not he is hopeless of having male issue, may exercise the
-right of taking an illatom son-in-law. For the purposes of succession
-this son-in-law stands in the place of a son, and, in competition
-with natural-born sons, takes an equal share. [113]
-
-According to the Kurnool Manual (1886), "the Pakanadus of Pattikonda
-and Ramallakota taluks allow a widow to take a second husband
-from among the caste-men. She can wear no signs of marriage, such
-as the tali, glass bangles, and the like, but she as well as her
-husband is allowed to associate with the other caste-men on equal
-terms. Their progeny inherit their father's property equally with
-children born in regular wedlock, but they generally intermarry
-with persons similarly circumstanced. Their marriage with the issue
-of a regularly married couple is, however, not prohibited. It is
-matter for regret that this privilege of remarrying is much abused,
-as among the Linga Balijas. Not unfrequently it extends to pregnant
-widows also, and so widows live in adultery with a caste-man without
-fear of excommunication, encouraged by the hope of getting herself
-united to him or some other caste-man in the event of pregnancy. In
-many cases, caste-men are hired for the purpose of going through the
-forms of marriage simply to relieve such widows from the penalty of
-excommunication from caste. The man so hired plays the part of husband
-for a few days, and then goes away in accordance with his secret
-contract." The abuse of widow marriage here referred to is said to
-be uncommon, though it is sometimes practiced among Kapus and other
-castes in out-of-the-way villages. It is further noted in the Kurnool
-Manual that Pedakanti Kapu women do not wear the tali, or a bodice
-(ravika) to cover their breasts. And the tight-fitting bodice is said
-[114] to be "far less universal in Anantapur than Bellary, and, among
-some castes (e.g., certain sub-divisions of the Kapus and Idigas),
-it is not worn after the first confinement."
-
-In the disposal of their dead, the rites among the Kapus of the Telugu
-country are very similar to those of the Kammas and Balijas. The Panta
-Reddis of the Tamil country, however, follow the ceremonial in vogue
-among various Tamil castes. The news of a death in the community is
-conveyed by a Paraiyan Toti (sweeper). The dead man's son receives a
-measure containing a light from a barber, and goes three times round
-the corpse. At the burning-ground the barber, instead of the son,
-goes thrice round the corpse, carrying a pot containing water, and
-followed by the son, who makes holes therein. The stream of water which
-trickles out is sprinkled over the corpse. The barber then breaks the
-pot into very small fragments. If the fragments were large, water might
-collect in them, and be drunk by birds, which would bring sickness
-(pakshidhosham) on children, over whose heads they might pass. On
-the day after the funeral, a Panisavan or barber extinguishes the
-fire, and collects the ashes together. A washerman brings a basket
-containing various articles required for worship, and, after puja has
-been performed, a plant of Leucas aspera is placed on the ashes. The
-bones are collected in a new pot, and thrown into a river, or consigned
-by parcel-post to an agent at Benares, and thrown into the Ganges.
-
-By religion the Kapus are both Vaishnavites and Saivites, and
-they worship a variety of deities, such as Thallamma, Nagarapamma,
-Putlamma, Ankamma, Muneswara, Poleramma, Desamma. To Muneswara and
-Desamma pongal (cooked rice) is offered, and buffaloes are sacrificed
-to Poleramma. Even Matangi, the goddess of the Madigas, is worshipped
-by some Kapus. At purificatory ceremonies a Madiga Basavi woman,
-called Matangi, is sent for, and cleanses the house or its inmates
-from pollution by sprinkling and spitting out toddy.
-
-From an interesting note [115] on agricultural ceremonies in the
-Bellary district, the following extract is taken. "On the first
-full-moon day in the month of Bhadrapada (September), the agricultural
-population celebrate a feast called the Jokumara feast, to appease the
-rain-god. The Barikas (women), who are a sub-division of the Kabbera
-caste belonging to the Gaurimakkalu section, go round the town or
-village in which they live, with a basket on their heads containing
-margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves, flowers of various kinds, and
-holy ashes. They beg alms, especially of the cultivating classes
-(Kapus), and, in return for the alms bestowed (usually grain and
-food), they give some of the margosa leaves, flowers, and ashes. The
-Kapus take these to their fields, prepare cholam (millet: Sorghum)
-gruel, mix them with it, and sprinkle the kanji or gruel all round
-their fields. After this, the Kapu proceeds to the potter's kiln,
-fetches ashes from it, and makes a figure of a human being. This
-figure is placed prominently in some convenient spot in the field,
-and is called Jokumara or rain-god. It is supposed to have the power of
-bringing down the rain in proper time. The figure is sometimes small,
-and sometimes big. A second kind of Jokumara worship is called muddam,
-or outlining of rude representations of human figures with powdered
-charcoal. These representations are made in the early morning, before
-the bustle of the day commences, on the ground at crossroads and along
-thoroughfares. The Barikas who draw these figures are paid a small
-remuneration in money or in kind. The figure represents Jokumara, who
-will bring down rain when insulted by people treading on him. Another
-kind of Jokumara worship also prevails in this district. When rain
-fails, the Kapu females model a figure of a naked human being of
-small size. They place this figure in an open mock palanquin, and go
-from door to door singing indecent songs, and collecting alms. They
-continue this procession for three or four days, and then abandon
-the figure in a field adjacent to the village. The Malas then take
-possession of this abandoned Jokumara, and in their turn go about
-singing indecent songs and collecting alms for three or four days,
-and then throw it away in some jungle. This form of Jokumara worship
-is also believed to bring down plenty of rain. There is another
-simple superstition among these Kapu females. When rain fails,
-the Kapu females catch hold of a frog, and tie it alive to a new
-winnowing fan made of bamboo. On this fan, leaving the frog visible,
-they spread a few margosa leaves, and go singing from door to door
-'Lady frog must have her bath. Oh! rain-god, give a little water for
-her at least.' This means that the drought has reached such a stage
-that there is not even a drop of water for the frogs. When the Kapu
-woman sings this song, the woman of the house brings a little water
-in a vessel, pours it over the frog which is left on the fan outside
-the door, and gives some alms. The woman of the house is satisfied
-that such an action will soon bring down rain in torrents."
-
-In the Kapu community, women play an important part, except in matters
-connected with agriculture. This is accounted for by a story to the
-effect that, when they came from Ayodhya, the Kapus brought no women
-with them, and sought the assistance of the gods in providing them
-with wives. They were told to marry women who were the illegitimate
-issue of Pandavas, and the women consented on the understanding
-that they were to be given the upper hand, and that menial service,
-such as husking paddy (rice), cleaning vessels, and carrying water,
-should be done for them. They accordingly employ Gollas and Gamallas,
-and, in the Tamil country, Pallis as domestic servants. Malas and
-Madigas freely enter Kapu houses for the purpose of husking paddy,
-but are not allowed into the kitchen, or room in which the household
-gods are worshipped.
-
-In some Kapu houses, bundles of ears of paddy may be seen hung up as
-food for sparrows, which are held in esteem. The hopping of sparrows is
-said to resemble the gait of a person confined in fetters, and there
-is a legend that the Kapus were once in chains, and the sparrows set
-them at liberty, and took the bondage on themselves.
-
-It has been noted [116] by Mr. C. K. Subbha Rao, of the Agricultural
-Department, that the Reddis and others, who migrated southward from
-the Telugu country, "occupy the major portion of the black cotton
-soil of the Tamil country. There is a strange affinity between the
-Telugu cultivators and black cotton soil; so much so that, if a
-census was taken of the owners of such soil in the Tamil districts
-of Coimbatore, Trichinopoly, Madura, and Tinnevelly, ninety per cent,
-would no doubt prove to be Vadugars (northerners), or the descendants
-of Telugu immigrants. So great is the attachment of the Vadugan to
-the black cotton soil that the Tamilians mock him by saying that,
-when god offered paradise to the Vadugan, the latter hesitated,
-and enquired whether there was black cotton soil there."
-
-In a note on the Pongala or Pokanati and Panta Reddis of the
-Trichinopoly district, Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes as follows. "Both
-speak Telugu, but they differ from each other in their customs,
-live in separate parts of the country, and will neither intermarry
-nor interdine. The Reddis will not eat on equal terms with any other
-Sudra caste, and will accept separate meals only from the vegetarian
-section of the Vellalas. They are generally cultivators, but they had
-formerly rather a bad reputation for crime, and it is said that some
-of them are receivers of stolen property. Like various other castes,
-they have beggars, called Bavani Nayakkans, attached to them, who
-beg from no other caste, and whose presence is necessary when they
-worship their caste goddess. The Chakkiliyans are also attached
-to them, and play a prominent part in the marriages of the Panta
-sub-division. Formerly, a Chakkiliyan was deputed to ascertain the
-status of the other party before the match was arranged, and his dreams
-were considered as omens of its desirability. He was also honoured
-at the marriage by being given the first betel and nuts. Nowadays he
-precedes the bridegroom's party with a basket of fruit, to announce
-its coming. A Chakkiliyan is also often deputed to accompany a
-woman on a journey. The caste goddess of the Reddis is Yellamma,
-whose temple is at Esanai in Perambalur, and she is reverenced by
-both Pantas and Pongalas. The latter observe rather gruesome rites,
-including the drinking of a kid's blood. The Pantas also worship
-Rengayiamman and Polayamman with peculiar ceremonies. The women are
-the principal worshippers, and, on one of the nights after Pongal,
-they unite to do reverence to these goddesses, a part of the ritual
-consisting in exposing their persons. With this may be compared the
-Sevvaipillayar rite celebrated in honour of Ganesa by Vellala woman
-(see Vellala). Both divisions of Reddis wear the sacred thread
-at funerals. Neither of them allow divorcées or widows to marry
-again. The women of the two divisions can be easily distinguished
-by their appearance. The Panta Reddis wear a characteristic gold
-ear-ornament called kammal, a flat nose-ring studded with inferior
-rubies, and a golden wire round the neck, on which both the tali and
-the pottu are tied. They are of fairer complexion than the Pongala
-women. The Panta women are allowed a great deal of freedom, which
-is usually ascribed to their dancing-girl origin, and are said to
-rule their husbands in a manner rare in other castes. They are often
-called devadiya (dancing-girl) Reddis, and it is said that, though
-the men of the caste receive hospitality from the Reddis of the
-north country, their women are not invited. Their chastity is said
-to be frail, and their lapses easily condoned by their husbands. The
-Pongalas are equally lax about their wives, but are said to rigorously
-expel girls or widows who misconduct themselves, and their seducers
-as well. However, the Panta men and women treat each other with a
-courtesy that is probably to be found in no other caste, rising and
-saluting each other, whatever their respective ages, whenever they
-meet. The purification ceremony for a house defiled by the unchastity
-of a maid or widow is rather an elaborate affair. Formerly a Kolakkaran
-(huntsman), a Tottiyan, a priest of the village goddess, a Chakkiliyan,
-and a Bavani Nayakkan had to be present. The Tottiyan is now sometimes
-dispensed with. The Kolakkaran and the Bavani Nayakkan burn some
-kamacchi grass (Andropogon Schoenanthus), and put the ashes in three
-pots of water. The Tottiyan then worships Pillayar (Ganesa) in the
-form of some turmeric, and pours the turmeric into the water. The
-members of the polluted household then sit in a circle, while the
-Chakkiliyan carries a black kid round the circle. He is pursued by
-the Bavani Nayakkan, and both together cut off the animal's head,
-and bury it. The guilty parties have then to tread on the place
-where the head is buried, and the turmeric and ash water is poured
-over them. This ceremony rather resembles the one performed by the
-Uralis. The Pantas are said to have no caste panchayats (council),
-whereas the Pongalas recognise the authority of officers called
-Kambalakkarans and Kottukkarans who uphold the discipline."
-
-The following are some of the proverbs relating to the Kapus:--
-
-
-    The Kapu protects all.
-
-    The Kapu's difficulties are known only to god.
-
-    The Kapu dies from even the want of food.
-
-    The Kapu knows not the distinction between daughter and
-    daughter-in-law (i.e., both must work for him).
-
-    The Karnam (village accountant) is the cause of the Kapu's death.
-
-    The Kapu goes not to the fort (i.e., into the presence of the
-    Raja). A modern variant is that the Kapu goes not to the court
-    (of law).
-
-    While the Kapu was sluggishly ploughing, thieves stole the rope
-    collars.
-
-    The year the Kapu came in, the famine came too.
-
-    The Reddis are those who will break open the soil to fill their
-    bellies.
-
-    When the unpracticed Reddi got into a palanquin, it swung from
-    side to side.
-
-    The Reddi who had never mounted a horse sat with his face to
-    the tail.
-
-    The Reddi fed his dog like a horse, and barked himself.
-
-
-Karadhi.--A name sometimes given to Mari Holeyas.
-
-Karadi (bear).--An exogamous sept of Tottiyan.
-
-Karaikkat.--Karaikkat, Karaikkatar, or Karkatta, meaning those who
-waited for rain, or, according to another version, those who saved
-or protected the clouds, is an endogamous division of Vellala. Some
-Tamil Malayalis, who claim to be Vellalas who emigrated to the hills
-from Conjeeveram, have, at times of census, returned themselves as
-Karaikkaat Vellalas.
-
-Karaiturai (sea-coast) Vellala.--A name assumed by some Pattanavans.
-
-Karaiyalan (ruler of the coast).--A title of Maravans, also taken by
-some Idaiyans.
-
-Karaiyan.--A name for Tamil sea-fishermen, who live on the coast
-(karai). The fishing section of the Palles is known as Palle
-Kariyalu. See Pattanavan.
-
-Karalan.--In the Census Report, 1891, the Karalans (rulers of clouds)
-are returned as a tribe of hunters and cultivators found in the hills
-of Salem and South Arcot. In the Report, 1901, Karalan is given as a
-synonym for Vellala in Malabar, and also as a name for Malayalis. At
-the census, 1901, many of the Malayalis of the Shevaroy hills in the
-Salem district returned themselves as Vellalas and Karalans. And the
-divisions returned by the Karalans, e.g., Kolli, Pacchai, Periya,
-and Perianan, connect them with these Malayalis (q.v.).
-
-Karepaku.--Karepaku or Karuvepilai is a name for Koravas, who
-hawk for sale leaves of the curry-leaf plant (Murraya Koenigii).
-Karichcha.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a
-sub-division of Nayar.
-
-Karimbarabannaya (sugar-cane sept).--An exogamous sept of Kelasi.
-
-Karimpalan.--The Karimpalans are a small hunting and cultivating forest
-tribe in Malabar. They are "punam (shifting) cultivators, hewers of
-wood, and collectors of wild pepper, and are found in all the foot
-hills north of the Camel's Hump. They wear the kudumi (hair knot),
-and are said to follow the marumakkatayam system of inheritance in the
-female line, but they do not perform the tali kettu ceremony. They
-are supposed to have the power of exorcising the demon Karuvilli,
-possession by whom takes the form of fever." [117]
-
-Kariya.--A sub-division of Kudubi.
-
-Karkadabannaya (scorpion sept).--An exogamous sept of Bant.
-
-Karkatta.--A synonym of Karaikattu Vellala.
-
-Karna.--A sub-division of Golla, and an exogamous sept of Mala.
-
-Karnabattu.--The Karnabattus, or Karnabhatus, are a Telugu weaving
-caste, found chiefly in the Godavari district. The story goes that
-there once lived a king, who ruled over a portion of the country now
-included in this district, and was worried by a couple of demons,
-who carried off some of his subjects for their daily food. The king
-prayed Siva for deliverance from them, and the god, being gratified at
-his devotion to him, produced nine persons from his ears, and ordered
-them to slay the demons. This they did, and their descendants are
-the Karnabhatus, or ear soldiers. By religion, the Karnabattus are
-either ordinary Saivites or Lingayats. When a girl reaches maturity,
-she remains under a pollution for sixteen days. Early marriage is the
-rule, and a Brahman officiates at weddings. The dead, as among other
-Lingayats, are buried in a sitting posture. The caste is organised in
-the same manner as the Sales, and, at each place, there is a headman
-called Kulampedda or Jatipedda, corresponding to the Senapatbi of
-the Sales. They weave coarse cloths, which are inferior in texture
-to those manufactured by Patta Sales and Silevantas.
-
-In a note on the Karnabattus, Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes that
-"though a low caste, they forbid the remarriage of widows. But the
-remark in the Census Report (1901) that they abstain from meat is
-not true of the Karnabattus questioned, who admitted that they would
-eat even pork. Their special deity is Somesvara, whom they unite to
-worship on the new-moon day of Pushyam (January-February). The god is
-represented by a mud idol made for the occasion. The pujari (priest)
-throws flowers over it in token of adoration, and sits before it with
-his hands outstretched and his mouth closed until one of the flowers
-falls into his hands."
-
-The Karnabattus have no regular caste titles, but sometimes the elders
-add Ayya or Anna as a suffix to their name.
-
-Karna Sale.--The Karna Sales are a caste of Telugu weavers,
-who are called Seniyans in the Tamil country, e.g., at Madura and
-Tanjore. They seem to have no tradition as to their origin, but the
-name Karna would seem to have its origin in the legend relating
-to the Karnabattus. These are, in the community, both Saivites
-and Vaishnavites, and all members of the Illabaththini sept are
-Vaishnavites. They are said to have only one gotra, Kasi (Benares),
-and numerous exogamous septs, of which the following are examples:--
-
-
-    Vasthrala, cloth.
-    Rudrakshala, seeds of Elæocarpus Ganitrus.
-    Mandha, village common or herd.
-    Kodavili, sickle.
-    Thadla, rope.
-    Thatichettu, palmyra palm.
-    Dhoddi, court-yard.
-    Thippa, rubbish-heap.
-
-
-In some places, the office of headman, who is called Setti,
-is hereditary. He is assisted by a Pedda Kapu, and Nela Setti,
-of whom the latter is selected monthly, and derives his name from
-the Telugu nela (month). In their marriage ceremonial, the Karna
-Sales closely follow the Padma Sales, but they have no upanayanam
-(sacred thread rite), or Kasiyathre (mock pilgrimage to Benares),
-have twelve pots brought for worship, and no pot-searching.
-
-As among other Telugu castes, when a girl reaches puberty, twigs of
-Strychnos Nux-vomica are placed in the special hut erected for the
-occasion. On the third or fifth day, the girl's relations come to her
-house under a cloth canopy (ulladam), carrying rice soaked in jaggery
-(crude sugar) water. This rice is called dhadibiyam (wet rice), and is
-placed in a heap, and, after the waving of coloured water, distributed,
-with pan-supari (betel leaves and areca nuts), among those present.
-
-The dead are carried to the burial-ground in a car, and buried, after
-the manner of Lingayats, in a sitting posture. Jangams officiate
-at funerals.
-
-The caste deity is Somesvara. Some Karna Sales wear the lingam,
-but are not particular about keeping it on their person, leaving
-it in the house, and wearing it when at meals, and on important
-occasions. Concerning the Lingayat section of the community,
-Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, as follows. [118] "The Lingayats resemble
-the Linga Balijas in all their customs, in all respects, except that
-they recognise sutakam, or pollution, and bathe to remove it. They
-freely eat in the houses of all Linga Balijas, but the latter will
-not eat with them. They entirely disregard the spiritual authority of
-the Brahmans, recognising priests among the Linga Balijas, Jangams,
-or Pandarams. In the exercise of their trade, they are distinguished
-from the Kaikolans in that they sometimes weave in silk, which the
-Kaikolans never do." Like the Padma Sales, the Karna Sales usually
-only weave coarse cotton cloths.
-
-Karnam.--See Korono.
-
-Karnam (accountant).--An exogamous sept of Kamma.
-
-Karnataka.--The territorial name of a sub-division of Handichikka
-and Uppara. It is also the name of a sub-division of Madhva and
-Smarta Brahmans who speak the Kanarese language, as opposed to the
-Desastha Brahmans, who are immigrants into Southern India from the
-Maratha country.
-
-Karo Panikkar.--A class of temple servants in Malabar. "The Karo
-Panikkar is said to be descended from the union of Vettakorumagan
-(the God of hunting) and a Kiriyattil Nayar woman. His occupation is
-to act as Vellichapad or oracle in temples dedicated to his divine
-ancestor." [119]
-
-Karpura Chetti.--A synonym of Uppiliyans, who used to manufacture
-camphor (karpura).
-
-Karta.--Karta and Kartavu, meaning agent or doer, is an honorific
-title of Nayars and Samantas. It is also the name for the chief mourner
-at funerals of Nayars and other castes on the west coast. Kartakkal,
-denoting, it is said, governors, has been returned, at times of census
-by Balijas claiming to be descendants of the Nayak kings of Madura
-and Tanjore.
-
-Karukku-pattayar (those of the sharp sword).--A sub-division of
-Shanan. In the Census Report, 1891, the division Karukku-mattai
-(petiole of the palmyra leaf with serrated edges) was returned. Some
-Shanans are said to have assumed the name of Karukku-mattai Vellalas.
-
-Karumala (black mountain).--An exogamous sept of Kanikar.
-
-Karuman.--A sub-division of Kammalans, who do blacksmith's work.
-
-Karumpuraththal.--A synonym for the caste name adopted by some
-Kappiliyans.
-
-Karumpurattan.--It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that
-"the term Karumpurattan is said to be a corruption of Karu-aruttar,
-which means the Annihilators, and to have been given to the caste
-because they are the descendants of a garrison of Chola Vellalas,
-who treacherously allowed an enemy to enter the Tanjore fort, and
-annihilate the Raja and his family. Winslow, however, says [120] that
-Karumpuram is a palmyra tree. [121] and Karumpurattan may thus mean
-a palmyra man, that is, a toddy-drawer. In the enumeration schedules,
-the name was often written Karumpuran. If this etymology is correct,
-this caste must originally have been Shanans or Iluvans. It is said to
-have come from the village of Tiruvadamarudur in Tanjore, and settled
-in the north-eastern part of Madura. The caste has seven sub-castes,
-called after seven nadus or villages in Madura, in which it originally
-settled. In its ceremonies, etc., it closely follows the Ilamagams. Its
-title is Pillai."
-
-Karutta (dark-coloured).--Recorded, at the Madras census, 1891,
-as a sub-division of Idaiyans, who have also returned Karuttakkadu,
-meaning black cotton soil or regur.
-
-Karuva Haddi.--A name for the scavenging section of Haddis.
-
-Karuvan.--A corrupt form of Karuman.
-
-Karuvelam.--Recorded in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a
-sub-division of Nayar.
-
-Kasayi (butcher).--A Muhammadan occupational name.
-
-Kasi (Benares).--A gotra of Medara and Karna Sale.
-
-Kasi.--A name for the stone-mason section of Kamsalas.
-
-Kasturi (musk).--An exogamous sept of Badaga, Kamma, Okkiliyan,
-and Vakkaliga. Indian musk is obtained from the musk glands of the
-Himalayan musk-deer, Moschus moschiferus.
-
-Kasuba (workmen).--A section of Irulas of the Nilgiris, who have
-abandoned jungle life in favour of working on planters' estates
-or elsewhere.
-
-Kasukkar.--The name, derived from kas, cash, of a sub-division
-of Chetti.
-
-Kasula (copper coins).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale.
-
-Kasyapa.--A Brahmanical gotra adopted by Bhatrazus, Khatris, and
-Tontis. Kasyapa was one of the seven important Rishis, and the priest
-of Parasu Rama.
-
-Katakam (crab).--An exogamous sept of Komati.
-
-Katal Arayan.--See Valan.
-
-Katari (dagger: katar).--An exogamous sept of Golla, Mutracha, and
-Yerukala. The dagger or poignard, called katar, has "a solid blade
-of diamond section, the handle of which consists of two parallel
-bars with a cross-piece joining them. The hand grips the crosspiece,
-and the bars pass along each side of the wrist." [122]
-
-Katasan.--Recorded [123] as "a small caste of basket-makers and
-lime-burners in the Tinnevelly district. It has at least two endogamous
-sub-divisions, namely, Pattankatti and Nittarasan. Widows are allowed
-to remarry. The dead are buried. The social position of the caste is
-above that of the Vettuvans, and they consider themselves polluted if
-they eat food prepared by a Shanan. But they are not allowed to enter
-Hindu temples, they worship devils, and they have separate washermen
-and barbers of their own, all of which are signs of inferiority. Their
-title is Pattamkatti, and Kottan is also used."
-
-Kaththavaraya.--A synonym for Vannan, derived from Kaththavaraya,
-the deified son of Kali, from whom the Vannans trace their descent.
-
-Kaththe (donkey).--An exogamous sept of Madiga.
-
-Kaththi (knife).--An exogamous sept of Devanga and Madiga.
-
-Kaththiri (scissors).--An exogamous sept of Devanga, and sub-division
-of Gadaba.
-
-Kaththiravandlu (scissors people).--Concerning this section of the
-criminal classes, Mr. F. S. Mullaly writes to me as follows. "This is
-purely a Nellore name for this class of professional pick-pockets. The
-appellation seems to have been given to them from the fact that they
-frequent fairs and festivals, and busy railway platforms, offering
-knives and scissors for sale. And, when an opportunity presents
-itself, they are used for cutting strings of beads, ripping open bags,
-etc. Several of these light-fingered gentry have been found with small
-scissors in their mouths. Most of them wear shoes of a peculiar shape,
-and these form a convenient receptacle for the scissors. Bits of broken
-glass (to act as knives) are frequently found in their mouths. In
-different districts they are known by different appellations, such as
-Donga Dasaris in North Arcot and parts of Cuddapah; Golla Woddars,
-Donga Woddars, and Muheri Kalas in Cuddapah, Bellary, and Kurnool;
-Pachupus in Kistna and Godavari; Alagiris, Ena or Thogamalai Koravas
-in the southern districts. Individuals belonging to this class of
-thieves have been traced, since the opening of the East Coast Railway,
-as far as Midnapore. An important way of identifying them is the fact
-that everyone of them, male and female, is branded at the corners
-of the eyebrows and between the eyes in childhood, as a safeguard
-against convulsions."
-
-For the following additional information I am indebted to an official
-of the Police department. "I am not aware of these people using any
-particular shoes. They use sandals such as are generally worn by
-ryots and the lower classes. These they get by stealing. They pick
-them up from houses during the daytime, when they go from house to
-house on the pretence of begging, or they steal them at nights along
-with other property. These sandals are made in different fashions
-in different districts, and so those possessed by Kathiras are
-generally of different kinds, being stolen from various parts of the
-country. They have no shoes of any peculiar make, nor do they get any
-made at all. Kathiras do not generally wear any shoes. They walk and
-run faster with bare feet. They wear shoes when walking through the
-jungle, and entrust them to one of their comrades when walking through
-the open country. They sometimes throw them off when closely pursued,
-and run away. In 1899, when we arrested one on the highroad, he had
-with him five or six pairs of shoes of different kinds and sizes,
-and he did not account satisfactorily for being in possession of so
-many. I subsequently learnt that some supernumeraries were hiding in
-the jungle close to the place where he was arrested.
-
-"About marks of branding on the face, it is not only Kathiras, but
-almost all nomadic tribes who have these marks. As the gangs move on
-exposed to changes of weather, the children sometimes get a disease
-called sandukatlu or palakurkura. They generally get this disease from
-the latter part of the first year up to the fifth year. The symptoms
-are similar to those which children sometimes have at the time of
-teething. It is when children get this disease that they are branded
-on the face between the eyebrows, on the outer corners of the eyes,
-and sometimes on the belly. The brand-marks on the face and corners of
-the eyes are circular, and those on the belly generally horizontal. The
-circular brand-marks are made with a long piece of turmeric, one end
-of which is burnt for the purpose, or with an indigo-coloured cloth
-rolled like a pencil and burnt at one end. The horizontal marks are
-made with a hot needle. Similar brand-marks are made by some caste
-Hindus on their children."
-
-To Mr. P. B. Thomas I am indebted for specimens of the chaplet,
-made of strips of rolled pith, worn by Kaththira women when begging,
-and of the cotton bags, full of false pockets, regularly carried by
-both men and women, in which they secrete the little sharp knife and
-other articles constituting their usual equipment.
-
-In his "History of Railway thieves," Mr. M. Paupa Rao Naidu, writing
-about the pick-pockets or Thetakars, says that "most of them wear shoes
-called chadavs, and, if the articles stolen are very small, they put
-them at once into their shoes, which form very convenient receptacles
-from their peculiar shape; and, therefore, when a pick-pocket with
-such a shoe on is suspected of having stolen a jewel, the shoes must
-be searched first, then the mouth and the other parts of the body."
-
-Kaththula (sword).--An exogamous sept of Yanadi.
-
-Katige (collyrium).--A gotra of Kurni.
-
-Katikala (collyrium).--An exogamous sept of Devanga.
-
-Katike.--The Katike or Katikilu are butchers in the Telugu country,
-concerning whom it is noted, in the Kurnool Manual, that "some are
-called Sultani butchers, or Hindus forcibly circumcised by the late
-Nabob of Kurnool. They observe both Mussalman and Hindu customs." A
-correspondent in the Kurnool district informs me that the butchers
-of Kurnool belong to three classes, one selling beef, and the others
-mutton. Of these, the first are Muhammadans, and are called Gayi
-Khasayi, as they deal in beef. The other two are called respectively
-Sultanis and Surasus, i.e., the circumcised and uncircumcised. Both
-claim to be the descendants of two brothers, and have the following
-tradition concerning their origin. Tipu Sultan is said not to have
-relished the idea of taking mutton at the hands of Hindus, as they
-would not perform Bismallah at the time of slaughtering the sheep. He
-accordingly ordered both the brothers to appear before him. Being the
-manager of the family, the elder went, and was forcibly circumcised. On
-hearing the news, the younger brother absconded. The descendants of
-the former are Muhammadans, and of the latter Hindus. As he was made
-a Muhammadan by force, the elder brother and his descendants did not
-adopt all the Muhammadan manners and customs. Till recently they did
-not even allow their beards to grow. At the present day, they go to
-mosques, dress like Muhammadans, shave their heads, and grow beards,
-but do not intermarry with the true Muhammadans. The descendants of
-the younger brother still call themselves Ari-katikelu, or Maratha
-butchers, profess the Hindu religion, and follow Hindu manners
-and customs. Though they do not eat with Muhammadans or Sultanis,
-their Hindu brethren shun them because of their profession, and
-their intimacy with Sultanis. I am informed that, at Nandyal in
-the Kurnool district, some Maratha butchers, who observe purely
-Hindu customs, are called by Muhammadan names. The Tahsildar of the
-Sirvel taluk in the same district states that, prior to the reign
-of the father of Ghulam Rasul Khan, the dethroned Nawab of Kurnool,
-the butcher's profession was solely in the hands of the Marathas,
-some of whom were, as stated in the Manual, forcibly circumcised,
-and became a separate butcher caste, called Sultani. There are two
-sections among these Sultani butchers, viz., Bakra (mutton) and Gai
-Kasai (beef butcher). Similar stories of forcible conversion to the
-Muhammadan religion are prevalent in the Bellary district, where the
-Kasayis are mostly converted Hindus, who dress in the Hindu style, but
-possess Muhammadan names with Hindu terminations, e.g., Hussainappa.
-
-In connection with butchers, I may quote the following extract from a
-petition to the Governor of Madras on the subject of a strike among the
-Madras butchers in 1907. "We, the residents of Madras, beg respectfully
-to bring to your Excellency's notice the inconvenience and hardship
-we are suffering owing to the strike of the butchers in the city. The
-total failure of the supply of mutton, which is an important item
-in the diet of non-Brahmin Hindus, Muhammadans, Indian Christians,
-Parsis, Eurasians and Europeans, causes a deprivation not merely of
-something to which people have become accustomed, but of an article of
-food by which the health of many is sustained, and the want of which
-is calculated to impair their health, and expose them to diseases,
-against which they have hitherto successfully contended."
-
-Katorauto.--A name for the offspring of maid servants in the harems
-of Oriya Zamindars, who are said to claim to be Kshatriyas.
-
-Katta.--Katta or Katte, meaning a bund, dam, or embankment, has been
-recorded as an exogamous sept or gotra of Devanga and Kurni.
-
-Kattelu (sticks or faggots).--An exogamous sept of Boya.
-
-Kattira.--A sub-division of Gadaba.
-
-Kattu.--See Kadu.
-
-Kattukudugirajati.--The name, meaning the caste which allows living
-together after marriage of an informal kind, recorded [124] as the
-caste name of Turuvalars (Vedars) of Salem, derived from a custom
-among them, which authorises temporary matrimonial arrangements.
-
-Kattu Kapari (dweller in the forest).--Said to be a name for Irulas
-or Villiyans. The equivalent Kattu Kapu is, in like manner, said to
-be a name for Jogis.
-
-Kattu Marathi.--A synonym of Kuruvikaran.
-
-Kaudikiaru.--Kaudikiaru or Gaudikiaru is a title of Kurubas.
-
-Kavadi.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Kabadi is returned as
-the name of a class of Telugu wood-cutters. Kavadi is the name of a
-division of Koravas, who carry offerings to Perumalswami at Tirupati
-on a pole (kavadi). Kavadi or Kavadiga is further the name given
-to Kannadiyan curd-sellers in Madras, who carry the curds in pots
-as head-loads.
-
-Kavalgar (watchman).--Recorded, at times of census, as a sub-division
-of Ambalakaran, and title of Nattaman, Malaiman, and Sudarman. The
-equivalent Kavali is recorded as a sub-division of the Kammas. The
-Kavalis, or watchers, in the Telugu country, are said to be
-generally Lingayat Boyas. [125] The Telugu Mutrachas are also called
-Kavalgar. The village kaval system in the southern districts is
-discussed in the note on Maravans.
-
-Kavandan.--At the census, 1901, more than nine thousand people returned
-themselves as Kavandan or Kaundan, which is a title of Konga Vellalas,
-and many other castes, such as Anappan, Kappiliyan, Palli, Sembadavan,
-Urali, and Vettuvan. The name corresponds to the Canarese Gauda
-or Gaunda.
-
-Kaundinya (a sage).--A Brahmanical gotra adopted by Razus and
-Bhatrazus.
-
-Kavane (sling).--An exogamous sept of Gangadikara Holeyas.
-
-Kavarai.--Kavarai is the name for Balijas (Telugu trading caste),
-who have settled in the Tamil country. The name is said to be a
-corrupt form of Kauravar or Gauravar, descendants of Kuroo of the
-Mahabaratha, or to be the equivalent of Gauravalu, sons of Gauri, the
-wife of Siva. Other suggested derivatives are: (a) a corrupt form of
-the Sanskrit Kvaryku, badness or reproach, and Arya, i.e., deteriorated
-Aryans; (b) Sanskrit Kavara, mixed, or Kavaraha, a braid of hair, i.e.,
-a mixed class, as many of the Telugu professional prostitutes belong
-to this caste; (c) Kavarai or Gavaras, buyers or dealers in cattle.
-
-The Kavarais call themselves Balijas, and derive the name from
-bali, fire, jaha sprung, i.e., men sprung from fire. Like other
-Telugu castes, they have exogamous septs, e.g., tupaki (gun), jetti
-(wrestler), pagadala (coral), bandi (cart), simaneli, etc.
-
-The Kavarais of Srivilliputtur, in the Tinnevelly district, are
-believed to be the descendants of a few families, which emigrated
-thither from Manjakuppam (Cuddalore) along with one Dora Krishnamma
-Nayudu. About the time of Tirumal Nayak, one Ramaswami Raju, who had
-five sons, of whom the youngest was Dora Krishnamma, was reigning
-near Manjakuppam. Dora Krishnamma, who was of wandering habits,
-having received some money from his mother, went to Trichinopoly,
-and, when he was seated in the main bazar, an elephant rushed into
-the street. The beast was stopped in its career, and tamed by Dora
-Krishnamma, to escort whom to his palace Vijayaranga Chokkappa sent
-his retinue and ministers. While they were engaged in conversation,
-news arrived that some chiefs in the Tinnevelly district refused to
-pay their taxes, and Dora Krishnamma volunteered to go and subdue
-them. Near Srivilliputtur he passed a ruined temple dedicated
-to Krishna, which he thought of rebuilding if he should succeed
-in subduing the chiefs. When he reached Tinnevelly, they, without
-raising any objection, paid their dues, and Dora Krishnamma returned
-to Srivilliputtur, and settled there.
-
-Their marriage ceremonies are based on the type common to many
-Telugu castes, but those who belong to the Simaneli sept, and believe
-themselves to be direct descendants of Krishnamma, have two special
-forms of ceremonial, viz., Krishnamma perantalu, and the carrying
-of pots (gurigelu) on the heads of the bride and bridegroom when
-they go to the temple before the Kasiyatra ceremony. The Krishnamma
-perantalu is performed on the day prior to the muhurtam (tali-tying),
-and consists in the worship of the soul of Krishnamma, a married
-woman. A new cloth is purchased and presented to a married woman,
-together with money, betel, etc., and she is fed before the rest. It
-is practically a form of sradh ceremony, and all the formalities of
-the sradh, except the homam (sacred fire) and repeating of mantras
-from the Vedas, are gone through. This is very commonly observed by
-Brahmans, and a few castes which engage a Brahman priest for their
-ceremonies. The main idea is the propitiation of the soul of the dead
-married woman. If such a woman dies in a family, every ceremony of an
-auspicious nature must be preceded by sumangaliprarthana, or worship
-of this married woman (sumangali). Orthodox females think that, if the
-ceremony is not performed, she will do them some harm. Another custom,
-now dying out, is the tying of a dagger to the waist of the bridegroom.
-
-In the Madura district, the Kavarais are described [126] as being "most
-commonly manufacturers and sellers of bangles made of a particular kind
-of earth, found only in one or two parts of the district. Those engaged
-in this traffic usually call themselves Chettis or merchants. When
-otherwise employed as spinners, dyers, painters, and the like, they
-take the title of Nayakkan. It is customary with these, as with
-other Nayakkans, to wear the sacred thread: but the descendants of
-the Nayakkan kings, who are now living at Vellei-kuricchi, do not
-conform to this usage, on the ground that they are at present in a
-state of impurity and degradation, and consequently ought not to wear
-the sacred emblem."
-
-The bulk of the Kavarais in Tanjore are said [127] "to bear the
-title Nayak. Some that are engaged in trade, more especially those
-who sell glass bangles, are called Settis, and those who originally
-settled in agriculture are called Reddis. The title of Nayak, like
-Pillai, Mudali, and Setti, is generally sought after. As a rule, men
-of the Palli or cooly class, when they enter the Government service,
-and shepherds, when they grow rich in trade or otherwise, assume this
-title, wear the namam (the trident mark on the forehead emblematic of
-the Vaishnava persuasion), and call themselves Kavarais or Vadugars,
-though they cannot speak Telugu, much less point to any part of the
-Telugu country as the seat of their forefathers."
-
-One of the largest sub-divisions of the Kavarais is Valaiyal, the Tamil
-equivalent of Gazula, both words meaning a glass or lac bangle. [128]
-
-Kavuthiyan.--The Kavuthiyans are described as follows in the Gazetteer
-of Malabar. "They are barbers who serve the Tiyans and lower castes;
-they are also sometimes given the title Kurup. Their females act as
-midwives. There seem to be several sections, distinguished by the
-affix of the name of the castes which they serve, as for instance
-Tacchakavuthiyan or Tacchakurup, and Kanisakavuthiyan, appropriated
-to the service of the Asaris and Kanisans respectively; while the
-barbers who serve the Izhuvans are known both as Aduttons, Vattis,
-or Izhuva Kavuthiyans. But whether all these should be regarded as
-offshoots of one main barber caste, or as degraded sections of the
-castes which they serve, the Kavuthiyans proper being only barbers to
-the Tiyans, it is difficult to determine. The fact that the Naviyan
-or Kavuthiyan section of the Veluttedans, as well as the Kavuthiyan
-section of the Mukkuvans, are admittedly but degraded sections of
-these castes, makes the second the more probable view. It is also
-to be noticed that the Kavuthiyans, in the north at least, follow
-marumakkattayam (inheritance in the female line), while the Taccha
-and Kanisa Kavuthiyans follow the other principle of descent."
-
-Kayalan.--The Kayalans are Tamil-speaking Muhammadans, closely allied
-to the Marakkayars and living at Kayalpatnam in Tinnevelly. Many of
-them have settled as merchants in Madras, and sell glass beads, cowry
-shells, dolls from Tirupati, toys, etc. Some are money-lenders to
-the lower classes, and others travel about from village to village
-selling, for cash or credit rates, cloths, brass vessels, and
-other articles. They are sometimes called Arumasaththukadankarar,
-or six months' debt people, as this is the time usually allowed
-for payment. At Kayalpatnam, a Kayalan husband is expected to live
-in his father-in-law's house, and, in connection with this custom,
-the following legend is narrated. The chiefman of the town gave his
-daughter in marriage to a man living in an adjacent village. One
-evening, she went to fetch water from a tank, and, on her way back,
-trod on a cobra. She could not move her foot, lest she should be
-bitten, so she stood where she was, with her water-pot on her head,
-till she was discovered by her father on the following morning. He
-killed the snake with the kitti (tweezers) and knife which he had
-with him, and told the girl to go with him to his house. She, however,
-refused to do so, and went to her husband's house, from which she was
-subsequently taken to that of her father. The kitti is an instrument
-of torture, consisting of two sticks tied together at one end,
-between which the fingers were placed as in a lemon squeezer. With
-this instrument, the fingers were gradually bent backwards towards
-the back of the hand, until the sufferer, no longer able to endure
-the excruciating pain, yielded to the demands made on him to make
-confession of guilt.
-
-Kayasth.--Kayasth or Kayastha is the writer-caste of Bengal. See
-Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal.
-
-Kayerthannaya (Strychnos Nux-vomica sept).--An exogamous sept of the
-Bants and Shivalli Brahmans in South Canara.
-
-Kayila (unripe fruit).--An exogamous sept of Orugunta Kapu.
-
-Keimal (kei, hand, as an emblem of power).--A sub-division of Nayar.
-
-Kela.--A small class of Oriya jugglers and mountebanks, whose women,
-like the Dommara females, are often prostitutes. The name is derived
-from keli, dancing, or khel to play.
-
-Kelasi.--For the following account of the Kelasi or barber caste
-of South Canara, I am indebted to a note on the barbers of Tuluva
-by Mr. M. Bapu Rao. [129] The caste name is derived from kelasa,
-work. In like manner, the Canarese barbers of Bellary and Dharwar call
-themselves Kashta Madovaru, or those who perform the difficult task.
-
-The barbers of South Canara are of different castes or sub-castes
-according to the language they speak, or the people for whom they
-operate. Thus there are (1) the Tulu Kelsi (Kutchidaye, man of
-the hair) or Bhandari; (2) the Konkani Kelsi or Mhallo, who must
-have migrated from the north; (3) the Hindustani Kelsi or Hajams;
-(4) the Lingayat Kelsi or Hadapavada (man of the wallet); (5) the
-Mappilla (Moplah) barber Vasa; (6) the Malayali barber Kavudiyan; and
-even Telugu and Tamil barbers imported by the sepoy regiments until
-recently stationed at Mangalore. Naturally the Tulus form the bulk of
-the class in Tuluva. There is among them a section known as Maddele,
-employed by palm-tappers, and hence considered socially inferior to the
-Bhandari, who is employed by the higher classes. [The Billava barbers
-are called Parel Madiali or Parel Madivala.] If a high caste barber
-operates for a man of lower caste, he loses his caste thereby, and
-has to pay a fine, or in some other way expiate his offence before
-he gains re-admission into his community. Pariahs in these parts
-have no separate caste of barbers, but anyone among themselves may
-try his skill on any head. Mappilla barbers are employed only by the
-Muhammadans. Even in their own community, however, they do not live
-in commensality with other Mappillas though gradations of caste are
-not recognised by their religion.
-
-The barber is not ambitious enough to claim equality of rank with
-the Bant, the potter, the piper, the weaver, or the oilmonger; but he
-shows a decided disposition to regard himself as above the level of
-the fisherman or the palanquin-bearer. The latter often disclaim any
-such inferiority, and refer to the circumstance that they discharge
-the functions of carrying the huge umbrella in marriage processions,
-and shouldering the gods in religious processions. They argue that
-their rivals perform an operation, the defilement of which can only
-be wiped off by bathing the head with a solution of sacred earth
-taken from besides the roots of the tulsi plant (Ocimum sanctum). In
-justice to the barber, however, it must be mentioned that he has
-to perform certain priestly duties for most Sudras. His presence is
-essential at two of the ceremonies observed by castes professing to
-be superior to his. At the name-giving ceremony a Tulu barber has to
-tie a thread round the waist of the child, and name it, among Sudras
-of a higher caste than himself. [At the present day, the Bhandari
-is said to receive his fee for tying the thread, though he does not
-actually perform the act.] Again, on the death of a high caste Sudra,
-the barber has to carry the fire to the cremation ground, though the
-funeral pyre is lighted by the relations of the deceased. He also has
-to assist at certain other rites connected with funeral obsequies,
-such as purifying the house.
-
-[The collection of fragments of bones from the ashes, heaping up
-the ashes, and cleaning the spot where the corpse was burnt, are the
-business of the Kelasi. These duties he performs for Morlis, Bants,
-Gattis, and Vodaris. The Bhandari or Kelasi is an object of intense
-hatred to Konkani women, who call them by abusive names, such as
-fellow with a burnt face, miserable wretch, widow-maker, etc.]
-
-The barber in South Canara has invented several stories concerning
-the origin of his first progenitor. At a time when the barber had not
-yet been created, Siva was a bachelor, spending his time in austere
-devotions, and allowing his hair to grow into long matted locks. A time
-came when he became bent on matrimony, and he thought that the hirsute
-condition of his face would not be appreciated by his bride, the
-young daughter of the king of the mountains. It was at this juncture
-that the barber was created to make Siva a good-looking bridegroom,
-and the Brahman to officiate at the marriage ceremony. According to
-another legend, a Gandharva-born woman was on one occasion cast into
-the sea by irate Brahma, and doomed to be turned into a rock. Moved
-by her piteous entreaties, however, Brahma relented, and ordained that
-she should be restored to human form when Parasurama should happen to
-set his foot upon the rock. This came to pass when Parasurama thrust
-back the waters of the western sea in order to create the western
-coast. The re-humanised woman thereupon offered her thanksgivings
-in such winning words that the great Brahman hero asked her to beg
-any boon she wished. She begged a son, who should in some way remind
-generations to come of the great Brahman who had reclaimed her from her
-inanimate state. The boon was thereupon granted that she should give
-birth to sons, who would not indeed be Brahmans, but who would perform
-functions analogous to those performed by Brahmans. The barber thus
-discharges certain priestly duties for Sudras, and cleanses the body
-even as the Brahman cleanses the soul; and the defilement caused by
-the razor can be removed only by the smearing of mud and water, because
-the barber's female progenitor was a rock recovered out of water.
-
-The primary occupation of the barber does not always bring
-in a sufficient income, while it leaves him a large amount of
-leisure. This he spends, if possible, in agricultural labour, in
-which he is materially assisted by his female relations. Barbers
-residing in towns hold no land to fall back upon, but their average
-monthly earnings range from five to seven rupees. Their brethren in
-the villages are not so busy plying the razor, so they cultivate land
-as tenants. One of the blessings conferred by Parasurama is that the
-barber shall never starve.
-
-When a child is born, a male member of the family has to tie a thread
-round its waist, and give it a name. The choice of a name often
-depends upon the day of the week on which the child was born. If it
-is born on a Sunday it is called, if a boy, Aitha (Auditya, sun),
-or, if a girl, Aithe; if on a Monday, Some or Somu; if on a Tuesday,
-Angara or Angare; if on a Wednesday, Budara or Budare, changed among
-Pariahs into Mudara or Mudaru; if on a Thursday, Guruva or Guruvu; if
-on a Friday, Tukra (Shukra) or Tukru; if on a Saturday, Taniya (Saniya)
-or Taniyaru. Other names which are common are Lakkana (Lakshmana),
-Krishna, Subba, and Korapulu (Koraga woman). Those who can afford to
-do so often employ a Brahman priest to ascertain whether the child
-is born lucky or unlucky; and, in the latter case, the barber is
-advised to offer something to the tutelary deity or the nine planets,
-or to propitiate the village deity, if it is found that the child is
-born under its evil eye. No lullaby should be sung while the child
-is being rocked for the first time in a cradle, perhaps because, if
-the very first rocking is done with a show of rejoicing, some evil
-spirit may be envious of the human joy, and mar the happiness.
-
-The initiation of a boy into the mysteries of his hereditary
-profession takes place between the tenth and the fourteenth year. In
-very rare cases, nowadays, a boy is sent to school between the sixth
-and eighth year. These occasions are marked by offerings of cocoanuts
-and plantains to the village deity.
-
-With boys marriage takes place between the sixteenth and twenty-fifth
-year, with girls before or after puberty. Matches are made by selection
-on the part of the parents. Lads are sometimes allowed to choose
-their own brides, but their choice is subject to the approval of the
-parents, as it must necessarily be in a joint family. Bridegrooms
-have to pay for their brides a dowry varying from twenty to fifty
-rupees, and sometimes as much as a hundred rupees. Deformed girls,
-however, fetch no price; on the other hand, they have to pay some
-pecuniary inducement to the bridegroom. Widows are allowed, and,
-when young, encouraged to remarry. The most essential condition of
-a valid marriage is that the contracting parties should belong to
-different baris or balis (exogamous septs). As examples of the names
-of these balis, the following may be cited: Bangaru (gold), Salia
-(weaver), Uppa (salt), Kombara (cap made of areca palm leaf), Karimbara
-(sugar-cane). Horoscopes are not consulted for the suitability or
-future prosperity of a match, but the day and hour, or lagnam of a
-marriage are always fixed by a Brahman priest with reference to the
-conjunction of stars. The marriage lasts for three days, and takes
-place in the house of the bridegroom. This is in accordance with
-the primitive conception of marriage as a bringing away by force
-or procuring a bride from her parents, rather than with the current
-Brahman idea that the bridegroom should be invited, and the girl given
-away as a present, and committed to his custody and protection. The
-marriage ceremony takes place in a pandal (booth) on a raised or
-conspicuous place adorned with various figures or mandala. The pair are
-made to sit on a bench, and rice is sprinkled on their heads. A barber
-then shaves the chin and forehead of the bridegroom, the hair border
-being in the form of a broken pointed arch converging upwards. He also
-touches the bride's cheeks with the razor, with the object of removing
-what is called monetha kale, the stain on the face. The full import
-of this ceremony is not clear, but the barbers look upon the act as
-purificatory. If a girl has not come of age at the time of marriage,
-it is done on the occasion of the nuptials. If she has, the barber,
-in addition to touching the cheeks with the razor, goes to her house,
-sprinkles some water over her with a betel leaf, and makes her touch
-the pot in which rice is to be cooked in her husband's house. At the
-bridegroom's house, before the assembled guests, elders, and headman
-of the caste, the man and the girl are linked together in the marriage
-bond by having water (dhare) poured on their joined hands. Next, the
-right hands of the pair being joined (kaipattavane), the bridegroom
-leads the bride to her future home.
-
-Soon after a death occurs, a barber is summoned, who sprinkles water
-on the corpse, and touches it with a razor if it be of a male. In every
-ceremony performed by him, the barber must have recourse to his razor,
-even as the Brahman priest cannot do without his kusa grass. The rich
-burn their dead, and the poor bury them. Persons dying of infectious
-diseases are always buried. Prior to the removal of the corpse to
-the cremation or burial ground, all the clothes on and about it,
-with the exception of one cloth to cover it from head to foot, are
-removed and distributed to Pariahs, who have prepared the pyre or
-dug the grave. Before the mourners return from the cemetery, they
-light four lamps in halves of cocoanuts, and leave them burning on
-the spot. Coming home, the chief mourner places in the hands of the
-Gurukara or headman of the caste a jewel or other valuable article as
-a security that he will duly perform all the funeral rites. This is
-termed savuotti dipuna. The Gurukara, in the presence of the relations
-and friends assembled, returns the same, enjoining its recipient to
-be prepared to perform the requisite rites, even with the proceeds
-of the sale of the pledged article if necessary. The eleventh day is
-the savu or principal mourning day, on which the headman and elders
-of the caste, as well as the friends and relations of the deceased
-ought to be present. On the spot where the deceased expired, or as
-near thereto as possible, an ornamental square scaffolding is erected,
-and covered with cloth coloured with turmeric. The ground below the
-scaffolding is covered with various figures, and flowers and green
-leaves are strewn on it. Each mourner throws on this spot handfuls
-of cooked rice, coloured yellow and red, and cries out "Oh! uncle,
-I cry murrio," or "Oh! father, I cry murrio," and so on, according
-to the relationship in which the deceased stood to the mourner. This
-ceremony is called murrio korpuna, or crying alas. In well-to-do
-families it is usual to accompany this with devil-dancing. On the
-twelfth day, rice is offered to crows, the original belief apparently
-being that the spirits of the deceased enter into birds or beasts, so
-that food given to these may happen to reach and propitiate them. On
-the night of the thirteenth day, the relations of the deceased set
-apart a plantain leaf for the spirit of the departed, serve cooked rice
-on it, and, joining their hands, pray that the soul may be gathered
-unto its ancestors, and rest in peace. The anniversary of the death,
-called agel, is celebrated by placing cooked rice on two plantain
-leaves placed over sacrificial twigs, and burning incense and waving
-lamps before it. This is called soma dipuna.
