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diff --git a/42992-8.txt b/42992-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 0212475..0000000 --- a/42992-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,15867 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's Castes and Tribes of Southern India, by Edgar Thurston - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: Castes and Tribes of Southern India - Vol. 2 of 7 - -Author: Edgar Thurston - -Contributor: K. Rangachari - -Release Date: June 21, 2013 [EBook #42992] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA *** - - - - -Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project -Gutenberg. - - - - - - - - - CASTES AND TRIBES - OF - SOUTHERN INDIA - - By - - EDGAR THURSTON, C.I.E., - - Superintendent, Madras Government Museum; Correspondant Étranger, - Société d'Anthropologie de Paris; Socio Corrispondante, Societa, - Romana di Anthropologia. - - Assisted by - - K. Rangachari, M.A., - of the Madras Government Museum. - - - - Volume II--C to J - - Government Press, Madras - - 1909. - - - - - - - - CASTES AND TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA. - - VOLUME II. - - -C - - -Canji (gruel).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale. Canji is the word "in -use all over India for the water, in which rice has been boiled. It -also forms the usual starch of Indian washermen." [1] As a sept of -the Sale weavers, it probably has reference to the gruel, or size, -which is applied to the warp. - -Chacchadi.--Haddis who do scavenging work, with whom other Haddis do -not freely intermarry. - -Chadarapu Dhompti (square space marriage offering).--A sub-division -of Madigas, who, at marriages, offer food to the god in a square space. - -Chakala.--See Tsakala. - -Chakkan.--Recorded in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "a Malabar -caste of oil-pressers (chakku means an oil-mill). Followers of this -calling are known also as Vattakkadans in South Malabar, and as -Vaniyans in North Malabar, but the former are the higher in social -status, the Nayars being polluted by the touch of the Vaniyans -and Chakkans, but not by that of the Vattakkadans. Chakkans and -Vaniyans may not enter Brahman temples. Their customs and manners are -similar to those of the Nayars, who will not, however, marry their -women." Chakkingalavan appears as a synonym for Chakkan. - -Chakkiliyan.--"The Chakkiliyans," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [2] -"are the leather-workers of the Tamil districts, corresponding to -the Madigas of the Telugu country. The Chakkiliyans appear to be -immigrants from the Telugu or Canarese districts, for no mention is -made of this caste either in the early Tamil inscriptions, or in early -Tamil literature. Moreover, a very large proportion of the Chakkiliyans -speak Telugu and Canarese. In social position the Chakkiliyans occupy -the lowest rank, though there is much dispute on this point between -them and the Paraiyans. Nominally they are Saivites, but in reality -devil-worshippers. The avaram plant (Cassia auriculata) is held in -much veneration by them, [3] and the tali is tied to a branch of it -as a preliminary to marriage. Girls are not usually married before -puberty. The bridegroom may be younger than the bride. Their widows -may remarry. Divorce can be obtained at the pleasure of either -party on payment of Rs. 12-12-0 to the other in the presence of -the local head of the caste. Their women are considered to be very -beautiful, and it is a woman of this caste who is generally selected -for the coarser form of Sakti worship. They indulge very freely in -intoxicating liquors, and will eat any flesh, including beef, pork, -etc. Hence they are called, par excellence, the flesh-eaters (Sanskrit -shatkuli)." It was noted by Sonnerat, in the eighteenth century, [4] -that the Chakkiliyans are in more contempt than the Pariahs, because -they use cow leather in making shoes. "The Chucklers or cobblers," -the Abbé Dubois writes, [5] "are considered inferiors to the Pariahs -all over the peninsula. They are more addicted to drunkenness and -debauchery. Their orgies take place principally in the evening, -and their villages resound, far into the night, with the yells and -quarrels which result from their intoxication. The very Pariahs refuse -to have anything to do with the Chucklers, and do not admit them to -any of their feasts." In the Madura Manual, 1868, the Chakkiliyans are -summed up as "dressers of leather, and makers of slippers, harness, -and other leather articles. They are men of drunken and filthy habits, -and their morals are very bad. Curiously enough, their women are held -to be of the Padmani kind, i.e., of peculiar beauty of face and form, -and are also said to be very virtuous. It is well known, however, that -zamindars and other rich men