-
-The family god of the barber is Krishna of Udipi, and the high-priest
-to whom he pays homage is the Saniyasi (religious ascetic), who for
-the time being worships that god. The same high-priest is also the
-final court of appeal from the decisions of the village council of the
-barbers in matters relating to caste and religion. The powers which
-are ever present to the barber's mind, and which he always dreads and
-tries to propitiate, are the village demons, and the departed spirits
-of members of his own family. If a child falls ill, he hastens to the
-Brahman seer, to learn who is offended, and how the spirit should be
-appeased. If his cow does not eat hay, he anxiously enquires to which
-demon he should carry a cock. If the rain fails or the crops are poor,
-he hies to the nearest deity with cocoanuts, plantains, and the tender
-spikes of areca. In case of serious illness, he undertakes a vow
-to beg from door to door on certain days, and convey the money thus
-accumulated to Tirupati. In his house, he keeps a small closed box
-with a slit in the lid, through which he drops a coin at every pinch
-of misfortune, and the contents are eventually sent to that holy place.
-
-The affairs of the community are regulated by a council of
-elders. In every village, or for every group of houses, there is an
-hereditary Gurukara or headman of the barbers, who is assisted by four
-Moktesars. If any of these five authorities receives a complaint, he
-gives notice to the others, and a meeting is arranged to take place
-in some house. When there is a difference of opinion, the opinion of
-the majority decides the issue. When a decision cannot be arrived at,
-the question is referred to the council of another village. If this
-does not settle the point at issue, the final appeal lies to the Swami
-of the the Udipi temple. The council inquires into alleged offences
-against caste, and punishes them. It declares what marriages are
-valid, and what not. It not only preserves discipline within the
-community itself, but takes notice of external affairs affecting
-the well-being of the community. Thus, if the pipers refuse to make
-music at their marriage processions, the council resolves that no
-barber shall shave a piper. Disputes concerning civil rights were
-once submitted to these councils, but, as their decisions are not
-now binding, aggrieved parties seek justice from courts of law.
-
-Punishments consist of compensation for minor offences affecting
-individuals, and of fine or excommunication if the offence affects
-the whole community. If the accused does not attend the trial, he
-may be excommunicated for contempt of authority. If the person seeks
-re-admission into the caste, he has to pay a fine, which goes to the
-treasury of the temple at Udipi. The presiding Swami at the shrine
-accepts the fine, and issues a writ authorising the re-admission of the
-penitent offender. The headman collects the fine to be forwarded to the
-Swami, and, if he is guilty of any mal-practice, the whole community,
-generally called the ten, may take cognisance of the offence. Offences
-against marriage relations, shaving low caste people, and such like,
-are all visited with fine, which is remitted to the Swami, from whom
-purification is obtained. The power of the village councils, however,
-has greatly declined in recent years, as the class of cases in which
-their decision can be enforced is practically very small.
-
-The Tulu barbers, like many other castes on the western coast, follow
-the aliya santana system of inheritance (in the female line). The
-tradition in South Canara is that this, and a number of other customs,
-were imposed upon certain castes by Bhutala Pandya. The story relates
-that Deva Pandya, a merchant of the Pandya kingdom, once had some new
-ships built, but before they put to sea, the demon Kundodara demanded
-a human sacrifice. The merchant asked his wife to spare one of her
-seven sons for the purpose, but she refused to be a party to the
-sacrifice, and went away with her sons to her father's house. The
-merchant's sister thereupon offered her son. Kundodara, however,
-was so very pleased with the appearance of this son that he spared
-his life, and made him a king, whose sway extended over Tuluva. This
-king was called Bhutala Pandya, and he, being directed by Kundodara,
-imposed upon the people the system of nephew inheritance.
-
-The barber is changing with the times. He now seldom uses the old
-unfoldable wooden-handled razor forged by the village blacksmith,
-but has gone in for what he calls Raja sri (royal fortune; corruption
-of Rodgers) razors. He believes that he is polluted by the operation
-which it is his lot to perform, and, on his return home from his
-morning round, he must bathe and put on washed clothes.
-
-Ken.--Ken (red) and Kenja (red ant) have both been recorded as gotras
-of Kurni.
-
-Kenna.--A division of Toda.
-
-Kepumari.--It is noted, in the Gazetteer of South Arcot, that "the
-Kepumaris are one of the several foreign communities from other
-districts, who help to swell the total of the criminal classes in
-South Arcot. Their head-quarters is at Tiruvallur in the Chingleput
-district, but there is a settlement of them at Mariyankuppam (not
-far from Porto Novo), and another large detachment at Kunisampet in
-French territory. They commit much the same class of crime as the
-Donga Dasaris, frequenting railway trains and crowded gatherings,
-and they avert suspicion by their respectable appearance and pleasant
-manners. Their house-language is Telugu. They call themselves Alagiri
-Kepumaris. The etymology of the second of these two words is not free
-from doubt, but the first of them is said to be derived from Alagar,
-the god of the Kallans, whose temple at the foot of the hills about
-twelve miles north of Madura town is a well-known place of pilgrimage,
-and to whom these people, and other criminal fraternities annually
-offer a share of their ill-gotten gains." Information concerning
-the criminal methods of these people, under the name Capemari, will
-be found in Mr. F. S. Mullaly's 'Notes on Criminal Classes of the
-Madras Presidency.'
-
-Kerala.--Defined by Mr. Wigram [130] as "the western coast from
-Gokarnam to Cape Comorin, comprising Travancore, Cochin, Malabar,
-and part of South Canara."
-
-Kere (tank).--A gotra of Kurni.
-
-Kesari (lion).--A gotra of Kurni.
-
-Kethaki (Pandanus fascicularis).--An exogamous sept of Stanika.
-
-Kethri.--See Khatri.
-
-Kevuto.--It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "the
-Kevutas are the fisherman caste of Ganjam, and they are said to be
-the descendants of the Kaibartas, a fishing caste of Bengal. Besides
-fishing in rivers, canals and lakes, they ply boats and catamarans,
-and some are also traders. Uriya Brahmans and Bairagis are their
-priests. From the fifth day after child-birth till the twenty-first,
-the Uriya Brahmans read the Bhagavata Purana in the house, and on the
-last day they give a name to the child. The married girls and widows
-put a veil over their faces whenever they go out of doors."
-
-The Kevutos are low in the social scale, but not a polluting
-caste. They apparently recognise the following endogamous
-sub-divisions:--Bhettiya, Bilva, Jonka, Khottia, Koibarto or Dasa,
-Liyari, Chuditiya, and Thossa. Of these the Thossas are cultivators,
-the Liyaris make a preparation of fried rice (liya), and the Chudityas
-are engaged in parching grain (chuda, parched rice). By reason of their
-change of occupation, the Liyaris and Chudityas have practically become
-distinct castes, and some deny that there is any connection between
-them and the Kevutos. Telugu people sometimes call the Chuditiyas
-Neyyalu, and I am told that there is a street in Parlakimedi almost
-wholly inhabited by Kevutos, who say that they are of the Neyyalu
-caste.
-
-Of gotras which occur among the Kevutos, nago (cobra), bhago (tiger),
-and kochipo (tortoise) are the most common. They also have exogamous
-septs or bamsams, among which are gogudiya (bells) and nolini (bamboo
-carrier). The titles which occur in the caste are Behara, Sitto,
-Torei, Jalli, Bejjo, and Paiko.
-
-The marriage rite is performed at night, and the bride's father
-ties a gold bead (konti) on the neck of the bridegroom. The Kevutos
-worship especially Dasaraj and Gangadevi. The latter is worshipped
-at the Dasara festival, and, in some places, fowls and goats are
-sacrificed in her honour. In the neighbourhood of the Chilka lake,
-the goats are not sacrificed, but set at liberty, and allowed to
-graze on the Kalikadevi hill. There is a belief that animals thus
-devoted to Gangadevi do not putrify when they die, but dry up.
-
-In the Vizagapatam Agency tracts, the Kevutos are said to be notorious
-for their proficiency in magic and necromancy.
-
-Khadi.--A sub-division of Telli.
-
-Khadiya.--A name, said to be derived from ghatiyal, meaning a person
-possessed, and used as a term of reproach for Kudumis of Travancore.
-
-Khajjaya (cake).--An exogamous sept of Vakkaliga.
-
-Kharvi.--The Kharvis are described, in the South Canara Manual, as
-"Marathi fishermen, who migrated to this district from the Bombay
-Presidency. The name Kharvi is said to be a corrupt form of the
-Sanskrit kshar, salt. They are hardworking but thriftless, and much
-given to drink, chiefly toddy. They are sea-fishermen and good sailors,
-and also work as domestic servants and labourers. They employ Havik
-Brahmans to perform their marriage and other ceremonies. The head of
-the Sringeri Math is their spiritual teacher."
-
-The Kharvis are Konkani-speaking fishermen and cultivators, found
-in the Kundapur taluk of South Canara. Those who are not engaged in
-fishing always wear the sacred thread, whereas the fishermen wear
-it for seven days from the Sravana Hunnami, or full-moon day of the
-month Sravana (August-September), and then remove it. All are Saivites,
-and disciples of the Sringeri mutt. Ajai Masti and Nagu Masti are the
-deities specially worshipped by them. They follow the makkala santana
-law of inheritance (from father to son). Their headmen are called
-Saranga or Patel, and these names are used as titles by members of
-the families of the headmen. The assistant to the headman is styled
-Naik or Naicker.
-
-For the performance of the marriage ceremonial, Shivalli or
-Kota Brahmans are engaged. The dhare form of marriage (see Bant)
-is observed, but there are a few points of detail, which may be
-noted. Five women decorate the bride inside her house just before she
-comes to the marriage pandal (booth), and tie on her neck a gold bead
-(dhare mani) and black beads. At the pandal she stands in front of
-the bridegroom, separated from him by a screen, which is stretched
-between them. Garlands of tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) are exchanged,
-and the screen is removed. Bashingams (chaplets) are tied on the
-foreheads of the bridal pair at the outset of the ceremonial, and
-are worn for five days.
-
-The dead are cremated, and, in most cases, the ashes are thrown into a
-river. But, among the orthodox, they are taken to Gokarna, and thrown
-into the river at that place. On the eleventh day, presents are made
-to Brahmans after purification. On the following day, food is offered
-on two leaves to the soul of the deceased.
-
-One of the leaves is thrown into water, and the other given to a cow
-or bull.
-
-Khasa.--It is noted by the Rev. J. Cain [131] that "members of
-this caste are found chiefly in attendance on zamindars and other
-rich people, and report says that they are not unfrequently their
-illegitimate children." Khasa is synonymous with Adapapa (q.v.).
-
-Khasgi.--Marathas, of whom a few families constitute the aristocracy
-in the Sandur State.
-
-Khatri.--The Khatris are described by Mr. Lewis Rice [132] as "silk
-weavers, who in manners, customs, and language are akin to Patvegars,
-but they do not intermarry with them, although the two castes eat
-together. The Katris claim to be Kshatriyas, and quote Renuka Purana
-as their authority. The legend is that, during the general massacre of
-the Kshatriyas by Parasu Rama, five women, each of whom was big with
-child, escaped, and took refuge in a temple dedicated to Kali. When
-the children came of age, their marriages were celebrated, and their
-mothers prayed to Kali to point out some means of livelihood. In answer
-to their supplications, the goddess gave them looms, and taught them
-weaving and dyeing. The Katris claim descent from these refugees,
-and follow the same trades."
-
-The following note relates to the Khatris of Conjeeveram, where most
-of them trade in silk thread, silk sashes, and dye-stuffs. Some deal
-in human hair, which is used by native females as a chignon. By reason
-of their connection with the silk industry, the Khatris are called
-Patnulkaran by other castes. The true Patnulkarans are called Koshta by
-the Khatris. The Khatris give Bhuja Raja Kshatriya as their caste name,
-and some say that they are the descendants of one Karta Virya Arjuna of
-the human race. Their tribal deity is Renukamba, the mother of Parasu
-Rama, to whom pongal (boiled rice) is offered, and a goat sacrificed
-in the month of Thai (January-February). They have exogamous septs,
-such as Sulegar, Powar, Mudugal, Sonappa, Bojagiri, etc., and have
-adopted the same Brahmanical gotras as the Bhats or Bhatrazus, e.g.,
-Gautama, Kasyapa, Vasishta, and Bharadwaja. Attached to them is a
-caste beggar, called Bhat, who comes round at long intervals. He
-is said to keep the genealogies of the Khatri families. He ties a
-flag to a post of the house at which he intends to claim a meal, and,
-after partaking thereof, he receives information concerning the births
-and marriages, which have taken place in the family since his last
-visit. Girls are married both before and after puberty, and infant
-marriage is fashionable at the present day. The remarriage of widows
-is permitted, but a divorced woman may not marry again so long as
-her husband is alive. A man may not marry the widow of his brother,
-or of an agnate. The custom of menarikam, by which a man may marry
-his maternal uncle's daughter, is prohibited. Families belonging to
-one sept may give their daughters in marriage to men of another sept,
-from which, however, they are not allowed to receive girls as wives
-for their sons. For example, a man of a Sulegar sept may give his
-daughters in marriage to men of the Powar sept, but may not take
-Powar girls as wives for his sons. But a certain elasticity in the
-rule is allowed, and the prohibition ceases after a certain number
-of generations by arrangement with the Bhat. The marriage ceremonies
-last over seven days. On the first day, the deity Bharkodev, who
-is represented by seven quartz pebbles placed in a row on plantain
-leaves, is worshipped with offerings of fruit, etc., and a goat is
-sacrificed. The blood which flows from its cut neck is poured into
-a vessel containing cooked rice, of which seven balls are made, and
-offered to the pebbles. Towards evening some of the rice is thrown to
-the four cardinal points of the compass, in order to conciliate evil
-spirits. On the second day, the house is thoroughly cleansed with
-cow-dung water, and the walls are whitewashed. The eating of meat is
-forbidden until the marriage ceremonies are concluded. The third day is
-devoted to the erection of the marriage pandal (booth) and milk-post,
-and the worship of female ancestors (savasne). Seven married women
-are selected, and presented with white ravikes (bodices) dyed with
-turmeric. After bathing, they are sumptuously fed. Before the feast,
-the bridegroom's and sometimes the bride's mother, goes to a well,
-tank (pond) or river, carrying on a tray a new woman's cloth, on which
-a silver plate with a female figure embossed on it is placed. Another
-silver plate of the same kind, newly made, is brought by a goldsmith,
-and the two are worshipped, and then taken to the house, where they
-are kept in a box. The bridegroom and his party go in procession
-through the streets in which their fellow castemen live. When they
-reach the house of the bride, her mother comes out and waves coloured
-water to avert the evil eye, washes the bridegroom's eyes with water,
-and presents him with betel and a vessel filled with milk. The bride
-is then conducted to the bridegroom's house, where she takes her
-seat on a decorated plank, and a gold or silver ornament called sari
-or kanti is placed on her neck. She is further presented with a new
-cloth. A Brahman purohit then writes the names of the contracting
-parties, and the date of their marriage, on two pieces of palm leaf
-or paper, which he hands over to their fathers. The day closes with
-the performance of gondala puja, for which a device (muggu) is made
-on the ground with yellow, red, and white powders. A brass vessel
-is set in the centre thereof, and four earthen pots are placed at
-the corners. Puja (worship) is done, and certain stanzas are recited
-amid the beating of a pair of large cymbals. On the fourth day, the
-bridal couple bathe, and the bridegroom is invested with the sacred
-thread. They then go to the place where the metal plates representing
-the ancestors are kept, with a cloth thrown over the head like a hood,
-and some milk and cooked rice are placed near the plates. On their
-way back they, in order to avert the evil eye, place their right feet
-on a pair of small earthen plates tied together, and placed near the
-threshold. The bride's mother gives the bridegroom some cakes and milk,
-after partaking of which he goes in procession through the streets,
-and a further ceremony for averting the evil eye is performed in
-front of the bride's house. This over, he goes to the pandal, where
-his feet are washed by his father-in-law, who places in his hands
-a piece of plantain fruit, over which his mother-in-law pours some
-milk. The bride and bridegroom then go into the house, where the latter
-ties the tali on the neck of the former. During the tying ceremony,
-the couple are separated by a cloth screen, of which the lower end
-is lifted up. The screen is removed, and they sit facing each other
-with their bashingams (forehead chaplets) in contact, and rice
-is thrown over their heads by their relations. The Brahman hands
-the contracting couple the wrist-threads (kankanams), which they
-tie on. These threads are, among most castes, tied at an earlier
-stage in the marriage ceremonies. On the fifth day, seven betel
-nuts are placed in a row on a plank within the pandal, round which
-the bride and bridegroom go seven times. At the end of each round,
-the latter lifts the right foot of the former, and sweeps off one
-of the nuts. For every marriage, a fee of Rs. 12-5-0 must be paid to
-the headman of the caste, and the money thus accumulated is spent on
-matters such as the celebration of festivals, which affect the entire
-community. If the fee is not paid, the bride and bridegroom are not
-permitted to go round the plank the seventh time. On the sixth day,
-the bride receives presents from her family, and there is a procession
-at night. On the last day of the ceremonies, the bride is handed over
-to her mother-in-law by her mother, who says "I am giving you a melon
-and a knife. Deal with them as you please." The bride is taken inside
-the house by the mother-in-law and shown some pots containing rice
-into which she dips her right hand, saying that they are full. The
-mother-in-law then presents her with a gold finger-ring, and the two
-eat together as a sign of their new relationship.
-
-The dead are cremated, and, when a married man dies, his corpse
-is carried on a palanquin to the burning-ground, followed by the
-widow. Near the pyre it is laid on the ground, and the widow places
-her jewelry and glass bangles on the chest. The corpse should be
-carried by the sons-in-law if possible, and the nomination of the
-bearers is indicated by the eldest son of the deceased person making
-a mark on their shoulders with ashes. On the third day after death,
-the milk ceremony takes place. Three balls of wheat-flour, mixed with
-honey and milk, are prepared, and placed respectively on the spot
-where the deceased breathed his last, where the bier was laid on the
-ground, and at the place where the corpse was burnt, over which milk is
-poured. The final death ceremonies (karmandhiram) are observed on the
-seventh or tenth day, till which time the eating of flesh is forbidden.
-
-The headman of the Khatris, who is called Gramani, is elected once a
-month, and he has an assistant called Vanja, who is appointed annually.
-
-The Khatris are Saivites, and wear the sacred thread, but also worship
-various grama devatas (village deities). They speak a dialect of
-Marathi. The caste title is Sa, e.g., Dharma Sa.
-
-Kethree is described, in the Vizagapatam Manual, as "the caste of the
-Zamindar's family in Jeypore. It is divided into sixteen classes. They
-wear the paieta (sacred thread), and the Zamindar used formerly to
-sell the privilege of wearing it to any one who could afford to pay him
-twelve rupees. Pariahs were excluded from purchasing the privilege."
-
-The Khatri agriculturists of the Jeypore Agency tracts in Vizagapatam
-are, Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao informs me, entirely distinct from the
-weaving Khatris of the south. They are divided into four septs, viz.,
-Surya (Sun), Bhag (tiger), Kochchimo (tortoise), and Nag (cobra). Girls
-are married before puberty, and an Oriya Brahman officiates at their
-marriages, instead of the customary Desari. They do not, like other
-castes in the Agency tracts, give fermented liquor (madho) as part
-of the jholla tonka or bride-price, which consists of rice, a goat,
-cloths, etc. The marriage ceremonies are performed at the bride's
-house. These Khatris put on the sacred thread for the first time
-when they are married, and renew it from time to time throughout
-life. They are fair skinned, and speak the Oriya language. Their
-usual title is Patro.
-
-Khinbudi (bear).--A sept of Rona.
-
-Khodalo.--See Bavuri.
-
-Khodikaro.--A name for Panditos, derived from the stone (khodi),
-with which they write figures on the floor, when making astrological
-calculations.
-
-Khodura.--The name is derived from khodu, bangle. The Khoduras,
-Mr. Francis writes, [133] are "manufacturers of the brass and
-bell-metal bangles and rings ordinarily worn by the lower class
-Odiyas. Their headman is called Nahako Sahu, and under him there
-are deputies called Dhoyi Nahako and Behara. There is a fourth
-functionary styled Aghopotina, whose peculiar duty is said to be to
-join in the first meal taken by those who have been excommunicated,
-and subsequently readmitted into the caste by the caste panchayat
-(council). A quaint custom exists, by which honorific titles like
-Senapati, Mahapatro, Subuddhi, etc., are sold by the panchayat to
-any man of the caste who covets them, and the proceeds sent to Puri
-and Pratabpur for the benefit of the temples there. It is said that
-the original home of the caste was Orissa, and that it came to Ganjam
-with Purushottam Deva, the Maharaja of Puri. In its general customs
-it resembles the Badhoyis." I am informed that the name of the fourth
-functionary should be Aghopotiria, or first leaf man, i.e., the man
-who is served first at a public dinner.
-
-Khoira.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a low caste
-of Oriya cultivators.
-
-Khoja.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, eleven Khojas are recorded
-as belonging to a Mussalman tribe of traders from Bombay.
-
-For the following note on the Khojas of Southern India, I am indebted
-to an article by Dr. J. Shortt. [134] "The true Kojahs, or eunuchs,
-are not numerous in Southern India. They are chiefly to be seen in
-the houses of wealthy Mussalman nobles, by whom they are placed at
-the head of their zenanas or harems. The Kojahs are properly divided
-into two classes: (1) Kojahs; (2) Hijras. Sometimes Hindus, Sudras,
-and Brahmans subject themselves to the operation (of castration),
-of their own accord from a religious impression. Others, finding
-themselves naturally impotent, consider it necessary to undergo the
-operation, to avoid being born again at a future birth in the same
-helpless state. The operation of castration is generally performed
-by a class of barbers, sometimes by some of the more intelligent
-of the eunuchs themselves, in the following manner. The patient is
-made to sit on an upturned new earthen pot, being previously well
-drugged with opium or bhang. The entire genitals being seized by the
-left hand, an assistant, who has a bamboo lath slit in the centre,
-runs it down quite close to the pubis, the slit firmly embracing the
-whole of the genitals at the root, when the operator, with a sharp
-razor, runs it down along the face of the lath, and removes penis,
-testicles and scrotum in one swoop, leaving a large clean open wound
-behind, in which boiling gingelly (Sesamum indicum) oil is poured
-to staunch the bleeding, and the wound covered over with a soft rag
-steeped in warm oil. This is the only dressing applied to the wound,
-which is renewed daily, while the patient is confined in a supine
-position to his bed, and lightly fed with conjee (rice gruel), milk,
-etc. During the operation, the patient is urged to cry out 'Din'
-(the faith in Mahomet) three times.
-
-"Of the two classes, the Kojahs are the artificially created eunuchs,
-in contradistinction to the Hijras (impotents) or natural eunuchs. Some
-years ago there were three Kojahs at the head of the State prison or
-Royal Mahal at Vellore, in charge of some of the wives, descendants,
-and other female connections of Tippoo Sultan. These men were highly
-respected, held charges of considerable trust, and were Muhammadans
-by birth. Tales were often repeated that the zenana women (slaves and
-adopted girls) were in the habit of stripping them naked, and poking
-fun at their helplessness. There were two Kojahs in the employ of the
-late Nabob of the Carnatic. They were both Africans. On the death of
-the Nabob, the Government allowed one of them a pension of fifteen
-rupees a month.
-
-"The second class, Hijras or natural eunuchs as they are termed,
-are not so, strictly speaking, but are said to be impotent. While
-some are naturally so from birth, others are impressed with a belief
-in childhood, and are dressed up in women's clothes, taught to ape
-their speech and manners, whilst a few adopt it as a profession
-in after-life. They are chiefly Mussalmans. The hair of the head is
-put up as in women, well oiled, combed, and thrown back, tied into a
-knot, and shelved to the left side, sometimes plaited, ornamented, and
-allowed to hang down the back. They wear the cholee or short jacket,
-the saree or petticoat, and put on abundance of nose, ear, finger,
-and toe rings. They cultivate singing, play the dhol (a drum), and
-attitudinise. They go about the bazaars in groups of half a dozen or
-more, singing songs with the hope of receiving a trifle. [Such a group
-I saw at Sandur, who, on hearing that I wished to photograph them,
-made tracks for another place.--E.T.] They are not only persistent,
-but impudent beggars, singing filthy, obscene, and abusive songs,
-to compel the bazaarmen to give them something. Should they not
-succeed, they would create a fire and throw in a lot of chillies, the
-suffocating and irritative smoke producing violent coughing, etc.,
-so that the bazaarmen are compelled to yield to their importunity,
-and give them a trifle to get rid of their annoyance. While such were
-the pursuits in the day, at nightfall they resorted to debauchery and
-low practices by hiring themselves out to a dissipated set of Moslems,
-who are in the habit of resorting to these people for the purpose,
-whilst they intoxicate themselves with a preparation termed majoon,
-being a confection of opium, and a drink termed boja, a species
-of country beer manufactured from ragi (Eleusine Coracana), which
-also contains bhang (Indian hemp). In addition to this, they smoke
-bhang. The Hijras are met with in most of the towns of Southern India,
-more especially where a large proportion of Mussalmans is found."
-
-In Hyderabad, castration used to be performed at about the age of
-sixteen. A pit, 3 1/2 feet deep, was dug in the ground, and filled
-with ashes. After the operation, the patient had to sit on the ashes,
-with crossed legs, for three days. The operation was performed, under
-the influence of narcotics, by a Pir--the head of the Khoja community.
-
-I am informed by Mr. G. T. Paddison that, at the annual festival of
-the Gadabas of Vizagapatam, thorns are set on a swing outside the
-shrine of the goddess. On these the priest or priestess sits without
-harm. If the priest is masculine, he has been made neuter. But,
-if the village is not fortunate enough to possess a eunuch, a woman
-performs the ceremony.
-
-The following notes were recorded by me on the occasion of an interview
-with some eunuchs living in the city of Madras:--
-
-Hindu, aged about 30. Generative organs feebly developed. Is a natural
-eunuch. Speaks and behaves like a female. Keeps a stall, at which he
-sells cakes. Goes out singing and dancing with four other eunuchs,
-and earns from ten annas to a rupee in a night. There are, in Madras,
-about thirty eunuchs, who go about dancing. Others keep shops, or
-are employed as domestic servants.
-
-One well acquainted with the Hindu eunuchs of Madras stated that, when
-a boy is born with ill-developed genitalia, his unnatural condition
-is a source of anxiety to his parents. As he grows up he feels shy,
-and is made fun of by his companions. Such boys run away from home,
-and join the eunuchs. They are taught to sing and dance, and carry
-on abominable practices. They are employed by dancing-girls, to decoy
-paramours to them. For this purpose, they dress up as dancing-girls,
-and go about the streets. At times of census, they return themselves
-as males engaged in singing and dancing.
-
-Khond.--See Kondh.
-
-Khongar.--See Kangara.
-
-Kichagara.--A small class of Canarese basket-makers and beggars. The
-name is said to be derived from kichaku, meaning an imitative sound,
-in reference to the incessant noise which the Kichagaras make when
-begging.
-
-Kidaran (copper boiler).--A synonym for Malayalam artisans.
-
-Kilakku Teru (east street).--A section of Kallan.
-
-Killavar.--A sub-division of Tottiyan.
-
-Killekyata.--The Killekyatas are a Marathi-speaking people, who amuse
-villagers with their marionette shows in the Telugu and Canarese
-countries. "They travel round the villages, and give a performance
-wherever they can secure sufficient patronage. Contributions take the
-form of money, or oil for the foot-lights." [135] "Their profession,"
-Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri writes, [136] "is enacting religious dramas
-before the village public (whence their name, meaning buffoon). The
-black kambli (blanket) is their screen, and any mandapa or village
-chavadi, or open house is their stage. Night is the time for giving
-the performance. They carry with them pictures painted in colours on
-deer skins, which are well tanned, and made fine like parchment. The
-several parts of the picture representing the human or animal body
-are attached to each other by thin iron wires, and the parts are
-made to move by the assistance of thin bamboo splits, and thus the
-several actions and emotions are represented to the public, to the
-accompaniment of songs. Their pictures are in most cases very fairly
-painted, with variety and choice of colours. The stories chosen for
-representation are generally from the Ramayana and the Mahabharata,
-which they however call Ravanyakatha and Pandavakatha--the stories
-of Ravana and the Pandavas." The dead are buried in a seated posture.
-
-Some of the women are engaged as professional tattooers.
-
-Kimedi.--A local name for Koronos who live at Parlakimedi.
-
-Kindal (basket-maker).--A sub-division of Savara.
-
-Kinkila (the koel or cuckoo).--A gotra of Kurni. The cuckoo, named
-Eudynamis honorata, is the bird, whose crescendo cry, ku-il, ku-il,
-is trying to the nerves during the hot season.
-
-Kinthali.--A sub-division of the Telugu Kalingis.
-
-Kira (parrot).--A sept of Gadaba. Kira also occurs as a sub-division
-of Sondi.
-
-Kiraikkaran.--Kiraikkaran is an occupational name, denoting those who
-cultivate kirai (Amarantus). The Kiraikkarans are stated, in the Census
-Report, 1901, to be usually Agamudaiyans in Coimbatore. I gathered,
-however, that the name is given by Tamil-speaking people to the Kempati
-Okkiliyans of Coimbatore, a Canarese people who migrated thither from
-Kempati in Mysore. The majority of them cultivate kirai and other
-edible vegetables, but some are petty traders or fishermen. Some of
-their marriage divisions are named after deities, e.g., Masani and
-Viramashti, and one division is called Jogi.
-
-Kirata (hunter).--A name assumed by Bedars, Ekaris, and other classes.
-
-Kirganiga.--Kirganiga or Kiruganiga is the name of a sub-division of
-Ganigas, who express oils in wooden mills.
-
-Kiriyam.--A sub-division of Nayar. Also the Malayalam word for house
-name or sept.
-
-Kiriyattil.--A sub-division of Nayar.
-
-Kizhakathi.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, as a
-sub-division of Paraiyan. The word means easterner, and a Paraiyan
-of North or South Arcot would call a Paraiyan of Madras by this name.
-
-Koalaka (arrow).--An exogamous sept of Jatapu.
-
-Kobbiriya.--A sub-division of Domb.
-
-Kochattabannaya.--Kochattabannaya or Kojjarannaya (jak tree, Artocarpus
-integrifolia, sept) is an exogamous sept of Bant.
-
-Kochimo (tortoise).--A sept of Oriya Gaudo, Bosantiya, Bottada,
-Konda Dora, Mattiya, and Omanaito.
-
-Kochuvalan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a
-name for Ulladans.
-
-Kodaketti (umbrella tying).--A sub-division of Panan.
-
-Kodavili (sickle).--An exogamous sept of Karna Sale.
-
-Kodekal Hata-kararu (cloth-weavers).--A sub-division of Devanga.
-
-Kodi (cock).--An exogamous sept of Kapu. Thorika occurs as a sept of
-Jatapus, who are said to revere a species of fowl called thorika kodi,
-and Kodi Kandla (fowl's eyes) as a sept of Boya.
-
-Kodikkal.--Kodikkal, Kodikkar, or Kodikkalkaran, meaning betel vine
-man, is the occupational name of a sub-division of Vellalas, and
-of Labbai Muhammadans who cultivate the betel vine. In the Census
-Report, 1901, it is noted that those who gave this as the name of
-their caste returned their parent tongue as Tamil, and their title as
-Nayakkan, and were therefore clubbed with Pallis. Kodikkal is further
-a sub-division of the Shanans, who derive the name from kodi, a flag,
-and give flag-bearer as its significance. Other castes, however,
-make it to mean a betel garden, in reference to Shanans who were betel
-vine growers. Kodikkal Pillaimar is a synonym of the Senaikkudaiyans,
-indicating Pillaimars who cultivate the betel vine.
-
-Kodiyal.--A sub-division of Kudubi.
-
-Kodla.--Kodla (fowl) has been recorded as an exogamous sept of Tsakala,
-and Kodla bochchu (fowl's feathers) as an exogamous sept of Kapu.
-
-Kodu.--A form of Kondh. Also a sub-division of Konda Razu.
-
-Kohoro.--A form of Kahar.
-
-Koi.--See Koya.
-
-Koibarto.--A sub-division of Kevuto.
-
-Koil Pandala (keeper of the royal treasury).--One of the divisions
-of Kshatriyas in Travancore.
-
-Koil Tampuran.--The following note is extracted from the Travancore
-Census Report, 1901. The Koil Tampurans form a small community,
-made up of the descendants of the immigrant Kshatriya families
-from certain parts of Malabar lying to the north of Travancore and
-Cochin. They are also known as Koil Pantalas. In early records, the
-term Koviladhikarikal appears to have been used. Immemorial tradition
-connects the Koil Tampurans with Cheraman Perumal, and goes to say
-that their original settlement was Beypore. About 300 M.E. a few
-male members were invited to settle in Travancore, and form marital
-alliances with the ladies of the Travancore Royal House, known then
-as the Venat Svarupam. Houses were built for them at Kilimanur, six
-miles from Attingal, where all the female members of the Royal Family
-resided. In M.E. 963, eight persons--three males and five females--from
-the family of Aliakkotu, oppressed by the invasion of Tipu Sultan,
-sought shelter in Travancore. Maharaja Rama Varma received them kindly,
-and gave them the palace of the Tekkumkur Raja, who had been subjugated
-by Rama Iyen Dalawah. This site in Changanachery is still recognised
-as Nirazhikkottaram. In 975 M.E. one of the five ladies removed to
-Kirtipuram near Kantiyur (Mavelikara taluk), and thence to a village
-called Gramam in the same taluk. Another shifted to Pallam in the
-Kottayam taluk, a third to Paliyakkara in Tiruvalla, and a fourth,
-having no issue, continued to live at Changanachery with the fifth lady
-who was the youngest in the family. Raja Raaja Varma Koil Tampuran,
-who married Rani Lakshmi Bai, sovereign of Travancore from 985 to 990
-M.E. was the eldest son of the lady that stayed at Changanachery. Their
-present house at that place, known as Lakshmipuram Kottaram, was named
-after the Koil Tampuran's royal consort. Raja Raja Varma's sister gave
-birth to three daughters and two sons. The eldest daughter and sons
-removed to Kartikapalli in 1040, and thence, in 1046, to Anantapuram
-in Haripad. In 1041, the second daughter and issue removed to Chemprol
-in Tiruvalla, while the third continued to live at Changanachery. Thus
-there came into existence seven families of Koil Tampurans, namely
-those of Kilimanur, Changanachery, Anantapuram, Pallam, Chemprol,
-Gramam, and Paliyakkare. Some time after 1040 M.E. (A.D. 1856), three
-more families, viz., those of Cherukol, Karamma, and Vatakkematham,
-immigrated from North Malabar.
-
-The Koil Tampurans are all regarded as blood relations, and observe
-birth and death pollutions like Dayadis among Brahmans. They follow
-the matriarchal system of inheritance. Nambutiri Brahmans marry
-their ladies. Their religious ceremonies are the same as those of
-Nambutiris, whom they resemble in the matter of food and drink. Their
-caste government is in the hands of the Nambutiri Vaidikans.
-
-Their ceremonies are the usual Brahmanical Samskaras--Gatakarma,
-Namakarana, Annaprasana, etc. Regarding the Namakarana, or naming,
-the only noteworthy fact is that the first-born male always goes by
-the name of Raja Raja Varma. The Upanayana, or investiture with the
-sacred thread, takes place in the sixteenth year of age. On the morning
-of the Upanayana, Chaula or the tonsure ceremony is performed. It
-is formally done by the Nambutiri priest in the capacity of Guru,
-just as the father does to his son among Brahmans, and afterwards
-left to be completed by the Maran. The priest invests the boy with
-the thread, and, with the sacrificial fire as lord and witness,
-initiates him in the Gayatri prayer. The Koil Tampurans are to repeat
-this prayer morning, noon and evening, like the Brahmans, but are
-to do so only ten times on each occasion. On the fourth day, the boy
-listens to a few Vedic hymns recited by the priest. There is not the
-prolonged course of severe discipline of the Brahmanical Brahmachari,
-which the Nambutiris so religiously observe. The Samavartana, or
-pupilage stage, is performed on the fifteenth day. The ceremony of
-proceeding to Benares is then gone through. Just as in the case of
-the Brahmans, a would-be father-in-law intercedes, and requests the
-Snataka (past Brahmachari) to bless his daughter, and settle in life
-as a Grihastha. The Nambutiri priest then steps in to remind the boy
-of his dharma (duty) as a Kshatriya, and gives him a sword symbolic
-of his pre-ordained function in society.
-
-The marriage of a Koil Tampuran does not present many peculiar
-features. One item in the programme, called Dikshavirippu, may be
-referred to. During all the four days of the marriage, the bride
-is confined to a special room, where a white cloth with a carpet
-over it is spread on the floor, and a lamp burns day and night. The
-ceremonial bridegroom is either an Aryappattar or a Nambutiri, now
-generally a Nambutiri. Of course, the marriage is a mere ceremonial,
-and the bridegroom at the ceremony is not necessarily the spouse of
-actual life. His death deprives her of the right to wear the tali, and
-makes her an Amangali (an inauspicious person) for all socio-religious
-purposes. At sraddhas (memorial service for the dead), the Tampuratti
-with her married husband alive faces the east, and one that has lost
-him has to look in the direction of Yamaloka (south).
-
-Mr. Ravi Varma, the celebrated artist, who died recently, was a Koil
-Tampuran of Kilimanur, an extensive village assigned to his ancestors
-rent-free for the military services they had rendered to the State
-in times of trouble. [137]
-
-Kokala (woman's cloth).--An exogamous sept of Golla.
-
-Kokkara.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, as a sub-division
-of Nayar.
-
-Kokkundia.--See Kukkundi.
-
-Kola (ear of corn).--An exogamous sept of Medara.
-
-Kolari.--See Kolayan.
-
-Kolalo (arrack-seller).--A name of Sondis.
-
-Kolata Gudiya.--A name for Gudiyas engaged in agriculture.
-
-Kolayan.--It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that
-"the caste is found chiefly in the Kasaragod taluk of South Canara,
-and in the northern part of Malabar. In South Malabar, it is called
-Urali. Its traditional occupation is herding cows, and it claims the
-privilege of supplying milk and ghee to certain Hindu temples, but at
-present most of its members are masons. It has two endogamous sections,
-Ayan or Kol-Ayan, and Mariyan or Eruman" (Eruma, a cow-buffalo). It
-is further noted, in the same report under the heading Eruman, that
-"the people of the caste were originally buffalo drivers and keepers,
-and still follow their traditional occupation in the Kasaragod taluk of
-South Canara. In North Malabar, they are masons and bricklayers." The
-masonry work of temples is done by Kolayans.
-
-The name Kolayan has been said to be derived from Golla and Ayan,
-meaning cowherd. Golla is, however, a Telugu word not used in the
-Malayalam country.
-
-Members of the two sections, Kolayan and Eruman (or Eruvan), are
-said not to intermarry. Women of both sections may affect sambandham
-(alliance) with Nayars. Children born of such unions are regarded
-as somewhat inferior to those born of Kolayan parents, and are not
-allowed to worship at the temples. The priests of the Kolayans are
-called Muthavan or Poduvan, and are usually elected by Rajas.
-
-Kolayan girls go through the mangalam or tali-kettu ceremony
-before they reach puberty. On an auspicious day fixed by the Kanisan
-(astrologer), the girl sits on a plank in the middle room of the house,
-and four lamps are placed near her. Her father throws rice and flowers
-over her head, and ties the tali (marriage emblem) on her neck. The
-girl, four women, and four girls, are fed in the middle room. On the
-following day, a priest (Vathiyan) places rice, paddy (unhusked rice),
-tender cocoanut, betel leaves and areca nuts, before the girl. Men
-and women of the priest's family wave rice, cocoanuts, etc., in front
-of her both in the morning and afternoon. Finally, towards evening,
-a Vathiyan woman waves the rice and other articles thrice, calling out
-"Kolachi, Kolachi, Kolachi." The girl may then leave the middle room.
-
-At the first menstrual period, a girl is under pollution for
-three days. On the first day, a cloth (mattu) is given to her by a
-washerwoman, and on the fourth day she receives one from a Malayan
-woman.
-
-The dead are usually cremated. Daily, until the twelfth day of the
-death ceremonies, food is offered to the spirit of the deceased, on
-a dais set up outside the house, by the relatives. On the fifth day,
-all the agnates are purified by the Vathiyan sprinkling water over
-them. On the twelfth day, the Vathiyan draws the image of a man with
-vibuthi (sacred ashes) on the spot where the deceased breathed his
-last. Near the figure, cooked rice, vegetables, etc., are placed. The
-chief mourner offers these to the dead person, and makes a bundle of
-them in his cloth. Going outside the house, he kicks the dais already
-referred to with his foot, while the Vathiyan holds one hand, and
-his relations the other hand or arm. He then bathes in a tank (pond)
-or river, while his hands are held in like manner.
-
-Koli.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the Kolis are described
-as being "a Bombay caste of fishermen and boatmen in South Canara;
-also a low class of Bengal weavers found in Ganjam." The Kolis
-who were investigated in Ganjam are an Oriya-speaking class, who
-are apparently Telugu people who have settled in the Oriya country
-as weavers of coarse cloths, traders, and agriculturists. They have
-Oriya titles such as Behara. They worship village deities (Takuranis),
-are Saivites, and none of them have been converted to the Paramartho
-form of Vishnavism. The caste council, puberty and death ceremonies,
-are based on the common Oriya type, but the marriage rites are an
-interesting blend of the Oriya and Telugu types of ceremonial. Thus the
-usual Telugu marriage post, but made of Streblus asper wood, is set up,
-and nine kinds of grain are placed near it. A bottu (marriage badge)
-is tied on the neck of the bride by the bridegroom, and the hands of
-the contracting couple are united (hasthagonthi) as among the Oriyas.
-
-Koliyan.--The Koliyans are summed up, in the Madras Census Report,
-1901, as "a weaver caste, the members of which were originally
-Paraiyans, but now do not eat or intermarry with that caste." They
-are largely found in the Tanjore and Madura districts, and are divided
-into various nadus (territories) and kuppams (settlements). Those at
-Pattukottai, for example, belong to Ambu Nadu, and are sub-divided
-into five kuppams. Many of the Koliyans are engaged in weaving coarse
-white cloths, while some work as field labourers. As some Paraiyans
-have Samban (Siva) as their title, so the title of the Koliyans is
-Isan (god). At times of marriage, the names of persons must not be
-mentioned without this title, e.g., one who is, in everyday life,
-called Ponnan is addressed as Isa Ponnan.
-
-An interesting point in connection with the first puberty ceremonial
-of a girl is that, on the sixteenth day, when she bathes, a withe of
-a creeper (Dalbergia, sp.) made into a loop, is passed round her body
-by a barber from head to foot thrice, without touching her. If this
-is not done, it is believed that the girl is not free from pollution.
-
-There are two forms of marriage ceremony, called chinna (little) and
-periya (big) kalyanam. The former is resorted to by those who cannot
-afford the more elaborate ceremonial. The sister of the bridegroom is
-sent to the house of the bride on an auspicious day. She there ties
-the tali (marriage badge) on the bride's neck, and conducts her to
-the house of the bridegroom. Women who are thus married may not take
-part in the marriage of their children. More especially, they may not
-decorate them with garlands and flowers, unless they have themselves
-performed the sadangu rite. In this, which is usually carried out
-a day or two before the child's marriage, the husband and wife sit
-on planks, and, after being decorated, and the performance of wave
-offerings (arathi), the former ties the tali on his wife's neck.
-
-In the periya kalyanam, the bridegroom goes on a horse to the bride's
-house, where he is met by her brother, who is also on horseback. They
-exchange garlands, and proceed to the marriage pandal (booth). The
-bridegroom receives from the bride's father a cocoanut, and the bride
-seats herself on a bench. The bridegroom gives her the cocoanut,
-and ties the tali on her neck. They then exchange garlands, and
-their fingers are linked together. All these items must be performed
-as quickly as possible, in accordance with a saying that the tali
-should be tied without dismounting from the horse, which one is
-riding. Before the tali is tied, the contracting couple go through
-the sadangu ceremony, in which a loop of cotton thread is passed over
-them from head to foot, without touching them. Then the kankanams, or
-wrist threads, are tied on their wrists. The milk-post and marriage
-pots are set up within the pandal, and the bride and bridegroom
-prostrate themselves before them, and salute their maternal uncles,
-parents and relations, and lastly the musicians. The day's proceedings
-terminate with a feast, at the conclusion of which hands are washed
-within the house. For six days the bride and bridegroom pay visits to
-each other alternately, and, on the seventh day, the wrist-threads,
-marriage pots, and milk-post are removed. During marriage and other
-auspicious ceremonies, coloured water, into which leaves of Bauhinia
-variegata are thrown, are waved (arathi).
-
-On ceremonial occasions, and at times of worship, the Koliyans put
-on Saivite sect marks. Among other deities, they worship Aiyanar,
-Pattavanswami, and Pothiamman.
-
-The dead are burnt, and the body is placed in a seated posture with
-fingers and toes tied together. On the way to the burning-ground, a
-widow goes round the corpse, and breaks a pot containing water. On the
-day after the funeral, the calcined bones are collected, and arranged
-so as to represent a human figure, to which food is offered. The
-final death ceremonies (karmandhiram) are performed on the sixteenth
-day. A mass of cooked rice, vegetables, and meat, is placed within
-an enclosure, round which the relations go in tears.
-
-Kollakar.--There are about seven hundred members of this community at
-Cochin, to which place the Kollakars, or people of Kollam, are said
-to have come from Quilon (Kollam) in Travancore one or two centuries
-ago. The majority of the men work as coolies on board steamers, and a
-few as fishermen. The women of the poorer classes twist rope and sell
-fish, while the others make lace. A few hold appointments under the
-Government, and, in 1907, two had passed the Matriculation examination
-of the Madras University. They are Roman Catholics, and are said to
-have been converted to Christianity by the Portuguese. They marry among
-themselves. The Kollakars are also found at Calicut, Cannanore, Mahe,
-and Tellicherry, and are mainly occupied in fishing, rope-making, and
-making fishing-nets. A few at Tellicherry are employed as carpenters,
-tailors, and petty shopkeepers.
-
-Kolla Kurup.--The Kolla Kurups of Malabar are described, in the
-Gazetteer of Malabar, as a sub-caste of, or a caste allied to, the
-Kammalans. "They combine two professions, which at first sight seem
-strangely incongruous, shampooing or massage, and the construction of
-the characteristic leather shields of Malabar. But the two arts are
-intimately connected with the system of combined physical training,
-as we should now call it, and exercise in arms, which formed the
-curriculum of the kalari (gymnasium), and the title Kurup is proper
-to castes connected with that institution." Among Kolla Kurups,
-the following symbolical ceremony is necessary to constitute a
-valid divorce. "The husband and the wife's brother stand east
-and west respectively of a lighted lamp placed in the yard of the
-woman's original home. The husband pulls a thread from his cloth,
-and approaches the lamp, and breaks the thread saying 'Here is your
-sister's accharam.'"
-
-Kollan.--The blacksmiths are iron-workers among the Malayalam
-Kammalans. "These Malabar Kollans," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [138]
-"are said to practice fraternal polyandry to a greater extent even
-than the rest of the Malabar artizan castes. Kollans are divided into
-(1) Ti (fire) Kollan, (2) Perum (big) Kollan, (3) Tiperum Kollan, (4)
-Irumbu (iron) Kollan. There are also Kadacchil Kollan (knife-grinders)
-and Tol Kollan (leather-workers). These are of inferior status,
-on account of the nature of their professions."
-
-Kollar.--A section of Tottiyan, the full name of which is
-Yerrakollavaru or Yerrakolla Tottiyar. Kollar is a corrupt Tamil form
-of Golla, to which caste the Tottiyans trace their descent.
-
-Kolli (fire-brand).--A sub-division of Kadu Kurumba.
-
-Kolli (a hill-range, the Kollimalais).--A sub-division of Malayalis.
-
-Komali (buffoon).--An exogamous sept of Odde.
-
-Komanandi.--A sub-division of Andis, who go about naked, except for
-a small loin cloth (komanam).
-
-Komaro.--Oriya blacksmiths. See Badhoyi.
-
-Komati.--The Komatis form the great trading caste of the Madras
-Presidency, and are found in almost all the districts thereof. They are
-further found in the Mysore State, Bombay Presidency, Berar, Central
-Provinces, and as far north-west as Baroda. Their wide distribution
-accounts for the great variety which prevails in the minor details
-of the religious and social ceremonials.
-
-The name Komati has been derived in many different ways. By some it
-is said to be from ko-mati, meaning fox-minded. This has reference to
-the cunning of the Komatis in business, and is undoubtedly the outcome
-of their unpopularity with their customers. The phrase Komatiguttu
-(the secrecy of a Komati) is said to be a common one. Others say
-that it is from go-mati, meaning the possessor of cows, one of the
-ordained duties of Vaisyas being the protecting of cows. Others,
-again, say that it is from go-mati, meaning cow-minded. A modern
-redaction of the Kanyaka Purana, the sacred book of the Komatis,
-gives this derivation. According to this work, the Komatis did severe
-penance, and were consequently invited to live in heaven. Their
-continued absence from this world gave rise to serious trouble,
-and Vishnu accordingly asked them to return thither for the good
-of mankind. They, however, refused to do so. Vishnu then called for
-Siva, and asked him to induce them to return. Siva brought a cow, and
-directed all the Komatis to get into its right ear. From there they
-saw gloriously decorated towns, with magnificent temples, pleasure
-gardens, etc., and begged permission to live in them. Siva assented,
-and they speedily began to march off to their new abodes. But, almost
-immediately, a huge conflagration came in view, and began to overwhelm
-them. Terror-stricken, they cried out to Siva to help them in their
-trouble. He consented on condition that they would return to the
-mortal world. This they accordingly did. Siva gave them the name of
-Gomati, because they exhibited as much fear at the conflagration as
-a cow would when anything untoward happened. Yet another derivation
-of Komati is go-mati, meaning sprung from the cow in accordance with
-the above legend, or cow-gored in reference to the story that the
-ancestors of the Komatis commingled in a cow-shed, where a pregnant
-woman was gored by a cow. The derivation ku-mati, meaning evil-minded,
-is grammatically impossible. The Komatis are said to have originally
-lived, and still live in large numbers on the banks of the Godavari
-river. One of the local names thereof is Gomati or Gomti, and the
-Sanskrit Gomati would, in Telugu, become corrupted into Komati.
-
-The Komatis everywhere speak Telugu, and are devoted to their
-mother-tongue. There is a common proverb among them, "Telugu theta,
-Aravam adhvanam," meaning that Telugu is easy (has an easy flow),
-and Tamil is wretched. "Of all Dravidian languages," Mr. Henry Morris
-writes, "Telugu is the sweetest and most musical. It is exceedingly
-mellifluous, and sounds harmonious even in the mouth of the most
-vulgar and illiterate. It has justly been called the Italian of
-the East." Komatis are clever at learning languages other than their
-own. In the Tamil and Canarese districts, they are conversant with the
-languages thereof, and in Bombay they speak Marathi. In the Ganjam
-and Vizagapatam Agencies, they speak the Kondh and Savara languages
-very fluently.
-
-As a commercial caste, the Komatis have a secret trade language of
-their own, which is substantially the same all over the country. It
-will be seen from the tables given how complete their numerical tables
-are, ranging, as they do, from one pie to a thousand rupees. It will
-be observed that the rupee is represented by the word thelupu, which
-means white. Some Tamil trading castes in like manner call the rupee
-velle (white):--
-
-
-1. Pie table.
-
-                                              Pies.
-                     Nakili batu                 1
-                     Ke batu                     2
-                     Kevu nakili batu            3
-                     Rayam batu                  4
-                     Rayam nakili batu           5
-
-
-2. Anna table.