are very fond of intriguing with them, -particularly in the neighbourhood of Paramagudi, where they live in -great numbers." There is a Tamil proverb that even a Chakkili girl -and the ears of the millet are beautiful when mature. In the Tanjore -district, the Chakkiliyans are said [6] to be "considered to be of the -very lowest status. In some parts of the district they speak Telugu and -wear the namam (Vaishnavite sect mark) and are apparently immigrants -from the Telugu country." Though they are Tamil-speaking people, the -Chakkiliyans, like the Telugu Madigas, have exogamous septs called -gotra in the north, and kilai in the south. Unlike the Madigas, they do -not carry out the practice of making Basavis (dedicated prostitutes). - -The correlation of the most important measurements of the Madigas of -the Telugu country, and so-called Chakkiliyans of the city of Madras, -is clearly brought out by the following figures:-- - - - Thirty Madigas. Fifty Chakkiliyans. - cm. cm. - Stature 163.1 162.2 - Cephalic length 18.6 18.6 - Cephalic breadth 13.9 13.9 - Cephalic index 75. 75. - Nasal height 4.5 4.6 - Nasal breadth 3.7 3.6 - Nasal index 80.8 78.9 - - -The Chakkiliyan men in Madras are tattooed not only on the forehead, -but also with their name, conventional devices, dancing-girls, etc., -on the chest and upper extremities. - -It has been noticed as a curious fact that, in the Madura district, -"while the men belong to the right-hand faction, the women belong to -and are most energetic supporters of the left. It is even said that, -during the entire period of a faction riot, the Chakkili women keep -aloof from their husbands and deny them their marital rights." [7] - -In a very interesting note on the leather industry of the Madras -Presidency, Mr. A. Chatterton writes as follows. [8] "The position of -the Chakkiliyan in the south differs greatly from that of the Madiga -of the north, and many of his privileges are enjoyed by a 'sub-sect' -of the Pariahs called Vettiyans. These people possess the right of -removing dead cattle from villages, and in return have to supply -leather for agricultural purposes. The majority of Chakkiliyans -are not tanners, but leather-workers, and, instead of getting the -hides or skins direct from the Vettiyan, they prefer to purchase -them ready-tanned from traders, who bring them from the large tanning -centres. When the Chuckler starts making shoes or sandals, he purchases -the leather and skin which he requires in the bazar, and, taking -it home, first proceeds with a preliminary currying operation. The -leather is damped and well stretched, and dyed with aniline, the usual -colour being scarlet R.R. of the Badische Anilin Soda Fabrik. This -is purchased in the bazar in packets, and is dissolved in water, -to which a little oxalic acid has been added. The dye is applied -with a piece of rag on the grain side, and allowed to dry. After -drying, tamarind paste is applied to the flesh side of the skin, -and the latter is then rolled between the hands, so as to produce a -coarse graining on the outer side. In making the shoes, the leather is -usually wetted, and moulded into shape on wooden moulds or lasts. As -a rule, nothing but cotton is used for sewing, and the waxed ends of -the English cobbler are entirely unknown. The largest consumption of -leather in this Presidency is for water-bags or kavalais, which are -used for raising water from wells, and for oil and ghee (clarified -butter) pots, in which the liquids are transported from one place to -another. Of irrigation wells there are in the Presidency more than -600,000, and, though some of them are fitted with iron buckets, nearly -all of them have leather bags with leather discharging trunks. The -buckets hold from ten to fifty gallons of water, and are generally -made from fairly well tanned cow hides, though for very large buckets -buffalo hides are sometimes used. The number of oil and ghee pots -in use in the country is very large. The use of leather vessels for -this purpose is on the decline, as it is found much cheaper and more -convenient to store oil in the ubiquitous kerosine-oil tin, and it is -not improbable that eventually the industry will die out, as it has -done in other countries. The range of work of the country Chuckler -is not very extensive. Besides leather straps for wooden sandals, he -makes crude harness for the ryot's cattle, including leather collars -from which numerous bells are frequently suspended, leather whips for -the cattle drivers, ornamental fringes for the bull's forehead, bellows -for the smith, and small boxes for the barber, in which to carry his -razors. In some places, leather ropes are used for various purposes, -and it is customary to attach big coir (cocoanut fibre) ropes to the -bodies of the larger temple cars by leather harness, when they are -drawn in procession through the streets. Drum-heads and tom-toms are -made from raw hides by Vettiyans and Chucklers. The drums are often -very large, and are transported upon the back of elephants, horses, -bulls and camels. For them raw hides are required, but for the smaller -instruments sheep-skins are sufficient. The raw hides are shaved on -the flesh side, and are then dried. The hair is removed by rubbing -with wood-ashes. The use of lime in unhairing is not permissible, -as it materially decreases the elasticity of the parchment." The -Chakkiliyans beat the tom-tom for Kammalans, Pallis and Kaikolans, -and for other castes if desired to do so. - -The Chakkiliyans do not worship Matangi, who is the special deity of -the Madigas. Their gods include Madurai Viran, Mariamma, Muneswara, -Draupadi and Gangamma. Of these, the last is the most important, and -her festival is celebrated annually, if possible. To cover the expenses -thereof, a few Chakkiliyans dress up so as to represent men and women -of the Marathi bird-catching caste, and go about begging in the streets -for nine days. On the tenth day the festival terminates. Throughout -it, Gangamma, represented by three decorated pots under a small pandal -(booth) set up on the bank of a river or tank beneath a margosa (Melia -azadirachta), or pipal (Ficus religiosa) tree, is worshipped. On the -last day, goats and fowls are sacrificed, and limes cut. - -During the first menstrual period, the Chakkiliyan girl is kept under -pollution in a hut made of fresh green boughs, which is erected by her -husband or maternal uncle. Meat, curds, and milk are forbidden. On the -last day, the hut is burnt down. At marriages a Chakkiliyan usually -officiates as priest, or the services of a Valluvan priest may be -enlisted. The consent of the girl's maternal uncle to the marriage -is essential. The marriage ceremony closely resembles that of the -Paraiyans. And, at the final death ceremonies of a Chakkiliyan, as of a -Paraiyan, two bricks are worshipped, and thrown into a tank or stream. - -Lean children, especially of the Mala, Madiga, and Chakkiliyan -classes, are made to wear a leather strap, specially made for them -by a Chakkiliyan, which is believed to help their growth. - -At times of census, some Chakkiliyans have returned themselves as -Pagadaiyar, Madari (conceit or arrogance), and Ranaviran (brave -warrior). - -Chakkiyar.--The Chakkiyars are a class of Ambalavasis, of whom the -following account is given in the Travancore Census Report, 1901. The -name is generally derived from Slaghyavakkukar (those with eloquent -words), and refers to the traditional function of the caste in Malabar -society. According to the Jatinirnaya, the Chakkiyars represent a caste -growth of the Kaliyuga. The offence to which the first Chakkiyar owes -his position in society was, it would appear, brought to light after -the due performance of the upanayanasamskara. Persons, in respect -of whom the lapse was detected before that spiritualizing ceremony -took place, became Nambiyars. Manu derives Suta, whose functions are -identical with the Malabar Chakkiyar, from a pratiloma union, i.e., -of a Brahman wife with a Kshatriya husband. [9] The girls either -marry into their own caste, or enter into the sambandham form of -alliance with Nambutiris. They are called Illottammamar. Their jewelry -resembles that of the Nambutiris. The Chakkiyar may choose a wife -for sambandham from among the Nambiyars. They are their own priests, -but the Brahmans do the purification (punyaham) of house and person -after birth or death pollution. The pollution itself lasts for eleven -days. The number of times the Gayatri (hymn) may be repeated is ten. - -The traditional occupation of the Chakkiyans is the recitation of -Puranic stories. The accounts of the Avataras have been considered -the highest form of scripture of the non-Brahmanical classes, and -the early Brahmans utilised the intervals of their Vedic rites, i.e., -the afternoons, for listening to their recitation by castes who could -afford the leisure to study and narrate them. Special adaptations for -this purpose have been composed by writers like Narayana Bhattapada, -generally known as the Bhattatirippat, among whose works Dutavakya, -Panchalisvayamvara, Subhadrahana and Kaunteyashtaka are the most -popular. In addition to these, standard works like Bhogachampu and -Mahanataka are often pressed into the Chakkiyar's service. Numerous -upakathas or episodes are brought in by way of illustration, and the -marvellous flow of words, and the telling humour of the utterances, -keep the audience spell-bound. On the utsavam programme of every -important temple, especially in North Travancore, the Chakkiyarkuttu -(Chakkiyar's performance) is an essential item. A special building, -known as kuttampalam, is intended for this purpose. Here the Chakkiyar -instructs