-
-                                             Annas.
-                     Thapi kamanalu              1/4
-                     Nakili ana                  1/2
-                     Kev ana                     1
-                     Kevan nakili ana            1 1/2
-                     Rayam analu                 2
-                     Uddulam analu               3
-                     Uddulam nakili analu        3 1/2
-                     Kungidu analu               4
-                     Sulalu analu               12
-
-
-The word sulalu is connected with trisulam, the trident emblem of Siva,
-and sometimes used to denote three annas.
-
-
-3. Rupee table.
-
-                                                Rs.
-                     Thapi thelupu               1/4
-                     Nakili thelupu              1/2
-                     Ke thelupu                  1
-                     Rayam thelupu               2
-                     Uddulam thelupu             3
-                     Uddulam nakili thelupu      3 1/2
-                     Panam thelupu               4
-                     Mulam thelupu               5
-                     Thipam thelupu              6
-                     Maram thelupu               7
-                     Thamam thelupu              8
-                     Navaram thelupu             9
-                     Galam thelupu              10
-                     Rayam galalu               20
-                     Uddulam galalu             30
-                     Panam galalu               40
-                     Mulam galalu               50
-                     Thipanam galalu            60
-                     Maram galalu               70
-                     Thamam galalu              80
-                     Navaram galalu             90
-                     Ke savalu                 100
-                     Rayam savalu              200
-                     Uddulam savalu            300
-                     Panam savalu              400
-                     Mulam savalu              500
-                     Thipanam savalu           600
-                     Maram savalu              700
-                     Thamam savalu             800
-                     Navaram savalu            900
-                     Galam savalu            1,000
-
-
-4. Varaham (pagoda) table.
-
-                     Ke makaram                  1
-                     Rayam makaram               2
-                     Uddulam makaram             3
-                     Panam makaram               4
-                     Mulam makaram               5
-                     Thipanam makaram            6
-                     Maram makaram               7
-                     Thamam makaram              8
-                     Navaram makaram             9
-                     Galam makaram              10
-
-
-A common saying is that, if you commence at galam, it will be settled
-at mulam, or, in plain language, begin at ten varahams, and the
-bargain will be closed at five. When one man says to another "Dotu"
-or "Dotra," it means strike the bargain. If a Komati is the purchaser,
-and another says to him "Dot ko," it means take it.
-
-The Komatis are a highly organised caste. In each place where they
-are settled there is a Pedda Setti, who, among the Kalinga Komatis,
-is known as Puri Setti or Senapathi. Among the latter, there is
-also a headman for several villages, who is styled Kularaju or
-Vaisyaraju. Each Pedda Setti is assisted by a Mummadi Setti, who
-assembles the castemen for the settlement of important questions,
-by fines, excommunication, etc. There is further a caste guru
-Bhaskaracharya, whose duties are more religious than social. Komatis
-have recourse to the established Courts of Justice only as a last
-resort. They are consulted by other castes in the settlement of their
-disputes, and it must be said to their credit that their decisions
-are usually sound, and bear ample testimony to the confidence which
-is placed in them.
-
-The Komatis are, broadly speaking, divided into two great sections,
-called Gavara and Kalinga. The former live as far north of Vizianagram,
-and are then replaced by the latter. The Gavaras or Gauras are said to
-be so called because, by following the caste goddess Kanyakamma into
-the fire-pits, they maintained the gauravam or social status of the
-caste. According to another version, they are so called because they
-revere Gauri (Parvati), the consort of Siva, whose incarnation was the
-goddess Kanyakamma. The Kalinga Komatis are those who live in the old
-Kalinga or Kling country, which extended roughly from Vizagapatam to
-Orissa. They are forbidden to settle beyond Ramatirtham, a place of
-pilgrimage close to Vizianagram. The story goes that their ancestors
-lived at Padmanabham, the hill close to Bimlipatam, well known from
-the battle which took place close to it in 1794, and there sustained
-great losses. Hence the place was deserted, and has ever since been
-regarded as inauspicious. The Komatis have since that time not resided
-at any place from which the hill can be seen. In fact, they make their
-first appearance at Chipurupalli, and increase in numbers as we go
-north-eastward. The Kalinga Komatis believe themselves to be Gavara
-Komatis, who became separated from the main stock owing to their
-emigration from their original home. Their meat-eating habit has,
-they say, widened the breach which separates the two divisions.
-
-While the Kalinga Komatis form a fairly compact division by themselves,
-the Gavaras have become more and more sub-divided. Their sub-divisions
-are either territorial, occupational, or religious in character. Thus
-there are Penukonda and Veginadu Komatis, of whom the former belong to
-the town of Penukonda in the Godavari district, and the latter to the
-Vegi or Vengi country, the former name of part of the modern Kistna
-district. Again, there are Trinikas or Traivarnikas (third caste
-people), who are invariably Vaishnavas, and to which section a good
-many of the Komatis in the city of Madras belong. Lingadhari Komatis
-are found mostly in the Vizagapatam, Godavari, Guntur and Kistna
-districts. They wear the lingam in a gold or silver casket. Besides
-these, there are the Siva, Vaishnava, and Madhva Komatis, of which
-the last are mostly found in the Bellary district. Of occupational
-sub-divisions, the following may be noted:-- Nune (oil); Nethi (ghi,
-clarified butter); Dudi (cotton); Uppu (salt); Gone (gunny-bag);
-Gantha (torn cloth). Lastly, there are other divisions, of which the
-origin dates back to the time of Kanyakamma, the caste goddess. Thus,
-there are those who entered the fire-pits with Kanyakamma, and those
-who did not. The former are known as Vegina, and the latter as Beri,
-which is said to be a corruption of Bedari, meaning those who fled
-through fear. All Gavara Komatis are said to be descended from those
-who entered the fire-pits. The majority of the Komatis of the Sandur
-State, in the Bellary district, belong to the Kallankanadavaru section,
-which is said to be descended from those who sat on the stone (kallu)
-mantapa outside the Penukonda Kanyakamma temple, when the question
-whether to enter the fire-pits or not was being discussed by the
-caste elders.
-
-The mutual relations between the various sub-divisions vary
-much. Broadly speaking, Gavaras and Kalingas do not intermarry,
-and the objection to intermarriage is due to several causes. The
-former, according to the caste Purana, gave their lives to their
-goddess, while the latter did not. Moreover, the former do not
-partake of animal food and spirituous drinks, whereas the latter
-do. Lingadharis and ordinary Saivites intermarry, as also do Saivites
-and Madhvas. Gavaras and Traivarnikas occasionally intermarry, but such
-marriages are looked down upon. The Traivarnikas, like the Kalingas,
-eat animal food. The occupational sub-divisions neither intermarry
-nor interdine. Socially, the Gavaras are held in the highest esteem,
-while the Beris are regarded as the lowest in the social scale.
-
-The sub-divisions are split up into septs, which are of a strictly
-exogamous character. That these originated in totemistic belief
-seems to be supported by what remains of these beliefs at the
-present day. All the sub-divisions contain such septs, which are
-very numerous, the names of as many as a hundred and twenty having
-been collected. The tendency for a long time past has been to reduce
-the number to a hundred and two, to represent the number of families
-which followed Kanyakamma to the fire-pits. It would be tedious to
-enumerate the names of all these septs, from which the following,
-with the corresponding totems, are selected:--
-
-
-    Munikula                 Agasi (Sesbania grandiflora).
-    Amalaka or Usiri         Amalaka or Usiri (Phyllanthus Emblica).
-    Anupa or Anupala         Anupala (Dolichos Lablab).
-    Tulasi or Tulashishta.   Tulasi (Ocimum sanctum).
-    Chinta, Chintya, or
-    Varachinta.              Chinta (Tamarindus indica).
-    Vakkala                  Vakkalu (Areca Catechu).
-    Puchcha                  Puchcha (Citrullus Colocynthis).
-    Padma-sista              Padma (red lotus).
-    Kamala                   Kamalam (white lotus).
-    Aranta                   Arati (Musa sapientum: plantain).
-    Thotakula                Thotakura (Amarantus, sp.).
-    Uthakula                 Uththareni (Achyranthes aspera).
-    Mandu                    Mamadikaya (Mangifera indica).
-    Dikshama                 Drakshapandu (grapes).
-    Venkola                  Vankaya (Solanum Melongena: brinjal).
-    Sauna                    Samanthi (Chrysanthemum indicum).
-
-
-    Gosila, Sathya Gosila, and Uthama Gosila.             Cow.
-    Asthi                                                 Elephant.
-    Enupa                                                 Buffalo.
-    Ghonta                                                Horse.
-    Ananta                                                Cobra.
-    Bhramada or Bhramara                                  Bee.
-
-
-    Arka or Surya                                         Sun.
-    Chandra, Chandra Sishta, Suchandra, or Vannavamsam.   Moon.
-
-
-It may be observed that the totems are variously termed gotram,
-vamsam, and kulam. The first of these is in imitation of the Brahman
-gotras. Vamsam is the bams of the Agency tracts of Ganjam, Vizagapatam,
-and the Godavari districts. The name means bamboo, and denotes a
-family, whose branches are as countless as those of a bamboo. Kulam
-is used as the equivalent of group or family. The totem objects are
-revered in the usual way, and no secret is made of the reverence
-shown to them. In regard to plant totems, it is stated that, if the
-totem objects are not strictly treated as tabu, delinquents will be
-born as insects for seven generations. But an exception is allowed. A
-person who wishes to eat the forbidden plant may do so by annually
-performing the funeral ceremonies of the totem ancestor at Gaya,
-the great Hindu place of pilgrimage where obsequial ceremonies to
-ancestors are performed.
-
-In recent times, the Komatis have claimed to be the Vaisyas mentioned
-in the Vedic Purusha-sukta. Accordingly, the totems have been arranged
-under the different Brahmanical gotras, whose pravaras have been
-appropriated. Thus, Munikula and four others are grouped under Madgalya
-Rishi gotra, whose pravara is given for all the five. Similarly,
-Vakkala kula and another kula come under Vayavya Rishi; Ghonta kula
-under Goupaka Rishi; Arati, Arisishta and a few others under Atri
-Rishi; Anupa kula under Agasthya Rishi, and so on. It is said that the
-totem names are secret names (sanketa namamulu) given by Kanyakamma,
-in order that the bearers thereof may be distinguished from those who
-did not take up her cause. All sub-divisions of the caste, however,
-have these septs in common.
-
-In the northern parts of the Madras Presidency, the sept is further
-sub-divided into sections called intiperulu (house names). These are
-either named after some distinguished ancestor, or the place where
-the family once lived before emigrating to their present abode. These
-intiperulu are purely exogamous.
-
-A Komati can claim his maternal uncle's daughter in marriage, in
-accordance with the custom of menarikam. The rigidity with which
-this right is exercised is testified by the sacred book of the
-caste--the Kanyaka Purana. On their descent from heaven, it is said,
-the Komatis settled in eighteen towns (ashta dasapuramulu), which
-had been built by Visvakarma under the orders of Siva. These towns
-are said to be situated in a tract of country sixty-four yojanas in
-extent, and bounded on the east by the Gautami (Godavari), on the
-south by the sea, on the west by the Gostani, and on the north by the
-Ganges. Of these, Penukonda, in the modern Godavari district, was the
-capital. In it are the temples of Nagariswaraswami (dedicated to Siva),
-and Janardhanaswami (dedicated to Vishnu). Its Pedda Setti was Kusama
-Sreshti, and his wife was Kusamamba. He performed Putra Kameshti
-sacrifice, and was blessed with a son and daughter. The former was
-named Virupaksha, and the latter Vasavambika (Vasavakanya, Kanyakamma,
-or Kanyaka Parameswari). The girl was possessed of indescribable
-beauty. Vishnu Vardhana, the son of Vijayarka of the lineage of the
-moon, who had his capital at Rajamundry, while on a pleasure tour
-round his dominions, halted at Penugonda, on learning that it was
-ruled by Setti Rajas, who paid no tribute to him. Being informed of
-his arrival by their boys, the caste elders, headed by Kusuma Setti,
-welcomed him, and took him in procession through the town. Then
-the women of the place waved arathi before him. Among them was the
-beautiful Vasavambika, with whom the king instantly fell in love. He
-proposed to her father that he should give her in marriage to himself,
-and in return obtain the gift of half of his kingdom. Kusuma Sreshti
-protested, and said that the sastras were against such a union. The
-king, through his minister, threatened that he would plunder his town,
-take him prisoner, and, with the riches of the place, carry off his
-daughter, and marry her. The Setti chief and his compatriots prayed
-for time to think over the matter, and retired. The chief then called a
-meeting of the castemen, at which it was decided that they should make
-a false promise to the king that they would give the girl in marriage
-to him, and send him off with a dinner, to return to Penugonda for
-the marriage after the lapse of a couple of months. Meanwhile, the
-boys of the town assembled, and resolved that the dinner ought not
-to be given. They informed their elders of this resolution, and were
-commissioned to induce the king to leave the town without it. This
-they did, with the ambiguous promise that, if they did not give
-the girl in marriage to him, they would kill themselves. On this,
-the king went off towards his capital, and Kusuma Setti called a
-caste meeting of the eighteen towns, at which various proposals were
-made. One proposed that the girl should not be given in marriage,
-and that, if the king came to claim her hand, he should be driven
-off. Another proposed that they should give the girl to the king,
-and save themselves from ruin. Others suggested that it would be best
-to marry the king to a substituted girl, to secrete the coveted girl,
-or to bribe the ministers to induce the king to abandon his intention
-of marrying her. The last of these proposals was adopted, and a few
-elders were sent to Rajamundry, to negotiate the affair. They first
-argued that, though they promised to give the girl in marriage, the
-promise was made through fear of the king's anger, and they could not
-give the girl in contravention of the rule of menarikam. The king,
-in his fury, ordered that the troops should immediately besiege the
-eighteen towns, imprison the inhabitants in dark dungeons, and carry
-off the girl in a palanquin. On this, the envoys heavily bribed the
-ministers, and begged them not to march the army on their towns. But
-the king would not yield, and sent his troops on Penugonda. The envoys
-returned home, and narrated their sad tale. A further meeting of the
-castemen was called at the instance of Bhaskaracharya, the caste guru,
-and it was resolved that all who wished to maintain the caste rule of
-menarikam should prepare to kill themselves in burning fire-pits. The
-majority fled rather than comply with the resolution. Those,
-however, who determined to sacrifice themselves in the fire-pits
-were 102 gotras in number, and they assembled in council, and asked
-Kusuma Sreshti to induce his daughter (who was only seven years old)
-to die with them. To this she consented, and showed herself in her
-true form of Paramesvari, the wife of Siva. On this, the Setti chief
-returned to his castemen, who asked him to get 103 fire-pits ready in
-the western portion of the town before the arrival of the king. These
-were accordingly dug, and decorated with festoons and plantain trunks
-at the four corners. Then the heads of the 102 gotras assembled,
-with their wives, in the courtyard of the temple of Nagaresvaraswami,
-where Vasavambika was symbolically married to the god. The headmen
-then tied on vira kankanams (heroes' wrist-threads), and marched in
-a body, with Vasavambika, to the fire-pits. There they gave counsel
-to their children that they should not ask voli (bride-price) for the
-marriage of their daughters, or communicate their secrets to females,
-or allow karnams (village accountants), rulers, unbelievers, or those
-universally abused into their homes. They further counselled them to
-give their daughters in marriage to the sons of their paternal aunts,
-even though they should be black-skinned, plain, blind of one eye,
-senseless, or of vicious habits, and though their horoscopes did not
-agree, and the omens were inauspicious. They were warned that, if
-they failed in so doing, they would lose their riches, and misfortune
-would fall on their families. Moreover, full power was given to the
-castemen to excommunicate the delinquents, and put them outside the
-town limits. If the transgressors subsequently repented, they were,
-after the lapse of six months, to be sent to Kasi (Benares), bathe
-in the Ganges, and return to their home. There they were to openly
-express their regret for their past conduct, fast the whole day,
-feed Brahmans, and present them with three hundred cows, and hear
-the Mahabharatha during the night. On the following day, they were
-again to fast, present two hundred cows to Brahmans and feast them,
-and hear the Ramayana during the night. On the third day, they were
-once more to fast, present a hundred cows, and hear the Bhagavatam
-during the night. On the fourth day, they were again to feast
-Brahmans, and worship Nagaresvaraswami of Penugonda, and thus purge
-themselves from the sin of contravening the rule of menarikam. But
-they were not bound to follow the rule, if the paternal aunt's son
-was totally blind, deaf, insane, stricken with disease, a eunuch,
-thief, idiot, leper, dwarf, or immoral, or if an old man or younger
-than the girl. The children were further advised to respect, at the
-time of their marriage, the families whose heads went as envoys to the
-king at Rajamundry, and the boys who made false promises to the king,
-and induced him to withdraw to his capital. The heads of the families
-then made various gifts to Brahmans, and asked Vasavambika to enter
-the pit. In her true form of Paramesvari, she blessed those gotras
-which had resolved to follow her, and announced that those who had
-fled would be nameless and without caste. She then declared that,
-immediately Vishnu Vardhana entered Penugonda, his head would fall
-severed from his neck. Finally, she invoked Brahma not to create
-thenceforth beautiful girls in the caste in which she was born, and
-prayed that in future they should be short of stature, with gaping
-mouth, disproportionate legs, broad ears, crooked hands, red hair,
-sunken eyes, dilated eye-balls, insane looks, broad noses and wide
-nostrils, hairy body, black skin, and protruding teeth. She then jumped
-into her pit, and immediately afterwards the heads of the 102 gotras,
-with their wives, fell into their respective pits, and were reduced
-to ashes. On the morrow, Vishnu Vardhana started on his journey from
-Rajamundry to Penugonda. Brahmans portended evil, and a voice from
-heaven said that he would lose his life. An evil spirit obstructed him,
-and it rained blood. Lightning struck men, and numerous other signs
-of impending evil occurred. Arrived at Penugonda, Vishnu Vardhana
-was informed that the castemen and Vasavambika had been burnt in the
-fire-pits. Stunned by the news, he fell from his elephant, and his
-head was severed from his body, and broke into a thousand pieces. His
-broken head and body were carried by his followers to Rajamundry,
-and cremated by his son Raja Raja Narendra. Then the latter pacified
-the citizens of Penugonda, and appointed Virupaksha, the son of Kusuma
-Sreshti, Pedda Setti of the towns. The 102 families performed funeral
-rites for their dead parents, visited Kasi and Ramesvaram, and built
-a temple in honour of Vasavambika at Penugonda, in which they placed
-an image in her name, and worshipped it ever afterwards.
-
-Popular versions of the story here related from the Purana are told all
-over Southern India, where Komatis live. One of the most singular of
-these is narrated by Bishop Whitehead. [139] "The story," he writes,
-"goes that, in ancient days, there was a bitter hatred between the
-Komatis, who claim to belong to the Vaisya caste, and the Mlechas
-or barbarians. When the Komatis were getting worsted in the struggle
-for supremacy, they requested Parvati, the wife of Siva, to come and
-deliver them. It so happened that about that time Parvati was incarnate
-as a girl of the Komati caste, who was exceedingly beautiful. The
-Mlechas demanded that she should be given in marriage to one of their
-own people, and the refusal of the Komatis led to severe fighting,
-in which the Komatis, owing to the presence of the avatar of Siva
-among them, were completely victorious, and almost exterminated
-their enemies. After their victory, the Komatis entertained doubts
-as to the chastity of the girl, and compelled her to purify herself
-by passing through fire. This she did, and disappeared in the fire,
-resuming her real shape as Parvati, and taking her place beside Siva
-in heaven. Her last words were a command to the Komatis to worship her,
-if they wished their caste to prosper."
-
-It is impossible to identify with certainty the Vishnu Vardhana of the
-Purana. There are as many as eleven individuals of that name known
-in Eastern Chalukyan history. The Purana refers to Vishnu Vardhana,
-the son of Vijayarka, who had his capital at Rajamundry. His son,
-according to the same authority, was Raja Raja Narendra. According
-to the Mackenzie manuscripts, the town of Rajamundry was founded by a
-king named Vijayaditya Mahendra, who has not been identified. Dr. Fleet
-is of opinion that Vishnu Vardhana VI, who ruled between 918 and 925
-A.D., was the first to occupy, and re-name it. He, therefore, called
-himself Rajamahendra. Amma II, who ruled between 945 and 970 A.D.,
-bore the same title. His brother and successor was Danarnaya (970--73
-A.D.). Passing over the hiatus of thirty years, when the country was
-in the hands of the Cholas, we come to the reign of Saktivarman, the
-eldest son of Danarnaya. If we are to believe the Kanyaka Purana, then
-we must identify this Saktivarman with its Vijayarka. Saktivarman's
-successor, according to inscriptions, was Vimaladitya, who must be
-identified with the Vishnu Vardhana of the Purana. Vimaladitya's
-son, according to inscriptions, was Raja Raja I, surnamed Vishnu
-Vardhana VIII. He has been identified with the Raja Raja Narendra
-of current tradition in the Telugu country, to whom Nannayya Bhatta
-dedicated his translation of the Mahabharatha. He must also be the
-Raja Raja Narendra of the Purana. If that is so, we must set down
-the cardinal incidents mentioned in it to the first quarter of the
-11th century A.D. The actual spots where the principal events of
-the tragedy were enacted are still pointed out at Penugonda. Thus,
-the garden in which king Vishnu Vardhana halted is said to be the
-site on which the hamlet of Vanampalli (meaning village of gardens)
-stands at present. The spot where the huge fire-pit for Kanyakamma
-was dug is pointed out as having been in field Nos. 63/3 and 63/4 to
-the north of the now non-existent Nagarasamudram tank. The 102 other
-pits were, it is said, in the fields round the bund (embankment)
-of this tank. The tank is now under cultivation, but faint traces
-of the bund are said to be still visible. It is about two furlongs
-to the north-west of the temple of Nagaresvaraswami. It is locally
-believed that Kanyakamma's fire-pit was, on the morning following her
-tragic end, found to contain, among the ashes, a golden likeness of
-herself, which was placed by the side of the image of Nagareswara,
-to whom she had been married. Long afterwards, the golden image was
-removed, and one in stone substituted for it, in accordance, it is
-said, with the direction of Kanyakamma, who appeared to one of the
-townsmen in a dream.
-
-The temple of Nagaresvaraswami has several inscriptions on slabs,
-built into its prakara, and elsewhere. One of these is on the gateway
-inside the prakara walls. It opens with a glowing description of
-the powers of Nagaresvaraswami in giving blessings and gifts, and
-refers to Penugonda as one of the eighteen towns built by Visvakarma,
-and presented by Siva to the Komatis as a place of residence. The
-object of the inscription appears to be to record the restoration by
-one Kothalinga, a Komati whose genealogy is given, of the great town
-(Penugonda), which had been burnt to ashes by a Gajapathi king. He is
-also stated to have made grants of tanks, wells, and pleasure gardens,
-for the benefit of Nagaresvaraswami, for whose daily offerings and the
-celebration of festivals he provided by the grants of the villages
-of Mummadi, Ninagepudi, Varanasi, Kalkaveru, and Mathampudi, all
-included in the town of Penugonda. Various inscriptions show that,
-from so early a time as 1488 A.D., if not from still earlier times,
-the temple had become popular with the Komatis, and got intertwined
-with the statements now found in the Purana. Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya,
-Government Epigraphist, writes to say that the Teki plates found in
-the Ramachandrapuram taluk of the Godavari district, and published by
-Dr. E. Hultzsch, [140] may refer to some Komatis. The edict contained
-in it was, according to Dr. Hultzsch, probably issued about 1086 A.D.,
-and records the grant of certain honorary privileges on the descendants
-of a family of merchants belonging to the Teliki family.
-
-That about the end of the 14th century A.D., the story of Kanyakamma
-was popular is obvious from the Telugu version of the Markandeya
-Purana, which was composed by the poet Marana, the disciple of Tikkana,
-the part author of the Telugu Bharata. In this Purana, the following
-episode, which bears a close resemblance to the story narrated in
-the Kanyaka Purana, is introduced. A king, named Vrushadha, while on
-a hunting expedition, killed a cow, mistaking it for a "bison." He
-was cursed by Bhabhravya, the son of a Rishi, who was in charge of
-it, and in consequence became a Sudra, by name Anaghakara. He had
-seven sons, a descendant of one of whom was Nabhaga, who fell in love
-with a Komati girl, and asked her parents to give her in marriage to
-him. The Komatis replied much in the same manner as Kusuma Sreshti
-and his friends did to the ministers of Vishnu Vardhana in the Kanyaka
-Purana. Their answer will be found in canto VII, 223, of the Markandeya
-Purana, which contains the earliest authentic literary reference
-to the name Komati. In effect they said "Thou art the ruler of the
-whole of this universe, Oh! King; we are but poor Komatis living by
-service. Say, then, how can we contract such a marriage?" The king
-was further dissuaded by his father and the Brahmans. But all to no
-purpose. He carried off the girl, and married her in the rakshasa
-form (by forcible abduction), and, in consequence, in accordance
-with the law of Manu, became a Komati. He then performed penance,
-and again became a Kshatriya. It would seem that this episode, which
-is not found in the Sanskrit Markandeya Purana, is undoubtedly based
-on the incident recorded in the Kanyaka Purana.
-
-There remain only three arguments to adduce in support of the
-suggestion that the chief event narrated in the Kanyaka Purana is
-worthy of credence. In the marriage ceremonies as performed by the
-Komatis, some prominence is given to certain of the incidents alleged
-to have taken place in setting at naught the demands of king Vishnu
-Vardhana. Such, for instance, is the respect shown to the bala
-nagaram boys, which is referred to later on. Secondly, there are
-certain castes which beg only from Komatis, in return for services
-rendered during this critical period of their history. These are the
-Mailaris and Viramushtis. The former still carry round the villages
-an image of Kanyakamma, sing her story, and beg alms of devotees. The
-Viramushtis are wrestlers, who, by acrobatic performances, delayed,
-by previous arrangement, the second advance of Vishnu Vardhana,
-before the Komatis committed themselves to the flames. Allied to these
-castes are the Bukka Komatis. Originally, it is explained, the Bukkas
-belonged to the Komati caste. When Kanyakamma threw herself into the
-fire-pit, they, instead of following her example, presented bukka
-powder, saffron, and kunkumum prepared by them to her. She directed
-that they should live apart from the faithful Komatis, and live by
-selling the articles which they offered to her. The Kalinga Komatis
-also have a beggar caste attached to them, called Jakkali-vandlu, who
-have nothing to do with the Gavara Komati beggar castes. Thirdly,
-if we may place any faith in the stories told by other castes,
-e.g., the Jains of South Arcot, the Tottiyans, Kappiliyans, and
-Beri Chettis, the persecution of their subjects by their kings,
-in the manner indicated in the Kanyaka Purana, seems to have been
-widely practiced all over the country. And the method adopted by the
-Komatis to evade the king, and maintain the menarikam rule, has its
-counterpart in the popular ballad known as Lakshmammapata, still sung
-all over the Northern Circars, which gives a graphic description of
-the murder of his wife by a husband, who would not agree to giving
-their daughter away from his own sister's son. Even now, the sentiment
-on this subject is so strong that a man who goes against the rule of
-menarikam, not only among the Komatis, but among all castes observing
-it, is looked down on. It is usually described as bending the twig
-from its natural course, and, as the twig would waste away and die in
-consequence, so would parties to such marriages not prosper. In 1839,
-according to the Asiatic Journal, a case was taken before the Supreme
-Court of Madras, in which the plaintiff brought an action against his
-uncle for giving his daughter away in marriage, without making him
-an offer of her hand. The Judges were anxious that the matter should
-be settled out of Court, but the parties disagreed so entirely that
-nothing less than a public trial would satisfy them. It has not been
-possible to trace the decision of the Court.
-
-The Komatis have for a long time been alleged to be connected with
-the Madigas in a variety of ways. "The Komatis," Mr. F. R. Hemingway
-writes, "do not as a rule deny the fact of this connection. The
-Madigas are, indeed, apparently under the protection of the Komatis,
-apply to them for help when in trouble, and obtain loans and other
-assistance. Some Komatis explain the connection with the Madigas by a
-story that either Vishnu Vardhana, or his successor Rajaraja Narendra
-persecuted the Komatis, and that they had to fly for refuge to the
-Madigas. The Madigas took them in, and hid them, and they say that
-the present favour shown to that caste is only in gratitude for the
-kindness shown to themselves in the past. The Komatis themselves do
-not admit the title Mid-day Madigas (applied to them by other castes),
-but explain it by a story that long ago a Komati killed and ate a
-cow-buffalo, which was really no cow-buffalo, but the wife of a great
-sage who had transformed her into that shape in order that she might
-be safe when he was in contemplation. The saint accordingly cursed the
-caste, and said that they should be Mid-day Madigas for ever more." It
-is possible that the connection between the Komatis and Madigas was
-originally such as that of the Kammalans, Ambattans, and other castes,
-with Paraiyans, Vettiyans, and other depressed classes, and that, in
-later times, weird stories were invented by fertile brains to explain
-them away. One of these undoubtedly is that which makes the Komatis
-the descendants of the issue of a plain Brahman and a handsome Madiga
-woman. It is said that their children managed a sweetmeat bazar,
-which the Brahman kept in a much frequented forest, and, in his
-absence, pointed with a stick (kol) to the plates, and thereby told
-their prices, without polluting the articles with the touch. Hence
-arose the name Kolmutti (those who pointed with the stick), which
-became softened down to Komutti. Another story runs to the effect
-that the Madiga woman, when she was pregnant with her first child,
-was gored by a cow, and gave birth to it in the cow-shed. Hence arises
-the name Go-mutti, or cow-gored. In days gone by, it was incumbent
-on the Komatis to bear the marriage expenses of the Madiga families
-attached to their village, much in the same way that the Chakkiliyan
-is treated in the Madura district by the Tottiyan caste in return for
-the services he renders when a Tottiyan girl is under pollution on
-reaching maturity. In later times, this custom dwindled in some places
-[141] to the payment of the expenses of the marriage of two Madigas,
-and even this was abandoned in favour of inviting the Madigas to
-their weddings. In the city of Madras, it would appear to have been
-customary, in the eighteenth century, for the Komatis to get the
-mangalyam or sathamanam (marriage badge) blessed by an aged Madiga
-before it was tied on the bride's neck. Further, it would appear to
-have then been customary to give the sacred fire, used at marriages for
-the performance of homam, to a Madiga, and receive it back from him.
-
-These, and similar customs, traces of which still exist in some
-places (e.g., North Arcot), show that the Madiga has some claim on
-the Komatis. What that claim is is not clear. However, it is reported
-that, if the Madiga is not satisfied, he can effectually put a stop
-to a marriage by coming to the house at which it is to be celebrated,
-chopping away the plantain trunks which decorate the marriage booth,
-and carrying them off. Similarly, Kammalans invite Vettiyans (or
-Paraiyans) to their marriage, and, if this is not done, there is
-the same right to cut down the plantain trunks. It would seem that
-the right thus exercised has reference to the right to the soil
-on which the booth stands. The cutting away of the plantain shows
-that their right to stand there is not recognised. The invitation
-to the Madiga or Vettiyan would thus refer to the recognition
-by the Komatis and Kammalans to the lordship of the soil held in
-bygone days by these now depressed castes. Writing in 1869 and 1879,
-respectively, Sir Walter Elliot and Major J. S. F. Mackenzie of the
-Mysore Commission refer [142] to the presentation of betel and nuts
-by the Komatis to the Madigas, thereby inviting them to be present at
-their marriages. Dr. G. Oppert also refers to the same custom. [143]
-Having risen in the social scale, the Komatis would naturally wish to
-give this invitation covertly. Major Mackenzie says that the Komatis
-in Mysore, in order to covertly invite the Madigas to the wedding,
-went to the back of their houses at a time when they were not likely to
-be seen, and whispered into an iron vessel, such as is commonly used
-for measuring grain, an invitation in the following words:--"In the
-house of the small ones (i.e., Komatis) a marriage is going to take
-place. The members of the big house (i.e., Madigas) are to come." The
-Madigas look on such a secret invitation as an insult, and would, if
-they saw the inviters, handle them roughly. It is noted, in the Madras
-Census Report, 1901, that "now-a-days the presentation (of betel leaf
-and nuts) is sometimes veiled by the Komati concerned sending his shoes
-to be mended by the Madiga a few days before the wedding, deferring
-payment till the wedding day, and then handing the Madiga the leaf
-and nut with the amount of his bill." According to another account,
-the Komati of set purpose unbinds the toe-ring of his native shoes
-(cherupu), and summons the Madiga, whose function it is to make and
-repair these articles of attire. The Madiga quietly accepts the job,
-and is paid more amply than is perhaps necessary in the shape of
-pan-supari, flowers, and money. On the acceptance by the Madiga of
-the betel and nuts, the Komati asks "Cherinda, cherinda"? i.e., has
-it reached you, and the Madiga replies "Cherindi, cherindi", i.e., it
-has reached. Until he replies thus, the mangalyam cannot, it is said,
-be tied on the bride's neck. In the Bellary district, betel leaf and
-nuts are usually left at night behind the Madiga's house, in token
-of the invitation to the wedding. In the Godavari district, according
-to Mr. Hemingway, the Komati gives an order for a Madiga for palmyra
-leaf baskets before the marriage, and presents him with betel and nut
-when he brings the baskets. Still another account says that some of
-the Komatis, just before a marriage, leave in the backyard of Madiga
-houses a few pice and betel close to the cattle-pen, and that it is
-whispered that some Komatis use chuckler's (leather-worker's) tools,
-made in silver, for worship. It is also reported that chuckler's work
-is pretended to be gone through by some Komatis, after the completion
-of the marriage ceremonies, in the backyard of the house at dead
-of night, in the presence of caste-people only, and by preference
-under a danimma chettu (Punica Granatum: pomegranate). This is known
-as kulacharam, kuladharmam, or gotra puja (custom of the caste, or
-worship of the gotras). The figure of a cow is made of flour, and
-into its stomach they put a mixture of turmeric, lime, and water,
-called wokali. This, it has been suggested, is meant to represent
-blood. After the cow has been worshipped in due form, it is cut up
-with instruments made of flour, and intended to represent those used
-by cobblers. To each family is secretly sent that portion of the cow,
-which, according to custom, they are entitled to receive. Thus, the
-Kommala-varu receive the horns, the Gontula the neck, the Karakapala
-the hands and temples, the Thonti the hump, the Danta the teeth, the
-Veligollu the white nails, and so on. Major Mackenzie testified to the
-performance of this ceremony by the caste in Mysore in 1879, and it
-is recorded from different parts of the Madras Presidency. The flour,
-which is thus distributed, is known as nepasani mudda or nepasani
-unta. The ceremony is still performed in the city of Madras, on the
-night of the fifth day if the marriage lasts over seven days, or on
-the night of the third day if it lasts over five days. If the wedding
-ceremonies are completed in one day, the ceremony is performed even
-during the day time. The following details are performed. A brass
-vessel (kalasam) and a cocoanut are set up in the house, and the
-bride and bridegroom's parties arrange themselves on each side of
-it. The vessel is decorated, and the cocoanut is made to represent
-the face of a woman, with eyes, nose, mouth, etc., and adorned with
-jewelry, flowers, anilin and turmeric powder marks. A young man of the
-bridegroom's party worships the feet of all present. The flour cow is
-then made, cut up, and distributed. Cocoanuts are broken, and camphor
-is set on fire, and waved before the vessel. Mr. Muhammad Ibrahim
-states that families are known by the names of the various organs of
-the cow in the Godavari district. There is, he says, a story to the
-effect that some Komatis killed a cow-buffalo, which went about as
-such by day, but became transformed into a beautiful woman under the
-miraculous influence of a pious Brahman. As a redemption for their
-sin, these Komatis were ordered by the Brahman to take their names
-after the various parts of the animal, and as, by killing the animal,
-they proved worse than Madigas, they were ordered to show respect to
-these people. In the Kumbum taluk of the Kurnool district, a flour
-buffalo is substituted for the cow. In the Markapur taluk of the same
-district, two elephants are made of mud, and the bride and bridegroom
-sit beside them. Presentations of cloths and jewels are then made
-to them. The officiating purohit (priest) worships the elephants,
-and the bride and bridegroom go round them.
-
-Two further points of connection between the Komatis and Madigas are
-referred to by Major Mackenzie. "I find," he writes, "that it is the
-custom to obtain the fire for burning Kama, the Indian Cupid, at the
-end of the Holi feast from a Madiga's house. The Madigas do not object
-to giving the fire, in fact they are paid for it." This appears to be
-a purely local custom, and no trace of its existence has been found
-in various parts of the Madras Presidency. The other point refers to
-the identification of the goddess Matangi of the Madigas with the
-Komati goddess Kanyaka Amma. "I cannot," Major Mackenzie writes,
-"discover the connection between two such different castes as the
-Komatis and Madigas, who belong to different divisions. The Komatis
-belong to the 10 pana division, while the Madigas are members of
-the 9 pana. [144] One reason has been suggested. The caste goddess
-of the Komatis is the virgin Kannika Amma, who destroyed herself
-rather than marry a prince, because he was of another caste. She
-is usually represented by a vessel full of water, and, before the
-marriage ceremonies are commenced, she is brought in state from the
-temple, and placed in the seat of honour in the house. The Madigas
-claim Kannika as their goddess, worship her under the name of Matangi
-and object to the Komatis taking their goddess." The Komatis stoutly
-deny that there is any connection between Matangi and Kanyaka Amma,
-and it would seem that they are independent goddesses.
-
-Marriage is always infant. A Brahman purohit officiates. Each purohit
-has a number of houses attached to his circle, and his sons usually
-divide the circle among themselves on partition, like any other
-property. Polygamy is permitted, but only if the first wife produces
-no offspring. The taking of a second wife is assented to by the first
-wife, who, in some cases, believes that, as the result of the second
-marriage, she herself will beget children. Two forms of marriage
-ceremonial are recognised, one called puranoktha, according to long
-established custom, and the other called vedoktha, which follows the
-Vedic ritual of Brahmans. In Madras, on the first day of a marriage,
-the contracting couple have an oil bath, and the bridegroom goes
-through the upanayana (sacred thread investiture) ceremony. He then
-pretends to go off to Kasi (Benares), and is met by the bride's party,
-who take him to the bride's house, where the mangalyam is tied by the
-bridegroom before the homam (sacrificial fire). On the second day,
-homam is continued, and a caste dinner is given. On the third day,
-the gotra puja is performed. On the fourth day, homam is repeated,
-and, on the following day, the pair are seated on a swing, and rocked
-to and fro. Presents, called katnam, are made to the bridegroom,
-but no voli (bride-price) is paid. In the mofussil, [145] where the
-puranoktha form of ceremonial is more common, ancestors are invoked
-on the first day. On the second day, the ashtavarga is observed,
-and the bride and bridegroom worship eight of the principal gods
-of the Hindu Pantheon. On this day, the pandal (marriage booth)
-is erected. On the third day, the mangalyam is tied, sometimes by
-the officiating Brahman purohit, and sometimes by the bridegroom. On
-the fourth day, the Brahmans of the place are honoured, and, on the
-following day, in most places, a festival is held in honour of the
-goddess Kanyaka Parameswari. The bride and bridegroom's mothers go to
-a tank (pond) or river with copper vessels, and bring back water at
-the head of a procession. The vessels are placed in a special pandal,
-and worshipped with flowers, anilin and turmeric powders. Finally,
-cocoanuts are broken before them. On the next day, or on the same
-day if the marriage ceremonies conclude thereon, the festival in
-honour of the Balanagaram boys, or those who helped the Komatis of
-Penugonda in their trouble with Vishnu Vardhana, is held. Five boys
-and girls are bathed, decked with jewelry, and taken in procession
-to the local temple, whence they are conducted to the bride's house,
-where they are fed. On the following day, the ceremony called thotlu
-puja is performed. A doll is placed in a cradle connected with two
-poles, and rocked to and fro. The bridegroom gives the doll into the
-hands of the bride, saying that he has to go on a commercial trip. The
-bride hands it back to him, with the remark that she has to attend to
-her kitchen work. On the following day, the bridal couple are taken
-in procession, and, in the Bellary district, a further day is devoted
-to the surgi ceremony. The bride and bridegroom bathe together, go to
-the local temple, and return. Then five girls bathe, the five posts of
-the marriage pandal are worshipped, and the kankanams (wrist-threads)
-are removed from the wrists of the newly-married couple.
-
-Kalinga Komatis, who live in the northern part of Ganjam, and have
-forgotten their mother-tongue, have practically adopted the Oriya
-customs, as they have to depend mainly on Oriya Brahmans. At their
-marriages, however, they use the Telugu bottu or sathamanam.
-
-Widow remarriage is not permitted among any sections of the caste,
-which is very strict in the observance of this rule. Except among
-the Saivites, a widow is not compelled to have her head shaved,
-or give up wearing jewelry, or the use of betel. In the south
-of the Madras Presidency, if a little girl becomes a widow, her
-mangalyam is not removed, and her head is not shaved till she reaches
-maturity. Vaishnava widows always retain their hair.
-
-Concerning a form of marriage between the living and the dead,
-performed by members of this caste if a man and woman have been living
-together, and the man dies, Mr. Hutchinson writes as follows. [146]
-"The sad intelligence of her man's death is communicated to her
-neighbours, a guru or priest is summoned, and the ceremony takes
-place. According to a writer who once witnessed such a proceeding,
-the dead body of the man was placed against the outer wall of the
-verandah of the house in a sitting posture, attired like a bridegroom,
-and the face and hands besmeared with turmeric. The woman was clothed
-like a bride, and adorned with the usual tinsel ornament over the
-face, which, as well as the arms, was daubed over with yellow. She
-sat opposite the dead body, and spoke to it in light unmeaning words,
-and then chewed bits of dry cocoanuts, and squirted them on the face
-of the dead man. This continued for hours, and not till near sunset
-was the ceremony brought to a close. Then the head of the corpse was
-bathed, and covered with a cloth of silk, the face rubbed over with
-some red powder, and betel leaves placed in the mouth. Now she might
-consider herself married, and the funeral procession started." This
-refers to the Vira Saiva or Lingayat Komatis of the Northern Circars.
-
-In the Northern Circars, and part of the Ceded Districts, the
-Vedoktha form of marriage now prevails, and its usage is spreading
-into the southern districts of Mysore. Further, the Komatis perform
-most of their ceremonies in the same form. This, it is contended, is
-a latter day development by some of the more conservative members of
-the caste, but it is stated by those who follow it that it is allowed
-to them by the Hindu sastras (law books), as they are Vaisyas. During
-recent years, the latter view has obtained a great impetus through
-the writings and influence of several of the more prominent members
-of the caste, between whom and their opponents a war of pamphlets
-has taken place. It is not possible here to go into details of the
-dispute, but the main point seems to be as follows. On the one hand,
-it is denied that there are any true Vaisyas in the Kaliyuga (iron
-age). And so, though the Komatis are accorded the status of Vaisyas in
-recognition of their being traders, yet they cannot follow the Vedic
-form of ceremonial, which is the exclusive right of Brahmans; and,
-even if they ever followed it, they forfeited it after the break-up
-of the caste on the death of Kanyakamma. On the other hand, it is
-stated that the Komatis are Dwijas (twice born), and that they are
-consequently entitled to follow the Vedic ritual, and that those who
-forfeited the Vedic rights are those who did not follow Kanyakamma
-to the fire-pits, and do not therefore belong to the 102 gotras. The
-dispute is an old standing one, and nearly a century ago was taken
-for adjudication as far as the Judicial Committee of the Privy
-Council. The question whether the Komatis are entitled to perform
-their subah and asubah (auspicious, like marriage, and inauspicious,
-like death) ceremonies according to the Vedic form, was raised by the
-Brahmans of Masulipatam in 1817, and adjudicated upon. [147] Disputes
-had occurred between the Brahmans and Komatis for a long time, and
-disturbances constantly took place. The Magistrate of Masulipatam
-prohibited the Komatis from performing one of the ceremonies, until
-they had established their right to do so in a Civil Court. The
-appellants thereon sued the defendants in damages for impediments
-made against their attending to the rites prescribed by the Vedas,
-and prayed for permission to perform them in conformity with the
-Vedas. The defendants denied the right of the Komatis to perform,
-and the fact of their ever having performed the ceremonies appointed
-by the Vedas. They admitted the intervention of the Magistrate, and
-stated that "upwards of two thousand years ago, the Komatis adopted
-the customs of the Soodra caste, and some of them became Byri Komatis,
-and Bookha caste people, etc. The rest of them, amounting to a hundred
-and two gotras, fabricated false gotrams for themselves, and called
-themselves Nagaram Komatis. They fabricated a book called Canniaca
-Puranam, named the Bashcara Puntulu Varu their priest, conformed to
-that book, performed the sign of the upanayana ceremony in a loose
-manner, and in the language of the Puranas; at the time of marriage,
-made marriage ceremony in seven days contrary to the custom of all
-castes whatever, erected prolu posts, made lumps of dough with flour,
-and got the same divided among them according to their spurious
-gotrams, at midnight fetched the pot of water called arivany, and
-observed the ceremonies for ten days on the occurrence of a birth,
-and fifteen days on the occurrence of a death. In this manner, the
-forefathers of the plaintiffs, the other merchants, and the plaintiffs
-themselves, had got all ceremonies conducted for upwards of two
-thousand years past." They cited instances, in which the plaintiffs,
-or some of them, had failed in previous attempts to sustain the right
-now claimed, and objected to the form of the plaint as not sufficiently
-setting forth the particulars and nature of the obstruction for which
-the plaintiffs claimed compensation. The plaintiffs, in their reply,
-did not negative or rebut the specific statements of the defendants,
-but insisted generally on their right to the performance of the
-ceremonies in question. The point at issue being not clear from the
-pleadings, the parties were questioned in open Court as to the precise
-object of the action, and the ground on which it was maintained. The
-plaintiffs stated that their object was the establishment of their
-right to have the whole of the subha and asubha ceremonies performed
-in their houses by Brahmans in the language of the Vedas, and that
-they claimed this right on the ground of the Sastras. On this,
-the Zilla Judge framed a hypothetical statement of facts and law
-based on the defendant's answer for the opinion of the Pandit of the
-Court, and, upon his opinion, declared the plaintiffs entitled to
-have the ceremonies performed for them by Brahmans. Upon appeal, the
-Provincial Court for the northern division remitted the suit to the
-Zilla Court to take evidence, and, upon such opinions of the Pandits
-which the Provincial Court took upon the same statement as the Zilla,
-they affirmed the decree, but without costs. The Pandits consulted
-by them were those of the Provincial Courts of the northern, centre,
-southern and western divisions. They all agreed that "the Brahmans
-ought not to perform the ceremonies in the language of the Vadas for
-the Vaisyas." Three of them further added that, in their opinion,
-the Judges ought to pass a decision, awarding that the Komatis are to
-continue to perform religious rites according to the rules laid down
-in the book called Puranam (i.e., in the Puranoktha form), as are at
-present observed by the corrupt or degenerate Vaisyas or Komatis and
-others. On appeal, the Sudder Dewani Adawlut reversed the decisions
-of the lower Courts, "having maturely weighed the evidence produced,
-and considered the unbiassed and concurring opinions of the four law
-officers of the Provincial Courts." On further appeal to the Privy
-Council, Lord Brougham, in delivering judgment, observed that "the
-plaintiffs, not having, in their opinion, alleged any case of injury
-done to them by the defendants upon which they were entitled to go into
-evidence, and not having therefore established any case for damages in
-their suit against the defendants, no question remained but of a mere
-declaration of a right to perform certain religious ceremonies; that,
-if the Courts had jurisdiction to proceed to the determination of that
-question in this suit (upon which their Lordships guard themselves in
-their judgment), the plaintiffs have not produced sufficient evidence
-to establish such a right; that, under these circumstances, all the
-decrees therefore ought to be reversed, and the plaint dismissed
-(the reversal of the Sudder Court amounts in fact to a dismissal of
-the plaint); but it is not, as it ought to be, a dismissal without
-costs; and that this decision should be without prejudice to the
-existence or non-existence of the right claimed by the appellants,
-in any other suit, in which such a question may be properly raised."
-
-The Komatis wear the sacred thread, and utter the Gayatri and other
-sacred mantras. A number of them, at Adoni in the Bellary district,
-refused to be measured by me in the afternoon, as they would not
-have time to bathe, and remove the pollution by evening. In Telugu
-dictionaries, the Komatis are given the alternative names of Mudava
-Kolamuvaru (those of the third caste), Vaisyalu, and Nallanayya
-Todabiddalu (those who were begotten from the thighs of Vishnu). As
-already stated, there are among the Komatis ordinary Saivites, who daub
-themselves with ashes; Lingayats or Vira Saivas, who wear the linga
-in a silver casket; Ramanuja Vaishnavites; Chaitanya Vaishnavas, who
-are confined to the Kalinga section; and Madhvas, who put on the sect
-marks of Madhva Brahmans. The Traivarnikas are a special class among
-the Vaishnavas. They imitate the Vaishnava Brahmans more closely than
-the rest. They, and their females, tie their cloths like Brahmans,
-and the men shave moustaches. Unlike the Saivites and Lingayats,
-they eat flesh and fish, and drink spirituous liquors. They will
-eat in the houses of Satanis, whereas other Komatis do not eat
-in any but Brahman houses. But it may be observed that Velamas,
-Balijas, Kammalans, Ambattans, Vannans, and many other castes,
-will take neither water nor food from Komatis. This, however, does
-not prevent them from purchasing the cakes prepared in ghi or oil,
-which the Komatis sell in petty shops.
-
-Writing early in the nineteenth century, Buchanan refers  [148]
-to a dispute at Gubbi in the Mysore State between the Komatis and
-Banajigas, which arose from the former building a temple to their
-goddess Kanyakamma. Purnia, the Prime-minister, divided the town by
-a wall, thus separating the two parties. The Komatis claimed that
-it had been the custom for all parties to live together, and that
-it would be an infringement of the rules of caste for them to be
-forced into a separate quarter. The chief of the Komatis entered
-the town in procession, on horseback with an umbrella held over his
-head. This assumption of rank was regarded by the Banajigas with
-the utmost indignation. To such a pitch did the quarrel reach that,
-at the time of Buchanan's visit, there was a rumour current as to
-the necessity of killing a jack-ass in the street, which would cause
-the immediate desolation of the place. "There is," he writes, "not
-a Hindu in Karnata, that would remain another night in it, unless by
-compulsion. Even the adversaries of the party would think themselves
-bound in honour to fly. This singular custom seems to be one of the
-resources upon which the natives have fallen to resist arbitrary
-oppression, and may be had recourse to whenever the Government
-infringes, or is considered to have infringed upon the custom of any
-caste. It is of no avail against any other kind of oppression."
-
-A brief reference may be made to the part which the Komatis took, in
-bygone days, in the faction fights known as right and left-hand caste
-disputes. Some of the South Indian castes, including the Komatis,
-belong to the former, and others to the latter. Those belonging to
-the left-hand would not let those belonging to the right-hand pass
-through their streets with their marriage and other processions. The
-right-hand section was equally jealous of the left. The Komatis, who
-were among the early settlers in the town of Madras in the seventeenth
-century, were involved in faction disputes on two recorded occasions,
-once, in 1652 A.D., during the Governorship of Aaron Baker, and
-later on during that of William Pitt, [149] in 1707. When a wedding
-procession of members of one section passed through the streets of
-the other section, Pitt summoned twelve of the heads of each section,
-and locked them up in a room together, until the dispute should be
-adjusted. An agreement was speedily arrived at, according to which
-the right-hand settled on the west side of the town, now known as
-Pedda Naikan Pettah, and the left-hand on the east side, in what is
-at present called Mutialu Pettah. The Komatis accordingly are now
-mainly found in the western part of the city of Madras.
-
-All over the country, the Komatis venerate the deified virgin
-Kannika Parameswari, to whom, in most places, they have erected
-temples. One of these, at Tadpatri in the Anantapur district, which
-was in course of construction in 1904, is of more than ordinary
-interest. It was being built at the expense of the local Komatis,
-who had raised a subscription among themselves for the purpose. The
-design was original, and even arches entered into its construction. The
-sculpture, with which it is decorated, is quite excellent in design
-and finish. Much of it is copied from the two beautiful temples,
-which have existed at the place since the days of the Vijianagar
-dynasty. Other notable temples are those at Penukonda, Vizianagram
-in Vizagapatam, and Berhampur in Ganjam. Fines collected from erring
-castemen in the Godavari, Guntur and Kistna districts, are still sent
-to the temple at Penukonda. The Komatis worship various goddesses,
-in addition to Kanyaka Parameswari. Those who live in Vizagapatam
-"relax their faith in favour of the celebrated Muhammadan saint, who
-lies buried by the Durga on the top of the hill which overlooks the
-harbour. Every vessel, passing the harbour inwards and outwards,
-salutes him by hoisting and lowering its flag three times. He
-is considered all potent over the elements in the Bay of Bengal,
-and many a silver dhoney (boat) is presented at his shrine by Hindu
-ship-owners after a successful voyage. We remember a suit between a
-Komati, the owner of a dhoney, and his Muhammadan captain, who was
-also the super-cargo, for settlement of accounts. In a storm off
-the coast of Arakan, the skipper stated that he had vowed a mudupu
-or purse of rupees to the Durga, and had duly presented it on his
-return. This sum, among other sets-off, he charged to the owner of
-the vessel, the plaintiff, whose sole contention was that the vow had
-never been discharged; the propriety of conciliating the old Fakir in
-a hurricane he submissively allowed." Even now, the Komatis, though
-no longer boat-owners, revere the saint, and make vows to him for
-the success of civil suits, and recovery from all sorts of maladies.
-
-The Komatis employ Brahmans for the performance of their ceremonial
-rites, and recognise a Brahman as their guru. He is commonly called
-Bhaskaracharya, after the individual of that name who lived at
-Penukonda prior to the sixteenth century A.D., and translated the
-Sanskrit Kanyaka Purana into a Telugu poem. He made certain regulations
-for the daily conduct of the Komatis, and made the 102 gotras submit
-to them. A copy of an inscription on a copper plate, in the possession
-of one Kotta Appaya, the Archaka or priest of the Nagareswaraswami
-temple at Penukonda, is given in the Mackenzie manuscripts. It records
-a grant (of unknown date) to Bhaskaracharya, the guru of the Vaisyas,
-by the 102 gotrams, according to which each family agreed for ever
-afterwards to give half a rupee for every marriage, and a quarter
-of a rupee for each year. Such doles are common even at the present
-day to his successors. These, like the original Bhaskaracharya,
-who is considered to be an incarnation of Brahma, are house-holders,
-and not Sanyasis (religious ascetics). There are several of them, in
-different parts of the country, one for example being at Penukonda,
-and another near Hospet, who makes periodical tours in state, with
-drums, silver maces, and belted peons, and is received with every
-mark of respect. He settles disputes, levies fines, and collects
-subscriptions towards the upkeep of his mutt (religious institution),
-which is also supported by inam (rent-free) lands.
-
-The Komati dead, except children and Lingayats, are cremated,
-Lingayat Komatis, like other Lingayats, bury their dead in a sitting
-posture. The death ceremonies among the Gavaras closely resemble
-those of Brahmans. The period of death pollution is sixteen days,
-during which sweets are taboo.
-
-The Komatis are best known as merchants, grocers, and money-lenders. In
-the city of Madras, they are the principal vendors of all sorts of
-imported articles. The row of shops in the China bazar, between
-Pachaiyappa's College and Popham's Broadway, is almost entirely
-maintained by them. Many Komatis are cloth merchants, and Traivarnikas
-are almost entirely engaged in the glassware trade. In the Northern
-Circars, some earn a living as petty dealers in opium and ganja
-(Indian hemp). In the Ganjam, Vizagapatam and Godavari districts they
-are found in the hills, acting as middle-men between the hill tribes
-and the people of the plains. Most of the Komatis are literate, and
-this helps them in their dealings with their constituents. They are
-proverbially shrewd, industrious, and thrifty, and are often rich. If
-a Komati fails in business, his compatriots will come to his rescue,
-and give him a fresh start. Organised charity is well known among
-them. Each temple of Kanyaka Parameswari is a centre for charity. In
-the city of Madras the Kanyaka Parameswari charities, among other
-good objects, promote the development of female education. In 1905,
-the Komatis established a Southern India Vysia Association, with the
-object of encouraging "the intellectual, moral, religious, social,
-industrial and commercial advancement of the Vysia community." Among
-the means employed for so doing, are the helping of deserving students
-with scholarships for the prosecution of the study of the English and
-vernacular languages, and organised relief of poor and distressed
-members of the community by founding orphanages, and so forth. The
-affairs of the association are managed by an executive committee made
-up of prominent members of the caste, including merchants, lawyers,
-and contractors.
-
-Many stories and proverbs have reference to the wealth, ready wit,
-thrift, and other qualities of the Komatis. [150] Of these, the
-following are selected from a large repertoire:--
-
-
-The Blind Komati and Vishnu.
-
-A blind Komati prayed to Vishnu for the restoration of his eyesight,
-and at last the god appeared before him, and asked him what he
-wanted. "Oh! God," he replied, "I want to see from above the seventh
-storey of my mansion my great-grandsons playing in the streets,
-and eating their cakes from golden vessels."
-
-Vishnu was so astonished at the request of the blind man, which
-combined riches, issue, and the restoration of his eyesight in one
-demand, that he granted all his desires.
-
-
-The Komati and the Thief.
-
-An old Komati observed a thief at dead of night lurking under a
-pomegranate tree, and cried out to his wife to bring him a low
-stool. On this he seated himself in front of the thief, and bawled
-out for hot water, which his wife brought him. Pretending that he was
-suffering from severe tooth-ache, he gargled the water, and spat it
-out continuously at the wondering thief. This went on till daybreak,
-when he called out his neighbours, who captured the thief, and handed
-him over to the police.
-
-
-The Komati and his Cakes.
-
-A Komati was on his way to the weekly market, with his plate of
-cakes to sell there. A couple of thieves met him when he was half
-way there, and, after giving him a severe thrashing, walked off
-with the cakes. The discomfited Komati, on his way back home with
-the empty plate, was met by another Komati going to market with his
-cakes. The latter asked how the demand for cakes was at the market,
-and the former replied "Why go to the market, when half-way people
-come and demand your cakes?" and passed on. The unsuspecting Komati
-went on, and, like the other, was the recipient of a sound thrashing
-at the hands of the thieves.
-
-
-The Komati and the Scorpion.
-
-A number of Komatis went one day to a temple. One of them put one of
-his fingers into the navel of the image of Vinayakan (the elephant
-god) at the gateway, when a scorpion, which was inside it, stung
-him. Putting his finger to his nose, the Komati remarked "What a fine
-smell! I have never experienced the like." This induced another man to
-put his finger in, and he too was stung, and made similar pretence. All
-of them were thus stung in succession, and then consoled each other.
-
-
-The Komati and the Milk Tax.
-
-Once upon a time, a great king levied a tax upon milk, and all his
-subjects were sorely tried by it. The Komatis, who kept cows, found
-the tax specially inconvenient. They, therefore, bribed the minister,
-and mustered in strength before the king, to whom they spoke concerning
-the oppressive nature of the tax. The king asked what their profit
-from the milk was. "A pie for a pie" said they to a man, and the king,
-thinking that persons who profit only a pie ought not to be troubled,
-forthwith passed orders for the abolition of the tax.
-
-
-The Komati and the Pandyan King.
-
-Once upon a time, a Pandyan King had a silver vessel of enormous size
-made for the use of the palace, and superstitiously believed that its
-first contents should not be of an ordinary kind. So he ordered his
-minister to publish abroad that all his subjects were to put into the
-vessel a chembu-full of milk from each house. The frugal Komatis,
-hearing of this, thought, each to himself, that, as the king had
-ordered such a large quantity, and others would bring milk, it would
-suffice if they took a chembu-full of water, as a little water poured
-into such a large quantity of milk would not change its colour, and it
-would not be known that they only contributed water. All the Komatis
-accordingly each brought a chembu-full of water, and none of them told
-the others of the trick he was about to play. But it so happened that
-the Komatis were the first to enter the palace, while they thought
-that the people of other castes had come and gone. The vessel was
-placed behind a screen, so that no one might cast the evil eye on it,
-and the Komatis were let in one by one. This they did in all haste,
-and left with great joy at the success of their trick. Thus there was
-nothing but water in the vessel. Now it had been arranged that the king
-was to be the first person to see the contents of his new vessel, and
-he was thunderstruck to find that it contained only water. He ordered
-his minister to punish the Komatis severely. But the ready-witted
-Komatis came forward, and said "Oh! gracious King, appease thy anger,
-and kindly listen to what we have to say. We each brought a chembu-full
-of water, to find out how much the precious vessel will hold. Now that
-we have taken the measurement, we will forthwith fetch the quantity of
-milk required." The king was exceedingly pleased, and sent them away.
-
-A story is told to the effect that, when a Komati was asked to identify
-a horse about which a Muhammadan and Hindu were quarrelling, he said
-that the fore-part looked like the Muhammadan's, and the hind-part
-like the Hindu's. Another story is told of a Komati, who when asked by
-a Judge what he knew about a fight between two men, deposed that he
-saw them standing in front of each other and speaking in angry tones
-when a dust-storm arose. He shut his eyes, and the sound of blows
-reached his ears, but he could not say which of the men beat the other.
-
-Of proverbs relating to the Komatis, the following may be noted:--
-
-
-    A Brahman will learn if he suffers, and a Komati will learn if
-    he is ruined.
-
-    If I ask whether you have salt, you say that you have dhol (a
-    kind of pulse).
-
-    Like the burning of a Komati's house, which would mean a heavy
-    loss.
-
-    When two Komatis whisper on the other side of the lake, you will
-    hear them on this side. This has reference to the harsh voice
-    of the Komatis. In native theatricals, the Komati is a general
-    favourite with the audience, and he is usually represented as
-    short of stature, obese, and with a raucous voice.
-
-    The Komati that suits the stake. This has reference to a story in
-    which a Komati's stoutness, brought on by want of exercise and
-    sedentary habits, is said to have shown that he was the proper
-    person to be impaled on a stake. According to the Rev. H. Jensen,
-    [151] the proverb refers to an incident that took place in 'the
-    city of injustice.' A certain man was to be impaled for a crime,
-    but, at the last moment he pointed out that a certain fat merchant
-    (Komati) would be better suited for the instrument of punishment,
-    and so escaped. The proverb is now used of a person who is forced
-    to suffer for the faults of others.
-
-
-The Komatis are satirically named Dhaniyala jati, or coriander caste,
-because, as the coriander seed has to be crushed before it is sown,
-so the Komati is supposed to come to terms only by rough treatment.
-
-The Komatis have the title Setti or Chetti, which is said to be
-a contracted form of Sreshti, meaning a precious person. In recent
-times, some of them have assumed the title Ayya.
-
-Kombara.--The name, meaning a cap made of the spathe of the areca palm
-(Areca Catechu) of an exogamous sept of Kelasi. Such caps are worn
-by various classes in South Canara, e.g., the Holeyas and Koragas.
-
-Kombu (stick).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.
-
-Komma.--Komma (a musical horn) or Kommula has been recorded as an
-exogamous sept of Kamma and Mala. Kommula is further a professional
-title for horn-blowers, mainly Mala, Madiga, and Panisavan, who
-perform at festivals and funerals.
-
-Kommi.--A gotra of Gollas, the members of which may not use kommi fuel.
-
-Kompala (houses).--An exogamous sept of Devanga.
-
-Konan.--Konan or Konar is a title of Idaiyans. Some Gollas call
-themselves Konanulu.
-
-Konangi (buffoon).--An exogamous sept of Devanga.
-
-Konda (mountain).--An exogamous sept of Devanga and Medara, and a
-synonym for Konda Dora.
-
-Konda Dora.--The Konda Doras are a caste of hill cultivators, found
-chiefly in Vizagapatam. Concerning them Surgeon-Major W. R. Cornish
-writes as follows. [152] "Contrasting strangely with the energetic,
-patriarchal, and land-reverencing Parja (Poroja), are the neighbouring
-indigenous tribes found along the slopes of the eastern ghauts. They
-are known as Konda Doras, Konda Kapus, and Ojas. From what has been
-ascertained of their languages, it seems certain that, divested of
-the differences which have been engrafted upon them by the fact of
-the one being influenced by Uriya and the other by Telugu, they are
-substantially of the same origin as the Parja language and the Khond
-language. But the people themselves seem to have entirely lost all
-those rights to the soil, which are now characteristic of the more
-northern tribes. They are completely at the mercy of late immigrants,
-so much so that, though they call themselves Konda Doras, they are
-called by the Bhaktas, their immediate superiors, Konda Kapus. If
-they are found living in a village with no Telugu superior, they are
-known as Doras. If, on the other hand, such a man is at the head of
-the village affairs, they are to him as adscripti glebæ, and are
-denominated Kapus or ryots (cultivators). It is apparent that the
-comparatively degraded position that this particular soil-folk holds is
-due to the influence of the Telugu colonists; and the reason why they
-have been subjected to a greater extent than the cognate tribes further
-inland is possibly that the Telugu colonization is of more ancient date
-than the Uriya colonization. It may further be surmised that, from the
-comparative proximity of the Telugu districts, the occupation of the
-crests of these ghats partook rather of the character of a conquest
-than that of mere settlings in the land. But, however it came about,
-the result is most disastrous. Some parts of Pachipenta, Hill Madugulu,
-and Kondakamberu, which have been occupied by Telugu-speaking folk,
-are far inferior in agricultural prosperity to the inland parts,
-where the Uriyas have assumed the lead in the direction of affairs."
-
-In the Census Report, 1891, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes that "these
-people all speak Telugu, and the majority of them have returned that
-as their parent-tongue. But a large number returned their caste name
-in the parent-tongue column. I have since received a vocabulary,
-which is said to be taken from the dialect of the Konda Doras;
-and, if this is correct, then the real speech of these people is a
-dialect of Khond." One Durgi Patro, the head of a mutta (division
-of a Zemindari) informed Mr. G. F. Paddison that Konda Doras and
-Khonds are identical. In the Census Report, 1901, Mr. W. Francis
-states that the Konda Doras "seem to be a section of the Khonds,
-which has largely taken to speaking Telugu, has adopted some of the
-Telugu customs, and is in the transitional stage between Animism and
-Hinduism. They call themselves Hindus, and worship the Pandavas and a
-goddess called Talupulamma. They drink alcohol, and eat pork, mutton,
-etc., and will dine with Kapus." At times of census, Pandavakulam
-(or Pandava caste) has been returned as a title of the Konda Doras.
-
-For the following note I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. There
-are, among the Konda Doras, two well-defined divisions, called Pedda
-(big) and Chinna (little) Kondalu. Of these, the former have remained
-in their old semi-independent position, while the latter have come
-under Telugu domination. The Chinna Kondalu, who have been living
-in contact with the Bhaktha caste, have adopted the Telugu system of
-intiperulu, as exogamous septs, whereas the Pedda Kondalu have retained
-the totem divisions, which occur among other hill castes, e.g., Naga
-(cobra), Bhag (tiger), and Kochchimo (tortoise). Among the Chinna
-Kondalu, the custom of menarikam, according to which a man marries his
-maternal uncle's daughter, is observed, and may further marry his own
-sister's daughter. The Chinna Kondalu women wear glass bangles and
-beads, like women of the plains. Men of the Chinna Kondalu section
-serve as bearers and Government employees, whereas those of the Pedda
-Kondalu section are engaged in cultivation. The former have personal
-names corresponding to those of the inhabitants of the plains, e.g.,
-Linganna, Gangamma, while the names of the latter are taken from the
-day of the week on which they were born, e.g., Bhudra (Wednesday),
-Sukra (Friday).
-
-Among the Chinna Kondalu, a girl is married before or after
-puberty. When a marriage is decided on, the girl's parents receive a
-present (voli) of four rupees and a female cloth. On an auspicious
-day fixed by the Chukkamusti (star-gazer), the bride is conducted
-to the home of the bridegroom. The contracting couple are bathed in
-turmeric-water, put on new cloths presented by their fathers-in-law,
-and wrist-threads are tied on their wrists. On the same day, or
-the following morning, at a time settled by the Chukkamusti, the
-bridegroom, under the direction of a caste elder, ties the sathamanam
-(marriage badge) on the bride's neck. On the following day, the
-wrist-threads are removed, and the newly married couple bathe.
-
-Among the Pedda, as among the Chinna Kondalu, a girl is married
-before or after puberty. When a man contemplates taking a wife, his
-parents carry three pots of liquor to the home of the girl whose hand
-he seeks. The acceptance of these by her father is a sign that the
-match is agreeable to him, and a jholla tonka (bride-price) of five
-rupees is paid to him. The future bridegroom's party has to give
-three feasts to that of the bride-elect, for each of which a pig is
-killed. The girl is conducted to the house of the bridegroom, and, if
-she has reached puberty, remains there. Otherwise she returns home,
-and joins her husband later on, the occasion being celebrated by a
-further feast of pork.
-
-Both sections allow the remarriage of widows. Among the Pedda Kondalu,
-a younger brother may marry the widow of his elder brother. By both
-sections divorce is permitted. Among the Chinna Kondalus, a man who
-marries a divorcée has to pay her first husband twenty-four rupees,
-of which half is divided among the neighbouring caste villages in
-certain recognised proportions.
-
-The dead are usually burnt by both sections. The Pedda Kondalu kill
-a pig on the third day, and hold a feast, at which much liquor is
-disposed of. By the Chinna Kondalu the chinna rozu (little day)
-ceremony is observed, as it is by other castes dwelling in the plains.
-
-The Chinna Kondalu bear the titles Anna or Ayya when they are
-merely cultivators under Bhaktha landlords, and Dora under other
-circumstances. The Pedda Kondalu usually have no title.
-
-A riot took place, in 1900, at the village of Korravanivalasa in the
-Vizagapatam district, under the following strange circumstances. "A
-Konda Dora of this place, named Korra Mallayya, pretended that he
-was inspired, and gradually gathered round him a camp of four or
-five thousand people from various parts of the agency. At first his
-proceedings were harmless enough, but in April he gave out that he
-was a re-incarnation of one of the five Pandava brothers; that his
-infant son was the god Krishna; that he would drive out the English
-and rule the country himself; and that, to effect this, he would arm
-his followers with bamboos, which should be turned by magic into guns,
-and would change the weapons of the authorities into water. Bamboos
-were cut, and rudely fashioned to resemble guns, and armed with
-these, the camp was drilled by the Swami (god), as Mallayya had come
-to be called. The assembly next sent word that they were going to
-loot Pachipenta, and when, on the 1st May, two constables came to
-see how matters stood, the fanatics fell upon them, and beat them
-to death. The local police endeavoured to recover the bodies, but,
-owing to the threatening attitude of the Swami's followers, had to
-abandon the attempt. The District Magistrate then went to the place
-in person, collected reserve police from Vizagapatam, Parvatipur,
-and Jeypore, and at dawn on the 7th May rushed the camp to arrest the
-Swami and the other leaders of the movement. The police were resisted
-by the mob, and obliged to fire. Eleven of the rioters were killed,
-others wounded or arrested, and the rest dispersed. Sixty of them
-were tried for rioting, and three, including the Swami, for murdering
-the constables. Of the latter, the Swami died in jail, and the other
-two were hanged. The Swami's infant son, the god Krishna, also died,
-and all trouble ended at once and completely."
-
-Concerning the Konda Kapus or Konda Reddis of the Godavari district,
-Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes as follows. [153] "The hill Reddis, or
-Konda Reddis, are a caste of jungle men, having some characteristics
-in common with the Koyas. They usually talk a rough Telugu, clipping
-their words so that it is often difficult to understand them; but it
-is said that some of them speak Koya. They are of slighter build than
-the Koyas, and their villages are even smaller. They will not eat in
-the house of a Koya. They call themselves by various high-sounding
-titles, such as Pandava Reddis, Raja Reddis, and Reddis of the solar
-race (Suryavamsa), and do not like the plain name of Konda Reddi. They
-recognize no endogamous sub-divisions, but have exogamous septs. In
-character they resemble the Koyas, but are less simple and stupid,
-and in former years were much given to crime. They live by shifting
-cultivation. They do not touch beef, but will eat pork. They profess
-to be both Saivites and Vaishnavites, and occasionally employ Brahman
-priests at their funerals; and yet they worship the Pandavas, the
-spirits of the hills (or, as they call them, the sons of Racha),
-their ancestors including women who have died before their husbands,
-and the deity Muthyalamma and her brother Poturazu, Saralamma, and
-Unamalamma. The last three are found in nearly every village. Other
-deities are Doddiganga, who is the protector of cattle, and is
-worshipped when the herds are driven into the forests to graze, and
-Desaganga (or Paraganga), who takes the place of the Maridamma of the
-plains, and the Muthyalamma of the Koyas as goddess of cholera and
-small-pox. The shrine of Saralamma of Pedakonda, eight miles east of
-Rekapalle, is a place of pilgrimage, and so is Bison Hill (Papikonda),
-where an important Reddi festival is held every seven or eight years
-in honour of the Pandava brothers, and a huge fat pig, fattened for the
-occasion, is killed and eaten. The Reddis, like the Koyas, also observe
-the harvest festivals. They are very superstitious, believing firmly
-in sorcery, and calling in wizards in time of illness. Their villages
-are formed into groups like those of the Koyas, and the hereditary
-headmen over these are called by different names, such as Dora,
-Muttadar, Varnapedda, and Kulapatradu. Headmen of villages are known
-as Pettadars. They recognise, though they do not frequently practice,
-marriage by capture. If a parent wishes to show his dislike for a
-match, he absents himself when the suitor's party calls, and sends a
-bundle of cold rice after them when they have departed. Children are
-buried. Vaishnavite Reddis burn their adult dead, while the Saivites
-bury them. Satanis officiate as priests to the former, and Jangams
-to the latter. The pyre is kindled by the eldest male of the family,
-and a feast is held on the fifth day after the funeral. The dead are
-believed to be born again into their former families."
-
-Kondaikatti.--The name of a sub-division of Vellalas, meaning those
-who tie the whole mass of hair of the head (kondai) in a knot on the
-top of the head, as opposed to the kudumi or knot at the back of the
-partially shaved head.
-
-Kondaita.--A sub-division of Doluva.
-
-Kondaiyamkottai.--A sub-division of Maravan.
-
-Kondalar.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a sub-caste
-of Vellala. Kondalam means women's hair or a kind of dance, and it
-is possible that the name was returned by people of the Deva-dasi
-caste, who are rising in the social scale, and becoming absorbed in
-the Vellala caste. Kondali, of doubtful meaning, has been returned
-by cultivators and agricultural labourers in North Arcot.
-
-Kondh.--In the Administration Report of the Ganjam Agency, 1902-3,
-Mr. C. B. Cotterell writes that Kondh is an exact transliteration
-from the vernacular, and he knows of no reason, either sentimental
-or etymological, for keeping such spelling as Khond.
-
-It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "the Khonds
-inhabit the hill tracts of Ganjam and parts of Vizagapatam, and are
-found also in Bengal and the Central Provinces. They call themselves
-Kui, a name identical with the Koi or Koya of the Godavari agency
-and the south of the Jeypore Zemindari. The Telugu people call them
-Kotuvandlu. The origin of the name Khond is doubtful, but Macpherson
-is, I think, right in deriving it from Telugu Konda, a hill. There is a
-tribe in Vizagapatam called Konda Dora or Konda Kapu, and these people
-are also frequently called Kotuvandlu. All these names are derivatives
-of the root kô or kû, a mountain. The number of sub-divisions returned
-is 58. The list includes many names of other castes, a fact which
-must be in part ascribed to the impossibility of distinguishing the
-true Khonds from persons returned as Kondavandlu, Kondalu, Kotuvandlu,
-etc., terms which mean simply highlanders, and are applicable to all
-the hill tribes. For example, 12,164 Panos have returned their main
-caste as Khond."
-
-In a note on the Kui, Kandhi, or Khond language, Mr. G. A. Grierson
-writes as follows. [154] "The Kandhs or Khonds are a Dravidian
-tribe in the hills of Orissa and neighbouring districts. The tribe
-is commonly known under the name of Khond. The Oriyas call them
-Kandhs, and the Telugu people Gonds or Kods. The name which they
-use themselves is Ku, and their language should accordingly be
-denominated Kui. The word Ku is probably related to Koi, one of the
-names by which the Gonds used to denote themselves. The Koi dialect of
-Gondi is, however, quite different from Kui. The Khonds live in the
-midst of the Oriya territory. Their habitat is the hills separating
-the districts of Ganjam and Vizagapatam in the Madras Presidency,
-and continuing northwards into the Orissa Tributary States, Bod,
-Daspalla, and Nayagarh, and, crossing the Mahanadi, into Angul and the
-Khondmals. The Khond area further extends into the Central Provinces,
-covering the northern part Kalahandi, and the south of Patna. Kui is
-surrounded on all sides by Oriya. Towards the south it extends towards
-the confines of the Telugu territory. The language varies locally,
-all over this area. The differences are not, however, great, though
-a man from one part of the country often experiences difficulty in
-understanding the Kui spoken in other parts. There are two principal
-dialects, one eastern, spoken in Gumsur and the adjoining parts
-of Bengal, and one western, spoken in Chinna Kimedi. In the north,
-Kui has come under the influence of the neighbouring Aryan forms of
-speech, and a specimen forwarded from the Patna State was written in
-Oriya with a slight admixture of Chattisgarhi. The number of Kandhs
-returned at the census of 1891 was 627,388. The language returns,
-however, give a much smaller figure. The reason is that many Kandhs
-have abandoned their native speech."
-
-It has been noted that "the character of the Khonds varies as much as
-their language. Where there has been much contact with the plains,
-it is not as favourable as elsewhere. As a rule, they may be taken
-to be a bold, and fitfully laborious mountain peasantry of simple,
-but not undignified manners; upright in their conduct; sincere in
-their superstitions; proud of their position as landholders; and
-tenacious of their rights. The Linepada Khonds affect manners like
-Uriyas, and, among other things, will not eat pork (the flesh of
-wild pigs excepted). The Khond villages have quite the appearance of
-Uriya villages, the houses are built with mud walls, a thing unknown
-with Khonds in other parts of the Maliahs; and there is also much
-neat garden cultivation, which is rare elsewhere, probably because
-the produce thereof would be appropriated by the Uriyas. In 1902,
-the Linepada Muttah (settlement) presented the unusual spectacle of
-a Khond ruler as Dolabehara, as well as Moliko, with the Uriya Paiks
-really at his beck and call. In some places, the most valuable portions
-of the land have passed into the possession of Sondis and low-country
-sowcars (money-lenders), who have pandered to the Khonds by advancing
-them money, the greater portion of which has been expended in drink,
-the repayment being exacted in land. Except in the Goomsur Maliahs,
-paddy (rice) cultivation is not extensively carried on by the Khonds;
-elsewhere it is chiefly in the hands of the Uriyas. The Khonds take
-little trouble in raising their crops. The result is that, except
-in the Goomsur Maliahs, where they grow crops to sell in the market
-for profit, we find a poverty-stricken race, possessing hardly any
-agricultural stock, and no signs of affluence. In Kimedi, however, they
-are beginning to follow the example of Goomsur, and doubtless their
-material prosperity would much increase if some check could be devised
-to save them from the Uriyas and Sondis, who are steadily acquiring
-all the wet land, and utilising the Khonds merely as cultivators."
-
-It is noted by Mr. F. Fawcett (1902) [155] that "up to within fifteen
-years ago, the Khônds of the Ganjam hills would not engage in any
-ordinary labour. They would not, for example, carry even the smallest
-article of the district officer's luggage. Elephants were accordingly
-provided by Government for carriage of tents and all camp luggage. But
-there has come a change, and, within the last ten years or so, the
-Khônds have taken to work in the ordinary way. Within the last few
-years, for the first time, the Khônds have been emigrating to Assam,
-to work in the tea-gardens. Accurate figures are not available, but the
-estimate of the best authority gives the number as about 3,000. This
-emigration is now stopped by edict. Of course, they do not set out,
-and go of their own accord. They are taken. The strange thing is that
-they go willingly." It was enacted, in an order of Government, in 1901,
-[156] that "in exercise of the power conferred by section 3 of the
-Assam Labour and Emigration Act, 1901, and with the previous sanction
-of the Governor-General in Council, the Governor in Council is pleased
-to prohibit absolutely all persons from recruiting, engaging, inducing,
-or assisting any Native of India to emigrate from the tracts known
-as the scheduled districts in the district of Ganjam to any labour
-district of Assam."
-
-In 1908, the Madras Government approved of certain proposals made by
-the Collector of Ganjam for utilising the services of the Kondhs in
-the conservancy of the forests in the Pondakhol Agency. The following
-is a summary of these proposals. [157] The chief difficulty to be
-contended against in Pondakhol is podu cultivation. This cultivation
-is not only devastating the hill tops and upper slopes, which should
-be kept well covered to preserve water for the upper reaches of the
-Rushikulya river, the chief source of irrigation in Ganjam, but is also
-the origin of most of the forest fires that rage throughout Pondakhol
-in the hot weather. The District Forest Officer, in discussing matters
-with the Kondhs, was told by some of the villagers that they would
-forego poduing if they had cattle to plough the lands in the plains
-and valleys. The supply of buffaloes would form the compensation for
-a right relinquished. The next aim should be to give the people work
-in the non-cultivation season, which is from the middle of January to
-the middle of July. This luckily coincides with the fire season. There
-is an abundance of useful work that the Kondhs can be engaged in,
-e.g., rendering the demarcation lines permanent, making fire lines,
-constructing roads, and building inspection sheds. The question arises
-as to how the Khonds should be repaid for their labour. Money is of
-little use to them in this out-of-the-way part of the country, and,
-if they got it, they would probably go to Surada to get drunk on
-it. It would be better to pay them in food-grain and cloths, and for
-this purpose departmental shops, and a regular system of accounts,
-such as are in force among the Chenchus in Kurnool, would be necessary.
-
-In the course of a lament over the change which has come over the
-Kondhs who live in the range of hills near Berhampore, Mr. S. P. Rice
-writes as follows. [158] "Here they live in seclusion and in freedom,
-but also in the lowest depths of squalor and poverty. Once they
-loved gay colours. True Khond dresses, both male and female, are
-full of stripes and patterns, in blue, yellow, and red. Where has
-gone the love of colour? Instead of the long waistcloth ending in
-tails of blue and red, the man binds about him a wretched rag that
-can hardly be called a garment. Once the women took a delight in
-decking themselves with flowers, and a pride in the silver ornaments
-that jangled on their naked breasts. Where are now the grasses that
-adorned them, and the innocence that allowed them to go clothed
-only to the waist? Gone! withered by the blast of the breath of a
-'superior civilization.' Gone are the hairpins of sambur bone--an
-inestimable treasure in the eyes of the true hill Khond. Gone are
-the floral decorations, and the fantastic head-dresses, which are
-the pride of the mountain tribes. In dull, unromantic squalor our
-Khond lives, moves, and has his being; arid, ever as he moves, is
-heard the clanking upon his wrists of the fetters of his debt. Yet
-for all that he is happy." The hairpins referred to above are made
-from sambur (deer: Cervus unicolor) bones, and stuck in the hair of
-male Kondhs. Porcupine quills are sometimes used by them as hairpins.
-
-The following brief, but interesting summary of the Kondhs of Ganjam
-is given by Mr. C. F. MacCartie. [159] "The staple food of the Oriyas
-is rice, and of the Khond also during the two or three months that
-succeed the harvest. In February, they gather the crop of hill dholl,
-which, eked out with dry mohwa (Bassia) fruit, fresh mangoes, and mango
-stones ground to a sort of flour, pull them through the hot weather,
-with the help of various yams and edible roots that are plentiful in
-the jungles. When the south-west monsoon sets in, dry crops, consisting
-of millets, hill paddy, and Indian corn, are sown, which ripen from
-August on, and thus afford plentiful means of subsistence. The hot
-weather is generally called the sukki kalo, or hungry season, as the
-people are rather pinched just then. Turmeric is perhaps the most
-valuable crop which the Khonds raise, as it is the most laborious,
-in consequence of the time it takes to mature--two full years, and
-the constant field-work thus entailed, first in sheltering the young
-plants from the sun by artificial shade, and afterwards in digging,
-boiling, and burnishing the root for market. Tobacco is raised much as
-in the low country. It is generally grown in back-yards, as elsewhere,
-and a good deal of care is devoted to its cultivation, as the Khonds
-are inveterate smokers. Among the products of the jungles may be
-included myrabolams (Terminalia fruits), tassar silk, cocoons, and
-dammar, all of which are bartered by the finders to trading Panos
-in small quantities, generally for salt. [Honey and wax are said to
-be collected by the Kondhs and Benias, who are expert climbers of
-precipitous rocks and lofty trees. The Kondhs recognise four different
-kinds of bees, known by the following Oriya names:--(a) bhaga mohu,
-a large-sized bee (Apis dorsata); (b) sattapuri mohu, building its
-comb in seven layers (Apis indica); (c) binchina mohu, with a comb
-like a fan; (d) nikiti mohu, a very small bee.] [160] Wet paddy is,
-of course, grown in the valleys and low-lying bottoms, where water is
-available, and much ingenuity is exercised in the formation of bunds
-(embankments) to retain the natural supply of moisture. The Khond
-has a dead eye for a natural level; it is surprising how speedily
-a seemingly impracticable tract of jungle will be converted into
-paddy fields by a laborious process of levelling by means of a flat
-board attached to a pair of buffaloes. The chief feature of the dry
-cultivation is the destructive practice of kumeri. A strip of forest,
-primeval, if possible, as being more fertile, is burnt, cultivated,
-and then deserted for a term of years, which may vary from three to
-thirty, according to the density or otherwise of the population. The
-Kutiah Khonds are the chief offenders in respect of kumeri, to which
-they confine themselves, as they have no ploughs or agricultural
-cattle. In the rare instances when they grow a little rice, the fields
-are prepared by manual and pedal labour, as men, women, and children,
-assemble in the field, and puddle the mud and water until it assumes
-the desired consistency for the reception of the seed.
-
-"The hair is worn long during childhood, but tied into a club when
-maturity is reached, and turbans are seldom worn. A narrow cloth is
-bound round the loins, with Tartan ends which hang down in front
-and behind, and a coarse long-cloth is wrapped round the figure
-when the weather is cold. The war dress of the Khonds is elaborate,
-and consists of a leather cuirass in front, and a flowing red cloak,
-which, with an arrangement of 'bison' horns and peacock's feathers,
-is supposed to strike awe into the beholder's mind. Khond women
-wear a red or parti-coloured skirt reaching the knee, the neck
-and bosom being left bare. Pano females generally wear an upper
-cloth. All tattoo their faces. [Tattooing is said to be performed,
-concurrently with ear-boring, when girls are about ten years old. The
-tattoo marks are said to represent the implement used in tilling the
-soil for cultivation, moustache, beard, etc.] Ornaments of beads and
-brass bangles are worn, but the usage of diverse muttas (settlements)
-varies very much. In some parts of the Goomsur Maliahs, the use of
-glass and brass beads is confined to married women, virgins being
-restricted to decorations composed of plaited grass. Matrons wear ten
-or twelve ear-rings of different patterns, but, in many parts, young
-girls substitute pieces of broom, which are worn till the wedding
-day, and then discarded for brazen rings. Anklets are indispensable
-in the dance on account of the jingling noise they make, and gold or
-silver noserings are very commonly worn. [The Kondh of the Ganjam
-Maliahs has been described as follows. [161] "He centres his great
-love of decoration in his hair. This he tends, combs and oils, with
-infinite care, and twists into a large loose knot, which is caught with
-curiously shaped pins of sambur bone, gaily coloured combs and bronze
-hairpins with curiously ornamented designs, and it is then gracefully
-pinned over the left eyebrow. This knot he decorates according to
-his fancy with the blue feathers of the jay (Indian roller, Coracias
-indica), or the white feathers of the crane and stork, or the feathers
-of the more gorgeous peacock. Two feathers generally wave in front,
-while many more float behind. This knot, in the simple economy of his
-life, also does duty as a pocket or pincushion, for into it he stuffs
-his knife, his half-smoked cigarette of home-grown tobacco rolled in
-a sal (Shorea robusta) leaf, or even his snuff wrapped in another leaf
-pinned together with a thorn. Round his waist he wraps a white cloth,
-bordered with a curious design in blue and red, of excellent home
-manufacture, and over his shoulder is borne his almost inseparable
-companion, the tanghi, of many curious shapes, consisting of an iron
-blade with a long wooden handle ornamented with brass wire. In certain
-places, he very frequently carries a bow and arrows, the former made
-of bent bamboo, the string of a long strip of bark, and the handle
-ornamented with stripes of the white quills of the peacock.]
-
-"The Khonds are very keen in the pursuit of game, for which the hot
-weather is the appointed time, and, during this period, a sambar or
-'bison' has but little chance of escape if once wounded by an arrow,
-as they stick to the trail like sleuth hounds, and appear insensible
-to distance or fatigue. The arms they carry are the bow, arrows,
-and tangi, a species of light battle-axe that inflicts a serious
-wound. The women are not addicted to drink, but the males are
-universally attached to liquor, especially during the hot weather,
-when the sago palm (solopo: Caryota urens) is in full flow. They
-often run up sheds in the jungle, near especially good trees, and
-drink for days together. A great many deaths occur at this season
-by falls from trees when tapping the liquor. Feasts and sacrifices
-are occasions for drinking to excess, and the latter especially
-are often scenes of wild intoxication, the liquor used being either
-mohwa, or a species of strong beer brewed from rice or koeri. Khond
-women, when once married, appear to keep pretty straight, but there
-is a good deal of quiet immorality among the young men and girls,
-especially during the commencement of the hot weather, when parties
-are made up for fishing or the collection of mohwa fruit and other
-jungle berries. At the same time, a certain sense of shame exists,
-as instances are not at all uncommon of double suicide, when a pair
-of too ardent lovers are blown upon, and their liaison is discovered.
-
-"The generality of Khond and Pâno houses are constructed of broad sâl
-logs hewn out with the axe, and thatched with jungle grass, which is
-impervious to white-ants. In bamboo jungles, bamboo is substituted
-for sâl. The Khond houses are substantially built but very low, the
-pitch of the roof never exceeding 8 feet, and the eaves being only
-about 4 feet from the ground, the object being to ensure resistance
-to the violent storms that prevail during the monsoons.
-
-"Intermarriage between Khonds, Pânos, and Uriyas is not recognised,
-but cases do occur when a Pâno induces a Khond woman to go off
-with him. She may live with him as his wife, but no ceremony takes
-place. If a Pâno commits adultery with a Khond married woman, he has
-to pay a paronjo, or a fine of a buffalo, to the husband who retains
-his wife, and in addition a goat, a pig, a basket of paddy, a rupee,
-and a cavady (shoulder-pole) load of pots. If the adulterer is a
-Khond, he gets off with payment of the buffalo, which is slaughtered
-for the entertainment of the village. The husband retains his wife
-in this case, as also if he finds her pregnant when first she comes
-to him; this is not an uncommon incident. Divorce of the wife on the
-husband's part is thus very rare, if it occurs at all, but cases are
-not unknown where the wife divorces her husband, and adopts a fresh
-alliance. When this takes place, her father has to return the whole
-of the gifts known as gontis, which the bridegroom paid for his wife
-when the marriage was originally arranged."
-
-In a note on the tribes of the Agency tracts of the Vizagapatam
-district, Mr. W. Francis writes as follows. [162] "Of these, by far
-the most numerous are the Khonds, who are about 150,000 strong. An
-overwhelming majority of this number, however, are not the wild
-barbarous Khonds regarding whom there is such a considerable
-literature, and who are so prominent in Ganjam, but a series of
-communities descended from them, which exhibit infinite degrees of
-difference from their more interesting progenitors, according to the
-grade of civilisation to which they have attained. The only really
-primitive Khonds in Vizagapatam are the Dongria (jungle) Khonds of the
-north of Bissamkatak taluk, the Desya Khonds who live just south-west
-of them in and around the Nimgiris, and the Kuttiya (hill) Khonds of
-the hills in the north-east of the Gunupur taluk. The Kuttiya Khond
-men wear ample necklets of white beads and prominent brass earrings,
-but otherwise they dress like any other hill people. Their women,
-however, have a distinctive garb, putting on a kind of turban on state
-occasions, wearing nothing above the waist except masses of white bead
-necklaces which almost cover their breasts, and carrying a series of
-heavy brass bracelets half way up their forearms. The dhangadi basa
-system (separate hut for unmarried girls to sleep in) prevails among
-them in its simplest form, and girls have opportunities for the most
-intimate acquaintance before they need inform their parents they wish
-to marry. Special ceremonies are practiced to prevent the spirits
-of the dead (especially of those killed by tigers) from returning to
-molest the living. Except totemistic septs, they have apparently no
-sub-divisions. [163] The dress of the civilised Khonds of both sexes
-is ordinary and uninteresting. These civilised Khonds worship all
-degrees of deities, from their own tribal Jakara down to the orthodox
-Hindu gods; follow every gradation of marriage and funeral customs
-from those of their primitive forefathers to those of the low-country
-Telugu; speak dialects which range from good Khond through bastard
-patois down to corrupt Telugu; and allow their totemistic septs to
-be degraded down to, or divided into, the intiperulu of the plains."
-
-There is a tradition that, in olden days, four Kondhs, named
-Kasi, Mendora, Bolti, and Bolo, with eyes the size of brass pots,
-teeth like axe-heads, and ears like elephant's ears, brought their
-ancestor Mandia Patro from Jorasingi in Boad, and gave him and his
-children authority all over the country now comprised in Mahasingi,
-and in Kurtilli Barakhumma, Bodogodo, Balliguda, and Pussangia,
-on condition of settling their disputes, and aiding them in their
-rights. The following legendary account of the origin of the Kondhs
-is given by Mr. A. B. Jayaram Moodaliar. Once upon a time, the ground
-was all wet, and there were only two females on the earth, named
-Karaboodi and Tharthaboodi, each of whom was blessed with a single
-male child. The names of the children were Kasarodi and Singarodi. All
-these individuals sprang from the interior of the earth, together
-with two small plants called nangakoocha and badokoocha, on which
-they depended for subsistence. One day, when Karaboodi was cutting
-these plants for cooking, she accidentally cut the little finger of
-her left hand, and the blood dropped on the ground. Instantly, the
-wet soft earth on which it fell became dry and hard. The woman then
-cooked the food, and gave some of it to her son, who asked her why it
-tasted so much sweeter than usual. She replied that she might have
-a dream that night, and, if so, would let him know. Next morning,
-the woman told him that, if he would act on her advice, he would
-prosper in this world, that he was not to think of her as his mother,
-and was to cut away the flesh of her back, dig several holes in the
-ground, bury the flesh, and cover the holes with stones. This her
-son did, and the rest of the body was cremated. The wet soil dried
-up and became hard, and all kinds of animals and trees came into
-existence. A partridge scratched the ground with its feet, and ragi
-(millet), maize, dhal (pea), and rice sprung forth from it. The
-two brothers argued that, as the sacrifice of their mother brought
-forth such abundance, they must sacrifice their brothers, sisters,
-and others, once a year in future.A god, by name Boora Panoo, came,
-with his wife and children, to Tharthaboodi and the two young men,
-to whom Boora Panoo's daughters were married. They begat children,
-who were divided equally between Boora Panoo the grandfather and
-their fathers. Tharthaboodi objected to this division on the grounds
-that Boora Panoo's son would stand in the relation of Mamoo to the
-children of Kasarodi and Singarodi; that, if the child was a female,
-when she got married, she would have to give a rupee to her Mamoo;
-and that, if it was a male that Boora Panoo's daughter brought forth,
-the boy when he grew up would have to give the head of any animal he
-shot to Mamoo (Boora Panoo's son). Then Boora Panoo built a house,
-and Kasarodi and Singarodi built two houses. All lived happily for
-two years. Then Karaboodi appeared in a dream, and told Kasarodi and
-Singarodi that, if they offered another human victim, their lands would
-be very fertile, and their cattle could flourish. In the absence of
-a suitable being, they sacrificed a monkey. Then Karaboodi appeared
-once more, and said that she was not pleased with the substitution of
-the monkey, and that a human being must be sacrificed. The two men,
-with their eight children, sought for a victim for twelve years. At
-the end of that time, they found a poor man, who had a son four
-years old, and found him, his wife and child good food, clothing, and
-shelter for a year. They then asked permission to sacrifice the son in
-return for their kindness, and the father gave his assent. The boy was
-fettered and handcuffed to prevent his running away, and taken good
-care of. Liquor was prepared from grains, and a bamboo, with a flag
-hoisted on it, planted in the ground. Next day, a pig was sacrificed
-near this post, and a feast was held. It was proclaimed that the boy
-would be tied to a post on the following day, and sacrificed on the
-third day. On the night previous to the sacrifice, the Janni (priest)
-took a reed, and poked it into the ground in several places. When
-it entered to a depth of about eight inches, it was believed that
-the god and goddess Tadapanoo and Dasapanoo were there. Round this
-spot, seven pieces of wood were arranged lengthways and crossways,
-and an egg was placed in the centre of the structure. The Khonds
-arrived from the various villages, and indulged in drink. The boy
-was teased, and told that he had been sold to them, that his sorrow
-would affect his parents only, and that he was to be sacrificed for
-the prosperity of the people. He was conducted to the spot where the
-god and goddess had been found, tied with ropes, and held fast by the
-Khonds. He was made to lie on his stomach on the wooden structure, and
-held there. Pieces of flesh were removed from his back, arms and legs,
-and portions thereof buried at the Khond's place of worship. Portions
-were also set up near a well of drinking water, and placed around
-the villages. The remainder of the sacrificed corpse was cremated on
-a pyre set alight with fire produced by the friction of two pieces
-of wood. On the following day, a buffalo was sacrificed, and a feast
-partaken of. Next day, the bamboo post was removed outside the village,
-and a fowl and eggs were offered to the deity. The following stanza
-is still recited by the Janni at the buffalo sacrifice, which has
-been substituted for that of a human victim:--Oh! come, male slave;
-come, female slave. What do you say? What do you call out for? You
-have been brought, ensnared by the Haddi. You have been called,
-ensnared by the Domba. What can I do, even if you are my child? You
-are sold for a pot of food.
-
-The ethnological section of the Madras Museum received a few years ago
-a very interesting relic in the shape of a human (Meriah) sacrifice
-post from Baligudu in Ganjam. This post, which was fast being reduced
-to a mere shell by white-ants, is, I believe, the only one now in
-existence. It was brought by Colonel Pickance, who was Assistant
-Superintendent of Police, and set up in the ground near the gate of
-the reserve Police barracks. The veteran members of a party of Kondhs,
-who were brought to Madras for the purpose of performing before the
-Prince and Princess of Wales in 1906, became wildly excited when they
-came across this relic of their former barbarous custom.
-
-"The best known case," Mr. Frazer writes, [164] "of human sacrifices
-systematically offered to ensure good crops is supplied by the Khonds
-or Kandhs. Our knowledge of them is derived from the accounts written
-by British officers, who, forty or fifty years ago, were engaged in
-putting them down. The sacrifices were offered to the earth goddess,
-Tari Pennu or Bera Pennu, and were believed to ensure good crops,
-and immunity from all diseases and accidents. In particular, they
-were considered necessary in the cultivation of turmeric, the Khonds
-arguing that the turmeric could not have a deep red colour without
-the shedding of blood. The victim, a Meriah, was acceptable to the
-goddess only if he had been purchased, or had been born a victim,
-that is the son of a victim father, or had been devoted as a child
-by his father or guardian."
-
-In 1837, Mr. Russell, in a report on the districts entrusted to
-his control, wrote as follows. [165] "The ceremonies attending
-the barbarous rite, and still more the mode of destroying life,
-vary in different parts of the country. In the Maliahs of Goomsur,
-the sacrifice is offered annually to Thadha Pennoo (the earth) under
-the effigy of a bird intended to represent a peacock, with the view
-of propitiating the deity to grant favourable seasons and crops. The
-ceremony is performed at the expense of, and in rotation by, certain
-mootahs (settlements) composing a community, and connected together
-from local circumstances. Besides these periodical sacrifices, others
-are made by single mootahs, and even by individuals, to avert any
-threatening calamity from sickness, murrain, or other cause. Grown men
-are the most esteemed (as victims), because the most costly. Children
-are purchased, and reared for years with the family of the person
-who ultimately devotes them to a cruel death, when circumstances are
-supposed to demand a sacrifice at his hands. They seem to be treated
-with kindness, and, if young, are kept under no constraint; but,
-when old enough to be sensible of the fate which awaits them, they
-are placed in fetters and guarded. Most of those who were rescued
-had been sold by their parents or nearest relations, a practice
-which, from all we could learn, is very common. Persons of riper
-age are kidnapped by wretches who trade in human flesh. The victim
-must always be purchased. Criminals, or prisoners captured in war,
-are not considered fitting subjects. The price is paid indifferently
-in brass utensils, cattle or corn. The Zanee (or priest), who may
-be of any caste, officiates at the sacrifice, but he performs the
-poojah (offering of flowers, incense, etc.) to the idol through the
-medium of the Toomba, who must be a Khond child under seven years of
-age. This child is fed and clothed at the public expense, eats with no
-other person, and is subjected to no act deemed impure. For a month
-prior to the sacrifice, there is much feasting and intoxication,
-and dancing round the Meriah, who is adorned with garlands, etc.,
-and, on the day before the performance of the barbarous rite, is
-stupefied with toddy, and made to sit, or, if necessary, is bound at
-the bottom of a post bearing the effigy above described. The assembled
-multitude then dance around to music, and addressing the earth, say:
-'Oh! God, we offer the sacrifice to you. Give us good crops, seasons,
-and health.' After which they address the victim, 'We bought you with
-a price, and did not seize you. Now we sacrifice you according to
-custom, and no sin rests with us.' On the following day, the victim
-being again intoxicated and anointed with oil, each individual present
-touches the anointed part, and wipes the oil on his own head. All
-then proceed in procession around the village and its boundaries,
-preceded by music, bearing the victim and a pole, to the top of which
-is attached a tuft of peacock's feathers. On returning to the post,
-which is always placed near the village deity called Zakaree Pennoo,
-and represented by three stones, near which the brass effigy in
-the shape of a peacock is buried, they kill a hog in sacrifice and,
-having allowed the blood to flow into a pit prepared for the purpose,
-the victim, who, if it has been found possible, has been previously
-made senseless from intoxication, is seized and thrown in, and his
-face pressed down until he is suffocated in the bloody mire amid the
-noise of instruments. The Zanee then cuts a piece of flesh from the
-body, and buries it with ceremony near the effigy and village idol,
-as an offering to the earth. All the rest afterwards go through the
-same form, and carry the bloody prize to their villages, where the
-same rites are performed, part being interred near the village idol,
-and little bits on the boundaries. The head and face remain untouched,
-and the bones, when bare, are buried with them in the pit. After this
-horrid ceremony has been completed, a buffalo calf is brought in front
-of the post, and, his forefeet having been cut off, is left there till
-the following day. Women, dressed in male attire and armed as men, then
-drink, dance and sing round the spot, the calf is killed and eaten,
-and the Zanee is dismissed with a present of rice and a hog or calf."
-
-In the same year, Mr. Arbuthnot, Collector of Vizagapatam, reported as
-follows. "Of the hill tribe Codooloo, there are said to be two distinct
-classes, the Cotia Codooloo and Jathapoo Codooloo. The former class
-is that which is in the habit of offering human sacrifices to the god
-called Jenkery, with a view to secure good crops. This ceremony is
-generally performed on the Sunday preceding or following the Pongal
-feast. The victim is seldom carried by force, but procured by purchase,
-and there is a fixed price for each person, which consists of forty
-articles such as a bullock, a male buffalo, a cow, a goat, a piece of
-cloth, a silk cloth, a brass pot, a large plate, a bunch of plantains,
-etc. The man who is destined for the sacrifice is carried before the
-god, and a small quantity of rice coloured with saffron (turmeric)
-is put upon his head. The influence of this is said to prevent his
-attempting to escape, even though set at liberty. It would appear,
-however, that, from the moment of his seizure till he is sacrificed,
-he is kept in a continued state of stupefaction or intoxication. He
-is allowed to wander about the village, to eat and drink anything
-he may take a fancy to, and even to have connection with any of the
-women whom he may meet. On the morning set apart for the sacrifice,
-he is carried before the idol in a state of intoxication. One of the
-villagers acts as priest, who cuts a small hole in the stomach of
-the victim, and with the blood that flows from the wound the idol is
-smeared. Then the crowds from the neighbouring villages rush forward,
-and he is literally cut into pieces. Each person who is so fortunate
-as to procure it carries away a morsel of the flesh, and presents it
-to the idol of his own village."