and regales his hearers, antiquely dressed, and seated on a -three-legged stool. He wears a peculiar turban with golden rim and silk -embossments. A long piece of cloth with coloured edges, wrapped round -the loins in innumerable vertical folds with an elaborateness of detail -difficult to describe, is the Chakkiyar's distinctive apparel. Behind -him stands the Nambiyar, whose traditional kinship with the Chakkiyar -has been referred to, with a big jar-shaped metal drum in front of -him called milavu, whose bass sound resembles the echo of distant -thunder. The Nambiyar is indispensable for the Chakkiyarkuttu, and -sounds his mighty instrument at the beginning, at the end, and also -during the course of his recitation, when the Chakkiyar arrives at -the middle and end of a Sanskrit verse. The Nangayar, a female of the -Nambiyar caste, is another indispensable element, and sits in front of -the Chakkiyar with a cymbal in hand, which she sounds occasionally. It -is interesting to note that, amidst all the boisterous merriment into -which the audience may be thrown, there is one person who has to sit -motionless like a statue. If the Nangayar is moved to a smile, the -kuttu must stop, and there are cases where, in certain temples, the -kuttu has thus become a thing of the past. The Chakkiyar often makes -a feint of representing some of his audience as his characters for -the scene under depictment. But he does it in such a genteel way that -rarely is offence taken. It is an unwritten canon of Chakkiyarkuttu -that the performance should stop at once if any of the audience so -treated should speak out in answer to the Chakkiyar, who, it may be -added, would stare at an admiring listener, and thrust questions on -him with such directness and force as to need an extraordinary effort -to resist a reply. And so realistic is his performance that a tragic -instance is said to have occurred when, by a cruel irony of fate, -his superb skill cost a Chakkiyar his life. While he was explaining -a portion of the Mahabharata with inimitable theatrical effect, -a desperate friend of the Pandavas rose from his seat in a fit of -uncontrollable passion, and actually knocked the Chakkiyar dead when, -in an attitude of unmistakable though assumed heartlessness, he, as -personating Duryodhana, inhumanely refused to allow even a pin-point -of ground to his exiled cousins. This, it is believed, occurred in -a private house, and thereafter kuttu was prohibited except at temples. - -It is noted, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that "Chakkiyars or -Slaghyar-vakukar are a caste following makkattayam (inheritance from -father to son), and wear the punul (thread). They are recruited -from girls born to a Nambudiri woman found guilty of adultery, -after the date at which such adultery is found to have commenced, -and boys of similar origin, who have been already invested with -the sacred thread. Boys who have not been invested with the punul -when their mother is declared an adulteress, join the class known -as Chakkiyar Nambiyars, who follow marumakkattayam (inheritance in -the female line), and do not wear the thread. The girls join either -caste indifferently. Chakkiyars may marry Nangiyars, but Chakkiyar -Nambiyars may not marry Illotammamar." - -Chaliyan.--The Chaliyans are a caste of Malayalam cotton weavers, -concerning whom Mr. Francis writes as follows [10]:--"In dress and -manners they resemble the artisan castes of Malabar, but, like -the Pattar Brahmans, they live in streets, which fact probably -points to their being comparatively recent settlers from the east -coast. They have their own barbers called Potuvans, who are also -their purohits. They do not wear the sacred thread, as the Sale -weavers of the east coast do. They practise ancestor worship, but -without the assistance of Brahman priests. This is the only Malabar -caste which has anything to do with the right and left-hand faction -disputes, and both divisions are represented in it, the left hand -being considered the superior. Apparently, therefore, it settled in -Malabar some time after the beginnings of this dispute on the east -coast, that is, after the eleventh century A. D. Some of them follow -the marumakkatayam and others the makkatayam law of inheritance, -which looks as if the former were earlier settlers than the latter." - -The Chaliyans are so called because, unlike most of the west coast -classes, they live in streets, and Teruvan (teru, a street) occurs -as a synonym for the caste name. The right-hand section are said to -worship the elephant god Ganesa, and the left Bhagavati. - -The following account of the Chaliyans is given in the Gazetteer of the -Malabar district: "Chaliyans are almost certainly a class of immigrants -from the east coast. They live in regular streets, a circumstance -strongly supporting this view. The