-
-Concerning a method of sacrifice, which is illustrated by the post
-preserved in the Madras Museum, Colonel Campbell records [166] that
-"one of the most common ways of offering the sacrifice in Chinna Kimedi
-is to the effigy of an elephant (hatti mundo or elephant's head) rudely
-carved in wood, fixed on the top of a stout post, on which it is made
-to revolve. After the performance of the usual ceremonies, the intended
-victim is fastened to the proboscis of the elephant, and, amidst the
-shouts and yells of the excited multitude of Khonds, is rapidly whirled
-round, when, at a given signal by the officiating Zanee or priest,
-the crowd rush in, seize the Meriah, and with their knives cut the
-flesh off the shrieking wretch as long as life remains. He is then cut
-down, the skeleton burnt, and the horrid orgies are over. In several
-villages I counted as many as fourteen effigies of elephants, which
-had been used in former sacrifices. These I caused to be overthrown
-by the baggage elephants attached to my camp in the presence of the
-assembled Khonds, to show them that these venerated objects had no
-power against the living animal, and to remove all vestiges of their
-bloody superstition." In another report, Colonel Campbell describes
-how the miserable victim is dragged along the fields, surrounded by
-a crowd of half intoxicated Khonds, who, shouting and screaming,
-rush upon him, and with their knives cut the flesh piecemeal from
-the bones, avoiding the head and bowels, till the living skeleton,
-dying from loss of blood, is relieved from torture, when its remains
-are burnt, and the ashes mixed with the new grain to preserve it from
-insects." Yet again, he describes a sacrifice which was peculiar to
-the Khonds of Jeypore. "It is," he writes, "always succeeded by the
-sacrifice of three human beings, two to the sun to the east and west
-of the village, and one in the centre, with the usual barbarities
-of the Meriah. A stout wooden post about six feet long is firmly
-fixed in the ground, at the foot of it a narrow grave is dug, and to
-the top of the post the victim is firmly fastened by the long hair
-of his head. Four assistants hold his outstretched arms and legs,
-the body being suspended horizontally over the grave, with the face
-towards the earth. The officiating Junna or priest, standing on the
-right side, repeats the following invocation, at intervals hacking
-with his sacrificial knife the back part of the shrieking victim's
-neck. 'O! mighty Manicksoro, this is your festal day. To the Khonds
-the offering is Meriah, to kings Junna. On account of this sacrifice,
-you have given to kings kingdoms, guns and swords. The sacrifice we now
-offer you must eat, and we pray that our battle-axes may be converted
-into swords, our bows and arrows into gunpowder and balls; and, if we
-have any quarrels with other tribes, give us the victory. Preserve us
-from the tyranny of kings and their officers.' Then, addressing the
-victim:--'That we may enjoy prosperity, we offer you a sacrifice to our
-God Manicksoro, who will immediately eat you, so be not grieved at our
-slaying you. Your parents were aware, when we purchased you from them
-for sixty rupees, that we did so with intent to sacrifice you. There
-is, therefore, no sin on our heads, but on your parents. After you are
-dead, we shall perform your obsequies.' The victim is then decapitated,
-the body thrown into the grave, and the head left suspended from
-the post till devoured by wild beasts. The knife remains fastened to
-the post till the three sacrifices have been performed, when it is
-removed with much ceremony. In an account by Captain Mac Viccar of
-the sacrifice as carried out at Eaji Deso, it is stated that on the
-day of sacrifice the Meriah is surrounded by the Khonds, who beat
-him violently on the head with the heavy metal bangles which they
-purchase at the fairs, and wear on these occasions. If this inhuman
-smashing does not immediately destroy the victim's life, an end is
-put to his sufferings by strangulation, a slit bamboo being used
-for the purpose. Strips of flesh are then cut off the back, and each
-recipient of the precious treasure carries his portion to the stream
-which waters his fields, and there suspends it on a pole. The remains
-of the mangled corpse are then buried, and funeral obsequies are
-performed seven days subsequently, and repeated one year afterwards."
-
-The Kondhs of Bara Mootah promised to relinquish the rite on condition,
-inter alia, that they should be at liberty to sacrifice buffaloes,
-monkeys, goats, etc., to their deities with all the solemnities
-observed on occasions of human sacrifice; and that they should be at
-liberty, upon all occasions, to denounce to their gods the Government,
-and some of its servants in particular, as the cause of their having
-relinquished the great rite.
-
-The last recorded Meriah sacrifice in the Ganjam Maliahs occurred
-in 1852, and there are still Kondhs alive, who were present at
-it. Twenty-five descendants of persons who were reserved for sacrifice,
-but were rescued by Government officers, returned themselves as
-Meriah at the census, 1901. The Kondhs have now substituted a buffalo
-for a human being. The animal is hewn to pieces while alive, and the
-villagers rush home to their villages, to bury the flesh in the soil,
-and so secure prosperous crops. The sacrifice is not unaccompanied
-by risk to the performers, as the buffalo, before dying, frequently
-kills one or more of its tormenters. This was the case near Baliguda
-in 1899, when a buffalo killed the sacrificer. In the previous year,
-the desire of a village to intercept the bearer of the flesh for a
-neighbouring village led to a fight, in which two men were killed.
-
-It was the practice, a few years ago, at every Dassara festival in
-Jeypore, Vizagapatam, to select a specially fine ram, wash it, shave
-its head, affix thereto red and white bottu and namam (sect marks)
-between the eyes and down the nose, and gird it with a new white cloth
-after the manner of a human being. The animal being then fastened in
-a sitting posture, certain puja (worship) was performed by a Brahman
-priest, and it was decapitated. The substitution of animals for human
-victims is indicated by various religious legends. Thus, a hind was
-substituted for Iphigenia, and a ram for Isaac.
-
-It was stated by the officers of the Meriah Agency that there was
-reason to believe that the Raja of Jeypore, when he was installed on
-his father's death in 1860-61, sacrificed a girl thirteen years of
-age at the shrine of the goddess Durga in the town of Jeypore. [167]
-It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district (1907),
-that "goats and buffaloes now-a-days take the place of human Meriah
-victims, but the belief in the superior efficacy of the latter dies
-hard, and every now and again revives. When the Rampa rebellion of
-1879-80 spread in this district, several cases of human sacrifice
-occurred in the disturbed tracts. In 1880, two persons were convicted
-of attempting a Meriah sacrifice near Ambadala in Bissamkatak. In
-1883, a man (a beggar and a stranger) was found at daybreak murdered
-in one of the temples in Jeypore, in circumstances which pointed
-to his having been slain as a Meriah; and, as late as 1886, a formal
-enquiry showed that there were ample grounds for the suspicion that the
-kidnapping of victims still went on in Bastar." As recently as 1902,
-a petition was presented to the District Magistrate of Ganjam, asking
-him to sanction the performance of a human sacrifice. The memory of
-the abandoned practice is kept green by one of the Kondh songs, for a
-translation of which we are indebted to Mr. J. E. Friend-Pereira. [168]
-
-
-    "At the time of the great Kiabon (Campbell) Sahib's coming,
-    the country was in darkness; it was enveloped in mist.
-
-    Having sent paiks to collect the people of the land, they, having
-    surrounded them, caught the Meriah sacrificers.
-
-    Having caught the Meriah sacrificers, they brought them, and
-    again they went and seized the evil councillors.
-
-    Having seen the chains and shackles, the people were afraid;
-    murder and bloodshed were quelled.
-
-    Then the land became beautiful, and a certain Mokodella
-    (Macpherson) Sahib came.
-
-    He destroyed the lairs of the tigers and bears in the hills and
-    rocks, and taught wisdom to the people.
-
-    After the lapse of a month, he built bungalows and schools;
-    and he advised them to learn reading and law.
-
-    They learnt wisdom and reading; they acquired silver and gold. Then
-    all the people became wealthy."
-
-
-Human sacrifice was not practiced in the Kurtilli Muttah of the Ganjam
-Maliahs. The reason of this is assigned to the fact that the first
-attempt was made with a crooked knife, and the sacrificers made such
-a bad business of it that they gave it up. Colonel Campbell gives
-another tradition, that, through humanity, one of the Kurtilli Patros
-(head of a group of villages) threatened to leave the muttah if the
-practice was carried out.
-
-Of a substituted sacrifice, which was carried out in the Ganjam Maliahs
-in 1894, [169] the following graphic account has been given. "Suddenly
-we came upon a number of Khonds carrying an immensely long bamboo,
-about fifty feet in length, surmounted by a gorgeous sort of balloon
-made of red and white cloth stretched on a bamboo frame. Attached
-to this were dried strips of pig's flesh, and the whole of the
-extraordinary structure was surmounted by a huge plume of peacock's
-feathers that waved gaily in the breeze. Along with this was carried
-another bamboo, not so long, slung all over with iron bells. We found
-that the men had been worshipping, and presenting these structures
-to a sylvan deity close by, and were now hastening to the small Khond
-village of Dhuttiegaum, the scene of the present Meriah sacrifice. Half
-a mile brought us to this hamlet, situated amongst a dense grove
-of trees, in the midst of which was tied to a curiously fluted and
-carved wooden post the sacrificial buffalo, a placid animal, with
-its body glistening with the oil of many anointings. The huge bamboo
-pole, with its crown of red and white cloth and peacock's feathers,
-and incongruous shreds of dried pig's flesh, was now erected in
-the centre of the village. The comparative quiet in the village did
-not last long, for on a sudden the air was rent with a succession of
-shrieks. With the sound of the beating of Maliah drums, and the blowing
-of buffalo horns, a party of Khonds came madly dancing and rushing
-down a steep hillside from some neighbouring village. They dashed
-up to the buffalo, and began frantically dancing with the villagers
-already assembled round and round the animal. Each man carried a green
-bough of some tree, a sharp knife, and a tanghi. They were all adorned
-in holiday attire, their hair combed and knotted on the forehead, and
-profusely decorated with waving feathers. All of them were more or less
-intoxicated. Various other villagers now began to arrive, thick and
-fast, in the same manner, with wavings of green boughs, flourishing
-of knives, and hideous yells. Each party was led by the headman or
-Moliko of the village. The dancing now became more general, and faster
-and more furious, as more and more joined the human 'merry go round,'
-circling about the unfortunate buffalo. The women, who had followed
-their lords and masters at a discreet distance, stood sedately by in
-a group, and took no part whatever in the revels. They were for the
-most part fine buxom girls, well groomed and oiled, and stood demurely
-watching everything with their sharp black eyes. The hitherto quiet
-buffalo, who for nearly two days had been without food and water, now
-began to get excited, and, straining at its tether, plunged and butted
-at the dancers, catching one man neatly on the nose so that the blood
-flowed copiously. However, the Khonds were too excited to care, and
-circled round and round the poor maddened brute, singing and blowing
-horns into its ears, beating drums, and every now and then offering it
-cakes brought with them from their villages, and then laying them on
-the top of the post as offerings. As they thus madly careered about,
-we had ample time to note their extraordinary costumes. One man had
-somehow got hold of an old blue Police overcoat, which he had put
-on inside out, and round his waist he had gathered what seemed to
-be a number of striped tent carpets, forming a stiff ballet skirt or
-kilt. He was one of the most athletic in spinning round the buffalo,
-flourishing a kitchen chopper. Another man's costume consisted of
-almost nothing at all. He had, however, profusely daubed his body
-with white and black spots, and on his head he had centred all his
-decorative genius. The head in question was swathed in yards of cloth,
-terminating at the back in a perfect cascade of cock's feathers. He
-excitedly waved over this erection an ancient and very rusty umbrella,
-with many ventilations, with streamers of white cloth attached to the
-top. Others had tied on to their heads with bands of cloth the horns
-of buffaloes, or brass horns made in imitation of those of the spotted
-deer. Their long, black and curly hair hung in masses from beneath
-this strange erection, giving them a most startling appearance. The
-dancing round the buffalo lasted quite two hours, as they were waiting
-for the arrival of the Patro, before concluding the final ceremonies,
-and the great man was fashionably late. To incite their jaded energies
-to further terpsichorean efforts, from time to time the dancers drank
-copious draughts of a kind of beer, used specially on these occasions,
-and made from kukuri, a species of grain. At last, the long expected
-Patro arrived with the usual uproar of many deafening sounds, both
-artificial and natural, and with the waving of green boughs. On this
-occasion he walked last, while the whole of his retinue preceded
-him dancing, headed by an ancient and withered hag, carrying on
-her shoulders a Maliah drum of cow-hide stretched tightly over a
-hoop of iron, and vigorously beaten from behind her by a Khond with
-stiff thongs of dried leather. The great man himself walked sedately,
-followed by his 'charger,' a broken-kneed tat (pony), extraordinarily
-caparisoned, and led by a youth of tender years, whose sole garment
-consisted of a faded red drummer's coat of antiquated cut. As soon as
-the Patro had seated himself comfortably on a log near the dancers, a
-change came over the scene. The hitherto shouting and madly revolving
-throng stopped their gyrations round the stupefied beast, too much
-exhausted and frightened to offer any resistance, and, falling on
-its neck and body, began to smother it with caresses and endearments,
-and, to a low plaintive air, crooned and wailed over it, the following
-dirge, of which I append a rude translation. Tradition says that they
-used to sing it, with slight variations, over their human victims
-before the sacrifice:--
-
-
-    Blame us not, O buffalo!
-      Thus for sacrificing thee,
-    For our fathers have ordained
-      This ancient mystery.
-
-    We have bought thee with a price,
-      Have paid for thee all thy worth.
-    What blame can rest upon us,
-      Who save our land from dearth?
-
-    Famine stares us in the face,
-      Parched are our fields, and dry,
-    Death looks in at ev'ry door,
-      For food our young ones cry.
-
-    Thadi Pennoo veils her face,
-      Propitiate me, she cries,
-    Give to me of flesh and blood,
-      A willing sacrifice.
-
-    That where'er its blood is shed,
-      On land, or field, or hill,
-    There the gen'rous grain may spring,
-      So ye may eat your fill.
-
-    Then be glad, O buffalo!
-      Willing sacrifice to be,
-    Soon in Thadi's meadows green,
-      Thou shalt brouse eternally.
-
-
-After the Khonds had been chanting this sacrificial hymn for some time,
-the buffalo was untied from the carved post, and led, with singing,
-dancing and shouting, and with the noise of many musical instruments,
-to a sacred grove a few hundred yards off, and there tied to a
-stake. As soon as it had been firmly tied, the Khonds threw off all
-their superfluous clothing to the large crowd of womankind waiting
-near, and stood round the animal, each man with his hand uplifted,
-and holding a sharp knife ready to strike at a moment's notice,
-as soon as the priest or Janni had given the word of command. The
-Janni, who did not differ outwardly from the others, now gave the
-buffalo a slight tap on the head with a small axe. An indescribable
-scene followed. The Khonds in a body fell on the animal, and, in an
-amazingly short time, literally tore the living victim to shreds with
-their knives, leaving nothing but the head, bones, and stomach. Death
-must, mercifully, have been almost instantaneous. Every particle of
-flesh and skin had been stripped off during the few minutes they
-fought and struggled over the buffalo, eagerly grasping for every
-atom of flesh. As soon as a man had secured a piece of flesh, he
-rushed away with the gory mass, as fast as he could, to his fields,
-to bury it therein according to ancient custom, before the sun had
-set. As some of them had to do good distances to effect this, it was
-imperative that they should run very fast. A curious scene now took
-place, for which we could obtain no explanation. As the men ran,
-all the women flung after them clods of earth, some of them taking
-very good effect. The sacred grove was cleared of people, save a
-few that guarded the remnants left of the buffalo, which were taken,
-and burnt with ceremony at the foot of the stake."
-
-I pass on to the subject of infanticide among the Kondhs. It is
-stated, in the Manual of the Vizagapatam district, that female
-infanticide used to be very common all over the Jeypore country, and
-the Rajah is said to have made money out of it in one large taluk
-(division). The custom was to consult the Dasari (priest) when a
-child was born as to its fate. If it was to be killed, the parents
-had to pay the Amin of the taluk a fee for the privilege of killing
-it; and the Amin used to pay the Rajah three hundred rupees a year
-for renting the privilege of giving the license and pocketing the
-fees. The practice of female infanticide was formerly very prevalent
-among the Kondhs of Ganjam, and, in 1841, Lieutenant Macpherson was
-deputed to carry into effect the measures which had been proposed by
-Lord Elphinstone for the suppression of the Meriah sacrifices and
-infanticide. The custom was ascribed to various beliefs, viz., (1)
-that it was an injunction by god, as one woman made the whole world
-suffer; (2) that it conduces to male offspring; (3) that woman, being
-a mischief-maker, is better out of the world than in it; (4) that the
-difficulty, owing to poverty, in providing marriage portions was an
-objection to rearing females. From Macpherson's well known report [170]
-the following extracts are taken. "The portion of the Khond country,
-in which the practice of female infanticide is known to prevail, is
-roughly estimated at 2,400 square miles, its population at 60,000, and
-the number of infants destroyed annually at 1,200 to 1,500. The tribes
-(who practice infanticide) belong to the division of the Khond people
-which does not offer human sacrifices. The usage of infanticide has
-existed amongst them from time immemorial. It owes its origin and its
-maintenance partly to religious opinions, partly to ideas from which
-certain very important features of Khond manners arise. The Khonds
-believe that the supreme deity, the sun god, created all things good;
-that the earth goddess introduced evil into the world; and that these
-two powers have since conflicted. The non-sacrificing tribes make
-the supreme deity the great object of their adoration, neglecting the
-earth goddess. The sacrificing tribes, on the other hand, believe the
-propitiation of the latter power to be the most necessary worship. Now
-the tribes which practice female infanticide hold that the sun god,
-in contemplating the deplorable effects produced by the creation
-of feminine nature, charged men to bring up only as many females
-as they could restrain from producing evil to society. This is the
-first idea upon which the usage is founded. Again, the Khonds believe
-that souls almost invariably return to animate human forms in the
-families in which they have been first born and received. But the
-reception of the soul of an infant into a family is completed only
-on the performance of the ceremony of naming upon the seventh day
-after its birth. The death of a female infant, therefore, before that
-ceremonial of reception, is believed to exclude its soul from the
-circle of family spirits, diminishing by one the chance of future
-female births in the family. And, as the first aspiration of every
-Khond is to have male children, this belief is a powerful incentive
-to infanticide." Macpherson, during his campaign, came across many
-villages of about a hundred houses, in which there was not a single
-female child. In like manner, in 1855, Captain Frye found many Baro
-Bori Khond villages without a single female child in them.
-
-In savage societies, it has been said, sexual unions were generally
-effected by the violent capture of the woman. By degrees these captures
-have become friendly ones, and have ended in a peaceful exogamy,
-retaining the ancient custom only in the ceremonial form. Whereof
-an excellent example is afforded by the Kondhs, concerning whom
-the author of the Ganjam Manual writes as follows. "The parents
-arrange the marriages of their children. The bride is looked upon as
-a commercial speculation, and is paid for in gontis. A gonti is one
-of anything, such as a buffalo, a pig, or a brass pot; for instance,
-a hundred gontis might consist of ten bullocks, ten buffaloes, ten
-sacks of corn, ten sets of brass, twenty sheep, ten pigs, and thirty
-fowls. The usual price, however, paid by the bridegroom's father for
-the bride, is twenty or thirty gontis. A Khond finds his wife from
-among the women of any mutah (village) than his own. On the day fixed
-for the bride being taken home to her husband's house, the pieces of
-broom in her ears are removed, and are replaced by brass rings. The
-bride is covered over with a red blanket, and carried astride on
-her uncle's back towards the husband's village, accompanied by the
-young women of her own village. Music is played, and in the rear are
-carried brass playthings, such as horses, etc., for the bridegroom,
-and cloths and brass pins as presents for the bridegroom from the
-bride's father. On the road, at the village boundary, the procession
-is met by the bridegroom and the young men of his village, with their
-heads and bodies wrapped up in blankets and cloths. Each is armed
-with a bundle of long thin bamboo sticks. The young women of the
-bride's village at once attack the bridegroom's party with sticks,
-stones, and clods of earth, which the young men ward off with the
-bamboo sticks. A running fight is in this manner kept up until the
-village is reached, when the stone-throwing invariably ceases, and
-the bridegroom's uncle, snatching up the bride, carries her off to her
-husband's house. This fighting is by no means child's play, and the men
-are sometimes seriously injured. The whole party is then entertained by
-the bridegroom as lavishly as his means will permit. On the day after
-the bride's arrival, a buffalo and a pig are slaughtered and eaten,
-and, upon the bride's attendants returning home on the evening of the
-second day, a male and female buffalo, or some less valuable present,
-is given to them. On the third day, all the Khonds of the village have
-a grand dance or tamasha (festivity), and on the fourth day there is
-another grand assembly at the house of the bridegroom. The bride and
-bridegroom are then made to sit down on a cot, and the bridegroom's
-brother, pointing upwards to the roof of the house, says: "As long
-as this girl stays with us, may her children be as men and tigers;
-but, if she goes astray, may her children be as snakes and monkeys,
-and die and be destroyed!" In his report upon the Kondhs (1842),
-Macpherson tells us that "they hold a feast at the bride's house. Far
-into the night the principals in the scene are raised by an uncle of
-each upon his shoulders, and borne through the dance. The burdens
-are suddenly exchanged, and the uncle of the youth disappears with
-the bride. The assembly divides itself into two parties. The friends
-of the bride endeavour to arrest, those of the bridegroom to cover
-her flight, and men, women, and children mingle in mock conflict. I
-saw a man bearing away upon his back something enveloped in an ample
-covering of scarlet cloth. He was surrounded by twenty or thirty
-young fellows, and by them protected from the desperate attacks made
-upon him by a party of young women. The man was just married, and
-the burden was his blooming bride, whom he was conveying to his own
-village. Her youthful friends were, according to custom, seeking to
-regain possession of her, and hurled stones and bamboos at the head
-of the devoted bridegroom, until he reached the confines of his own
-village. Then the tables were turned, and the bride was fairly won;
-and off her young friends scampered, screaming and laughing, but not
-relaxing their speed till they reached their own village." Among
-the Kondhs of Gumsur, the friends and relations of the bride and
-bridegroom collect at an appointed spot. The people of the female
-convoy call out to the others to come and take the bride, and then
-a mock fight with stones and thorny brambles is begun by the female
-convoy against the parties composing the other one. In the midst of
-the tumult the assaulted party takes possession of the bride, and all
-the furniture brought with her, and carry all off together. [171]
-According to another account, the bride, as soon as she enters the
-bridegroom's house, has two enormous bracelets, or rather handcuffs of
-brass, each weighing from twenty to thirty pounds, attached to each
-wrist. The unfortunate girl has to sit with her two wrists resting
-on her shoulders, so as to support these enormous weights. This is
-to prevent her from running away to her old home. On the third day
-the bangles are removed, as it is supposed that by then the girl has
-become reconciled to her fate. These marriage bangles are made on the
-hills, and are curiously carved in fluted and zigzag lines, and kept
-as heirlooms in the family, to be used at the next marriage in the
-house. According to a still more recent account of marriage among the
-Kondhs [172] an old woman suddenly rushes forward, seizes the bride,
-flings her on her back, and carries her off. A man comes to the front,
-catches the groom, and places him astride on his shoulder. The human
-horses neigh and prance about like the live quadruped, and finally
-rush away to the outskirts of the village. This is a signal for the
-bride's girl friends to chase the couple, and pelt them with clods of
-earth, stones, mud, cowdung, and rice. When the mock assault is at an
-end, the older people come up, and all accompany the bridal pair to
-the groom's village. A correspondent informs me that he once saw a
-Kondh bride going to her new home, riding on her uncle's shoulders,
-and wrapped in a red blanket. She was followed by a bevy of girls
-and relations, and preceded by drums and horns. He was told that the
-uncle had to carry her the whole way, and that, if he had to put her
-down, a fine of a buffalo was inflicted, the animal being killed and
-eaten. It is recorded that a European magistrate once mistook a Kondh
-marriage for a riot, but, on enquiry, discovered his mistake.
-
-Reference has been made above to certain brass playthings,
-which are carried in the bridal procession. The figures include
-peacocks, chamæleons, cobras, crabs, horses, deer, tigers, cocks,
-elephants, human beings, musicians, etc. They are cast by the cire
-perdue process. The core of the figure is roughly shaped in clay,
-according to the usual practice, but, instead of laying on the wax
-in an even thickness, thin wax threads are first made, and arranged
-over the core so as to form a network, or placed in parallel lines
-or diagonally, according as the form of the figure or fancy of the
-workman dictates. The head, arms, and feet are modelled in the ordinary
-way. The wax threads are made by means of a bamboo tube, into the
-end of which a moveable brass plate is fitted. The wax, being made
-sufficiently soft by heat, is pressed through the perforation at the
-end of the tube, and comes out in the form of long threads, which must
-be used by the workmen before they become hard and brittle. The chief
-place where these figures are made is Belugunta, near Russellkonda in
-Ganjam. It is noted by Mr. J. A. R. Stevenson [173] that the Kondhs
-of Gumsur, to represent their deities Jara Pennu, the Linga Devata,
-or Petri Devata, keep in their houses brass figures of elephants,
-peacocks, dolls, fishes, etc. If affliction happens to any one
-belonging to the household, or if the country skin eruption breaks out
-on any of them, they put rice into milk, and, mixing turmeric with it,
-sprinkle the mixture on the figures, and, killing fowls and sheep,
-cause worship to be made by the Jani, and, making baji, eat.
-
-At a marriage among the Kondhs of Baliguda, after the heads of
-the bride and bridegroom have been brought together, an arrow is
-discharged from a bow by the younger brother of the bridegroom into
-the grass roof of the hut. At the betrothal ceremony of some Kondhs,
-a buffalo and pig are killed, and some of the viscera eaten. Various
-parts are distributed according to an abiding rule, viz., the head
-to the bridegroom's maternal uncle, the flesh of the sides to his
-sisters, and of the back among other relations and friends. Some
-Kondh boys of ten or twelve years of age are said to be married to
-girls of fifteen or sixteen. At Shubernagiri, in the Ganjam Maliahs,
-are two trysting trees, consisting of a jak (Artocarpus integrifolia)
-and mango growing close together. The custom was for a Kondh, who
-was unable to pay the marriage fees to the Patro (headman), to meet
-his love here by night and plight his troth, and then for the two to
-retire into the jungle for three days and nights before returning to
-the village. Afterwards, they were considered to be man and wife.
-
-It is noted by Mr. Friend-Pereira [174] that, at the ceremonial for
-settling the preliminaries of a Kondh marriage, a knotted string is
-put into the hands of the seridahpa gataru (searchers for the bride),
-and a similar string is kept by the girl's people. The reckoning of
-the date of the betrothal ceremony is kept by undoing a knot in the
-string every morning.
-
-Some years ago, a young Kondh was betrothed to the daughter of another
-Kondh, and, after a few years, managed to pay up the necessary number
-of gifts. He then applied to the girl's father to name the day for
-the marriage. Before the wedding took place, however, a Pano went
-to the girl's father, and said that she was his daughter (she had
-been born before her parents were married), and that he was the man
-to whom the gifts should have been paid. The case was referred to a
-council meeting, which decided in favour of the Pano.
-
-Of birth ceremonies, the following account is given by Mr. Jayaram
-Moodaliar. The woman is attended in her confinement by an elderly
-Kondh midwife, who shampooes her abdomen with castor-oil. The umbilical
-cord is cut by the mother of the infant. For this purpose, the right
-thigh of the baby is flexed towards its abdomen, and a piece of cooled
-charcoal placed on its right knee. The cord is placed on the charcoal,
-and divided with the sharp edge of an arrow. The placenta is buried
-close to the house near a wall. After the cord has been severed,
-the mother daubs the region of the infant's navel with her saliva,
-over which she smears castor-oil. She then warms her hands at a
-fire, and applies them to the infant's body. [It is stated, in the
-Ganjam Manual, that the infant is held before a hot fire, and half
-roasted.] The warming is repeated several times daily for four or five
-days. When the umbilical cord has sloughed off, a spider is burnt to
-ashes over a fire, placed in a cocoanut shell, mixed with castor-oil,
-and applied by means of a fowl's feather to the navel. The infant's
-head is shaved, except over the anterior fontanelle, the hair from
-which is removed after about a month. Its body is smeared all over
-daily with castor-oil and turmeric paste until it is a month old. The
-mother then goes with her baby and husband to her brother's house,
-where the infant is presented with a fowl, which is taken home,
-and eaten by her husband. The appropriation of the fowl varies
-according to the locality. In some places, the infant's father,
-and other relations, except the mother, may eat it, and, in others,
-both its parents, and relations living in the house, may do so. In
-still other places, the father, paternal grandfather and grandmother,
-and paternal uncle, may partake of it.
-
-The naming ceremony among the Kondhs of Gumsur is thus described
-by Mr. J. A. R. Stevenson. "Six months after birth, on a fixed day,
-they make gaduthuva (the ceremony of naming the child). On that day,
-killing a dog, and procuring liquor, they make baji. They wash the feet
-of the child. The Jani being come, he ties a cord from the haft to the
-point of a sickle, and they divine by means of it. Having assembled
-the petrilu (literally ancestors, but here denoting household images
-or gods), they put rice on the sickle. As the names (of the ancestors
-or family?) are repeated in order, each time the rice is put on,
-that name is chosen on the mention of which the sickle moves, and is
-given to the child. They then drink liquor, and eat baji. They give
-rice and flesh to the Jani."
-
-Of death ceremonies, the following account is given in the manual
-of the Ganjam district. "Immediately after death, a cloth is wrapped
-round the corpse, but no cloths or valuables are removed. A portion of
-paddy (unhusked rice), and all the cooking utensils of the deceased
-are given to the village Sitra. [The Sitras manufacture the brass
-rings and bangles worn by the Kondhs.] The body is then burnt. On the
-following day, a little rice is cooked, put on a dish, and laid on the
-spot where the corpse was burnt. An incantation is then pronounced,
-requesting the spirit of the deceased person to eat the rice and
-enjoy itself, and not to change itself into a devil or tiger, and
-come bothering the survivors in the village. Three days after death,
-the madda ceremony is performed. An effigy of the deceased is prepared
-of straw, which is stuck up in front of or on the roof of the house,
-and the relations and friends assemble, lament, and eat at the expense
-of the people of the deceased's house. Each person brings a present of
-some kind or other, and, on his departure on the next day, receives
-something of slightly higher value. The death of a man in a village
-requires a purification, which is made by the sacrifice of a buffalo
-on the seventh day after death. If a man is killed by a tiger, the
-purification is made by the sacrifice of a pig, the head of which,
-cut off with a tangi (axe) by a Pano, is passed between the legs
-of the men in the village, who stand in a line astraddle. It is a
-bad omen for him if the head touches any man's legs. If the Patro
-attends a funeral, he gets a fee of a goat for firing his gun, to
-drive away the dead man's ghost." According to Mr. Jayaram Moodaliar,
-if a person is killed by a tiger, the head of the decapitated pig is
-placed in a stream, and, as it floats down, it has to pass between
-the legs of the villagers. If it touches the legs of any of them,
-it forebodes that he will be killed by a tiger.
-
-In a note on the death ceremonies in Gumsur, Mr. J. A. R. Stevenson
-writes as follows. "On life ceasing, they tie a sheep to the foot
-of the corpse. They carry the clothes, brass eating-dish, brass
-drinking-vessel, ornaments, grain in store, and the said sheep to
-the burning-ground. Having burned the body, and gone around about
-the pile, they leave all those things there, and, beating drums,
-return home. The garments the Panos take away. They procure liquor,
-and drink it. They then go to their respective houses, and eat. On the
-next day, they kill a she-buffalo, and get together a great quantity
-of liquor. The whole of the tribe (near and distant relations)
-being assembled, they make baji, and eat. They beat drums. If the
-deceased were of any consequence, dancers come and dance to the
-sound of the drums, to whom some animal is given, which they take,
-and go away. Subsequently, on the twelfth day, they carry a hog to
-the spot where the body was burned, and, after perambulating the
-site of the pyre, return to their home, where they kill a hog in
-the place set apart for their household gods, and, procuring liquor,
-make baji, the members of the tribe eating together. Should a tiger
-carry off any one, they throw out of doors all the (preserved) flesh
-belonging to him, and all the people of the village, not excepting
-children, quit their homes. The Jani, being come with two rods of
-the tummeca tree (Acacia arabica), he plants these in the earth, and
-then, bringing one rod of the condatamara tree (Smilax macrophylla),
-he places it transversely across the other two. The Jani, performing
-some incantation, sprinkles water on them. Beginning with the children,
-as these and the people pass through the passage so formed, the Jani
-sprinkles water on them all. Afterwards, the whole of them go to
-their houses, without looking behind them."
-
-In connection with customs observed in the event of death, Mr. Jayaram
-Moodaliar writes that "if a woman's husband dies, she removes the beads
-from her neck, the metal finger rings, ankle and wrist ornaments, and
-the ornament worn in the lobe of one ear, that worn in the lobe of the
-other ear being retained. These are thrown on the chest of the corpse,
-before it is cremated. The widow does not remove the ornaments worn in
-the helices of the ears, and in the alæ and septum of the nose. When
-a Khond dies, his body is cremated. The people in the house of the
-deceased are not allowed to cook their food on that or the next day,
-but are fed by their relations and friends in the village. On the day
-after death, rice and a fowl are cooked separately, put in big leaf
-cups, and placed on the spot where the corpse was burnt. The spirit
-of the deceased is invited to eat the meal, and asked not to do them
-any harm. On the third day, the relations bathe, and smear their heads
-with clay. An effigy of the deceased is made, and stuck up on the roof
-of the house. The practice of making an image of the deceased obtains
-among the Goomsur Khonds, but, in some other places, is considered
-inauspicious. On the seventh day, a purificatory ceremony is gone
-through, and a buffalo killed, with which, and the indispensable
-liquor, the guests are entertained. At a village two miles from
-Baliguda, a boy, about sixteen years old, died. His gold ear-rings and
-silver bracelets were not removed, but burnt. His cloths were thrown
-on the pyre. Ragi and other grains, paddy, etc., were placed near the
-funeral pyre, but not in the fire. The food-stuffs, and a buffalo,
-were divided among the Haddis, who are the servants of the headman
-(Patro) of the muttah. They also took the remains of the jewels,
-recovered from the ashes after cremation."
-
-It is recorded by Mr. F. Fawcett [175] that "once after death,
-a propitiatory sacrifice is made of animals of the deceased to the
-Pidari Pitta (ancestor) for the sake of the deceased's spirit, which,
-after this festive introduction to the shades, must take its chance. A
-curious ceremony, which I do not remember seeing noted anywhere,
-is performed the day after death. Some boiled rice and a small fowl
-are taken to the burning place. The fowl is split down the breast,
-and placed on the spot; it is afterwards eaten, and the soul is
-invoked to enter a new-Aborn child."
-
-The following note on a Kondh funeral dance in the Ganjam Maliahs is
-from the pen of an eye-witness. [176] "The dead Patro is, as usual,
-a hill Uriya, of ancient lineage, no less than that of the great totem
-of nola bompsa or the ancestral wood-pigeon that laid its eggs in the
-hollow of a bamboo, from which this family sprang. Various and most
-interesting are the totems of the Maliahs. In passing, I may mention
-another curious totem, that of the pea-fowl, two eggs of which a
-man brought home to his wife, who laid them in an earthen pot, and
-from them sprang a man-child, the progenitor of a famous family. But
-to return to the Patro. Before sunset, mourned by his two wives,
-the younger and favourite one carrying a young child of light bamboo
-colour, he had been burnt, without much ceremony, in an open grassy
-spot, his ashes scattered to the four winds of heaven, and the spot
-marked by wooden posts driven deep into the soil. Not now would be
-celebrated the funeral obsequies, but a month hence on the accession
-of his eldest son, the future Patro, a fair lad of eighteen years. As
-the day for the obsequies drew near, an unusual bustle filled the
-air. Potters from the low country arrived, and hundreds upon hundreds
-of earthen pots of all sizes and shapes were turned, and piled in
-great heaps near the village. Huge buffaloes, unconscious of their
-approaching fate, lay tethered near, or wallowing in bovine luxury
-in a swamp hard by. Messengers had been sent far and near to all the
-Patros, Molikos, and Bissoyis. Even the Kuttiya Khonds were not left
-out. The auspicious morning at length dawned, when a distinguished
-company began to arrive, each chief with his followers, and in many
-cases his wives and little children, all dressed in their best, and
-bent on enjoying everything to the utmost. I noticed fine stalwart
-men from Udiagiri on the edge of the ghauts, together with Khonds from
-more civilised Baliguda, and Khonds from cold and breezy Daringabadi,
-cheerful in spite of the numbers of their relatives that had found a
-horrid tomb inside a man-eating tiger that since 1886 (together with
-another ally lately started) had carried off more than four hundred
-of their kith and kin. Distinguished amongst even that wild horde for
-savagery were the Khonds from the Kuttiya country, who live on tops of
-hills, and whose women are seldom, if ever, seen. These are remarkable
-for their enormous quantities of frizzly hair tied in huge chignons
-over the right brow, and decorated with feathers of every hue--the
-jay, the parrot, the peacock and the white quills of the paddy-bird
-predominating. Their short, sturdy limbs are hung in every direction
-with necklaces and curious blue beads and cut agates, said to be dug
-out of ancient burial places and cromlechs in Central India. Certain
-it is that almost no inducement will prevail on a Khond to voluntarily
-part with these precious heirlooms. As each fresh detachment arrived,
-their first occupation was to go to a neighbouring tank (pond), and,
-after a wash and decoration of head and hair with either the orthodox
-feathers, or, prettier still, with wreaths of wild flowers, to repair
-to the late chief's house, and, presenting themselves at the door,
-condole, with much vigour of lungs, with the now less disconsolate
-widows on their recent loss. This ceremony over, they tendered
-their allegiance to the young son of the dead Patro, permitted
-by Government to take his place, and each man received from him an
-earthen cooking-pot, and each circle of villages a buffalo. The Khond
-is a beef eater, but a curious custom prevails in some parts, that a
-married woman must abstain from the flesh of a cow. These preliminary
-ceremonies over, the crowd adjourned, with great noise of shouting,
-blowing of buffalo horns, and beating of drums, to the open grassy
-spot marked by posts, where the late Patro had been burned, and where
-a recently killed buffalo, weltering in its gore, now lay. Among
-the throng of men, women and children, most of the former more than
-slightly elevated by drinking copious draughts of a kind of beer made
-from the kuhari grain, were three Khonds carrying long poles surmounted
-by huge bunches of peacock feathers that blazed in the sunlight
-like emeralds and sapphires. The funeral dance now commenced. The
-dance itself is simple in the extreme, for, when the right spot was
-reached, old men and young began gyrating round and round in a large
-circle, a perfect human merry-go-round. The old grey-beards, plodding
-slowly round the ring, and stamping on the soil with their aged feet,
-presented a great contrast to the younger and wilder men, who capered
-and pranced about, sometimes outside the circle, waving their tanghis
-in the air, and every now and then leaping up to the slain buffalo,
-and dipping their axes into its blood, and then back again, dancing
-more wildly than ever, round and round from west to east, till the
-eye ached to behold the perpetual motion of this animated wheel. In
-the centre revolved the three men with the huge bunches of peacock
-feathers afore-mentioned. When any dropped out of the circle to rest
-there were many eager and willing to take their places, and so, with
-relays of fresh dancers, this human circle revolved on for three whole
-days, only ceasing at nightfall, when by large fires the various tribes
-cooked in the earthen pots provided the buffaloes presented by the new
-Patro. In olden days, an animal was given to each village, but on this
-occasion only to a circle of villages, occasioning thereby certain
-grumblings among the wiseacres for the good old days of the past,
-when not only buffaloes in plenty, but Meriah human victims as well
-were lavishly provided and sacrificed. 'Ichabod,' said they in Khond,
-'the glory of the Maliahs hath departed.' On the afternoon of the
-third day, the Patros, Molikas, Bissoyis, and others of the great
-men began to depart with their retainers for their distant homes in
-the jungles, having had a thoroughly good time. The women, who had
-been very shy at first, fled at my approach, now, after three days'
-familiarity with a white face, began to show symptoms of friendliness,
-so that they allowed me to go quite near to them to examine their
-pretty necklaces of coloured grasses, silver coins, and curious beads,
-and to count the numbers of small sticks (generally about twelve or
-fifteen) of broom that were arranged in the shape of a crescent round
-the outer edges of the pierced ears of each unmarried village belle,
-and to observe at close quarters the strange tattooed patterns in
-blue of zigzag and curve that to my eyes disfigured their otherwise
-comely faces. As to beauty of figure, I think very few can compare
-with a young and well-grown Khond maiden, with her straight back and
-handsome proportions. It was, therefore, without much difficulty that
-I persuaded some of them to dance before me. Six buxom girls stepped
-out, all of them the respectable daughters of well-to-do Khonds,
-prepared to dance the famous peacock dance. Round their supple but
-massive waists was twisted the strip of national Khond cloth of blue,
-red and white, and for bodices what could be more becoming than their
-glossy brown skins of nature's millinery, gracefully wreathed with
-garlands of coloured grasses and strings of gay beads. The polished
-jet black hair, neatly tied in a knot at the back, and decorated with
-pretty lacquered and silver combs, or with forest flowers, added yet
-more to their picturesque appearance. Each girl now took a long strip
-of white cloth, and, winding it round her waist, allowed one end to
-trail at the back in the fashion of a Liberty sash. This was supposed
-to represent the tail of the peacock. Three of the girls then faced
-the three others, and, with their left hands resting on their hips,
-and their elbows sticking out (to represent the wings), and the right
-arms extended in front with the fingers outstretched to simulate the
-neck and beak, began to dance to the ear-piercing shrieks of cracked
-trumpet, and to the deep beatings of a Maliah drum marking excellent
-time. On and on they danced, advancing and retiring, and now and then
-crossing over (not unlike the first figure of the quadrille), while
-their tinkling feet, 'like little mice, stole in and out,' the heels
-alternately clashing against each other, in exact time to the music,
-and the lips gracefully waving from side to side as they advanced or
-retired. There was perfect grace of movements combined with extreme
-modesty, the large expressive eyes veiled by the long lashes never
-once being raised, and the whole demeanour utterly oblivious to the
-crowd of enthusiastic admirers that surrounded them on all sides. But
-for the wild scene around, the noise and shrieking of instruments,
-and the fantastic dresses of the Khonds (many of whom had buffalo
-horns tied on to their painted faces, or had decorated their heads
-with immense wigs of long black hair), one might easily have supposed
-these shrinking damsels to have been the pick of a Mission School
-specially selected for propriety to dance the South Indian kummi
-before, say, an itinerant Bishop of ascetic tendencies and æsthetic
-temperament. When their heaving, panting bodies showed that exhausted
-nature claimed them for her own, the man with the trumpet or the drum
-would rush up, and blow or beat it almost under their drooping heads,
-urging them with shouts and gesticulations to further energy, till at
-length the shades of night crept over the hills, and, with one accord,
-the dancing and the deafening music ceased, while the six girls stole
-quietly back and were soon lost in the crowd."
-
-Of superstitions among the Kondhs, the following are recorded by
-Mr. Jayaram Moodaliar:--
-
-
-    "When a Kondh starts out on a shooting expedition, if he first
-    meets an adult female, married or unmarried, he will return home,
-    and ask a child to tell the females to keep out of his way. He will
-    then make a fresh start, and, if he meets a female, will wave his
-    hand to her as a sign that she must keep clear of him. Before a
-    party start out for shooting, they warn the females not to come
-    in their way. The Kondh believes that, if he sees a female, he
-    will not come across animals in the jungle to shoot. If a woman
-    is in her menses, her husband, brothers, and sons living under
-    the same roof, will not go out shooting for the same reason.
-
-    A Kondh will not leave his village when a jathra (festival) is
-    being celebrated, lest the god Pennu should visit his wrath on him.
-
-    They will not cut trees, which yield products suitable for human
-    consumption, such as the mango, jak, jambul (Eugenia Jambolana), or
-    iluppai (Bassia) from which they distil a spirituous liquor. Even
-    though these trees prevent the growth of a crop in the fields,
-    they will not cut them down.
-
-    If an owl hoots over the roof of a house, or on a tree close
-    thereto, it is considered unlucky, as foreboding a death in the
-    family at an early date. If an owl hoots close to a village, but
-    outside it, the death of one of the villagers will follow. For
-    this reason, the bird is pelted with stones, and driven off.
-
-    They will not kill a crow, as this would be a sin amounting to
-    the killing of a friend. According to their legend, soon after the
-    creation of the world there was a family consisting of an aged man
-    and woman, and four children, who died one after the other in quick
-    succession. Their parents were too aged to take the necessary steps
-    for their cremation, so they threw the bodies away on the ground,
-    at some distance from their home. God appeared to them in their
-    dreams one night, and promised that he would create the crow,
-    so that it might devour the dead bodies.
-
-    They do not consider it a sin to kill a Brahminy kite (Haliastur
-    indus: Garuda pakshi), which is held in veneration throughout
-    Southern India. A Kondh will kill it for so slight an offence as
-    carrying off his chickens.
-
-    They will not cut the crops with a sickle with a serrated edge,
-    such as is used by the Oriyas, but use a straight-edged knife. The
-    crops, after they have been cut, are removed to the village, and
-    threshed by hand, and not with the help of cattle. While this is
-    being done, strangers (Kondh or others) may not look on the crop,
-    or speak to them, lest their evil eye should be cast on them. If
-    a stranger is seen approaching near the threshing-floor, the
-    Kondhs keep him off by signalling to him with their hands, without
-    speaking. The serrated sickle is not used, because it produces a
-    sound like that of cattle grazing, which would be unpropitious. If
-    cattle were used in threshing the crop, it is believed that the
-    earth god would feel insulted by the dung and urine of the animals.
-
-    They believe that they can transform themselves into tigers or
-    snakes, half the soul leaving the body and becoming changed into
-    one of these animals, either to kill an enemy, or satisfy hunger
-    by having a good feed on cattle in the jungle. During this period,
-    they are believed to feel dull and listless, and disinclined for
-    work, and, if a tiger is killed in the forest, they will die
-    synchronously. Mr. Fawcett informs me that the Kondhs believe
-    that the soul wanders during sleep. On one occasion, a dispute
-    arose owing to a man discovering that another Kondh, whose spirit
-    used to wander about in the guise of a tiger, ate up his spirit,
-    and he became ill.
-
-    When cholera breaks out in a village, all males and females smear
-    their bodies from head to foot with pig's fat liquefied by heat,
-    and continue to do so until a few days after the disappearance
-    of the dread disease. During this time, they do not bathe, lest
-    the smell of the fat should be washed away."
-
-
-The Kondhs are said [177] to prevent the approach of the goddess
-of small-pox by barricading the paths with thorns and ditches, and
-boiling caldrons of stinking oil. The leopard is looked upon in some
-way as a sacred beast by the Kondhs of the northern Maliahs. They
-object to a dead leopard being carried through their villages, and
-oaths are taken on a leopard's skin.
-
-Referring to elf stones, or stones of the dead in European
-countries, to which needles, buttons, milk, eggs, etc., are offered,
-Mr. F. Fawcett describes [178] a Kondh ceremony, in which the ground
-under a tree was cleared in the form of a square, within which were
-circles of saffron (turmeric), charcoal, rice, and some yellow powder,
-as well as an egg or a small chicken. A certain Kondh had fever caused
-by an evil spirit, and the ceremony was an invitation to it to come
-out, and go to another village.
-
-The following account of a cow-shed sacrifice is given by
-Mr. Fawcett. [179] "A special liquor is brewed from grain for the
-ceremony, on the first day of which there is a general fast, a pig
-is bought by general subscription, and dragged to the place where
-it is to be sacrificed by a rope 'through its belly.' The pig is
-stoned to death, but, ere it dies, each Khond cuts off some of the
-hair and a little piece of the ear, which are treasured. The meat
-is divided among them, and cooked with rice. The priest goes from
-house to house, and performs the ceremony of the cow-shed. The ropes
-of the cattle (chiefly buffaloes) which are out grazing are tied to
-the central point in the cow-shed, and the other ends are laid on the
-ground across the shed. These ropes are the visible objects, to which
-sacrifice is made. The head of a chicken is buried near the ends tied
-to the post, and near it are ranged leaves, on which are placed rice,
-flesh of the pig, and a bit of its ear. A little in front of these is
-buried a rotten egg. The chicken, whose head is buried, is boiled,
-and eaten by children who have not yet donned a cloth. The Khond
-puts the rice, piece of the ear, and the hair of the pig, under the
-roof. In the evening the cattle come home, and are tied by the ropes
-used in the ceremony. Then the women break their fast--they must eat
-then. Drinking and dancing occupy the two following days, during which
-no manure is removed from the cow-shed. On the third day, the Khonds
-come out with a lump of it in the hand, and throw it in one place,
-forming a heap, on which the priest pours liquor and rice."
-
-The following example of a Kondh oath is given by
-Mr. J. A. R. Stevenson. "The subject of the circumstance is first
-repeated by the swearing party, and a basket containing the following
-things is held before him:--
-
-
-    A blood-sucker (lizard).
-    A bit of tiger's skin.
-    A peacock's feather.
-    Earth from a 'white-ant' hill.
-    Rice mixed with fowl's blood.
-    A lighted lamp.
-
-
-He proceeds with his oath, touching each object in the basket at
-that part of the oath which refers to that object. 'Oh! father
-(god), I swear, and, if I swear falsely, then, Oh! father, may I
-become shrivelled and dry like a blood-sucker, and thus die. May I
-be killed by a tiger. May I crumble to dust like this white-ant's
-hill. May I be blown about like this feather. May I be extinguished
-like this lamp.' In saying the last words, he puts a few grains of
-rice in his mouth, and blows out the lamp, and the basket with its
-contents is made to touch the top of his head."
-
-In 1904, a case illustrating the prevailing belief in witchcraft
-occurred in the Vizagapatam hill tracts. The youngest of three
-brothers died of fever, and, when the body was cremated, the fire
-failed to consume the upper portion. The brothers concluded that
-death must have been caused by the witchcraft of a certain Kondh. They
-accordingly attacked him, and killed him. After death, the brothers
-cut the body in half, and dragged the upper half to their own village,
-where they attempted to nail it up on the spot where their deceased
-brother's body failed to burn. The accused were arrested on the spot,
-with the fragment of the Kondh's corpse. They were sentenced to death,
-and the sentence was confirmed by the High Court. [180]
-
-In 1906, a Kondh, suspecting a Pano girl of having stolen some
-cloths and a silver ornament from him, went to the dhengada house
-in Sollagodo, where the girl slept with other unmarried girls,
-and took her to his village, where he confined her in his house. On
-the following day, he took her to an Oriya trader, who thrashed her,
-in order to make her confess to the theft. Subsequently, some of the
-villagers collected to see her undergo the ordeal of boiling water. A
-pot nearly full of water was boiled, some cow-dung and sacred rice
-added, and a rupee placed in the pot. The girl was ordered to take
-out the rupee. This she did three times, but, on the fourth occasion,
-the water scalded her hand and forearm. She was then ordered to pay
-as a fine her ear-ring, which was worth one rupee. This she did,
-as it was the custom for an unsuccessful person to hand over some
-property. Her right hand was practically destroyed as the result of the
-scalding. An elderly Patro (headman) deposed that the ordinary practice
-in trials of this sort is to place two pots of water, one boiling and
-the other cold. In the boiling water a rupee and some rice are placed,
-and the suspected person has to take out the rupee once, and should
-then dip his hand in the cold water. If the hand is then scalded,
-the person is considered guilty, and has to pay a fine to the caste.
-
-In trial by immersion in water, the disputants dive into a pool,
-and he who can keep under water the longest is considered to be
-in the right. On one occasion, some years ago, when two villages
-were disputing the right of possession of a certain piece of land,
-the Magistrate resorted to a novel method to settle the dispute. He
-instituted a tug-of-water between an equal number of representatives
-of the contending parties. The side which won took possession of the
-disputed property, to the satisfaction of all. [181]
-
-In connection with sacred rice, which has been referred to above,
-reference may be made to the custom of Mahaprasad Songatho. "It
-is prevalent among the Khonds and other hill tribes of Ganjam and
-Orissa, and is found among the Oriyas. Sangatho means union or
-friendship. Mahaprasad Songatho is friendship sworn by mahaprasad,
-i.e., cooked rice consecrated to god Jagannath of Puri. The remains
-of the offering are dried and preserved. All pilgrims visiting Puri
-invariably get a quantity of this mahaprasad, and freely distribute
-it to those who ask for it. It is regarded as a sacred thing,
-endowed with supreme powers of forgiving the sins and wrongs of
-men by mere touch. It is not only holy itself, but also sanctifies
-everything done in its presence. It is believed that one dare not
-commit a foul deed, utter a falsehood, or even entertain an evil
-thought, when it is held in the hands. On account of such beliefs,
-witnesses in law suits (especially Oriyas) are asked to swear by
-it when giving evidence. Mahaprasad Songatho is sworn friendship
-between two individuals of the same sex. Instances are on record of
-friendship contracted between a wealthy and cultured townsman and a
-poor village rustic, or between a Brahmin woman of high family and
-a Sudra servant. Songatho is solemnised with some ceremonies. On an
-auspicious day fixed for the purpose, the parties to the Songatho,
-with their relatives, friends and well-wishers, go to a temple in
-procession to the festive music of flutes and drum. There, in that
-consecrated place, the would-be friends take a solemn oath, with the
-god before them, mahaprasad in their hands, and the assemblage to
-witness that they will be lifelong friends, in spite of any changes
-that might come over them or their families. The ceremony closing,
-there will be dinners, gifts and presents on both sides, and the
-day is all mirth and merriment. Thus bound by inseparable ties of
-friendship, they live to the end of their lives on terms of extreme
-intimacy and affection. They seize every opportunity of meeting,
-and living in each other's company. They allow no festival to pass
-without an exchange of new cloths, and other valuable presents. No
-important ceremony is gone through in any one's house without the
-other being invited. Throughout the year, they will send each other
-the various fruits and vegetables in their respective seasons. If one
-dies, his or her family does not consider the bond as having been
-snapped, but continues to look upon the other more or less in the
-same manner as did the deceased. The survivor, if in need of help,
-is sure to receive assistance and sympathy from the family of the
-deceased friend. This is how the institution is maintained by the
-less civilised Oriyas of the rural parts. The romance of the Songatho
-increases with the barbarity of the tribe. The Khonds, and other hill
-tribes, furnish us with an example of Songatho, which retains all
-its primitive simplicity. Among them, Songatho is ideal friendship,
-and examples of Damon and Pythias are not rare. A Khond has been known
-to ruin himself for the sake of his friend. He willingly sacrifices
-all that he has, and even his life, to protect the interests of his
-friend. The friends have nothing but affection for each other." [182]
-
-It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district, that "the
-Khonds steal cattle, especially those belonging to Brinjari gangs, in
-an open manner, for the sake of their flesh. In 1898, at Veppiguda near
-Gudari a party of them attacked four constables who were patrolling
-the country to check these thefts, thrashed them, and carried off all
-their property and uniforms. Efforts to arrest these men resulted
-in the inhabitants of their village fleeing to the hills, and, for
-a time, it looked as if there was danger of others joining them, and
-of the Khonds going out. In 1882, the Khonds of Kalahandi State rose
-against the Uriyas, and murdered some hundreds of them. Luckily the
-invitation to join them, conveyed by the circulation of the head,
-fingers, hair, etc., of an early victim, was not accepted by the
-Khonds of this district." The news of the rising was conveyed to
-Mr. H. G. Prendergast, Assistant Superintendent of Police, by a Domb
-disguised as a fakir, who carried the report concealed in his languti
-(cloth). He was rewarded with a silver bangle. At a meeting held
-at the village of Balwarpur, it was decided that the Kultas should
-all be killed and swept out of the country. As a sign of this, the
-Kondhs carried brooms about. At Asurgarh the police found four headless
-corpses, and learnt from the widows all that they had to say about the
-atrocities. The murders had been committed in the most brutal way. All
-the victims were scalped while still alive, and one had an arm and a
-leg cut off before being scalped. As each victim died, his death was
-announced by three taps on a drum given slowly, followed by shouting
-and dancing. The unfortunate men were dragged out of their houses,
-and killed before their women and children. Neither here nor anywhere
-else were the women outraged, though they were threatened with death
-to make them give up buried treasure. One woman was in this way made
-to dig up a thousand rupees. On a tamarind tree near the village of
-Billat, affixed to it as a trophy, there was the scalped head of a
-Kulta, hacked about in the most horrible way. [183]
-
-The fact is noted by Mr. Jayaram Moodaliar that the Kondh system
-of notation is duodecimal. Thirteen is twelve and one, forty three
-twelves and four, and so forth.
-
-
-Kondh Bibliography.
-
-Aborigines of the Eastern Ghâts. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, XXV,
-39-52, 1856.
-
-Caldwell, R. Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or South Indian
-Family of Languages, 2nd edn., appendix, 516-17, 1875.
-
-Campbell, G. Specimens of Languages of India, including those of the
-Aboriginal Tribes of Bengal, the Central Provinces and the Eastern
-Frontier, 95-107, 1904, Calcutta.
-
-Campbell, Major-General. Personal Narrative of Service amongst the
-Wild Tribes of Khondistan, 1864.
-
-Dalton, E. T. Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, 285-301, 1872.
-
-Duff, Rev. A. The First Series of Government Measures for the Abolition
-of Human Sacrifices among the Khonds. Selections from the Calcutta
-Review, 194-257, 1845-6.
-
-Fawcett, F. Miscellaneous Notes. Journ., Anthrop. Soc., Bombay,
-II, 247-51.
-
-Francis, W. Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam District, Vol. I, 1907.
-
-Friend-Pereira, J. E. Marriage Customs of the Khonds. Journ.,
-Asiat. Soc. Bengal, LXXI, part III, 18-28, 1903.
-
-Friend-Pereira, J. E. Totemism among the Khonds. Journ., Asiat. Soc.,
-Bengal, LXXIII, Part III, 39-56, 1905.
-
-Frye, Captain. Dialogues and Sentences in the Kondh Language, with
-an English translation, 1851, Cuttack.
-
-Frye, Captain. Fables in the Kondh Language, with an English
-translation, 1851, Cuttack.
-
-Frye, Captain. Fables in the Kondh Language, with an Oriya translation,
-1851, Cuttack.
-
-Frye, Captain. The History of Joseph in the Kui or Kondh Language,
-1851, Cuttack.
-
-Frye, Captain. Primer and Progressive Reading Lessons in the Kondh
-Language, with an Oriya translation, 1851, Cuttack.
-
-Frye, Lieut. J. P. On the Uriya and Kondh Population of Orissa. Journ.,
-Roy. Asiat. Soc. of Great Britain and Ireland, XVII, 1-38, 1860.
-
-Grierson, G. A. Linguistic Survey of India, IV, 457-71, 1906.
-
-History of the Rise and Progress of the Operations for the Suppression
-of Human Sacrifice and Female Infanticide in the Hill tracts of
-Orissa. Selections from the Records of the Government of India (Home
-Department) No. V, 1854, Calcutta.
-
-Hunter, W. W. Orissa II, 67-100, 1872.
-
-Huttmann, G. H. Lieut. Macpherson's Report upon the Khonds of the
-Districts of Ganjam and Cuttack. Calcutta Review, VIII, 1-51, 1847.
-
-Huttmann, G. H. Captain Macpherson's Report upon the Khonds of the
-Districts of Ganjam and Cuttack. Calcutta Review, X, 273-341, 1848.
-
-Lingum Letchmajee. Introduction to the Grammar of the Kui or Kondh
-Language, 2nd edn., 1902, Calcutta.
-
-Macpherson, Captain S. C. An account of the Religious Opinions
-and Observances of the Khonds of Goomsur and Boad. Journ.,
-Roy. Asiat. Soc. of Great Britain and Ireland, VII, 172-99, 1843.
-
-Macpherson, Captain S. C. An account of the Religion of the Khonds
-in Orissa. Journ., Roy. Asiat. Soc. of Great Britain and Ireland,
-XIII, 216-74, 1852.
-
-Macpherson, Lieut. Report upon the Khonds of the Districts of Ganjam
-and Cuttack, 1863, Madras.
-
-Maltby, T. J. Ganjam District Manual, 65-87, 1882.
-
-Rice, S. P. Occasional Essays on Native South Indian Life, 97-102,
-1901.
-
-Risley, H. H. The Tribes and Castes of Bengal, I, 397-413. 1891.
-
-Smith, Major J. McD. Practical Handbook of the Khond Language, 1876,
-Cuttack.
-
-Taylor, Rev. W. On the Language, Manners, and Rites of the Khonds
-or Khoi Jati of the Goomsur Mountains from documents furnished by
-J. A. R. Stevenson. Madras Journ. Lit. and Science, VI, 17-46, 1837.
-
-Taylor, Rev. W. Some Additional Notes on the Hill Inhabitants of the
-Goomsur Mountains. Madras Journ., Lit. and Science, VII, 89-104, 1838.
-
-Kondra.--The Kondras or Kondoras are a fishing caste in Ganjam, who
-fish in ponds, lakes, rivers, and backwaters, but are never engaged
-in sea-fishing. It has been suggested that the name is derived from
-konkoda, a crab, as they catch crabs in the Chilka lake, and sell
-them. The Kondras rank very low in the social scale, and even the
-Haddis refuse to beat drums for them, and will not accept partially
-boiled rice, which they have touched. In some places, the members
-of the caste call themselves Dasa Divaro, and claim descent from the
-boatmen who rowed the boat when King Bharatha went to Chithrakutam,
-to inform Rama of the death of Dasaratha. Apparently the caste is
-divided into two endogamous sections, viz., Macha Kondras, who follow
-the traditional occupation of fishing, and Dandasi Khondras, who have
-taken to the duties of village watchmen. As examples of septs or
-bamsams, the following may be cited:--kako (crow), bilva (jackal),
-gaya (cow), kukkiriya (dogs), ghasia (grass), bholia (wild dog),
-sanguna (vulture). A few said that reverence is paid to the animals
-after which the bamsam is named before the marriage ceremonies, but
-this was denied by others. The headman of the caste is styled Behara,
-and he is assisted by the Dolobehara and Bhollobaya. There is also a
-caste messenger called Chattia. The Behara receives a fee of a rupee
-on occasions of marriage, and one anna for death ceremonies.
-
-Girls are married either before or after puberty. Sometimes a girl
-is married in performance of a vow to the sahada (Streblus asper)
-tree. The ground round the tree is cleaned, a new cloth is then tied
-round the trunk, and a bow and arrow are rested against it. The
-Behara officiates as priest, and on behalf of the girl, places
-near the tree twelve handfuls or measures of rice and twelve of dal
-(peas: Cajanus indicus), and twelve pieces of string on a leaf, as
-provisions for the bridegroom. If the girl has not reached maturity,
-she must remain seven days near the tree; otherwise she remains four
-days. On the last day, the Behara, sitting close to the tree, says:
-"We have given you provisions for twelve years. Give us a tsado-patra
-(deed of separation)." This is written on a palmyra leaf, and thrown
-down near the tree.
-
-The dead are cremated, and the corpses of both men and women are said
-to be placed face downwards on the pyre. Among many other castes,
-only those of women are placed in this position. The death ceremonies
-are similar to those observed by many Oriya castes. A bit of bone is
-removed from the burning-ground, and food offered to it daily until
-the tenth day, when all the agnates, as well as the brothers-in-law
-and sons-in-law of the deceased, are shaved. The sons of the sister of
-the dead person are also expected to be shaved if they are fatherless;
-but, if their father is alive, they are shaved on the following day.
-
-The Kondras regard Ganga-devi as their caste deity, but worship also
-other deities, e.g., Chamunda, Buddhi, and Kalika.
-
-Konga.--Konga or Kongu is a territorial term, meaning inhabitant of
-the Kongu country. It has, at recent times of census, been returned as
-a division of a large number of classes, mostly Tamil, which include
-Ambattan, Kaikolan, Kammalan, Kuravan, Kusavan, Malayan, Odde, Pallan,
-Paraiyan, Shanan, Uppara, and Vellala. It is used as a term of abuse
-among the Badagas of the Nilgiri hills. Those, for example, who made
-mistakes in matching Holmgren's wools, were scornfully called Konga
-by the onlookers. Similarly, in parts of the Tamil country, a tall,
-lean and stupid individual is called a Kongan.
-
-Konga Vellala.--For the following note on the Konga Vellalas of the
-Trichinopoly district, I am indebted to Mr. F. R. Hemingway. They seem
-to have little in common with the other Vellalas, except their name,
-and appear to hold a lower position in society, for Reddis will not
-eat with them, and they will dine with Tottiyans and others of the
-lower non-Brahman castes. They live in compact communities, generally
-in hamlets. Their dwellings are generally thatched huts, containing
-only one room. They are cultivators, but not well off. Their men can
-generally be recognized by the number of large gold rings which they
-wear in the lobes of the ears, and the pendant (murugu), which hangs
-from the upper part of the ears. Their women have a characteristic
-tali (marriage badge) of large size, strung on to a number of cotton
-threads, which are not, as among other castes, twisted together. They
-also seem always to wear an ornament called tayittu, rather like the
-common cylindrical talisman, on the left arm.
-
-The Konga Vellalas are split into two endogamous divisions, viz., the
-Konga Vellalas proper, and the Tondan or Ilakanban-kuttam (servant
-or inferior sub-division). The latter are admittedly the offspring
-of illegitimate intercourse with outsiders by girls and widows of
-the caste, who have been expelled in consequence of their breach of
-caste rules.
-
-The Kongas proper have an elaborate caste organisation. Their country
-is divided into twenty-four nadus, each comprising a certain number of
-villages, and possessing recognised head-quarters, which are arranged
-into four groups under the villages of Palayakottai, Kangayam, Pudur
-and Kadayur, all in the Coimbatore district. Each village is under a
-Kottukkaran, each nadu under a Nattu-kavundan or Periyatanakkaran, and
-each group under a Pattakkaran. The last is treated with considerable
-respect. He wears gold toe-rings, is not allowed to see a corpse,
-and is always saluted with clasped hands. He is only occasionally
-called in to settle caste disputes, small matters being settled by the
-Kottukkarans, and matrimonial questions by the Nattukavundan. Both
-the Kongas proper, and the Tondans have a large number of exogamous
-septs, the names of which generally denote some article, the use
-of which is taboo, e.g., kadai (quail), pannai (Celosia argentea,
-a pot-herb). The most desirable match for a boy is his maternal
-uncle's daughter. To such an extent is the preference for such unions
-carried out, that a young boy is often married to a grown-up woman,
-and it is admitted that, in such cases, the boy's father takes upon
-himself the duties of a husband until his son has reached maturity,
-and that the wife is allowed to consort with any one belonging to
-the caste whom she may fancy, provided that she continues to live
-in her husband's house. With widows, who are not allowed to remarry,
-the rules are more strict. A man convicted of undue intimacy with a
-widow is expelled from the caste, unless she consents to his leaving
-her and going back to the caste, and he provides her with adequate
-means to live separately. The form of consent is for the woman to say
-that she is only a mud vessel, and has been broken because polluted,
-whereas the man is of bell-metal, and cannot be utterly polluted. The
-erring man is readmitted to the caste by being taken to the village
-common, where he is beaten with an erukkan (arka: Calotropis gigantea)
-stick, and by providing a black sheep for a feast to his relatives.
-
-At weddings and funerals, the Konga Vellalas employ priests of their
-own caste, called Arumaikkarans and Arumaikkaris. These must be married
-people, who have had children. The first stage, so far as a wife is
-concerned, is to become an elutingalkari (woman of seven Mondays),
-without which she cannot wear a red mark on her forehead, or get any
-of her children married. This is effected, after the birth of at least
-one child, by observing a ceremonial at her father's house. A pandal
-(booth) of green leaves is erected in the house, and a fillet of pungam
-(Pongamia glabra) and tamarind twigs is placed round her head. She
-is then presented with a new cloth, prepares some food and eats it,
-and steps over a mortar. A married couple wait until one of their
-children is married, and then undergo the ceremony called arumaimanam
-at the hands of ten Arumaikkarans and some Pulavans (bards among
-the Kaikolans), who touch the pair with some green grass dipped in
-sandal and water, oil, etc. The man then becomes an Arumaikkaran,
-and his wife an Arumaikkari. All people of arumai rank are treated
-with great respect, and, when one of them dies, a drum is beaten by
-a man standing on another man's shoulders, who receives as a present
-seven measures of grain measured, and an equal quantity unmeasured.
-
-The betrothal ceremony takes place at the house of the future bride,
-in the presence of both the maternal uncles, and consists in tying
-fruit and betel leaf in the girl's cloth. On the wedding day, the
-bridegroom is shaved, and an Arumaikkari pours water over him. If he
-has a sister, the ceremony of betrothing his prospective daughter
-to her son, is performed. He then goes on horseback, carrying some
-fruit and a pestle, to a stone planted for the occasion, and called
-the nattukal, which he worships. The stone is supposed to represent
-the Kongu king, and the pestle the villagers, and the whole ceremony
-is said to be a relic of a custom of the ancient Kongu people, to
-which the caste formerly belonged, which required them to obtain
-the sanction of the king for every marriage. On his return from
-the nattukal, balls of white and coloured rice are taken round the
-bridegroom, to ward off the evil eye. His mother then gives him three
-mouthfuls of food, and eats the remainder herself, to indicate that
-henceforth she will not provide him with meals. A barber then blesses
-him, and he repairs on horseback to the bride's house, where he is
-received by one of her party similarly mounted. His ear-rings are
-put in the bride's ears, and the pair are carried on the shoulders
-of their maternal uncles to the nattukal. On their return thence,
-they are touched by an Arumaikkaran with a betel leaf dipped in oil,
-milk and water. The tali (marriage badge) is worshipped and blessed,
-and the Arumaikkaran ties it on her neck. The barber then pronounces
-an elaborate blessing, which runs as follows: "Live as long as the
-sun and moon may endure, or Pasupatisvarar (Siva) at Karur. May your
-branches spread like the banyan tree, and your roots like grass,
-and may you flourish like the bamboo. May ye twain be like the flower
-and the thread, which together form the garland and cleave together,
-like water and the reed growing in it." If a Pulavan is present, he
-adds a further blessing, and the little fingers of the contracting
-couple are linked together, anointed with milk, and then separated.
-
-The death ceremonies are not peculiar, except that the torch for
-the pyre is carried by a Paraiyan, and not, as among most castes,
-by the chief mourner, and that no ceremonies are performed after the
-third day. The custom is to collect the bones on that day and throw
-them into water. The barber then pours a mixture of milk and ghi
-(clarified butter) over a green tree, crying poli, poli.
-
-The caste has its own beggars, called Mudavandi (q.v.).
-
-Kongara (crane).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale, and Kamma.
-
-Konhoro.--A title of Bolasi.
-
-Konkani.--Defined, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a territorial
-or linguistic term, meaning a dweller in the Konkan country (Canara),
-or a person speaking the Konkani dialect of Marathi. Kadu Konkani
-(bastard Konkani) is a name opposed to the God or pure Konkanis. In
-South Canara, "the Konkani Brahmans are the trading and shop-keeping
-class, and, in the most out-of-the-way spots, the Konkani village
-shop is to be found." [184]
-
-The following note on Konkanis is extracted from the Travancore Census
-Report, 1901. "The Konkanis include the Brahman, Kshatriya, and Vaisya
-castes of the Sarasvata section of the Gauda Brahmans. The Brahmans
-of this community differ, however, from the Konkanastha Maharashtra
-Brahmans belonging to the Dravida group. The Konkani Sudras who have
-settled on this coast are known by a different name, Kudumikkar. The
-Konkanis' original habitation is the bank of the Sarasvati, a river
-well known in early Sanskrit works, but said to have lost itself
-in the sands of the deserts north of Rajputana. According to the
-Sahyadrikanda, a branch of these Sarasvatas lived in Tirhut in Bengal,
-whence ten families were brought over by Parasurama to Gomantaka, the
-modern Goa, Panchakrosi, and Kusasthali. Attracted by the richness and
-beauty of the new country, others followed, and the whole population
-settled themselves in sixty villages and ninety-six hamlets in and
-around Goa, the settlers in the former being called Shashtis (Sanskrit
-for sixty), and those in the latter being called Shannavis or Shenavis
-(Sanskrit for ninety-six). The history of those Sarasvatas was one of
-uninterrupted general and commercial prosperity until about twenty
-years after the advent of the Portuguese. When King Emanuel died
-and King John succeeded him, the policy of the Goanese Government is
-believed to have changed in favour of religious persecution. A large
-efflux to the Canarese and Tulu countries was the result. Thence
-the Konkanis appear to have migrated to Travancore and Cochin,
-and found a safe haven under the rule of their Hindu sovereigns. In
-their last homes, the Konkanis extended and developed their commerce,
-built temples, and endowed them so magnificently that the religious
-institutions of that community, especially at Cochin and Alleppey,
-continue to this day almost the richest in all Malabar.
-
-"Canter Visscher writes [185] that 'the Canarese who are permanently
-settled in Malabar are the race best known to the Europeans, not
-only because the East India Company trade with them and appoint one
-of their members to be their merchant, giving him the attendance of
-two Dutch soldiers: but also because from the shops of these people
-in town we obtain all our necessaries, except animal food. Some sell
-rice, others fruits, others various kinds of linen, and some again
-are money-changers, so that there is hardly one who is not engaged in
-trade.' The occupation of the Konkanis has been commerce ever since the
-advent of the Portuguese in India. Some of them make papatams [186]
-(popadams) which is a condiment of almost universal consumption in
-Malabar. Till recently, the Konkanis in Travancore knew nothing else
-than trade. But now, following the example of their kinsmen in Bombay
-and South Canara, they are gradually taking to other professions.
-
-"Having settled themselves in the Canarese districts, most of
-the Konkanis came under the influence of Madhavacharya, unlike
-the Shenavis, who still continue to be Smartas. The worship of
-Venkataramana, the presiding deity of the Tirupati shrine, is held in
-great importance. Every Konkani temple is called Tirumala Devasmam, as
-the divinity that resides on the sacred hill (Tirumala) is represented
-in each."
-
-Konsari.--The Konsaris derive their name from konsa, a bell-metal
-dish. They are Oriya workers in bell-metal, and manufacture dishes,
-cups and plates. Brahmans are employed by them as purohits (priests)
-and gurus (preceptors). They eat fish and mutton, but not fowls or
-beef, and drink liquor. Marriage is infant. Remarriage of widows and
-divorcées is permitted.
-
-Koonapilli vandlu.--Beggars attached to Padma Sales.
-
-Koppala.--A section of Velamas, who tie the hair in a knot (koppu)
-on the top of the head, and an exogamous sept of Mutrachas, whose
-females do up their hair in a knot when they reach puberty.
-
-Kora (sun).--A sept of Gadaba, Muka Dora, and Rona.
-
-Koracha.--See Korava.
-
-Koraga.--The Koragas are summed up, in the Madras Census Report,
-1901, as being a wild tribe of basket-makers and labourers, chiefly
-found in Mudbidri, and in Puttur in the Uppinangadi taluk of South
-Canara. They are, Mr. M. T. Walhouse writes, [187] "a very quiet
-and inoffensive race; small and slight, the men seldom exceeding
-five feet six inches; black-skinned, like most Indian aborigines,
-thick-lipped, noses broad and flat, and hair rough and bushy. Their
-principal occupation is basket-making, and they must labour for their
-masters. They live on the outskirts of villages, and may not dwell
-in houses of clay or mud, but in huts of leaves, called koppus. Like
-many of the wild tribes of India, they are distinguished by unswerving
-truthfulness. The word of a Koragar is proverbial."
-
-The Koragas rank below the Holeyas. In some towns, they are employed
-by the sanitary department as scavengers. They remove the hide, horns,
-and bones of cattle and buffaloes, which die in the villages, and
-sell them mainly to Mappilla merchants. They accept food, which is
-left over after feasts held by various castes. Some are skilful in the
-manufacture of cradles, baskets, cylinders to hold paddy, winnowing and
-sowing baskets, scale-pans, boxes, rice-water strainers, ring-stands
-for supporting pots, coir (cocoanut fibre) rope, brushes for washing
-cattle, etc. They also manufacture various domestic utensils from
-soapstone, which they sell at a very cheap rate to shopkeepers in
-the bazar.
-
-"Numerous slave-castes," Mr. Walhouse continues, "exist throughout
-India, not of course recognised by law--indeed formally emancipated by
-an Act of Government in 1843--but still, though improved in condition,
-virtually slaves. Their origin and status are thus described. After
-the four principal classes, who sprang from Brahma, came six Anuloma
-castes, which arose from the intercourse of Brahmans and Kshatriyas
-with women of the classes below them respectively. The term Anuloma
-denotes straight and regular hair, which in India characterises
-the Aryan stock. After these came six Pratiloma castes, originating
-in reverse order from Brahman and Kshatriya women by fathers of the
-inferior classes. The third among these was the Chandala, the offspring
-of Shudra fathers by Brahman women. The Chandalas, or slaves, were
-sub-divided into fifteen classes, none of which might intermarry, a
-rule still strictly observed. The two last, and lowest of the fifteen
-classes, are the Kapata or rag-wearing, and the Soppu or leaf-wearing
-Koragas. Such is the account given by Brahman chroniclers; but the
-probability is that these lowest slave-castes are the descendants of
-that primitive population which the Aryan invaders from the north
-found occupying the soil, and, after a struggle of ages, gradually
-dispossessed, driving some to the hills and jungles, and reducing
-others to the condition of slaves. All these races are regarded by
-their Hindu masters with boundless contempt, and held unspeakably
-unclean. This feeling seems the result and witness of times when the
-despised races were powerful, and to be approached as lords by their
-now haughty masters, and was probably intensified by struggles and
-uprisings, and the memory of humiliations inflicted on the ultimately
-successful conquerors. Evidences for this may be inferred from many
-curious rights and privileges, which the despised castes possess
-and tenaciously retain. Moreover, the contempt and loathing in which
-they are ordinarily held are curiously tinctured with superstitious
-fear, for they are believed to possess secret powers of magic and
-witchcraft, and influence with the old malignant deities of the soil,
-who can direct good or evil fortune. As an instance, if a Brahman
-mother's children die off when young, she calls a Koragar woman,
-gives her some oil, rice, and copper money, and places the surviving
-child in her arms. The out-caste woman, who may not at other times
-be touched, gives the child suck, puts on it her iron bracelets,
-and, if a boy, names it Koragar, if a girl, Korapulu. She then
-returns it to the mother. This is believed to give a new lease of
-life. Again, when a man is dangerously ill, or perhaps unfortunate,
-he pours oil into an earthen vessel, worships it in the same way
-as the family god, looks at his face reflected in the oil, and puts
-into it a hair from his head and a nail paring from his toe. The oil
-is then presented to the Koragars, and the hostile gods or stars are
-believed to be propitiated." According to Mr. Ullal Raghvendra Rao,
-[188] old superstitious Hindus never venture to utter the word Koraga
-during the night.
-
-It is noted in the Manual of the South Canara district, that "all
-traditions unite in attributing the introduction of the Tulu Brahmins
-of the present day to Mayur Varma (of the Kadamba dynasty), but they
-vary in details connected with the manner in which they obtained a
-firm footing in the land. One account says that Habashika, chief of
-the Koragas, drove out Mayur Varma, but was in turn expelled by Mayur
-Varma's son, or son-in-law, Lokaditya of Gokarnam, who brought Brahmins
-from Ahi-kshetra, and settled them in thirty-two villages." Concerning
-the power, and eventual degradation of the Koragas, the following
-version of the tradition is cited by Mr. Walhouse. "When Lokadiraya,
-whose date is fixed by Wilks about 1450 B.C., was king of Bhanvarshe in
-North Canara (a place noted by Ptolemy), an invader, by name Habashika,
-brought an army from above the ghauts, consisting of all the present
-Chandala or slave-castes, overwhelmed that part of the country,
-and marched southward to Mangalore, the present capital of South
-Canara. The invading host was scourged with small-pox, and greatly
-annoyed by ants, so Habashika moved on to Manjeshwar, a place of
-ancient repute, twelve miles to the south, subdued the local ruler
-Angarawarma, son of Virawarma, and reigned there in conjunction with
-his nephew; but after twelve years both died--one legend says through
-enchantments devised by Angarawarma; another that a neighbouring ruler
-treacherously proposed a marriage between his sister and Habashika,
-and, on the bridegroom and his caste-men attending for the nuptials,
-a wholesale massacre of them all was effected. Angarawarma, then
-returning, drove the invading army into the jungles, where they were
-reduced to such extremity that they consented to become slaves, and
-were apportioned amongst the Brahmans and original landholders. Some
-were, set to watch the crops and cattle, some to cultivate, others
-to various drudgeries, which are still allotted to the existing
-slave-castes, but the Koragars, who had been raised by Habashika to the
-highest posts under his government, were stripped and driven towards
-the sea-shore, there to be hanged, but, being ashamed of their naked
-condition, they gathered the leaves of the nicki bush (Vitex Negundo),
-which grows abundantly in waste places, and made small coverings for
-themselves in front. On this the executioners took pity on them and let
-them go, but condemned them to be the lowest of the low, and wear no
-other covering but leaves. The Koragas are now the lowest of the slave
-divisions, and regarded with such intense loathing and hatred that up
-to quite recent times one section of them, called Ande or pot Koragars,
-continually wore a pot suspended from their necks, into which they were
-compelled to spit, being so utterly unclean as to be prohibited from
-even spitting on the highway; and to this day their women continue
-to show in their leafy aprons a memorial of the abject degradation
-to which their whole race was doomed." It is said that in pre-British
-days an Ande Koraga had to take out a licence to come into the towns
-and villages by day. At night mere approach thereto was forbidden,
-as his presence would cause terrible calamity. The Koragas of those
-days could cook their food only in broken vessels. The name Vastra,
-by which one class of Koragas is called, has reference to their
-wearing vastra, or clothes, such as were used to shroud a dead body,
-and given to them in the shape of charity, the use of a new cloth
-being prohibited. According to another account the three divisions
-of the Koragas are (1) Kappada, those who wear clothes, (2) Tippi,
-who wear ornaments made of the cocoanut shell, and (3) Vanti, who
-wear a peculiar kind of large ear-ring. These three clans may eat
-together, but not intermarry. Each clan is divided into exogamous
-septs called balis, and it may be noted that some of the Koraga balis,
-such as Haledennaya and Kumerdennaya, are also found among the Mari
-and Mundala Holeyas.
-
-On the subject of Koraga dress, Mr. Ullal Raghvendra Rao informs
-us that "while the males gird a piece of cloth round their loins,
-the females cover their waist with leaves of the forest woven
-together. Various reasons are assigned for this custom. According to a
-tradition, at the time when the Koragars had reigned, now far distant,
-one of these 'blacklegged' (this is usually the expression by which
-they are referred to during the night) demanded a girl of high birth in
-marriage. Being enraged at this, the upper class withheld, after the
-overthrow of the Koragas, every kind of dress from Koraga women, who,
-to protect themselves from disgrace, have since had recourse to the
-leaves of the forest, conceiving in the meantime that god had decreed
-this kind of covering." Mr. Walhouse writes [189] further that the
-Koragas wear an "apron of twigs and leaves over the buttocks. Once
-this was the only covering allowed them, and a mark of their deep
-degradation. But now, when no longer compulsory, and of no use, as it
-is worn over the clothes, the women still retain it, believing its
-disuse would be unlucky." "The Koragas," Mr. H. A. Stuart tells us,
-[190] "cover the lower part of their body with a black cloth and the
-upper part with a white one, and their head-dress is a cap made of
-the areca-nut spathe, like that worn by the Holeyas. Their ornaments
-consist of brass ear-rings, an iron bracelet, and beads of bone strung
-on a thread and tied around their waist." The waist-belt of a Koraga,
-whom I saw at Udipi, was made of owl bones.
-
-"It may," Mr. Walhouse states, [191] "be noted that, according to the
-traditional accounts, when the invading hosts under Habashika were
-in their turn overthrown and subjected, they accepted slavery under
-certain conditions that preserved to them some shadow of right. Whilst
-it was declared that they should be for ever in a state of servitude,
-and be allowed a meal daily, but never the means of providing for
-the next day's meal. Each slave was ascripted to his master under the
-following forms, which have come down to our days, and were observed
-in the purchase or transfer of slaves within living memory. The slave
-having washed, anointed himself with oil, and put on a new cloth, his
-future owner took a metal plate, filled it with water, and dropped
-in a gold coin, which the slave appropriated after drinking up the
-water. The slave then took some earth from his future master's estate,
-and threw it on the spot he chose for his hut, which was given over
-to him with all the trees thereon. When land was transferred, the
-slaves went with it, and might also be sold separately. Occasionally
-they were presented to a temple for the service of the deity. This was
-done publicly by the master approaching the temple, putting some earth
-from before its entrance into the slave's mouth, and declaring that
-he abjured his rights, and transferred them to the deity within. Rules
-were laid down, with the Hindoo passion for regulating small matters,
-not only detailing what work the slaves should do, but what allowances
-of food they should receive, and what presents on certain festival
-occasions they should obtain from, or make to the master. On marriages
-among themselves, they prostrated themselves before the master and
-obtained his consent, which was accompanied with a small present of
-money and rice. The marriage over, they again came before the master,
-who gave them betel nuts, and poured some oil on the bride's head. On
-the master's death, his head slave immediately shaved his hair
-and moustache. There was also a list of offences for which masters
-might punish slaves, amongst which the employment of witchcraft, or
-sending out evil spirits against others, expressly figures; and the
-punishments with which each offence might be visited are specified,
-the worst of which are branding and flogging with switches. There was
-no power of life and death, and in cases of withholding the usual
-allowance, or of punishments severer than prescribed, slaves might
-complain to the authorities."
-
-On the subject of Koraga slavery, Mr. Ullal Raghvendra Rao writes that
-"although these slaves are in a degraded condition, yet they by no
-means appear to be dejected or unhappy. A male slave gets three hanis
-of paddy (unhusked rice) or a hani and a half of rice daily, besides a
-small quantity of salt. The female slave gets two hanis of paddy, and,
-if they be man and wife, they can easily sell a portion of the rice to
-procure other necessaries of life. They are also allowed one cloth each
-every year, and, besides, when transferred from one master to another,
-they get a cocoanut, a jack tree (Artocarpus integrifolia), and a piece
-of land where they can sow ten or twenty seers of rice. The greater
-number of slaves belong to the Alia Santanam castes (inheritance in
-the female line), and among these people a male slave is sold for
-three pagodas (fourteen rupees) and a female slave for five pagoda;
-whereas the few slaves who belong to the Makkala Santanam castes
-(inheritance in the male line) fetch five pagodas for the man slave,
-and three pagodas for the female. This is because the children of the
-latter go to the husband's master, while those of the former go to the
-mother's master, who has the benefit of the husband's services also. He
-has, however, to pay the expenses of their marriage, which amount to
-a pagoda and a half; and, in like manner, the master of the Makkala
-Santana slave pays two pagodas for his marriage, and gets possession
-of the female slave and her children. The master has the power of
-hiring out his slave, for whose services he receives annually about
-a mura of rice, or forty seers. They are also mortgaged for three or
-four pagodas."
-
-For the marriages of the Koragas, Mr. Walhouse informs us that
-"Sunday is an auspicious day, though Monday is for the other slave
-castes. The bridegroom and bride, after bathing in cold water, sit
-on a mat in the former's house, with a handful of rice placed before
-them. An old man presides, takes a few grains of rice and sprinkles
-on their heads, as do the others present, first the males and then
-the females. The bridegroom then presents two silver coins to his
-wife, and must afterwards give six feasts to the community." At these
-feasts every Koraga is said to vie with his neighbour in eating and
-drinking. "Though amongst the other slave castes divorce is allowed by
-consent of the community, often simply on grounds of disagreement, and
-the women may marry again, with the Koragars marriage is indissoluble,
-but a widow is entitled to re-marriage, and a man may have a second,
-and even third wife, all living with him."
-
-Concerning the ceremonies observed on the birth of a child, Mr. Ullal
-Raghvendra Rao writes that "after a child is born, the mother (as
-among Hindoos) is unholy, and cannot be touched or approached. The
-inmates take leave of the koppu for five nights, and depend on the
-hospitality of their friends, placing the mother under the sole charge
-of a nurse or midwife. On the sixth night the master of the koppu
-calls his neighbours, who can hardly refuse to oblige him with their
-presence. The mother and the child are then given a tepid bath, and
-this makes them holy. Members of each house bring with them a seer of
-rice, half a seer of cocoanut oil, and a cocoanut. The woman with the
-baby is seated on a mat--her neighbour's presents before her in a flat
-basket. The oldest man present consults with his comrades as to what
-name will best suit the child. A black string is then tied round the
-waist of the baby. The rice, which comes in heaps from the neighbours,
-is used for dinner on the occasion, and the cocoanuts are split into
-two pieces, the lower half being given to the mother of the child,
-and the upper half the owner. This is the custom followed when the
-baby is a male one; in case of a female child, the owner receives
-the upper half, leaving the lower half for the mother. Koragars were
-originally worshippers of the sun, and they are still called after the
-names of the days of the week--as Aita (a corruption of Aditya, or the
-sun); Toma (Soma, or the moon); Angara (Mangala); Gurva (Jupiter);
-Tanya (Shani, or Saturn); Tukra (Shukra, or Venus). They have no
-separate temples for their God, but a place beneath a kasaracana
-tree (Strychnos Nux-vomica) is consecrated for the worship of the
-deity which is exclusively their own, and is called Kata. Worship
-in honour of this deity is usually performed in the months of May,
-July, or October. Two plantain leaves are placed on the spot, with a
-heap of boiled rice mixed with turmeric. As is usual in every ceremony
-observed by a Koragar, the senior in age takes the lead, and prays to
-the deity to accept the offering and be satisfied. But now they have,
-by following the example of Bants and Sudras, exchanged their original
-object of worship for that of Bhutas (demons)."
-
-On the subject of the religion of the Koragas, Mr. Walhouse states
-that "like all the slave castes and lower races, the Koragars
-worship Mari Amma, the goddess presiding over small-pox, the
-most dreadful form of Parvati, the wife of Siva. She is the most
-popular deity in Canara, represented under the most frightful form,
-and worshipped with bloody rites. Goats, buffaloes, pigs, fowls,
-etc., are slaughtered at a single blow by an Asadi, one of the slave
-tribes from above the ghauts. Although the Koragars, in common with
-all slaves, are looked upon as excommunicated and unfit to approach
-any Brahminical temple or deity, they have adopted the popular Hindoo
-festivals of the Gokalastami or Krishna's birthday, and the Chowti. In
-the latter, the preliminaries and prayers must be performed by a
-virgin." Concerning these festivals, Mr. Ullal Raghvendra Rao gives
-the following details. "The Koragars have no fixed feasts exclusively
-of their own, but for a long time they have been observing those
-of the Hindus. Of these two are important. One is Gokula Ashtami,
-or the birthday of Krishna, and the other is the Chowti or Pooliyar
-feast. The latter is of greater importance than the former. The
-former is a holy day of abstinence and temperance, while the latter
-is associated with feasting and merry-making, and looks more like
-a gala-day set apart for anything but religious performance. On the
-Ashtami some cakes of black gram are made in addition to the usual
-dainties. The services of Bacchus are called in aid, and the master
-of the koppu invites his relatives and friends. A regular feasting
-commences, when the master takes the lead, and enjoys the company
-of his guests by seating himself in their midst. They are made to
-sit on the floor crosswise with a little space intervening between
-every guest, who pays strict regard to all the rules of decency and
-rank. To keep up the distinction of sexes, females are seated in an
-opposite row. The host calls upon some of his intimates or friends
-to serve on the occasion. The first dish is curry, the second rice;
-and cakes and dainties come in next. The butler Koragar serves out
-to the company the food for the banquet, while the guests eat it
-heartily. If one of them lets so much as a grain of rice fall on his
-neighbour's plate, the whole company ceases eating. The offender is
-at once brought before the guests, and charged with having spoiled
-the dinner. He is tried there and then, and sentenced to pay a fine
-that will cover the expenses of another banquet. In case of resistance
-to the authority of the tribunal, he is excommunicated and abandoned
-by his wife, children and relatives. No one dare touch or speak to
-him. A plea of poverty of course receives a kind consideration. The
-offender is made to pay a small sum as a fine, which is paid for
-him by a well-to-do Koragar. To crown the feast, a large quantity
-of toddy finds its way into the midst of the company. A small piece
-of dry areca leaf sewed together covers the head of a Koragar, and
-forms for him his hat. This hat he uses as a cup, which contains a
-pretty large quantity of liquid. A sufficient quantity is poured into
-their cup, and if, in pouring, a drop finds its way to the ground,
-the butler is sure to undergo the same penalty that attaches itself to
-any irregularity in the dinner as described above. After the banquet,
-some male members of the group join in a dance to the pipe and drum,
-while others are stimulated by the intoxicating drink into frisking
-and jumping about. To turn to the other festival. The inmates of
-the house are required to fast the previous night--one and all of
-them--and on the previous day flesh or drink is not allowed. The
-next morning before sunrise, a virgin bathes, and smears cowdung
-over a part of the house. The place having been consecrated, a new
-basket, specially made for the occasion, is placed on that spot. It
-contains a handful of beaten rice, two plantains, and two pieces of
-sugar-cane. The basket is then said to contain the god of the day, whom
-the sugar-cane represents, and the spot is too holy to be approached by
-man or woman. A common belief which they hold, that the prayers made
-by a virgin are duly responded to on account of her virgin purity,
-does not admit of the worship being conducted by any one else. The
-girl adorns the basket with flowers of the forest, and prays for the
-choicest blessings on the inmates of the house all the year round.
-
-A Koraga woman, when found guilty of adultery, is said to be treated
-in the following extraordinary way. If her paramour is of low caste
-similar to herself, he has to marry her. But, in order to purify her
-for the ceremony, he has to build a hut, and put the woman inside. It
-is then set on fire, and the woman escapes as best she can to another
-place where the same performance is gone through, and so on until she
-has been burnt out seven times. She is then considered once more an
-honest woman, and fit to be again married. According to Mr. Walhouse,
-"a row of seven small huts is built on a river-bank, set fire to,
-and the offender made to run over the burning sticks and ashes as a
-penance." A similar form of ordeal has been described as occurring
-among the Bakutas of South Canara by Mr. Stuart. "When a man is
-excommunicated, he must perform a ceremony called yelu halli sudodu,
-which means burning seven villages, in order to re-enter the caste. For
-this ceremony, seven small booths are built, and bundles of grass are
-piled against them. The excommunicated man has then to pass through
-these huts one after the other, and, as he does so, the headman sets
-fire to the grass" (cf. Koyi). It is suggested by Mr. R. E. Enthoven
-that the idea seems to be "a rapid representation of seven existences,
-the outcast regaining his status after seven generations have passed
-without further transgression. The parallel suggested is the law of
-Manu that seven generations are necessary to efface a lapse from the
-law of endogamous marriage."
-
-Of death ceremonies Mr. Walhouse tells us that "on death the bodies
-of all the slave castes used to be burnt, except in cases of death
-from small-pox. This may have been to obviate the pollution of the
-soil by their carcases when their degradation was deepest, but now,
-and from long past, burial is universal. The master's permission is
-still asked, and, after burial, four balls of cooked rice are placed
-on the grave, possibly a trace of the ancient notion of supplying
-food to the ghost of the deceased." A handful is said [192] to be
-"removed from the grave on the sixteenth day after burial, and buried
-in a pit. A stone is erected over it, on which some rice and toddy
-are placed as a last offering to the departed soul which is then
-asked to join its ancestors."
-
-"It may," Mr. Walhouse writes, "be noted that the Koragars alone of
-all the slave or other castes eat the flesh of alligators (crocodiles),
-and they share with one or two other divisions of the slaves a curious
-scruple or prejudice against carrying any four-legged animal, dead
-or alive. This extends to anything with four legs, such as chairs,
-tables, cots, etc., which they cannot be prevailed upon to lift
-unless one leg be removed. As they work as coolies, this sometimes
-produces inconvenience. A somewhat similar scruple obtains among the
-Bygas of Central India, whose women are not allowed to sit or lie on
-any four-legged bed or stool." Like the Koragas, the Bakudas of South
-Canara "will not carry a bedstead unless the legs are first taken off,
-and it is said that this objection rests upon a supposed resemblance
-between the four-legged cot and the four-legged ox." [193]
-
-Of the language spoken by the Koragars, Mr. Ullal Raghvendra Rao
-states that "it is a common belief that the Koragar has a peculiar
-dialect generally spoken by him at his koppu. He may be induced to
-give an account of his feasts, his gods, his family, but a word about
-his dialect will frighten him out of his wits. Generally polite and
-well-behaved, he becomes impolite and unmannerly when questioned about
-his dialect." "All the Hindoos," Mr. Walhouse writes, "believe that the
-Koragars have a language of their own, understood only by themselves,
-but it seems doubtful whether this is anything more than an idiom,
-or slang." A vocabulary of the Koraga dialect is contained in the
-South Canara Manual (1895).
-
-Korama.--See Korava.
-
-Korava.--Members of this nomad tribe, which permeates the length of
-the Indian peninsula, through countries where many languages and
-dialects are spoken, are likely to be known by different names in
-different localities, and this is the case. They are known as Korava
-from the extreme south to the north of the North Arcot district,
-where they are called Koracha or Korcha, and in the Ceded Districts
-they become Yerukala or Yerakala. In Calcutta they have been traced
-practising as quack doctors, and assuming Maratha names, or adding
-terminations to their own, which suggest that they belong to a caste in
-the south higher in the social scale than they really do. Some Koravas
-pass for Vellalas, calling themselves Agambadiar Vellalas with the
-title Pillai. Others call themselves Palli, Kavarai, Idaiyan, Reddi,
-etc. [194] As railways spread over the country, they readily adapted
-themselves to travelling by them, and the opportunities afforded for
-going quickly far from the scene of a recently committed crime, or
-for stealing from sleeping passengers, were soon availed of. In 1899,
-the Superintendent of Government Railways reported that "the large
-organization of thieves, commonly called Kepmari Koravas (though they
-never call themselves so), use the railway to travel far. Some of them
-are now settled at Cuttack, where they have set up as native doctors,
-whose speciality is curing piles. Some are at Midnapur, and are going
-on to Calcutta, and there were some at Puri some time ago. It is said
-that a gang of them has gone recently to Tinnevelly, and taken up their
-abode near Sermadevi, calling themselves Servaikars. One morning, in
-Tinnevelly, while the butler in a missionary's house was attending to
-his duties, an individual turned up with a fine fowl for sale. The
-butler, finding that he could purchase it for about half the real
-price, bought it, and showed it to his wife with no small pride in
-his ability in making a bargain. But he was distinctly crestfallen
-when his wife pointed out that it was his own bird, which had been
-lost on the previous night. The seller was a Korava."
-
-In 1903, a gang of Koravas, travelling in the guise of pujaris,
-was arrested at Puri. The Police discovered that a warrant remained
-unexecuted against one of them, who had been concerned in a dacoity
-case in North Arcot many years previously. The report of the case
-states that "cognate with the Kepmaries is a class of Korava pujaris
-(as they call themselves in their own village), who, emanating from
-one small hamlet in the Tanjore district, are spread more or less
-all over India. There are, or were until the other day, and probably
-are still some of them in Cuttack, Balasore, Midnapur, Ahmedabad,
-Patna, Bombay, Secunderabad, and other places. One of them attained
-a high position in Bombay. Their ostensible profession is that of
-curing piles and fistulas, but it is noticeable that, sooner or later
-after their taking up their abode at any place, the Kepmaries are
-to be found somewhere near, and the impression, which is not quite a
-certainty but very nearly so, is that they play the convenient rôle of
-receivers of property stolen by the Kepmaries." Kepmari is regarded
-as a very strong term of abuse, indicating, as it does, a rogue of
-the worst character. In the southern districts, the Kasukkar Chettis
-and Shanans are said to be very much trusted by the Koravas in the
-disposal of property.
-
-It is noted by Mr. H. A. Stuart [195] that the Koravas or Yerukalas
-are a vagrant tribe found throughout the Presidency, and in many
-parts of India. In the Telugu country they are called Yerukalavandlu
-or Korachavandlu, but they always speak of themselves as Kurru,
-and there is not the slightest room for the doubt that has been
-expressed regarding the identity of the Koravas and Yerukalas. Several
-derivations of Yerukala have been proposed by Wilson and others. It
-has been suggested, for example, that yeru is connected with erra,
-meaning red. In Telugu Yerukalavandlu would mean fortune-tellers, and
-Dr. Oppert suggests that this is the origin of the name Yerukala. He
-says [196] "it is highly probable that the name and the occupation
-of the fortune-telling Kuruvandlu or Kuluvandlu induced the Telugu
-people to call this tribe Yerukulavandlu. Dr. Oppert further connects
-Kurru with the root ku, a mountain; and, in a Tamil work of the ninth
-century, [197] Kurru or Kura (Kuramagal) is given as the name of a hill
-tribe." A strong argument in favour of the caste name being connected
-with the profession of fortune-telling is afforded by the fact that
-women go about the streets, calling out "Yeruko, amma, yeruku," i.e.,
-prophecies, mother, prophecies. The Kuravas are, Mr. Francis writes,
-[198] "a gipsy tribe found all over the Tamil country, but chiefly in
-Kurnool, Salem, Coimbatore and South Arcot. Kuravas have usually been
-treated as being the same as the Yerukalas. Both castes are wandering
-gipsies, both live by basket-making and fortune-telling, both speak a
-corrupt Tamil, and both may have sprung from one original stock. It is
-noteworthy in this connection that the Yerukalas are said to call one
-another Kurru or Kura. But their names are not used as interchangeable
-in the districts where each is found, and there seem to be no real
-differences between the two bodies. They do not intermarry, or eat
-together. The Kuravas are said to tie a piece of thread soaked in
-turmeric water round the bride's neck at weddings, while Yerukalas
-use a necklace of black beads. The Yerukalas have a tradition that
-those who went to fetch the tali and pipe never returned, and they
-consequently use black beads as a substitute for the tali, and a
-bell for the pipe. The Kuravas worship Subramanya, the son of Siva,
-while the Yerukalas worship Vishnu in the form of Venkateswara and his
-wife Lakshmi. It may be noted that, in a very early Sanskrit drama,
-the Brahman thief mocks Subramanya as being the patron saint of
-thieves. The Kuravas treat the gentler sex in a very casual manner,
-mortgaging or selling their wives without compunction, but the
-Yerukalas are particular about the reputation of their womankind,
-and consider it a serious matter if any of them return home without
-an escort after sunset. The statistics of this year accordingly show
-Yerukalas separately from Koravas. The reports from the various
-districts, however, give such discrepant accounts of both castes,
-that the matter is clearly in need of further enquiry." There is no
-district in the Madras Presidency or elsewhere, where both Koravas
-and Yerukalas live, unless it be the smallest possible corner of the
-Coimbatore district bordering on the south-east of Mysore, for the
-name Korcha intervenes; and, for a wide strip of country including the
-north of the North Arcot district and south of the Cuddapah district,
-the Korava is known as a Korcha, and the Census Superintendent,
-in common with other authorities, has admitted these names to be
-synonymous. It is in the north of the Cuddapah district that the
-Yerukalas first appear in co-existence with the Korcha. The Korcha
-being admitted on all sides to be the same as the Korava, our doubt
-regarding the identity of the Korava with the Yerukala will be disposed
-of if we can establish the fact that the Korcha and the Yerukala are
-the same. The Rev. J. Cain, writing [199] about the Yerukalas of the
-Godavari district, states that "among themselves they call each other
-Kuluvaru, but the Telugu people call them Erakavaru or Erakalavaru,
-and this name has been derived from the Telugu word eruka, which
-means knowledge or acquaintance, as they are great fortune-tellers."
-
-According to Balfour, [200] the Koravas, or a certain section of
-them, i.e., the Kunchi Koravas, were known as Yerkal Koravar, and
-they called the language they spoke Yerkal. The same authority,
-writing of the Yerkalwadu, alludes to them as Kurshiwanloo, and
-goes on to say that they style themselves Yerkal, and give the same
-appellation to the language in which they hold communication. The
-word Yerkal here undoubtedly stands for Yerukala, and Kurshi for
-Korcha. It is evident from this, supported by authorities such as
-Wilson, Campbell, Brown and Shortt, that the doubt mentioned by the
-Census Superintendent in regard to the identity of the Yerukala and
-Korava had not arisen when the Cyclopædia of India was published,
-and it is the subsequent reports of later investigators that are
-responsible for it. The divergencies of practices reported must be
-reckoned with, and accounted for. They may be due to local customs
-existing in widely separated areas. It is contended that the Koravas
-and Yerukalas do not intermarry or eat together. A Korava, who has
-made a permanent home in a village in the south, if asked whether he
-would marry a Yerukala, would most certainly answer in the negative,
-probably having never heard of such a person. A circular letter,
-submitted to a number of Police Inspectors in several districts,
-produced the same sort of discrepant information complained of by the
-Census Superintendent. But one Inspector extracted from his notes the
-information that, in 1895, marriages took place between the southern
-Koravas of a gang from the Madura district and the Yerukalas of the
-Cuddapah district; and, further, that the son of one of a gang of
-Yerukalas in the Anantapur district married a Korcha girl from a gang
-belonging to the Mysore State. The consensus of opinion also goes
-to prove that they will eat together. Yerukalas undoubtedly place a
-string of black beads as a tali round the bride's neck on marriage
-occasions, and the same is used by the Koravas. Information concerning
-the use of a turmeric-dyed string came from only one source, namely,
-Hosur in the Salem district, and it was necessary even here for the
-string to be furnished with a round bottu, which might be a bead. A
-plain turmeric-soaked thread appears to be more the exception than
-the rule. Yerukalas are both Vaishnavites and Saivites, and a god
-worshipped by any one gang cannot be taken as a representative god
-for the whole class. Yerukalas may treat their womankind better
-than the southern Koravas, but this is only a matter of degree, as
-the morals of both are slack. The Yerukalas, occupying, as they do,
-the parched centre of the peninsula, more frequently devastated by
-famine than the localities occupied by the Koravas, may have learnt
-in a hard school the necessity of taking care of their wives; for,
-if they allowed them to pass to another man, and a drought ruined his
-crop and killed the cattle, he would find it hard to procure another,
-the probability being that the price of wives rises in a common ratio
-with other commodities in a time of scarcity.
-
-From the accounts given by them, it appears that the Koravas claim
-to have originated in mythological ages. The account varies slightly
-according to the locality, but the general outlines agree more or less
-with the story related in the Bhagavatham. The purohits, or priests,
-are the safest guides, and it was one of them who told the following
-story, culled, as he admitted, from the Sastras and the Ramayana. When
-the great Venudu, son of Agneswathu, who was directly descended from
-Brahma, ruled over the universe, he was unable to procure a son and
-heir to the throne, and, when he died, his death was looked on as
-an irreparable misfortune. His body was preserved. The seven ruling
-planets sat in solemn conclave, and consulted as to what they should
-do. Finally they agreed to create a being from the right thigh of
-the deceased Venudu, and they accordingly fashioned and gave life to
-Nishudu. But their work was not successful, for Nishudu turned out
-to be not only deformed in body, but repulsively ugly in face. It was
-agreed at another meeting of the planets that he was not a fit person
-to be placed on the throne. So they set to work again, and created
-a being from the right shoulder of Venudu, and their second effort
-was crowned with success. They called the second creation Proothu
-Chakravarthi, and, as he gave general satisfaction, he was placed on
-the throne. This supersession naturally caused the first-born Nishudu
-to be discontented, and he sought a lonely place, in which he communed
-with the gods, begging of them the reason why they had created him
-if he was not to rule. The gods explained that he could not now be
-placed on the throne, as Chakravarthi had already been installed,
-but that he should be a ruler over forests. In this capacity Nishudu
-begat the Boyas, Chenchus, Yanadis, and Koravas. The Boyas were
-his legitimate children, but the others were all illegitimate. It
-is because Nishudu watched in solemn silence to know his creator
-that some of his offspring called themselves Yerukalas (yeruka,
-to know). Another story explains the name Korava. When the princes
-Dharmaraja and Duryodana were at variance, the former, to avoid strife,
-went into voluntary exile. A woman who loved him set out in search
-of him, but, through fear of being identified, disguised herself as
-a fortune-teller. In this manner she found him, and their offspring
-became known as Koravas, from kuru, fortune-telling.
-
-The appellation Koracha or Korcha appears to be of later date than
-Korava, and is said to be derived from the Hindustani kori (sly), korri
-nigga (sly look) becoming corrupted into Korcha. Whenever this name was
-applied to them, they had evidently learnt their calling thoroughly,
-and the whole family, in whatever direction its branches spread,
-established a reputation for cunning in snaring animals or birds,
-or purloining other peoples' goods, until to-day their names are used
-for the purpose of insulting abuse in the course of a quarrel. Thus
-a belligerant might call the other a thieving Yerukala, or ask, in
-tones other than polite, if he belongs to a gang of Korchas. In the
-Tamil country, a man is said to kura-kenju, or cringe like a Korava,
-and another allusion to their dishonesty is kurapasangu, to cheat like
-a Korava. The proverb "Kuruvan's justice is the ruin of the family"
-refers to the endless nature of their quarrels, the decision of which
-will often occupy the headmen for weeks together.
-
-In communicating among themselves, the Koravas and Yerukalas speak a
-corrupt polyglot, in which the words derived from several languages
-bear little resemblance to the original. Their words appear to be
-taken chiefly from Tamil, Telugu, and Canarese. A short vocabulary of
-the Yerukala language has been published by the Rev. J. Cain. [201]
-The Yerukalas call this language Oodra, which seems to stand for
-gibberish or thieves' slang, or, as they explain, something very
-hard to understand. Oriya or Oodra is the language of the districts
-of Ganjam and Orissa. The word Oriya means north, and the fact that
-the Yerukalas call their language Oodra would seem to confirm their
-belief that they are a northern tribe. The wanderers always know
-more than one language colloquially, and are able to make themselves
-understood by the people of the country through which they may be
-passing. Those who have settled in villages invariably speak the
-language of the locality. When talking among themselves, they call a
-Brahman Thanniko Koravan, or the bathing Korava. They consider the
-Brahmans to be more cunning than themselves, and, as they are fond
-of bathing to remove pollution, they have given them this nickname.
-
-A detailed account of the Korava slang and patois has been published
-by Mr. F. Fawcett, Deputy Inspector-General of Police, [202] from
-whose note thereon the following examples are taken:--
-
-
-   Constable         Erthalakayadu.       Red-headed man.
-   Head constable    Kederarilu.          The man who rides on an
-                                          ass.
-   Taking bribe      Kalithindrathu.      Eating ragi food.
-   Toddy             Uggu perumalu        White water, or good water.
-                     ollaithanni.
-   Fowls             Rendukal Naidu.      The Naidu of two legs.
-   Mussalmans        Arthupottavungo.     Those who have cut
-                                          (circumcised).
-   Pariah            Utharalu keenjalu.   The man that pipes.
-   Butcher's knife   Elamayarathe         That for striking those
-                     bottarathu.          that graze leaves.
-   Rupees            Palakanna.           Milk eyes.
-   Ollakelluka.      White pebbles.
-
-
-Korava society is purely patriarchal, and, in whatever division or
-sept of the caste a Korava may be born, he has to subordinate himself
-to the will of his elders or the leaders of his particular gang. The
-head of a gang is called the Peru Manusan or Beriya Manasan (big
-man). He is selected principally because of his age, intelligence,
-and the influence he commands amongst the members of the gang. It
-is a post which carries with it no remuneration whatever, but the
-holder presides at all consultations, and is given the position of
-honour at all social functions.
-
-Concerning the caste government, Mr. Fawcett writes that "the
-kulam or caste assembly adjudicates claims, inflicts penalties,
-ejects individuals from the caste, or readmits them thereto. Free
-drinking of toddy at the expense of one of the parties accompanies
-every caste assembly. It is the aggrieved party who gives notice for
-assembly of the kulam. The disputants join hands, thereby indicating
-to the kulam that their dispute should be decided by them. Each pays
-one rupee. The kulam may decide the dispute at once, or adjourn
-for further consideration at any time. The next meeting is called
-the second joining of hands, when each pays one rupee, as before,
-to be spent in toddy. A man who fails to attend when the kulam
-has been convened loses his caste absolutely. If there is a third
-adjournment, that is a third joining of hands, each side pays Rs. 3
-1/2 for toddy, to keep the kulam in good spirits. As this is always
-the final adjournment, the decision is sometimes arrived at by means
-of an ordeal. An equal quantity of rice is placed in two pots of equal
-weight having a quantity of water, and there is an equal quantity of
-firewood. The judges satisfy themselves most carefully as to quantity,
-weights, and so on. The water is boiled, and the man whose rice boils
-first is declared to be the winner of the dispute. The loser is to
-recoup the winner all his expenses. It sometimes happens that both
-pots boil at the same time; then a coin is to be picked out of a
-pot containing boiling oil. There is yet another method of settling
-disputes about money. The amount claimed is brought by one party,
-and placed beside an idol. The claimant is then asked to take it, and,
-should nothing unpleasant happen to him or to his family afterwards,
-he is declared to have made out his claim. The kulam has nothing
-whatever to do with planning the execution of offences, but is
-sometimes called upon to decide about the division of plunder, as,
-for instance, when any member of a criminal expedition improperly
-secretes something for himself. But they engage vakils (pleaders)
-for defending members of the gang who are charged with a criminal
-offence, whether they have been concerned in it or not."
-
-There are a great many classes of Koravas, most of them obtaining
-their names from the particular occupations they have followed as an
-ostensible means of livelihood for many generations. But, whatever
-they may call themselves, they all, according to Mr. Mainwaring,
-fall within three divisions, viz.:--
-
-
-    1. Sakai, Sampathi, Sathupadi.
-    2. Kavadi or Gujjula.
-    3. Devarakonda, Mendrakutti, or Menapadi.
-
-
-The members of the first two divisions are pure Koravas, the legitimate
-descendants of Koravas who have never married outside the caste,
-whereas the third division represents and includes the mixed marriages,
-and the offspring thereof. The Koravas receive into their ranks members
-of castes other than Paraiyans (including Malas and Madigas), Yanadis,
-Mangalas, and Tsakalas. The ceremony of introduction into the Korava
-community consists in burning the tongue with a piece of gold. The
-Koravas have a strong objection to taking food touched by Medaras,
-because, in their professional occupation of doing wicker-work, they
-use an awl which resembles the tool used by Madigas in shoe-making. The
-Koravas are said to be divided into two large families, which they call
-Pothu and Penti, meaning male and female. All the families included
-in the first division noted above are Pothu, and those in the second
-Penti. The families in the third division, being the product of mixed
-marriages, and the position of females being a lowly one, they are also
-considered to be Penti. The Pothu section is said to have arisen from
-men going in search of brides for themselves, and the Pentis from men
-going in search of husbands for their daughters. When a Korava, male
-or female, wishes to marry, a partner must be sought in a division
-other than their own. For example, a Korava of the first division is
-bound to marry a female belonging to the second or third division,
-who, after marriage, belongs to her husband's division. This may be
-a little hard on the women of the first division, because they are
-bound to descend in the social scale. However, their daughters can
-rise by marrying into the first division. For the purpose of religious
-ceremonies, each division has fixed duties. The members of the first
-division have the right of decorating the god, and dressing him in
-his festival attire. Those of the second division carry the god and
-the regalia in procession, and burn incense, and those of the third
-drag the temple car, and sing and shout during its progress. For this
-reason, it is said, they are sometimes called Bandi (cart).
-
-"The major divisions," Mr. Paupa Rao Naidu writes, "are four in number,
-and according to their gradation they are Sathepati, Kavadi, Manapati,
-Mendragutti. They are all corrupted Tamil words.
-
-
-    "1. Sathepati is a corruption of Sathupadi, which means adorning
-    a Hindu deity with flowers, jewels and vestments.
-
-    "2. Kavadi, meaning a pole carried on the shoulders with two
-    baskets pendant from its ends, in which are contained offerings
-    for a deity or temple.
-
-    "3. Manapati is a corruption of Manpadi, which means singing in
-    praise of god, when He is worshipped in a temple.
-
-    "4. Mendragutti is a corruption of Menrikutti, which means
-    stitching a pair of shoes, and presenting them to the temple--a
-    custom still prevalent at Tirupati and other important shrines.
-
-    "Of these four divisions, the first two are, or rather were,
-    considered superior to the other two, a Kavadi man being styled
-    Pothuvadu (man), and a Sathepati man Penti (female)."
-
-
-A still further classification of divisions and sub-divisions is given
-by Mr. F. S. Mullaly. [203] I am informed by Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao
-that, in the Vizagapatam district, the Yerukalas are divided into
-Pattapu or Odde, and Thurpu (eastern). Of these, the former, when
-they are prosperous, live in tiled houses, while the latter live in
-huts. Pattapu women wear brass bangles on both wrists, and Thurpu
-women brass bangles on the right wrist, and glass bangles on the
-left. The former throw the end of their cloth over the left shoulder,
-and the latter over the right.
-
-It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Trichinopoly district, that
-"the Kuravans are divided into a number of endogamous sections,
-of which the Ina Kuravans and the Kavalkaran Kuravans are the most
-criminal, especially the latter. The latter are also called the Marasa,
-Mondu, and Kadukutti Kuravans. In dress and appearance the Namakkal
-Kuravans are said to be superior to those of Karur, and to look like
-well-dressed Vellalans or Pallis. They are peculiar in wearing long
-ear-rings. They are also said to be much better thieves than the
-others, and to dislike having a Karur Kuravan when breaking into a
-house, for fear he might wake the household by his clumsiness."
-
-As examples of intiperu, or exogamous septs, the following, which
-were given by Uppu Yerukalas, may be cited:--
-
-
-    Dasari, Vaishnavite mendicant.
-    Sukka, star.
-    Kampa, bush of thorns.
-    Avula, cows.
-    Thoka, tail.
-    Kanaga (Pongamia glabra).
-    Bandi, cart.
-    Gajjala, small bell.
-    Mogili (Pandanus fascicularis)
-    Uyyala, swing.
-    Ragala, ragi grain.
-    Pula, flowers.
-    Katari, dagger.
-    Ambojala, lotus.
-    Samudrala, sea.
-    Venkatagiri, a town.
-
-
-"A knowledge," Mr. Fawcett writes, "of these house or sept names may
-be useful in order to establish a man's identity, as a Koravar, who
-is generally untruthful as to his own name, is seldom if ever so as
-regards his house or sept name, and his father's name. He considers
-it shameful to lie about his parentage, 'to be born to one, and yet to
-give out the name of another.' Totemism of some kind evidently exists,
-but it is rather odd that it has not always any apparent connection
-with the sept or house name. Thus, the totem of persons of the Koneti
-sept is horse-gram (kollu in Tamil), which they hold in veneration,
-and will not touch, eat, or use in any way. The totem of the Samudrala
-sept is the conch shell, which likewise will not be used by those of
-the sept in any manner. It may be noted that persons of the Rameswari
-sept will not eat tortoises, while those of the Koneti sept are in
-some manner obliged to do so on certain occasions."
-
-As regards names for specific occupations among the Koravas,
-the Bidar or nomad Koravas originally carried merchandise in the
-form of salt, tamarinds, jaggery (crude sugar or molasses), leaves
-of the curry leaf plant (Murraya Koenigii) from place to place on
-pack-bullocks or donkeys. The leaves were in great demand, and those
-who brought them round for sale were called in Tamil Karuvaipillai,
-and in Telugu Karepaku, after the commodity which they carried. This
-is a common custom in India, and when driving through the bazar,
-one may hear, for example, an old woman carrying a bundle of wood
-addressed as firewood. "Kavadi" will be screamed at a man carrying
-a pole (kavadi) with baskets, etc., suspended from it, who got in
-the way of another. The section of Koravas who carried salt inland
-from the coast became known as Uppu (salt) Koravas. Another large
-class are the Thubba, Dhubbai, or Dhabbai (split bamboo) Koravas, who
-restrict their wanderings to the foot of hill ranges, where bamboos are
-obtainable. With these they make baskets for the storage of grain, for
-carrying manure at the bottom of carts, and various fancy articles. In
-the Kurnool district, the Yerukalas will only cut bamboos at the time
-of the new moon, as they are then supposed to be free from attacks
-by boring weevils, and they do certain puja (worship) to the goddess
-Malalamma, who presides over the bamboos. In the Nallamalai forests,
-the Yerukalas do not split the bamboo into pieces and remove the
-whole, but take off only a very thin strip consisting of the outer
-rind. The strips are made up into long bundles, which can be removed by
-donkeys. There is extreme danger of fire, because the inner portions
-of the bamboos, left all over the forest, are most inflammable. [204]
-Instead of splitting the bamboos in the forest, and leaving behind a
-lot of combustible material, the Yerukalas now have to purchase whole
-bamboos, and take them outside the forest to split them. The members
-of a gang of these Yerukalas, who came before me at Nandyal, were
-each carrying a long split bamboo wand as an occupational insigne. A
-further important section is that of the Kunchu or Kunchil Koravas, who
-gather roots in the jungle, and make them into long brushes which are
-used by weavers. The Koravas have a monopoly in their manufacture, and
-take pride in making good brushes. These Kunchu Koravas are excellent
-shikaris (hunters), and snare antelope, partridges, duck, quail, and
-other game with great skill. For the purpose of shooting antelopes,
-or of getting close enough to the young ones to catch them after a
-short run, they use a kind of shield made of dried twigs ragged at the
-edges, which looks like an enormous wind-blown bundle of grass. When
-they come in sight of a herd of antelopes, they rest one edge of the
-shield on the ground, and, sitting on their heels behind it, move it
-slowly forward towards the herd until they get sufficiently close to
-dash at the young ones, or shoot the grown-up animals. The antelopes
-are supposed to mistake the shield for a bush, and to fail to notice
-its gradual approach. They capture duck and teal largely at night,
-and go to the rice fields below a tank (pond or lake), in which the
-crop is young, and the ground consequently not entirely obscured. This
-would be a likely feeding-ground, or traces of duck having fed there
-on the previous night might be noticed. They peg a creeper from
-one bund (mud embankment) to another, parallel to the tank bund,
-four inches above the water in the field. From this they suspend a
-number of running loops made of sinews drawn from the legs of sheep
-or goats or from the hind-legs of hares, the lower ends of the loops
-touching the mud under water. If the duck or teal come to feed, they
-are sure to be caught, and fall victims to the slip noose. "The Kuntsu
-(Kunchu) Korachas," Mr. Francis tells us, [205] "catch small birds
-by liming twigs or an arrangement of bits of bamboo with a worm hung
-inside it, or by setting horse-hair nooses round the nests. Quails
-they capture by freely snaring a piece of ground, and then putting
-a quail in a cage in the middle of it, to lure the birds towards the
-snare. They also catch them, and partridges too, by driving the bevy
-towards a collapsible net. To do this, they cover themselves with a
-dark blanket, conceal their heads in a kind of big hat made of hair,
-feathers and grass, and stalk the birds from a bullock trained to the
-work, very gradually driving them into the net. They also occasionally
-capture black-buck (antelope) by sending a tame buck with nooses
-on his horns to fight with a wild one. The latter speedily gets his
-horns entangled in the nooses, and is easily secured." Sometimes the
-Kunchu Korava begs in villages, dragging about with him a monkey,
-while the females earn a livelihood by tattooing, which occupation,
-known as pricking with green, has gained for them the name of Pacchai
-(green) Kutti. The patterns used in tattooing by a Korava woman, whom
-I interviewed, were drawn in a note-book, and consisted of fishes,
-scorpions, a fortress, five-storeyed house, conventional designs,
-etc. The patterns were drawn on the skin, with great dexterity and
-skill in freehand drawing, by means of a blunt stick dipped in a
-mixture of a lamp-black, lamp-oil, and turmeric contained in a half
-cocoanut shell. The pattern is pricked in with a bundle of four
-or five needles tied together. The needles and drawing-stick were
-kept in a hollow bamboo, and the tattooing mixture in the scooped
-out fruits of the bael (Ægle Marmelos) and palmyra palm (Borassus
-flabellifer). For tattooing an entire upper extremity, at several
-sittings, the Korava woman would be paid from eight to twelve annas,
-or receive food-grains in lieu of money. The hot weather is said
-to be more favourable for the operation than the cold season, as
-the swelling after it is less. To check this, lamp-oil, turmeric,
-and leaves of the avarai plant (Dolichos Lablab)  are applied.
-
-Concerning the Pacchaikuttis, or, as they are also called, Gadde
-(soothsayers), Mr. Paupa Rao Naidu writes that "the women start with
-a basket and a winnowing basket or tray into a village, proclaiming
-their ostensible profession of tattooing and soothsaying, which they
-do for grain or money. When unfortunate village women, who always lose
-children or who often fall ill, see these Gadde women moving about,
-they call them into their houses, make them sit, and, pouring some
-grain into their baskets, ask them about their past misery and future
-lot. These women, who are sufficiently trained to speak in suitable
-language, are clever enough to give out some yarns in equivocal terms,
-so that the anxious women, who hope for better futurity, understand
-them in the light uppermost in their own minds. The Korava women will
-be rewarded duly, and doubly too, for they never fail to study the
-nature of the house all the time, to see if it offers a fair field
-for booty to their men."
-
-At Srungavarapukota in the Vizagapatam district "the local goddess,
-Yerakamma, is a deification of a woman who committed sati. Ballads are
-sung about her, which say that she was the child of Dasari parents, and
-that her birth was foretold by a Yerukala woman (whence her name) who
-prophesied that she would have the gift of second sight. She eventually
-married, and one day she begged her husband not to go to his field,
-as she was sure he would be killed by a tiger if he did. Her husband
-went notwithstanding, and was slain as she had foreseen. She committed
-sati on the spot where her shrine still stands." [206]
-
-The Ur or village Koravas have given up their nomad life, and settled
-in villages of their own, or together with other communities. Many
-of them have attended pial schools, and can read and write to some
-extent. Some of them are employed in the police and salt departments,
-as jail warders, etc. The Ur Korava is fast losing his individuality,
-and assimilating, in dress, manners and customs, the ryots among whom
-he dwells. In the Salem district there is a village called Koravur,
-which is inhabited entirely by Koravas, who say that they were
-originally Uppu Koravas, but now cultivate their own lands, or work
-as agricultural labourers for the land-owners. They say further that
-they pay an occasional visit to Madras for the purpose of replenishing
-their stock of coral and beads, which they sell at local shandis
-(markets). Some Koravas are said to buy gilded beads at Madura,
-and cheat unsuspecting villagers by selling them as gold. Though
-the Ur Koravas are becoming civilised, they have not yet lost their
-desire for other men's goods, and are reported to be the curse of
-the Anantapur, Cuddapah, and Bellary districts, where they commit
-robbery, house-breaking, and theft, especially of sheep and cattle. A
-particularly bold sheep theft by them a few years ago is worthy of
-mention. The village of Singanamalla in the Anantapur district lies a
-few miles off the railway. It is bordered on two sides by Government
-forest reserves, into which the villagers regularly drove their sheep
-and goats to graze, in charge of small boys, in the frequent absences
-of the forest watcher, or when the watcher was well disposed towards
-them. An arrangement was made between the Koravas and a meat-supplier
-at Bangalore to deliver on his behalf a large number of sheep at a
-wayside station near Dharmavaram, to receive which trucks had to
-be ready, and the transaction was purely cash. One morning, when
-more than a hundred sheep had been driven far into the reserve by
-their youthful charges, who kept more or less close together for
-the sake of company, a number of Koravas turned up, and represented
-themselves as forest watchers, captured the small boys, gagged them
-and tied them to trees, and drove off all the available sheep. The
-boys were not discovered till late at night, and the police did not
-get to work till the following morning, by which time the sheep were
-safely entrained for Bangalore.
-
-It is noted, in the Madras Police Report, 1905-1906, that "a large
-number of members of the notorious Rudrapad Koracha gangs have recently
-been released from His Highness the Nizam's prisons, and their return
-will add appreciably to the difficulties of the Bellary Police."
-
-A small class of Koravas is named Pamula (snake), as they follow the
-calling of snake-charmers. In the Census Report, 1901, Pusalavadu
-(seller of glass beads) and Utlavadu (makers of utlams) are given as
-sub-castes of Yerukala. An utlam is a hanging receptacle for pots,
-etc., made of palmyra fibre. In the same report, Kadukuttukiravar
-(those who bore a hole in the ear) and Valli Ammai Kuttam (followers
-of the goddess Valli Ammai) are returned as synonyms of Koravas. They
-claim that Valli Ammai, the wife of the god Subrahmanya, was a Korava
-woman. Old Tamil books refer to the Koravas as fortune-tellers to
-kings and queens, and priests to Subrahmanya. Some Koravas have, at
-times of census, returned themselves as Kudaikatti (basket-making)
-Vanniyans. Balfour refers to Walaja Koravas, and states that they are
-musicians. They are probably identical with the Wooyaloo Koravas,
-[207] whose duty it is to swing incense, and sing before the god
-during a religious celebration. The same writer speaks of Bajantri
-or Sonai Kolawaru and Kolla and Soli Korawars, and states that they
-inhabit the Southern Maratha country. These names, like Thogamallai
-for Koravas who come from the village of that name in the Trichinopoly
-district, are probably purely local. Further, the Abbé Dubois states
-that "the third species of Kuravers is generally known under the name
-of Kalla Bantru, or robbers. The last Muhammadan prince who reigned
-over Mysore is said to have employed a regular battalion of these
-men in time of war, not for the purpose of fighting, but to infest
-the enemy's camp in the night, stealing away the horses and other
-necessaries of the officers, and acting as spies. They were awarded
-in proportion to the dexterity they displayed in these achievements,
-and, in time of peace, they were despatched into the various States
-of neighbouring princes, to rob for the benefit of their masters." It
-is possible that the Kaikadis of the Central Provinces are identical
-with Koravas, who have migrated thither.
-
-A section of Koravas, called Koot (dancing) or Kothee (monkey)
-Kaikaries, is referred to by Mr. Paupa Rao Naidu as "obtaining their
-living by prostitution. They also kidnap or sell children for this
-purpose. Some of the women of this class are thriving well in the
-Madras Presidency as experts in dancing. They are kept by rich people,
-and are called in the Telugu country Erukala Bogamvaru, in Tamil
-Korava Thevidia. They also train monkeys, and show them to the public."
-
-The household god of the Korava, which is as a rule very rudely carved,
-may be a representation of either Vishnu or Siva. As already noted,
-it is stated in the Census Report, 1901, that the Koravas worship
-Subrahmanya, the son of Siva, while the Yerukalas worship Vishnu in the
-form of Venkateswara and his wife Lakshmi. They worship, in addition
-to these, Kolapuriamma, Perumalaswami, and other appropriate deities,
-prior to proceeding on a depredatory expedition. Kolapuriamma is the
-goddess of Kolhapur, the chief town of the Native State of that name in
-the Bombay Presidency, who is famous in Southern India. Perumalswami,
-or Venkateswara, is the god of Tirupati, the great place of pilgrimage
-in the North Arcot district. The signs of a recent performance of
-worship by Koravas may prove an indication to the Police that they
-have been concerned in a dacoity, and act as a clue to detection
-thereof. They sacrifice sheep or goats once a year to their particular
-god on a Sunday or Tuesday, while those who worship Venkateswara honour
-him on a Saturday, and break cocoanuts as an offering. All offerings
-presented to the gods are divided among those present, after the
-ceremonies have been completed. Venkateswara is said to be sometimes
-represented, for the purpose of worship, by a brass vessel (kalasam)
-decorated with flowers, and bearing on it the Vaishnavite namam (sect
-mark). Its mouth is closed by a cocoanut, beneath which mango or betel
-leaves are placed. On the day appointed for the religious service,
-everything within the hut is thrown outside, and the floor is purified
-with cow-dung, and devices are drawn thereon. The brass vessel is set
-up, and offerings of large quantities of food are made to it. Some of
-this dedicated food (prasadam) must be given to all the inhabitants of
-the settlement. A lump of clay, squeezed into a conical shape, with a
-tuft of margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves does duty for Poleramma. In
-front thereof, three stones are placed. Poleramma may be worshipped
-close to, but not within, the hut. To her offerings of boiled rice
-(pongal) are made by fasting women. The manner in which the boiling
-food bubbles over from the cooking-pot is eagerly watched, and accepted
-as an omen for good or evil. In a note on the Coorroo, Balfour states
-[208] that "they told me that, when they pray, they construct a small
-pyramid of clay, which they term Mariamma, and worship it. The women
-had small gold and silver ornaments suspended from cords round their
-necks, which they said had been supplied to them by a goldsmith,
-from whom they had ordered figures of Mariamma. The form represented
-is that of the goddess Kali. They mentioned that they had been told
-by their forefathers that, when a good man dies, his spirit enters
-the body of some of the better animals, as that of a horse or cow,
-and that a bad man's spirit gives life to the form of a dog or jackal,
-but they did not seem to believe in it. They believe firmly, however,
-in the existence and constant presence of a principle of evil, who,
-they say, frequently appears, my informant having himself often seen
-it in the dusk of the evening assuming various forms, at times a cat,
-anon a goat, and then a dog, taking these shapes that it might approach
-to injure him."
-
-The domestic god of the Koravas, in the southern districts, is said to
-be Sathavu, for whom a day of worship is set apart once in three or
-four years. The Koravas assemble, and, in an open place to the west
-of the village, a mud platform is erected, on which small bricks are
-spread. In front of the platform are placed a sickle, sticks, and
-arrack (liquor). Cocoanuts, plantain fruits, and rice are offered,
-and sheep sacrificed. Sandal and turmeric are poured over the bricks,
-and camphor is burnt. The proceedings terminate with a feast.
-
-The presiding goddess of the criminal profession of the Koravas is
-stated by Mr. M. Paupa Rao Naidu [209] to be Moothevi, the goddess
-of sleep, whom they dread and worship more than any other god or
-goddess of the Hindu Pantheon. The object of this worship is twofold,
-one being to keep themselves vigilant, and the other to throw their
-victims off their guard. Moothevi is invoked in their prayers to keep
-them sleepless while on their nefarious purpose bent, but withal to
-make their victims sufficiently sleepy over their property. This
-goddess is worshipped especially by females, who perform strange
-orgies periodically, to propitiate her. A secluded spot is preferred
-for performing these orgies, at which animal sacrifices are made,
-and there is distribution of liquor in honour of the goddess. The
-Edayapatti gang worship in addition the deity Ratnasabhapathy at
-Ayyamala. When prosecuted for a crime, the Koravan invokes his
-favourite deity to let him off with a whipping in the words 'If the
-punishment of whipping be inflicted I shall adore the goddess.'
-
-The following account of a peculiar form of human sacrifice by the
-Koravas in former days was given to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao by an old
-inhabitant of the village of Asur near Walajabad in the Chingleput
-district. A big gang settled at the meeting point of the three villages
-of Asur, Melputtur, and Avalur, on an elevated spot commanding the
-surrounding country. They had with them their pack-bullocks, each
-headman of the gang owning about two hundred head. The cow-dung which
-accumulated daily attracted a good many of the villagers, on one of
-whom the headmen fixed as their intended victim. They made themselves
-intimate with him, plied him with drink and tobacco, and gave him
-the monopoly of the cow-dung. Thus a week or ten days passed away,
-and the Koravas then fixed a day for the sacrifice. They invited the
-victim to visit them at dusk, and witness a great festival in honour
-of their caste goddess. At the appointed hour, the man went to the
-settlement, and was induced to drink freely. Meanwhile, a pit, large
-enough for a man to stand upright in it, had been prepared. At about
-midnight, the victim was seized, and forced to stand in the pit, which
-was filled in up to his neck. This done, the women and children of the
-gang made off with their belongings. As soon as the last of them had
-quitted the settlement, the headmen brought a large quantity of fresh
-cow-dung, and placed a ball of it on the head of the victim. The ball
-served as a support for an earthen lamp, which was lighted. The man
-was by this time nearly dead, and the cattle were made to pass over
-his head. The headmen then made off, and, by daybreak, the whole gang
-had disappeared. The murdered man was found by the villagers, who have,
-since that time, scrupulously avoided the Koravas. The victim is said
-to have turned into a Munisvara, and for a long time troubled those
-who happened to go near the spot at noon or midnight. The Koravas
-are said to have performed the sacrifice so as to insure their cattle
-against death from disease. The ground, on which they encamped, and on
-which they offered the human sacrifice, is stated to have been barren
-prior thereto, and, as the result thereof, to have become very fertile.
-
-It is said that Korava women invoke the village goddesses when they
-are telling fortunes. They use a winnowing fan and grains of rice in
-doing this, and prophesy good or evil, according to the number of
-grains found on the fan. [210] They carry a basket, winnow, stick,
-and a wicker tray in which cowry shells are imbedded in a mixture of
-cow-dung, and turmeric. The basket represents Kolapuriamma and the
-cowries Poleramma. When telling fortunes, the Korava woman places on
-the basket the winnow, rice, betel leaves and areca nuts, and the
-wicker tray. Holding her client's hand over the winnow, and moving
-it about, she commences to chant, and name all sorts of deities. From
-time to time she touches the hand of the person whose fortune is being
-told with the stick. The Korava women are very clever in extracting
-information concerning the affairs of a client before they proceed
-to tell her fortune.
-
-Brahmans fix the auspicious hour for marriage, and Chettis
-are invited to act as priests at the purification ceremony for
-re-admission into caste of a man or woman who has cohabited with
-a Paraiyan or Muhammadan, or been beaten with a shoe, etc. For the
-purpose of re-admission, a panchayat (council) assembles, at which
-the headman presides. Enquiries are made into the conduct of the
-accused, and a fine of two rupees levied. Of this sum the Chetti
-receives eight annas, with some betel and tobacco. The balance is
-spent in liquor for those who are assembled. After the Chetti has
-received his fee, he smears the foreheads of the guilty person and
-the company with sacred ashes. The impure person goes to a stream
-or well, and bathes. He then again comes before the council, and is
-purified by the Chetti again marking his forehead. The proceedings
-wind up with a feast. In former days, at a trial before a council,
-the legs of the complainant and accused were tied together. In 1907,
-a Koracha was excommunicated for having illicit intercourse with a
-widow. The ceremony of excommunication usually consists of shaving
-the head and moustache of the guilty person, and making him ride a
-donkey, wearing a necklace of bones. In the case under reference, a
-donkey could not be procured, so a temporary shed was made of sajja
-(Setaria italica) stalks, which were set on fire after the man had
-passed through it. He was to be re-admitted into the caste by standing
-a feast to all the members of five gangs of Korachas.
-
-It is said [211] that "a curious custom of the Kuravans prohibits them
-from committing crime on new-moon or full-moon days. Once started on an
-expedition, they are very determined and persistent. There is a case on
-record where one of a band of Kuravans out on an expedition was drowned
-in crossing the Cauvery. Nothing daunted by the loss or the omen,
-they attempted a burglary, and failed. They then tried another house,
-where they also failed; and it was not till they had met with these
-three mishaps that their determination weakened, and they went home."
-
-The Koravas are extremely superstitious, and take careful notice of
-good or bad omens before they start on a criminal expedition. They
-hold a feast, at which the assistance of the goddess Kolapuriamma or
-Perumal is sought. A young goat, with coloured thread attached to its
-horns, and a garland of margosa leaves with a piece of turmeric round
-its neck, is taken to an out-of-the-way shrine. Here it is placed
-before the deity, and cocoanuts are broken. The god is asked whether
-the expedition will be successful. If the body of the animal quivers,
-it is regarded as an answer in the affirmative; if it does not, the
-expedition will be abandoned. If in addition to quivering, the animal
-urinates, no better sign could be hoped for. The Koravas make it a
-point of honour to pay for the goat used for this religious purpose. It
-was information of this ceremony having been performed which led to the
-detection of a torchlight dacoity in the Cuddapah district in 1896. The
-expedition was in the first instance successful, for the Koravas
-broke into a Komati's house in the middle of a village, and carried
-off a quantity of jewels. The Komati's arm was broken, and he and
-other inmates of the house were badly burnt by lighted torches thrust
-against their faces and bodies. Among other methods of consulting the
-omens is to sacrifice a fowl at a shrine, and sit in front thereof
-listening for the direction whence the chirping of lizards issues. If
-the omens are auspicious, the members of the expedition start off,
-armed as a rule with latis (sticks) and axes. If they attack a cart,
-they commence by throwing stones at it, to ascertain if the occupant
-has fire-arms with him. Houses are generally broken into by means of
-a hole made in the wall near the door-latch. In the Ceded Districts,
-where the houses are as a rule substantially built of rough stone,
-and have flat roofs of salt earth, an opening is frequently effected
-through the roof. The Koravas are often extremely cruel in the methods
-which they adopt to extort information from inhabitants of houses as
-to where their valuables are concealed. In common with other Hindus,
-they avoid the shadow of the thandra tree (Terminalia belerica),
-in which the spirit of Saneswaradu is believed to reside. In this
-connection the following legend is recited. [212] In the city of
-Bimanapuram there ruled a king named Bimaraju, who had a beautiful
-daughter named Damayanti, with whom the gods, including Nalamaharaju,
-fell in love. Damayanti had never seen Nalamaharaju, but loved him on
-account of the stories which reached her of the justice with which he
-governed his kingdom, and his chastity. To avoid being charged with
-partiality in disposing of his daughter's hand, Bimaraju determined to
-invite all the gods to his house, and the one to whom Damayanti should
-throw a garland of flowers should claim her as his wife. The day fixed
-on arrived, and all the gods assembled, except Saneswaradu, who appears
-to have been unavoidably detained. The gods were seated in a circle,
-and a fly guided Damayanti to Nalamaharaju, on whose neck she threw the
-garland. Nalamaharaju at once claimed her as his wife, and started off
-with her to his kingdom. On the way they met Saneswaradu, who demanded
-an explanation of their being in each other's company. He was told,
-and was very angry because the matter had been settled in his absence,
-and swore a mighty oath that they should be separated. To this end,
-he caused all sorts of difficulties to come in their way. Under his
-spell, Nalamaharaju took to gambling, and lost all his property. He was
-separated from Damayanti, and lived in poverty for years. The spell of
-Saneswaradu could, however, only last for a certain number of years,
-and, when the time expired Nalamaharaju set out for Bimanapuram,
-to find Damayanti who had returned to her father's house. On the
-way, under a thandra tree, he met Saneswaradu, who confessed that he
-was the cause of all the troubles that had befallen him, and begged
-that he would look leniently on his fault. Nalamaharaju would not
-forgive him, but, after cursing him, ordained that he should live
-for ever in the thandra tree, so that the area over which he could
-do wrong should be limited. It is for this reason that all wandering
-tribes avoid pitching a camp within the shadow of this tree. A tree
-(Terminalia Catappa) belonging to the same genus as the thandra is
-regarded as a lucky one to camp beneath, as it was under one of these
-trees that Rama made a bower when he lived with Sita and Lakshmana
-after his banishment to the forest of Dandaka.
-
-In connection with omens and superstitions, Mr. Fawcett writes as
-follows. "Koravas, being highly superstitious, are constantly on the
-look-out for omens, especially before starting out on an excursion
-when the objective is dacoity or housebreaking. The household deity,
-represented by a brick picked up at random, is worshipped, and a sheep
-or fowl is sacrificed. Water is first poured over the animal, and, if
-it shakes its body, the omen is good, while, if it stands perfectly
-still, there is misfortune ahead. It is unfortunate, when starting,
-to see widows, pots of milk, dogs urinating, a man leading a bull,
-or a bull bellowing. On the other hand, it is downright lucky when
-a bull bellows at the scene of the criminal operation. To see a man
-goading a bull is a good omen when starting, and a bad one at the
-scene. Sprinkling urine over doors and walls of a house facilitates
-breaking into it. The failure of an expedition is generally attributed
-to the evil eye, or the evil tongue, whose bad effects are evinced
-in many ways. If the excursion has been for housebreaking, the
-housebreaking implement is often soldered at its sharp end with
-panchalokam (five metals), to counteract the effect of the evil
-eye. The evil tongue is a frequent cause of failure. It consists in
-talking evil of others, or harping on probable misfortunes. There are
-various ways of removing its unhappy effects. A mud figure of a man
-is made on the ground, and thorns are placed over the mouth. This is
-the man with the evil tongue. Those who have suffered walk round it,
-crying out and beating their mouths; the greater the noise, the better
-the effect. Cutting the neck of a fowl half through and allowing
-it to flutter about, or inserting a red hot splinter in its anus to
-madden it with pain, are considered to be effective, while, if a cock
-should crow after its neck has been cut, calamities are averted. The
-fowl is a sort of adjunct to the Koravar's life. In early childhood,
-the first experiments in his career consist in stealing fowls; in
-manhood he feasts on them when he is well off, and he uses them,
-as we have seen, with abominable cruelty for divination or averting
-misfortune. The number seven is considered ominous, and an expedition
-never consists of seven men. The word for the number seven in Telugu
-resembles the word for weeping, and is considered to be unlucky. A
-man who has returned from jail, or who has been newly married, is not
-as a rule taken on an expedition. In the case of the former, the rule
-may be set aside by bringing a lamb from a neighbouring flock. A man
-who forgets to bring his stick, or to equip or arm himself properly,
-is always left behind. As in the case of dacoities, seven is an
-unlucky number to start out for housebreaking, but, should it be
-unavoidable, a fiction is indulged in of making the housebreaking
-implement the eighth member of the gang. When there are dogs about a
-house, they are soon kept quiet with powdered gajjakai or ganja leaves
-mixed with cooked rice, which they eat greedily. Detached parties in
-the jungle or elsewhere are able to unite by making sounds like the
-howling of jackals or hooting of owls. The direction taken on a road,
-or in the forest, is indicated by throwing the leaves of the tangedu
-(Cassia auriculata) along the road. At crossroads, the road taken
-is indicated by the thick end of a twig of the tangedu placed under
-a stone. Rows of stones, one piled over the other, are also used to
-point out the route taken when crossing hills. The women resort to
-divination, but not accompanied by cruelty, when their husbands are
-long enough absent to arouse apprehension of danger. A long piece is
-pulled out of a broom, and to one end of it are tied several small
-pieces dipped in oil. If the stick floats in water, all is well;
-but, should it sink, two of the women start out at once to find the
-men. They generally know as a matter of pre-arrangement whereabouts
-to find them, and proceed thither, pretending to sell karipak (curry
-leaves). The eighteenth day of the Tamil month Avani is the luckiest
-day of all for committing crimes. A successful criminal exploit
-on this day ensures good luck throughout the year. Sundays, which
-are auspicious for weddings, are inauspicious for crimes. Mondays,
-Wednesdays and Saturdays are unlucky until noon for starting out
-from home. So, too, is the day after new moon. Fridays are unsuitable
-for breaking into the houses of Brahmans or Komatis, as they may be
-engaged in worshipping Ankalamma, to whom the day is sacred."
-
-Many Koravas examined by Mr. Mainwaring were injured in one way or
-another. One man had his left nostril split, and explained that it
-was the result of a bite by another Korava in the course of a drunken
-brawl at a toddy-shop. Another had lost some of his teeth in a similar
-quarrel, and a third was minus the lobe of his right ear.
-
-A characteristic of the Koravas, which is well marked, is their
-hairlessness. They have plenty of straight hair on the head, but their
-bodies are particularly smooth. Even the pubic hairs are scanty, and
-the abdominal hairs are abundant only in a few instances. The Korava
-is not, in appearance, the typical criminal of one's imagination, of
-the Bill Sykes type. That even the innocent looking individuals are
-criminal by nature, the following figures establish. In 1902, there
-were 739 Koravas, or Korchas as they are called in the Anantapur
-district, on the police registers as members of wandering gangs
-or ordinary suspects. Of these, no less than 215, or 29 per cent.,
-had at least one conviction recorded against them. In the Nellore
-district, in 1903, there were 54 adult males on the register, of whom
-no less than 24, or 44 per cent., had convictions against them. In
-the Salem district, in the same year, there were 118 adult male
-Koravas registered, against 38, or 32.2 per cent. of whom convictions
-stood. There are, of course, hundreds who escape active surveillance
-by assuming an ostensible means of livelihood, and allowances must be
-made for the possibility of numbers escaping conviction for offences
-they may have committed. The women are equally criminal with the men,
-but are less frequently caught. They have no hesitation in concealing
-small articles by passing them into the vagina. The best way of
-ascertaining whether this has been done is said to be to make them
-jump. In this way, at a certain feast, a gold jewel was recovered
-from a woman, and she was convicted. [213] This expedient is,
-however, not always effectual. A case came under notice, in 1901,
-at the Kolar gold fields, in which a woman had a small packet of
-stolen gold amalgam passed to her during the search of the house by
-her husband, who was suspected. She begged permission to leave the
-house to urinate. The request was granted, and a constable who went
-with her on her return reported her conduct as suspicious. A female
-searcher was procured, and the parcel found jammed transversely in
-the vagina, and required manipulation to dislodge it. Small jewels,
-which the Koravas manage to steal, are at once concealed in the
-mouth, and even swallowed. When swallowed, the jewel is next day
-recovered with the help of a purgative. In this way a half sovereign
-was recovered a few years ago. [214] Male Koravas sometimes conceal
-stolen articles in the rectum. In the Tanjore district a Korava
-Kepmari, who was suspected of having resorted to this dodge, was
-examined by a medical officer, and two thin gold chains, each about
-14 inches long, were extracted. The females take an important part
-in resisting an attempt to arrest the males. I am informed that,
-"when a raid is made on an encampment, the males make off, while the
-females, stripping themselves, dance in a state of nudity, hoping
-thereby to attract the constables to them, while the males get clear
-away. Should, however, these manoeuvres fail to attain their object,
-the females proceed to lacerate the pudenda, from which blood flows
-profusely. They then lie down as if dead. The unfortunate constables,
-though proof against amorous advances, must perforce assist them in
-their distress. If it comes to searching Korava huts, the females take
-a leading part in attacking the intruders, and will not hesitate to
-stone them, or break chatties (earthen pots) on their heads."
-
-It is recorded, in the Cuddapah Manual, that "a Yerukala came to a
-village, and, under the pretence of begging, ascertained which women
-wore jewels, and whether the husbands of any such were employed at
-night in the fields. In the night he returned, and, going to the
-house he had previously marked, suddenly snatched up the sleeping
-woman by the massive kamma (gold ear-ring) she wore, sometimes with
-such violence as to lift up the woman, and always in such a way as
-to wrench off the lobe of the ear. This trick he repeated in three
-different hamlets of the same village on one night, and in one house
-on two women. In one case, the woman had been lifted so high that,
-when the ear gave way, she fell to the ground, and severely injured
-her head." A new form of house robbery is said to have been started by
-the Koravas in recent years. They mark down the residence of a woman,
-whose jewels are worth stealing, and lurk outside the house before
-dawn. Then, when the woman comes out, as is the custom, before the men
-are stirring, they snatch her ear-rings and other ornaments, and are
-gone before an alarm can be raised. [215] Another favourite method
-of securing jewelry is for the Korava to beg for rice, from door to
-door, on a dark night, crying "Sandi bichcham, Amma, Sandi bichcham"
-(night alms, mother, night alms). Arrived at the house of his victim,
-he cries out, and the lady of the house brings out a handful of rice,
-and puts it in his pot. As she does so, he makes a grab at her tali
-or other neck ornament, and makes off with the spoil.
-
-"Stolen property", Mr. Mullaly writes, [216] "is disposed of, as soon
-as they can get a suitable remuneration. The general bargain is Re. I
-for a rupee's weight of gold. They do not, however, as a rule, lose
-much over their transactions, and invariably convert their surplus
-into sovereigns. In searching a Koravar encampment on one occasion,
-the writer had the good fortune to discover a number of sovereigns
-which, for safe keeping, were stitched in the folds of their pack
-saddles. Undisposed of property, which had been buried, is brought
-to the encampment at nightfall, and taken back and re-buried before
-dawn. The ground round the pegs, to which their asses are tethered,
-in heaps of ashes or filth, are favourite places for burying plunder."
-
-The Koravas disguise themselves as Kepmaris, Alagiris or pujaris. The
-terms Kepmari, Alagiri, Kathirivandlu, etc., are applied to certain
-persons who adopt particular methods in committing crime, all of
-which are adopted by the Koravas. The Tamil equivalent of Kepmari is
-Talapa Mathi, or one who changes his head-dress. Alagiris are thieves
-who worship at the temple of Kalla Alagar near Madura, and vow that
-a percentage of their ill-gotten gains will be given as an offering
-to his temple. Kathirivandlu (scissors people) are those who operate
-with knives or scissors, snipping off chains, cutting the strings of
-purses, and ripping open bags or pockets.
-
-The Koravas are not nice as regards the selection of some of their
-food. Cats, fowls, fish, pigs, the black-faced monkey known in
-Telugu as kondamuchu, jackals, field rats, deer, antelope, goats
-and sheep serve as articles of dietary. There is a Tamil proverb
-"Give an elephant to a pandit, and a cat to a Kuravan." They will
-not eat cattle or buffaloes, and will not take food in company with
-Muhammadans, barbers, washermen, carpenters, goldsmiths, blacksmiths,
-Paraiyans or Chakkiliyans. The Boyas seem to be the lowest class with
-whom they will eat. They drink heavily when funds are available, or
-at social gatherings, when free drinks are forthcoming. At council
-meetings liquor must be supplied by the disputants, and there is a
-proverb, "With dry mouths nothing can be uttered."
-
-Most Koravas possess knives, and a kind of billhook, called koduval,
-which is a sort of compromise between a sword and a sickle. The back
-of the blade is heavy, and renders it capable of dealing a very severe
-blow. With this implement animals are slaughtered, murders committed,
-and bamboos split.
-
-For the purpose of committing burglaries, the Koravas are said by
-Mr. Mullaly to use an iron instrument pointed at either end, called
-gadi kolu or sillu kolu, which is offered, before a gang sets out,
-to Perumal, whose aid in the success of the undertaking is invoked.
-
-The Koravas as a class are industrious, and generally doing
-something. One may see the men on the march twisting threads into
-stout cord. Others will be making fine nets for fishing, or coarse
-ones, in which to suspend household pots or utensils; straw pads,
-on which the round-bottomed chatties invariably stand; or a design
-with red thread and cowry shells, wherewith to decorate the head of
-a bull or a money-bag. It is when hawking these articles from door
-to door that the Koravas are said to gain information as to property
-which may be worth stealing. The following is a free translation
-of a song representing Koracha characteristics, in a play by
-Mr. D. Krishnamacharlu, a well-known amateur dramatist of Bellary:--
-
-
-    Hurrah! Our Koracha caste is a very fine caste,
-    The best of castes, Hurrah!
-
-    When a temple feast is proceeding,
-    We beg, and commit thefts surprising.
-    Don't we? Care we for aught?
-    Don't we slip off uncaught?
-
-          (Chorus.)
-
-    Cutting trinkets off,
-    From the necks of babes in their mothers' arms.
-    Who could suspect us? Cannot we hoodwink them all?
-    Cannot we get away?
-
-          (Chorus.)
-
-    When those eternal watchmen catch us,
-    After endless search take life out of us.
-    Do we blurt out? Do we confess?
-    Don't we enquire what is our offence?
-
-          (Chorus.)
-
-
-In the south, the Koravas are frequently employed by villagers as
-watchmen (kavalgars) on the principle of setting a thief to keep
-other thieves off. They are paid in grain. The villagers are more than
-half afraid of them, and, if the remuneration stipulated upon is not
-promptly paid to the watchmen, a house-breaking will certainly occur
-in the village. If a crime happens to take place in a village where
-a Korava has been appointed watchman, he frequently manages to get
-back the stolen property if the theft is the work of another Korava,
-but only on condition that the police are not called in to investigate
-the offence.
-
-The dwellings in which the Koravas live are made with low mud walls and
-thatched. The wanderers erect a temporary hut called gudise, with mats
-or cocoanut or palmyra palm leaves, not more than 4 feet high. It is
-constructed of crossed bamboos tied together, and connected by another
-bamboo, which serves as a ridge, over which they fasten the mats.
-
-Marriages are arranged by the elders. The father of a youth who is of
-a marriageable age calls together some of the elders of his division,
-and proceeds in quest of a suitable bride. If the family visited
-consents to the match, the headman is sent for, and a move is made
-to the toddy-shop. Here the father of the future bridegroom fills
-a small earthen vessel, called in Telugu muntha, and offers it to
-the father of the bride-elect, asking him, Do you know why I give
-you this toddy? The recipient replies, It is because I have given
-you my daughter, and I drink to her health. The vessel is refilled
-and offered to the headman, who takes it, and enquires of the father
-of the girl why he is to drink. The reply is, Because I have given
-my daughter to ----'s son; drink to her health. The questions and
-answers are repeated while every one present, according to rank,
-has a drink. Those who have so drunk at this betrothal ceremony
-are looked upon as witnesses to the contract. After the drinking
-ceremony, an adjournment is made to the girl's house, where a feast
-is partaken of. At the conclusion thereof, the future bridegroom's
-people enquire if the girl has a maternal uncle, to whom the purchase
-money should be paid. The purchase money is 101 madas (a mada = two
-rupees), and is always the same for both well-to-do and poor. But,
-as a matter of fact, the whole of it is never paid. A few instalments
-are sometimes handed over, but generally the money is the cause of
-endless quarrels. When, however, the families, are on good terms,
-and the husband enjoys the hospitality of his wife's maternal uncle,
-or vice versâ, it is a common thing for one to say to the other after
-a drink, See, brother-in-law, I have paid you two madas to-day,
-so deduct this from the voli (purchase money). After the marriage
-has been arranged, and the maternal uncle has paid four annas as
-an earnest of the transaction, the party disperses until such time
-as the principals are in a position to perform the wedding. They
-might be infants, or the girl immature, or the intended husband be
-away. After the betrothal ceremony, the parents of the girl should on
-no account break off the match. If this were done, the party of the
-husband-elect would summon those who were present at the drinking
-ceremony to a meeting, and he who partook of the second drink (the
-headman) would demand from the father of the girl an explanation of
-the breach of contract. No explanation is likely to be satisfactory,
-and the father is fined three hundred varahas. [217] This sum, like
-the purchase money, is seldom paid, but the award of it places the
-party from whom it is due in a somewhat inferior position to the
-party to whom it is payable. They occupy thenceforth the position of
-creditor to debtor. On the occasion of quarrels, no delicate sense
-of refinement restrains the former from alluding to the debt, and
-the position would be retained through several generations. There is
-a Tamil proverb that the quarrels of a Korava and an Idaiyan are not
-easily settled. If the contracting parties are ready to fulfil their
-engagement, the maternal uncle of the girl is paid five varahas as
-the first instalment of the purchase money, and a Brahman purohit
-is asked to fix an auspicious time for the marriage ceremony. At
-the appointed time, the wedding party assembles at the home of the
-bride, and the first day is spent in eating and drinking, the bride
-and bridegroom being arrayed in new clothes purchased at the expense
-of the bride's father. On the following day, they again feast. The
-contracting couple are seated on a kambli (blanket), on which some
-grains of rice have been previously sprinkled. The guests form a
-circle round them, and, at the auspicious moment, the bridegroom ties
-a string of black beads round the bride's neck. When the string has
-been tied, the married women present, with hands crossed, throw rice
-over the heads of the pair. This rice has been previously prepared,
-and consists of five seers of rice with five pieces of turmeric, dried
-cocoanut, dried date fruit and jaggery (crude sugar), and five silver
-or copper coins. While the rice-throwing is proceeding, a monotonous
-song is crooned, of which the following is a free translation:--
-
-
-    Procure five white bulls.
-    Get five white goats.
-    Obtain a seer [218] of silver.
-    Get a seer of gold.
-    Always love your father
-    And live happy for ever.
-    Look after your mother always,
-    Your father and mother-in-law.
-    Do not heed what folk say.
-    Look after your relations,
-    And the God above will keep you happy.
-    Five sons and four daughters
-    Shall compose your family.
-
-
-A predominance of sons is always considered desirable, and, with five
-sons and four daughters, the mystic number nine is reached.
-
-No widows, women who have remarried, or girls dedicated as prostitutes,
-are allowed to join the wedding circle, as they would be of evil omen
-to the bride. Widows and remarried women must have lost a husband,
-and the prostitute never knows the God to whose service she is
-dedicated. On the third day, the rice-throwing ceremony is repeated,
-but on this occasion the bride and bridegroom pour some of the rice
-over each other's heads before the women officiate. This ends the
-marriage ceremony, but, as among some other classes, consummation is
-prohibited for at least three months, as a very strong superstition
-exists that three heads should not enter a door within one year. The
-bride and bridegroom are the first two heads to enter the new home, and
-the birth of a child within the year would constitute the third. This
-undesirable event is rendered less likely by a postponement of
-consummation. After the prescribed time has lapsed, the bride,
-with feigned reluctance, is escorted by her female relations to
-her husband's hut. On the way obscene pleasantries, which evoke
-much merriment, are indulged in. The bride's pretended reluctance
-necessitates a certain amount of compulsion, and she is given an
-occasional shove. Finally, she is thrust into the door of the hut,
-and the attendant women take their departure.
-
-The following details in another form of the marriage rites may be
-noted. The bridegroom proceeds on a Saturday to the settlement of
-the bride, where a hut has been set up for him close to that of the
-bride. Both the huts should face the east. On the following day,
-the headman, or an elder, brings a tray containing betel, flowers
-and kankanams (wrist-threads). He ties the threads round the wrists
-of the bride and bridegroom, and also round a pestle and mortar and
-a crowbar. A distribution of rice to all present, including infants,
-follows, and pork and mutton are also distributed. Towards evening,
-married women go, with music produced by beating on a brass tray, to
-a well or tank, with three pots beneath a canopy (ulladam). The pots
-are filled with water, and placed near the marriage milk-post. The
-bride takes her seat on a plank, and the bridegroom is carried on the
-shoulders of his brother-in-law, and conducted to another plank. Three
-married women, and some old men, then pour rice over the heads of the
-pair, while the following formula is repeated: "Try to secure four
-pairs of donkeys, a few pigs and cattle; live well and amicably; feed
-your guests well; grow wise and live." The couple are then taken to
-the bride's hut, the entrance to which is guarded by several married
-women, who will not allow them to enter till the bridegroom has given
-out the name of the bride. Within the hut, the pair exchange food three
-times, and what remains after they have eaten is finished off by some
-married men and women. That night the pair sleep in the bride's hut,
-together with the best man and bridesmaid. On the following day,
-a feast is held, at which every house must be represented by at
-least one married woman. Towards evening, the bridegroom takes the
-bride to his hut, and, just before they start, her mother ties up
-some rice in her cloth. At the entrance to the hut, a basket, called
-Kolapuriamma's basket, is placed. Depositing a winnowing tray thereon,
-the bride pours the rice which has been given to her on it. The rice
-is then transferred by the bridegroom to the mortar, and he and the
-bride pound it with the pestle and crowbar. The tali is then tied by
-the bridegroom round the bride's neck.
-
-In connection with marriage, Mr. Fawcett writes as follows. "A
-girl's mother's brother's son has the right to have her to wife,
-and, if his right is abrogated by giving her to another, he (or his
-father?) receives a penalty from the man to whom she is given. The
-girl's maternal uncle disposes of the girl. In the Coimbatore district,
-however, it is the father who is said to do so; indeed it is said
-that the father can even take a girl away from her husband, and give
-her to another for a higher bride-price. Prior to marriage proper,
-there is the betrothal, accompanied by presentation of betel leaves
-and draughts of toddy, when the maternal uncle or father repeats a
-regular formula which is answered word for word by the girl's party,
-in which he agrees to hand over the girl for such a price, at the
-same time requiring that she shall receive no bodily injury or have
-her hair cut, and, if she is returned damaged physically, payment
-shall be made according to a fixed rate. It should be said that the
-betrothal sometimes takes place at a tavern, the favourite haunt of
-the Koravas, where the bridegroom's party offers a pail of toddy to
-the father of the girl and his party. The emptying of this pail seals
-the marriage contract, and involves the father of the girl into payment
-of the bride-price as a fine, together with a fine of Rs. 2 for every
-male child, and Rs. 4 for every female child that may be born. This
-penalty, which is known as ranku, is not, as a rule, pressed at once,
-but only after some children have been born. The day of marriage,
-generally a Sunday, is fixed by a Brahman, who receives betel nuts,
-cocoanuts, one rupee, or even less. He selects an auspicious day and
-hour for the event. The hour selected is rather early in the evening,
-so that the marriage may be consummated the same night. A few days
-before the appointed day, two unmarried lads cut a branch of the naval
-tree (Eugenia Jambolana), and throw it into a tank (pond) or river,
-where it is left until the wedding day, when the same two lads bring
-it back, and plant it in the ground near the dwelling of the bride,
-and on either side of it is placed a pot of water (brought from the
-tank or river where the branch had been left to soak) carried thither
-by two married women under a canopy. The mouth of each pot is closed
-by placing on top an earthen vessel on which is a lamp. The bride and
-bridegroom sit on donkey saddles spread on the ground, and undergo the
-nalugu ceremony, in which their hands and feet are rubbed nine times
-with saffron (turmeric) coloured red with chunam (lime). The elders
-bless the couple, throwing rice over their heads with crossed hands,
-and all the while the women chant monotonously a song such as this:--
-
-
-    Galianame Baipokame Sobaname,
-    Oh, Marriage giver of happiness and prosperity!
-    The best oil of Madanapalle is this nalugu;
-    The best soap seed of Silakat is for this nalugu;
-    Paint yourselves, Oh sisters, with the best of colours;
-    Stain your cloth, Oh brother, with the best of dyes;
-    Bring, Oh brother, the greenest of snakes;
-    Adorn with it our Basavayya's neck;
-    Bring, Oh brother, the flowers without leaves;
-    Adorn with them the hair of the bride.
-
-
-Then the bridegroom ties the bride's tali, a string coloured yellow
-with saffron (turmeric), or a string of small black beads. Every
-married woman must wear a necklet of black beads, and glass bangles
-on her wrists; when she becomes a widow, she must remove them. A
-feature of the ceremony not to be overlooked is the wedding meal
-(pendlikudu). After undergoing the nalugu, the bridegroom marks
-with a crowbar the spot where this meal, consisting of rice, milk,
-green gram, and jaggery (sugar), is to be cooked in a pot called
-bhupalakunda. A trench is dug at the spot, and over it the cooking
-is done. When the food is ready, the bride and bridegroom take of it
-each three handfuls, and then the boys and girls snatch the pot away
-from them. After this, the couple proceed to the bridegroom's hut,
-where they find a light burning. The elders sprinkle them with water
-coloured yellow with saffron (turmeric) as they enter."
-
-For the following note on marriage among the Yerukalas of the
-Vizagapatam district, I am indebted to Mr. Hayavadana Rao. A man
-may marry the daughter of his paternal aunt or maternal uncle. The
-father of the would-be husband of a girl goes with ten rupees,
-called sullaponnu, to her home, and pays the money to one of several
-elders who are brought together. Towards evening, the ground in
-front of the girl's hut is swept, and a wooden plank and stone
-are set side by side. The bridegroom sits on the former, and the
-bride on the latter. Two pots of water are placed before them, and
-connected together by a thread tied round their necks. The pots are
-lifted up, and the water is poured over them. Contrary to the custom
-prevailing among many castes, new cloths are not given to them after
-this bath. Resuming their seats, the couple sprinkle each other with
-rice. An intelligent member of the caste then personates a Brahman
-priest, mutters sundry mantrams (prayers), and shows a string (karugu)
-with a piece of turmeric tied to it to those assembled. It is touched
-by them in token of a blessing, and tied by the bridegroom on the neck
-of the bride. A feast, with a liberal supply of liquor, is held, the
-expenses of which are met from the ten rupees already referred to. The
-younger brother may marry the widow of an elder brother, and vice
-versâ. A widow is married in front of her mother's hut. The marriage
-string is tied round her neck, but without the ceremonial observed
-at the marriage of a maid. If a husband wishes to secure a divorce,
-he asks his wife to break a twig in two before a caste council. If a
-woman wishes for a divorce, she elopes with a man, who pays a small
-fine, called ponnu, to the husband, and asks him to break a twig.
-
-The following story is current among the Koramas, to account for the
-tali or bottu being replaced by a string of black beads. Once upon a
-time, a bridegroom forgot to bring the tali, and he was told off to
-procure the necessary piece of gold from a goldsmith. The parties
-waited and waited, but the young man did not return. Since then,
-the string of beads has been used as a marriage badge. According to
-another story, the tali was prepared, and kept on the bank of a river,
-but disappeared when it was going to be picked up. A man was sent to
-procure another, but did not come back.
-
-I am informed that the Yerukalas of the Kistna district are divided
-into two classes--sheep and goats practically. Of these, the latter
-are the bastard offspring of the former. Illegitimate must, in the
-first instance, marry illegitimate. The offspring thereof is ipso
-facto whitewashed, and becomes legitimate, and must marry a legitimate.
-
-A custom is stated by Dr. Shortt [219] to prevail among the Yerukalas,
-by which the first two daughters of a family may be claimed by
-the maternal uncle as wives for his sons. "The value of a wife is
-fixed at twenty pagodas. The maternal uncle's right to the first two
-daughters is valued at eight out of twenty pagodas, and is carried out
-thus. If he urges his preferential claim, and marries his own sons
-to his nieces, he pays for each only twelve pagodas; and similarly
-if he, from not having sons, or any other cause, foregoes his claim,
-he receives eight pagodas of the twenty paid to the girl's parents
-by anybody else who may marry them." The price of a wife apparently
-differs in different localities. For example, it is noted, in the
-Census report, 1901, that, among the Kongu sub-division of the Koravas,
-a man can marry his sister's daughter, and, when he gives his sister
-in marriage, he expects her to produce a bride for him. His sister's
-husband accordingly pays Rs. 7-8-0 out of the Rs. 60 of which the
-bride price consists, at the wedding itself, and Rs. 2-8-0 more each
-year until the woman bears a daughter. Some Koravas seem to be even
-more previous than fathers who enter their infant sons for a popular
-house at a public school. For their children are said to be espoused
-even before they are born. Two men, who wish their children to marry,
-say to one another: "If your wife should have a girl and mine a boy
-(or vice versâ), they must marry." And, to bind themselves to this,
-they exchange tobacco, and the potential bridegroom's father stands
-a drink to the future bride's relations. But if, after the children
-are grown up, a Brahman should pronounce the omens unpropitious,
-the marriage does not take place, and the bride's father pays back
-the cost of the liquor consumed at the betrothal. If the marriage
-is arranged, a pot of water is placed before the couple, and a grass
-(Cynodon Dactylon) put into the water. This is equal to a binding oath
-between them. [220] Of this grass it is said in the Atharwana Veda:
-"May this grass, which rose from the water of life, which has a
-hundred roots and a hundred stems, efface a hundred of my sins, and
-prolong my existence on earth for a hundred years." It is noted by
-the Rev. J. Cain [221] that "at the birth of a daughter, the father
-of an unmarried little boy often brings a rupee, and ties it in the
-cloth of the father of the newly born girl. When the girl is grown
-up, he can claim her for his son. For twenty-five rupees he can claim
-her much earlier."
-
-In North Arcot, the Koravas are said [222] to "mortgage their unmarried
-daughters, who become the absolute property of the mortgagee till
-the debt is discharged. The same practice exists in Chingleput and
-Tanjore. In Madras, the Koravars sell their wives outright when they
-want money, for a sum equal to fifty rupees. In Nellore and other
-districts, they all purchase their wives, the price varying from
-thirty to seventy rupees, but money rarely passes on such occasions,
-the consideration being paid in asses or cattle." In a recent case
-in the Madras High Court, a Korava stated that he had sold one of
-his wives for twenty-one rupees. [223] It is stated by Dr. Pope that
-the Koravas do not "scruple to pawn their wives for debt. If the wife
-who is in pledge dies a natural death, the debt is discharged. If she
-should die from hard usage, the creditor must not only cancel the debt,
-but must defray the expenses of a second marriage for his debtor. If
-the woman lives till the debt is discharged, and if she has children
-by the creditor, the boys remain with him, the girls go back with
-her to her husband." The conditions of the country suggest a reason
-for the pawning of wives. A wife would be pawned in times of stress,
-and redeemed after seasons of plenty. The man who can afford to accept
-her in pledge in a time of famine would, in periods of plenty, require
-men for agricultural purposes. He, therefore, retains the male issue,
-who in time will be useful to him. Some years ago, some Koravas were
-convicted of stealing the despatch-box of the Collector of a certain
-district from his tent. It came out, in the course of the trial,
-that the head of the gang had taken the money contained therein as
-his share, and with it acquired a wife. The Collector humorously
-claimed that the woman, having been obtained with his money, was,
-according to a section of the Criminal Procedure Code, his property.
-
-A woman who marries seven men successively one after the other,
-either after the death of her husbands or after divorce, is said
-by Mr. Paupa Rao Naidu to be considered to be a respectable lady,
-and is called Pedda Boyisani. She takes the lead in marriages and
-other religious ceremonies.
-
-It is noted, in the Census Report, 1891, that "if a man is sent to
-jail, his wife will form a connection with some other man of the
-gang, but on the release of her husband, she will return to him
-with any children born to her in the interval. The Korava women are
-accustomed to honour their lords and husbands with the dignified title
-of cocks." On one occasion, a Korava got into trouble in company with
-a friend, and was sentenced to three years imprisonment, while his
-friend got two years. The latter, at the termination of his period of
-enforced seclusion, proceeded to live with the wife of the former,
-settling down in his friend's abode. The former escaped from jail,
-and, turning up at his home, claimed his wife. His friend journeyed to
-the place where the jail was located, and reported to the authorities
-his ability to find the escaped convict, who was recaptured, while
-his friend regained possession of his wife, and pocketed twenty-five
-rupees for giving the information which led to his rearrest.
-
-The remarriage of widows is permitted. The man who wishes to marry a
-widow purchases new cloths for himself and his bride. He invites a
-number of friends, and, in their presence, presents his bride with
-the cloths. The simple ceremony is known as chirakattu-koradam,
-or desiring the cloth-tying ceremony.
-
-As a general rule, the Korava wife is faithful to her husband, but,
-in the event of incompatibility, man and wife will announce their
-intention of separating to their gang. This is considered equivalent
-to a divorce, and the husband can demand back the four annas, which
-were paid as earnest money to his wife's maternal uncle. This is said
-to be done, whether the separation is due to the fault either of the
-husband or the wife. Among other castes, the woman has to return the
-money only if she is divorced owing to her own fault. Divorce is said
-to be rare, and, even after it has taken place, the divorced parties
-may make up their differences, and continue to keep house together. In
-cases of abduction, the father of the girl summons a council meeting,
-at which the offender is fined. A girl who has been abducted cannot
-be married as a spinster, even if she was recovered before sexual
-connection had taken place. The man who carried her off should marry
-her, and the ceremony of widow marriage is performed. In the event
-of his refusing to marry her, he is fined in the same amount as the
-parents of a girl who fail to keep the contract to marry her to a
-particular person. The fact of a man who abducts a girl having a wife
-already would be no bar to his marrying her, as polygamy is freely
-permitted. In former days, an adulterer who was unable to pay the
-fine imposed was tied to a tree, and shaved by a barber, who used
-the urine of the guilty woman in lieu of water.
-
-In connection with birth ceremonies, Mr. Fawcett writes as
-follows. "Difficulty in parturition is thought to be due to an
-ungratified desire of the woman before she is confined. This is
-generally something to eat, but it is sometimes ungratified lust. In
-cases of the latter kind, the Koravar midwife induces the woman
-to mention her paramour's name, and, as the name is mentioned, the
-midwife puts a pinch of earth into the woman's mouth with the idea
-of accelerating delivery. The woman is confined in an outlying hut,
-where she is tabu to all, with the exception of the midwife, for about
-ten days. As soon as the child is born, incense is burnt in front of
-this hut, and there is an offering of jaggery (crude sugar) to the
-spirits of the departed elders, who are invoked in the following words
-in the Korava dialect:--'Ye spirits of our elders! Descend on us, give
-us help, and increase our cattle and wealth. Save us from the Sircar
-(Government), and shut the mouth of the police. We shall worship you
-for ever and ever.' The jaggery is then distributed to all present,
-and the new-born infant is cleaned with cow-dung and washed. A Brahman
-is sometimes consulted, but it is the maternal uncle upon whom the
-responsibility falls of naming the child. This he does on the ninth day
-after confinement, when the mother and child are bathed. Having named
-the child, he ties a string of thread or cotton round its waist. This
-string signifies the entry of the child into the Koravar community,
-and it, or its substitute, is worn until the termination of married
-life. The name given on this occasion is not usually the name by
-which an individual is known by his fellows, as persons are generally
-called after some physical trait or characteristic thus:--Nallavadu,
-black man; Pottigadu, short man; Nettakaladu, long-legged man;
-Kuntadu, lame man; Boggagadu, fat man; Juttuvadu, man with a large
-tuft of hair; Gunadu, hunch-backed man; Mugadu, dumb man; and so
-on. In a few cases, children are genuinely named after the household
-deities. Those so named are called Ramudu, Lachigadu, Venkatigadu,
-Gengadu, Chengadu, Subbadu, Ankaligadu, and so on. An old custom
-was to brand the children on the shoulders with a piece of red-hot
-iron. Marks of such branding are called the cattle mark, for it seems
-that children should be branded on the shoulders before undertaking
-the 'sacred duty' of tending cattle. They explain the custom by saying
-that Krishna, the God of the shepherds, allowed boys of his own caste,
-and of no other, to perform the sacred duty, after the boy dedicated
-thereto had undergone the branding ceremony. This ceremony is seldom
-observed nowadays, as it leads to identification. Birth of a child on
-a new-moon night, when the weather is strong, is believed to augur a
-notorious thieving future for the infant. Such children are commonly
-named Venkatigadu after the God at Tirupati. The birth of a child
-having the umbilical cord twisted round its neck portends the death of
-the father or maternal uncle. This unpleasant effect is warded off by
-the uncle or the father killing a fowl, and wearing its entrails round
-his neck, and afterwards burying them along with the umbilical cord."
-
-The practice of the couvade, or custom in accordance with which
-the father takes to bed, and is doctored when a baby is born, is
-referred to by Alberuni [224] (about A.D. 1030), who says that, when
-a child is born, people show particular attention to the man, not
-to the woman. There is a Tamil proverb that, if a Korati is brought
-to bed, her husband takes the prescribed stimulant. Writing about
-the Yerukalas, [225] the Rev. J. Cain tells us that "directly the
-woman feels the birth pains, she informs her husband, who immediately
-takes some of her clothes, puts them on, places on his forehead the
-mark which the women usually place on theirs, retires into a dark room
-where there is only a very dim lamp, and lies down on the bed, covering
-himself up with a long cloth. When the child is born, it is washed,
-and placed on the cot beside the father. Asafoetida, jaggery, and other
-articles are then given, not to the mother, but to the father. He is
-not allowed to leave his bed, but has everything needful brought to
-him." Among the Kuravars, or basket-makers of Malabar, "as soon as
-the pains of delivery come upon a pregnant woman, she is taken to an
-outlying shed, and left alone to live or die as the event may turn
-out. No help is given her for twenty-eight days. Even medicines are
-thrown to her from a distance; and the only assistance rendered is
-to place a jar of warm water close by her just before the child is
-born. Pollution from birth is held as worse than that from death. At
-the end of the twenty-eight days, the hut in which she was confined
-is burnt down. The father, too, is polluted for fourteen days, and,
-at the end of that time, he is purified, not like other castes by
-the barber, but by holy water obtained from Brahmans at temples or
-elsewhere." To Mr. G. Krishna Rao, Superintendent of Police in the
-Shimoga district of Mysore, I am indebted for the following note on
-the couvade as practiced among the Koramas. "Mr. Rice, in the Mysore
-Gazetteer, says that among the Koravars it is said that, when a woman
-is confined, her husband takes medicine for her. At the instance of
-the British Resident I made enquiries, and learned that the Kukke
-(basket-making) Koramas, living at Gopala village near Shimoga,
-had this custom among them. The husband learns from his wife the
-probable time of her confinement, and keeps at home awaiting the
-delivery. As soon as she is confined, he goes to bed for three days,
-and takes medicine consisting of chicken and mutton broth spiced with
-ginger, pepper, onions, garlic, etc. He drinks arrack, and eats as
-good food as he can afford, while his wife is given boiled rice with
-a very small quantity of salt, for fear that a larger quantity may
-induce thirst. There is generally a Korama midwife to help the wife,
-and the husband does nothing but eat, drink, and sleep. The clothes
-of the husband, the wife, and the midwife are given to a washerman
-to be washed on the fourth day, and the persons themselves have
-a wash. After this purification, the family gives a dinner to the
-caste people. One of the men examined by me explained that the man's
-life was more valuable than that of the woman, and that the husband,
-being a more important factor in the birth than the wife, deserves
-to be better looked after." The following legend is current among
-the Koramas, to explain the practice of the couvade among them. One
-day a donkey, belonging to a Korama camp, pitched outside a village,
-wandered into a Brahman's field, and did considerable damage to the
-crop. The Brahman was naturally angry, and ordered his coolies to
-pull down the hut of the owner of the donkey. The Korama, casting
-himself at the feet of the Brahman, for want of a better excuse,
-said that he was not aware of what his animal was doing, as at the
-time he was taking medicine for his wife, and could not look after
-it. According to another version of the story, the Brahman ordered
-his servants to remove the hut from his land or beat the Korava,
-so that Koravas have since that time taken to bed and shared the
-pollution of their wives, to escape being beaten.
-
-In connection with the couvade, Mr. Fawcett writes that "it has
-been observed in the bird-catching Koravars, and the custom has
-been admitted by others. Directly a woman is brought to bed, she is
-given asafoetida rolled in betel leaf. She is then given a stimulant
-composed of asafoetida and other drugs. The husband partakes of
-a portion of this before it is given to the woman. This custom is
-one of those which the Koravar is generally at pains to conceal,
-denying its existence absolutely. The proverb 'When the Koravar
-woman is confined, the Koravar man takes asafoetida' is, however,
-well known. Very soon after a woman is confined, attention is paid
-exclusively to her husband, who wraps himself in his wife's cloth,
-and lies down in his wife's place beside the new-born infant. He stays
-there for at least some minutes, and then makes room for his wife. The
-writer of this note was informed by Koravars that any one who refused
-to go through this ceremony would undergo the severest penalties,
-indeed, he would be turned out of the community. Nothing annoys a
-Koravar so much as to mention the word asafoetida in his presence,
-for he takes it to be an insulting reference to the couvade. The
-worst insult to a Koravar woman lies in the words 'Will you give
-asafoetida?' which are understood by her to mean an improper overture."
-
-Some Koravas are said to believe that the pangs of labour are largely
-allayed by drinking small doses of a mixture of the dung of a male
-donkey and water. A few years ago, when a camp of Koravas was visited
-in the Salem district by the Superintendent of Police, two men of
-the gang, who had petitioned for the removal of the constables who
-were escorting the gang, dragged a woman in the throes of childbirth
-by the armpits from the hut. This was done to show that they could
-not move their camp, with a woman in such a condition. Nevertheless,
-long before daylight on the following day, the camp had been moved,
-and they were found at a spot fifteen miles distant. When they were
-asked about the woman, a hut slightly apart from the rest was pointed
-out, in front of which she was suckling the newly-born infant. She
-had done the journey immediately after delivery partly on foot,
-and partly on a donkey.
-
-The Korava child's technical education commences early. From infancy,
-the Koravas teach their children to answer "I do not know" to questions
-put to them. They are taught the different methods of stealing,
-and the easiest way of getting into various kinds of houses. One
-must be entered through the roof, another by a hole in the wall,
-a third by making a hole near the bolt of the door. Before letting
-himself down from a roof, the Korava must make sure that he does
-not alight on brass vessels or crockery. He generally sprinkles fine
-sand in small quantities, so that the noise made thereby may give him
-an idea of the situation. The methods to be adopted during the day,
-when hawking wares, must be learnt. When a child is caught red-handed,
-he will never reveal his identity by giving the name of his parents,
-or of the gang to which he belongs. A girl about twelve or thirteen
-years old was captured a few years ago in the Mysore State at the
-Oregam weekly market, and, on being searched, was found to have a small
-knife in her cheek. She declared that she was an orphan with neither
-friends nor relations, but was identified by the police. The Koravas
-are adepts at assuming aliases. But the system of finger-print records,
-which has been introduced in recent years, renders the concealment
-of their identity more difficult than it used to be. "Both men and
-women," Mr. Paupa Rao writes, "have tattoo marks on their foreheads
-and forearms. When they are once convicted, they enlarge or alter in
-some way the tattoo marks on their forearms, so that they might differ
-from the previous descriptive marks of identification entered by the
-police in their search books and other records. During festivals,
-they put red stuff (kunkuma) over the tattoo marks on their foreheads."
-
-Their conduct is regulated by certain well-defined rules. They should
-not enter a house by the front door, unless this is unavoidable, and,
-if they must so enter it, they must not leave by the same way. If
-they enter by the back door, they depart by the front door, which
-they leave wide open. They should not commit robbery in a house, in
-which they have partaken of rice and curds. Curds always require salt,
-and eating salt is equivalent to taking the oath of fealty according
-to their code of honour. They ease themselves in the house in which
-they have committed a theft, in order, it is said, to render the
-pursuit of them unsuccessful.
-
-In a note on the initiation of Yerukala girls into the profession
-of fortune-telling in Vizagapatam, Mr. Hayavadana Rao writes that it
-is carried out on a Sunday succeeding the first puberty ceremony. A
-caste feast, with plenty of strong drink, is held, but the girl
-herself fasts. The feast over, she is taken to a spot at a little
-distance from the settlement called Yerukonda. This is said to be the
-name of a place on the trunk road between Vizianagram and Chicacole,
-to which girls were taken in former times to be initiated. The girl
-is blindfolded with a cloth. Boiled rice and green gram are mixed
-with the blood of a black fowl, black pig, and black goat, which are
-killed. Of this mixture she must take at least three morsels, and,
-if she does not vomit, it is taken as a sign that she will become a
-good Yeruka or fortune-teller. Vomiting would indicate that she would
-be a false prophetess.
-
-When a wandering Korava dies, he is buried as quickly as possible,
-with head to the north, and feet to the south. If possible, a new
-cloth is obtained to wrap the corpse in. The grave is covered with the
-last hut which the deceased occupied. The Koravas immediately leave
-a camp, in which a death has occurred. The nomad Koravas are said
-by Dr. Pope to bury their dead at night, no one knows where. Thence
-originates the common saying in regard to anything which has vanished,
-leaving no trace behind, that it has gone to the dancing-room of the
-wandering actors. Another proverb runs to the effect that no one has
-seen a dead monkey, or the burning-ground of a Korava.
-
-In Vizagapatam, the Yerukala dead are stated by Mr. Hayavadana Rao
-to be burnt in a state of nudity. A tulsi plant (Ocimum sanctum) is
-usually planted on the spot where the corpse was burnt. The relations
-cannot follow their regular occupation until a caste feast has been
-held, and some cooked food thrown on the spot where cremation took
-place.
-
-In a note on the death rites of the Koravas of the southern districts,
-Mr. F. A. Hamilton writes that, when one of the community dies,
-the news of the death is conveyed by a Paraiyan or Chakkiliyan. At
-the burning-ground, whither the corpse is accompanied with music, it
-is laid on dried cow-dung, which has been spread on the ground. The
-son of the deceased goes thrice round the corpse, and breaks a new
-water-pot which he has brought with him near the head. He also hands
-over a piece of burning sandalwood for lighting the pyre, and goes
-straight home without seeing the corpse again. On the third day, the
-son and other relations go to the burning-ground, heap up the ashes,
-plant either tulsi (Ocimum sanctum), perandai (Vitis quadrangularis),
-or kathalai (Agave Americana), and pour milk. On the sixteenth day,
-or at some later time, a ceremony called karumathi is performed. The
-relatives assemble at the burning-ground, and a stone is set up,
-and washed with water, honey, milk, etc. On the following day, all
-the relatives take an oil-bath, and new cloths are presented to the
-host. Sheep are killed, and a feast, with a liberal supply of liquor,
-is held. Till this ceremony is performed, the son remains in mourning.
-
-Concerning death ceremonies, Mr. Fawcett writes as follows. "A Tamil
-proverb likens the death of a Koravar to that of a monkey, for no
-one ever sees the dead body of either. Just as the monkey is thought
-to be immortal, the other monkeys removing the carcass instantly, so
-the corpse of the Koravar is made away with and disposed of with all
-possible speed. There is very little wailing, and preparations are
-made at once. If the deceased was married, the bier on which he is
-carried is practically a ladder; if unmarried, it is a single bamboo
-with pieces of stick placed transversely. The winding-sheet is always
-a piece of new cloth, in one corner of which is tied a half anna-piece
-(which is afterwards taken by one of the corpse-bearers). Only two of
-these are under pollution, which lasts the whole of the day, during
-which they must remain in their huts. Next day, after bathing, they
-give the crows food and milk. A line is drawn on the body from head
-to foot with milk, the thick end of a piece of grass being used as
-a brush; then they bathe. Pollution of the chief mourner lasts for
-five days. Half-yearly and annual ceremonies to the deceased are
-compulsory. A figure of the deceased is drawn with charcoal on a
-piece of new cloth spread on the floor of the hut. On either side
-of the figure is placed cooked rice and vegetables served on castor
-leaves. After some time, the food is placed on a new winnow, which is
-hung suspended from the roof of the hut the whole night. Next morning,
-the relations assemble, and partake of the food."
-
-From a note on the Yerukalas of the Nellore district, I gather
-that, as a rule, the dead are buried, though respected elders of the
-community are cremated. Married individuals are carried to the grave
-on a bier, those who die unmarried wrapped in a mat. On the second
-day, some cooked food, and a fowl, are placed near the grave, to be
-eaten by crows. A pot of water is carried thrice round the grave,
-and then thrown down. On the ninth day, food is once more offered for
-the crows. The final death ceremonies are generally performed after
-two or three months. Cooked food, onions, brinjals (fruits of Solanum
-Melongena), Phaseolus pulse, squash gourd (Cucurbita maxima), pork, and
-mutton are placed on a number of castor (Ricinus) leaves spread on the
-floor, and offered to the soul of the deceased, which is represented by
-a human figure drawn on a new cloth. At the conclusion of the worship,
-the food is placed on new winnowing trays provided for the purpose,
-and given to the relations, who place the winnows on the roof of the
-house till the following day, when the food is eaten.
-
-By some Koravas, a ceremony in honour of the departed ancestors is
-performed at the time of the November new moon. A well-polished brass
-vessel, with red and white marks on it, is placed in the corner of a
-room, which has previously been swept, and purified with cow-dung. In
-front of the pot is placed a leaf plate, on which cooked rice and
-other edibles are set. Incense is burned, and the eldest son of the
-house partakes of the food in the hope that he, in due course, will
-be honoured by his offspring.
-
-The Koramas of Mysore are said to experience considerable difficulty
-in finding men to undertake the work of carrying the corpse to the
-grave. Should the dead Korama be a man who has left a young widow, it
-is customary for some one to propose to marry her the same day, and,
-by so doing, to engage to carry out the principal part of the work
-connected with the burial. A shallow grave, barely two feet deep, is
-dug, and the corpse laid therein. When the soil has been loosely piled
-in, a pot of fire, carried by the chief mourner in a split bamboo,
-is broken, and a pot of water placed on the raised mound. Should the
-spot be visited during the night by a pack of jackals, and the water
-drunk by them to slake their thirst after feasting on the dead Korama,
-the omen is accepted as proof that the liberated spirit has fled away
-to the realms of the dead, and will never trouble man, woman, child,
-or cattle. On the sixth day, the chief mourner must kill a fowl,
-and mix its blood with rice. This he places, with some betel leaves
-and nuts, near the grave. If it is carried off by crows, everything
-is considered to have been settled satisfactorily.
-
-As regards the dress of the Koravas, Mr. Mullaly writes as
-follows. "The women wear necklaces of shells and cowries interspersed
-with beads of all colours in several rows, hanging low down on
-the bosom; brass bangles from the wrist to the elbow; brass, lead,
-and silver rings, very roughly made, on all their fingers except the
-middle one. The cloth peculiar to Koravar women is a coarse black one;
-but they are, as a rule, not particular as to this, and wear stolen
-cloths after removing the borders and all marks of identification. They
-also wear the chola, which is fastened across the bosom, and not,
-like the Lambadis, at the back. The men are dirty, unkempt-looking
-objects, wear their hair long, and usually tied in a knot on the top
-of the head, and indulge in little finery. A joochi (gochi), or cloth
-round the loins, and a bag called vadi sanchi, made of striped cloth,
-complete their toilet."
-
-In 1884, Mr. Stevenson, who was then the District Superintendent
-of Police, North Arcot, devised a scheme for the regeneration of
-the Koravas of that district. He obtained for the tribe a tract of
-Government land near Gudiyattam, free of assessment for ten years, and
-also a grant of Rs. 200 for sinking wells. Licenses were also issued
-to the settlers to cut firewood at specially favourable rates. He also
-prevailed upon the Zemindar of Karvetnegar to grant twenty-five cawnies
-of land in Tiruttani for ten years for another settlement, as well
-as some building materials. Unfortunately the impecunious condition
-of the Zemindar precluded the Tiruttani settlement from deriving any
-further privileges which were necessary to keep the colony going,
-and its existence was, therefore, cut short. The Gudiyattam colony,
-on the other hand, exhibited some vitality for two or three years,
-but, in 1887, it, too, went the way of the Tiruttani colony." [226]
-I gather, from the Police Administration Report, 1906, that a scheme
-is being worked out, the object of which is to give a well-known
-wandering criminal gang some cultivable land, and so enable the
-members of it to settle down to an honest livelihood.
-
-At the census, 1891, Korava was returned as a sub-division of
-Paraiyans, and the name is also applied to Jogis employed as
-scavengers. [227]
-
-The following note on the Koravas of the west coast is interesting as
-showing that Malabar is one of the homes of the now popular game of
-Diavolo, which has become epidemic in some European countries. "In
-Malabar, there is a class of people called Koravas, who have, from
-time immemorial, played this game almost in the same manner as its
-Western devotees do at the present time. These people are met with
-mostly in the southern parts of Malabar, Cochin and Travancore, and
-they speak the Malayalam language with a sing-song accent, which easily
-distinguishes them from other people. They are of wandering habits. The
-men are clever acrobats and rope-dancers, but those of more settled
-habits are engaged in agriculture and other industries. The beautiful
-grass mats, known as Palghat mats, are woven by these people. Their
-women are fortune-tellers and ballad singers. Their services are
-also in demand for boring the ears of girls. The ropedancers perform
-many wonderful feats while balancing themselves on the rope, among
-them being the playing of diabolo while walking to and fro on a
-tight rope. The Korava acrobat spins the wooden spool on a string,
-attached to the ends of two bamboo sticks, and throws it up to the
-height of a cocoanut tree, and, when it comes down, he receives
-it on the string, to be again thrown up. There are experts among
-them who can receive the spool on the string without even looking
-at it. There is no noteworthy difference in the structure and shape
-of the spool used by the Koravas, and those of Europe, except that
-the Malabar apparatus is a solid wooden thing a little larger and
-heavier than the Western toy. It has not yet emerged from the crude
-stage of the village carpenter's skill, and cannot boast of rubber
-tyres and other embellishments which adorn the imported article;
-but it is heavy enough to cause a nasty injury should it hit the
-performer while falling. The Koravas are a very primitive people,
-but as acrobats and ropedancers they have continued their profession
-for generations past, and there is no doubt that they have been expert
-diabolo players for many years." [228] It may be noted that Lieutenant
-Cameron, when journeying from Zanzibar to Benguela, was detained near
-Lake Tanganyika by a native chief. He relates as follows. "Sometimes
-a slave of Djonmah would amuse us by his dexterity. With two sticks
-about a foot long connected by a string of a certain length, he spun
-a piece of wood cut in the shape of an hour-glass, throwing it before
-and behind him, pitching it up into the air like a cricket-ball,
-and catching it again, while it continued to spin."
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-NOTES
-
-
-[1] Gazetteer of the Bellary district.
-
-[2] Madras Diocesan Magazine, June, 1906.
-
-[3] John S. Chandler, a Madura Missionary, Boston.
-
-[4] Madras Mail, November, 1905.
-
-[5] J. Hornell. Report on the Indian Pearl Fisheries of the Gulf of
-Manaar, 1905.
-
-[6] Madras Diocesan Mag., 1906.
-
-[7] Notes from a Diary, 1881-86.
-
-[8] Lecture delivered at Trivandrum, MS.
-
-[9] Nineteenth Century, 1898.
-
-[10] Malay Archipelago.
-
-[11] Monograph. Ethnog: Survey of Cochin, No. 9, 1906.
-
-[12] Malabar Manual.
-
-[13] Manual of the Coimbatore district.
-
-[14] Madras Journ. Lit. Science, I. 1833.
-
-[15] W. W. Skeat and C. O. Blagden. Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula,
-1906.
-
-[16] Gazetteer of the Malabar district.
-
-[17] Madras Census Report, 1891.
-
-[18] Manual of Malabar.
-
-[19] Manual of the North Arcot district.
-
-[20] Madras Census Report, 1891.
-
-[21] Manual of the North Arcot district.
-
-[22] A reddish formation found all over Southern India.
-
-[23] Op. cit.
-
-[24] Journey through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar.
-
-[25] Rev. H. Jensen. Classified Collection of Tamil Proverbs, 1897.
-
-[26] Manual of the North Arcot district.
-
-[27] Gazetteer of the Trichinopoly district.
-
-[28] For this note I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar.
-
-[29] Madras Census Report, 1891.
-
-[30] Mokhalingam is in Ganjam, not Vizagapatam.
-
-[31] Place of meeting, which is a large tamarind tree, under which
-councils are held.
-
-[32] Gazetteer of the Madura district.
-
-[33] Gazetteer of the Madura district.
-
-[34] Setupati, or lord of the bridge. The title of the Rajas of Ramnad.
-
-[35] Gazetteer of the Madura district.
-
-[36] Madras Census Report, 1891.
-
-[37] Manual of the Madura district.
-
-[38] G. Oppert. Madras Journ. Lit. Science, 1888-9.
-
-[39] Madras Census Report, 1901.
-
-[40] Notes on Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency.
-
-[41] Madras Review, 1899.
-
-[42] Madras Census Report, 1891.
-
-[43] Gazetteer of the Madura district.
-
-[44] Op. cit.
-
-[45] Illustrated Criminal Investigation and Law Digest, I, 3, 1908,
-Vellore.
-
-[46] Madras Journ. Lit. Science, XXV.
-
-[47] I am informed that only Mel-nadu, Sirukudi, Mella-kottai, and
-Puramalai are endogamous.
-
-[48] Madras Census Report, 1891.
-
-[49] Manual of the Madura district.
-
-[50] Hindu Feasts, Fasts, and Ceremonies, 1903.
-
-[51] The Tamils eighteen hundred years ago, 1904.
-
-[52] Madras Census Report, 1901.
-
-[53] Gazetteer of the Tanjore district.
-
-[54] Madras Census Report, 1891.
-
-[55] Madras Mail, 1908.
-
-[56] Ind. Ant., III., 1874.
-
-[57] A lakh = a hundred thousand.
-
-[58] Compare the theft of Laban's teraphim by Rachel. Genesis,
-XXXI, 19.
-
-[59] Gazetteer of the Tanjore district.
-
-[60] Madras Census Report, 1891.
-
-[61] Madras Census Report, 1901.
-
-[62] Manual of the North Arcot district.
-
-[63] Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879.
-
-[64] Manual of the North Arcot district.
-
-[65] Madras Census Report, 1891.
-
-[66] Hutchinson. Marriage Customs in many lands, 1897.
-
-[67] Gazetteer of the Bellary district.
-
-[68] Gazetteer of the Anantapur district.
-
-[69] Mediæval Sinhalese Art.
-
-[70] Maduraikanchi, Line 521.
-
-[71] E. Hultzsch. South Indian Inscriptions, II, i, 44, 46, 1891.
-
-[72] Ibid. III, i, 47, 1899.
-
-[73] Madras Census Report, 1891.
-
-[74] Madras Census Report, 1871.
-
-[75] New Asiatic Review, Jan. 1907.
-
-[76] Madras Mail, 1907.
-
-[77] Classified Collection of Tamil Proverbs, 1897, from which some
-of the proverbs quoted are taken.
-
-[78] Madras Census Report, 1901.
-
-[79] See the legendary story narrated in the article on Tiyans.
-
-[80] Malabar and its Folk, 1900.
-
-[81] Letters from Malabar.
-
-[82] Madras Census Report, 1901.
-
-[83] Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879.
-
-[84] Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district.
-
-[85] Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson.
-
-[86] Monograph, Eth. Survey of Cochin, No. 4, 1905.
-
-[87] Unhusked rice.
-
-[88] Manual of the South Canara district.
-
-[89] Money-lender.
-
-[90] Malabar Quarterly Review, 1905.
-
-[91] Indian Review, III, 1902.
-
-[92] Monograph, Ethnog. Survey, Cochin.
-
-[93] According to another version of the legend, it was the hut of
-a Tiyan.
-
-[94] Malabar Manual.
-
-[95] Gazetteer of the Malabar district.
-
-[96] C. Karunakara Menon. Madras Mus. Bull., V, 2, 1906.
-
-[97] Madras Mus. Bull., II, 3, 1901.
-
-[98] This account is mainly from an article by Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar.
-
-[99] Ind. Ant., IX, 1880.
-
-[100] Manual of the North Arcot district.
-
-[101] Madras Census Report, 1901.
-
-[102] Historical Sketches, Mysore.
-
-[103] Gazetteer of the Madura district.
-
-[104] Gazetteer of the Madura district.
-
-[105] Madras Census Report, 1891.
-
-[106] Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay Presidency.
-
-[107] Loc. cit., and Manual of the North Arcot district.
-
-[108] Section III, Inhabitants, Madras Government Press, 1907.
-
-[109] Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879.
-
-[110] J. F. Kearns. Kalyana shatanku.
-
-[111] Madras Series, IV, 1882; VI, 1883.
-
-[112] Illatakaru, a bride's father having no son, and adopting his
-son-in-law.
-
-[113] See further C. Ramachendrier. Collection of Decisions of High
-Courts and the Privy Council applicable to dancing-girls, illatom
-affiliation, etc., Madras, 1892.
-
-[114] Gazetteer of the Anantapur district.
-
-[115] Madras Mail, Nov. 1905.
-
-[116] Madras Mail, 1905.
-
-[117] Gazetteer of the Malabar district.
-
-[118] Manual of the North Arcot district.
-
-[119] Gazetteer of the Malabar district.
-
-[120] Tamil and English Dictionary, 1862.
-
-[121] The word, in this sense, is said to occur in a Tamil work
-named Pingala Nikandu. Karuku is Tamil for the serrated margin of
-the leaf--petiole of the palmyra palm.
-
-[122] Yule and Burnell. Hobson-Jobson.
-
-[123] Madras Census Report, 1901.
-
-[124] Manual of the Salem district.
-
-[125] Madras Census Report, 1901.
-
-[126] Manual of the Madura district.
-
-[127] Manual of the Tanjore district.
-
-[128] Madras Census Report, 1891.
-
-[129] Madras Christ. Coll. Mag., 1894.
-
-[130] Malabar Law and Custom.
-
-[131] Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879.
-
-[132] Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer.
-
-[133] Madras Census Report, 1901.
-
-[134] Journ. Anthrop. Inst., II, 1873.
-
-[135] Gazetteer of the Anantapur district.
-
-[136] Indian Review, VII, 1906.
-
-[137] See Ravi Varma, the Indian Artist. Indian Press, Allahabad.
-
-[138] Madras Census Report, 1891.
-
-[139] Madras Museum Bull., V. 3, 1907.
-
-[140] Epigraphia Indica, VI, 1900-1901.
-
-[141] Rev. J. Cain, Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879.
-
-[142] Trans. Ethnolog. Soc., London, 1869; Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879.
-
-[143] Original Inhabitants of Bharathavarsha.
-
-[144] The panas have reference to the division of South Indian castes
-into the right- and left-hand factions.
-
-[145] The mofussil indicates up-country stations and districts,
-as contra-distinguished from the "Presidency" (Madras City).
-
-[146] Marriage Customs in Many Lands, 1897.
-
-[147] Moore. Indian Appeal Cases, Vol. III, 359-82.
-
-[148] Journey through Mysore, Canara and Malabar.
-
-[149] See Talboys Wheeler, Madras in the Olden Time, II, 49-89.
-
-[150] See Tales of Komati Wit and Wisdom. C. Hayavadana Rao, Madras,
-1907.
-
-[151] Classified Collection of Tamil Proverbs, 1897. See also
-C. Hayavadana Rao, op. cit., and Ind. Ant., XX, 78, 1891.
-
-[152] Madras Census Report, 1871.
-
-[153] Gazetteer of the Godavari district.
-
-[154] Linguistic Survey of India, IV, 1906.
-
-[155] Man. March 1902.
-
-[156] G.O., No. 1020, Public, 8th October 1901.
-
-[157] G.O., No. 3005, Revenue, 3rd November 1908.
-
-[158] Occasional Essays on Native South Indian Life, 1901.
-
-[159] Madras Census Report, 1881.
-
-[160] Agricul: Ledger Series, Calcutta. No. 7, 1904.
-
-[161] Madras Mail, 1894.
-
-[162] Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district.
-
-[163] A very interesting note on Totemism among the Khonds by
-Mr. J. E. Friend-Pereira has been published in the Journal of Asiatic
-Society of Bengal, LXXIII, 1905.
-
-[164] The Golden Bough, 1900.
-
-[165] Selections from the Records, Government of India, No. V, Human
-Sacrifice and Infanticide, 1854.
-
-[166] Personal Narrative of Service among the Wild Tribes of
-Khondistan.
-
-[167] Manual of the Vizagapatam district.
-
-[168] Journ. Asiat. Soc., Bengal, 1898.
-
-[169] Madras Mail, 1894.
-
-[170] Selections from the Records of the Government of India (Home
-Department), V., 1845.
-
-[171] J. A. R. Stevenson. Madras Journ: Lit. Science, VI, 1837.
-
-[172] J. E. Friend-Pereira. Journ: Asiat: Soc. Bengal, LXXI, 1902.
-
-[173] Madras Journ: Lit. & Science, VI, 1837.
-
-[174] Loc. cit.
-
-[175] Journ. Anthrop. Soc., Bombay, II, 249.
-
-[176] Madras Mail, 1896.
-
-[177] Macpherson. Memorials of Service in India.
-
-[178] Journ., Anth. Soc., Bombay, II, 1890.
-
-[179] Ibid.
-
-[180] Madras Police Report, 1904.
-
-[181] Madras Mail, 1894.
-
-[182] Madras Mail, 1908.
-
-[183] See G.O., Judicial, 14th August 1882, No. 952, Khond Rising.
-
-[184] Manual of the South Canara district.
-
-[185] Letters from Malabar. Translation. Madras, 1862.
-
-[186] Fine cakes made of gram flour and a fine species of alkali,
-which gives them an agreeable taste, and serves the purpose of making
-them rise and become very crisp when fried.
-
-[187] Journ. Anthrop. Inst., IV., 1875.
-
-[188] Madras Christ. Coll. Mag. III, 1885-6.
-
-[189] Ind. Ant. X, 1881.
-
-[190] Manual of the South Canara district.
-
-[191] Journ. Anthrop. Inst. IV, 1875.
-
-[192] Manual of the South Canara district.
-
-[193] Manual of the South Canara district.
-
-[194] M. Paupa Rao Naidu. History of Railway Thieves.
-
-[195] Madras Census Report, 1891.
-
-[196] Madras Journ. Lit: and Science, 1888-89.
-
-[197] Tirumurukairuppadai.
-
-[198] Madras Census Report, 1901.
-
-[199] Indian Antiquity, IX, 1880.
-
-[200] Cyclopædia of India.
-
-[201] Loc. cit.
-
-[202] Note on Koravas, 1908.
-
-[203] Notes on Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency.
-
-[204] Forest Inspection Report, 1896.
-
-[205] Gazetteer of the Bellary district.
-
-[206] Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district.
-
-[207] F. S. Mullaly. Op. cit.
-
-[208] Madras Journ. Lit. Science, XVII, 1853.
-
-[209] History of Railway Thieves. Madras, 1904.
-
-[210] Madras Census Report, 1901.
-
-[211] Gazetteer of the Trichinopoly district.
-
-[212] This story is based on well-known episode of Nalacharitra in
-the Aranya Parva of the Mahabharatha.
-
-[213] M. Paupa Rao Naidu. Op. cit.
-
-[214] Ibid.
-
-[215] Police Report, 1902.
-
-[216] Op. cit.
-
-[217] A varaha or pagoda was worth Rs. 3-8-0.
-
-[218] A seer is an Indian measure of weight, varying in different
-parts of the country.
-
-[219] Trans. Eth. Sec. N.S., VII.
-
-[220] J. F. Kearns, Kalyana Shatanku, 1868.
-
-[221] Ind. Ant., III., 1874.
-
-[222] Madras Census Report, 1871.
-
-[223] Madras Census Report, 1901.
-
-[224] India. Trübner. Oriental Series.
-
-[225] Ind. Ant., III, 1874.
-
-[226] Madras Mail, 1907.
-
-[227] For this account of the Koravas, I am largely indebted to a
-report by Mr. N. E. Q. Mainwaring, Superintendent of Police.
-
-[228] Madras Mail, 1908.
-
-
-
-
-
-
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