traditional account is to the same -effect. It is said that they were originally of a high caste, and were -imported by one of the Zamorins, who wished to introduce the worship -of Ganapathi, to which they are much addicted. The latter's minister, -the Mangatt Acchan, who was entrusted with the entertainment of the -new arrivals, and was nettled by their fastidiousness and constant -complaints about his catering, managed to degrade them in a body -by the trick of secretly mixing fish with their food. They do not, -like their counterparts on the east coast, wear the thread; but it is -noticeable that their priests, who belong to their own caste, wear it -over the right shoulder instead of over the left like the Brahman's -punul, when performing certain pujas (worship). In some parts, the -place of the regular punul is taken by a red scarf or sash worn in -the same manner. They are remarkable for being the only caste in -Malabar amongst whom any trace of the familiar east coast division -into right-hand and left-hand factions is to be found. They are so -divided; and those belonging to the right-hand faction deem themselves -polluted by the touch of those belonging to the left-hand sect, which -is numerically very weak. They are much addicted to devil-dancing, -which rite is performed by certain of their numbers called Komarams -in honour of Bhagavathi and the minor deities Vettekkorumagan and -Gulikan (a demon). They appear to follow makkatayam (descent from -father to son) in some places, and marumakkatayam (inheritance in -the female line) in others. Their pollution period is ten days, -and their purification is performed by the Talikunnavan (sprinkler), -who belongs to a somewhat degraded section of the caste." - -The affairs of the caste are managed by headmen called Uralans, and -the caste barber, or Pothuvan, acts as the caste messenger. Council -meetings are held at the village temple, and the fines inflicted on -guilty persons are spent in celebrating puja (worship) thereat. - -When a girl reaches puberty, the elderly females of Uralan families -take her to a tank, and pour water over her head from small cups -made of the leaves of the jak (Artocarpus integrifolia) tree. She is -made to sit apart on a mat in a room decorated with young cocoanut -leaves. Round the mat raw rice and paddy (unhusked rice) are spread, -and a vessel containing cocoanut flowers and cocoanuts is placed near -her. On the third evening, the washerman (Peruvannan) brings some -newly-washed cloths (mattu). He is presented with some rice and paddy, -which he ties up in a leaf, and does puja. He then places the cloths -on a plank, which he puts on his head. After repeating some songs -or verses, he sets it down on the floor. Some of the girl's female -relations take a lighted lamp, a pot of water, a measure of rice, -and go three times round the plank. On the following day, the girl -is bathed, and the various articles which have been kept in her room -are thrown into a river or tank. - -Like many other Malabar castes, the Chaliyans perform the tali kettu -ceremony. Once in several years, the girls of the village who have -to go through this ceremony are brought to the house of one of the -Uralans, where a pandal (booth) has been set up. Therein a plank, made -of the wood of the pala tree (Alstonia scholaris), a lighted lamp, -betel leaves and nuts, a measure of raw rice, etc., are placed. The -girl takes her seat on the plank, holding in her right hand a mimic -arrow (shanthulkol). The Pothuvan, who receives a fanam (coin) and -three bundles of betel leaves for his services, hands the tali to a -male member of an Uralan family, who ties it on the girl's neck. - -On the day before the wedding-day the bridegroom, accompanied by his -male relations, proceeds to the house of the bride, where a feast is -held. On the following day the bride is bathed, and made to stand -before a lighted lamp placed on the floor. The bridegroom's father -or uncle places two gold fanams (coins) in her hands, and a further -feast takes place. - -In the seventh month of pregnancy, the ceremony called puli kudi -(or drinking tamarind) is performed. The woman's brother brings a -twig of a tamarind tree, and, after the leaves have been removed, -plants it in the yard of the house. The juice is extracted from the -leaves, and mixed with the juice of seven cocoanuts. The elderly -female relations of the woman give her a little of the mixture. The -ceremony is repeated during three days. Birth pollution is removed -by a barber woman sprinkling water on the ninth day. - -The dead are buried. The son carries a pot of water to the grave, round -which he takes it three times. The barber makes a hole in the pot, -which is then thrown down at the head of the grave. The barber also -tears off a piece of the cloth, in which the corpse is wrapped. This -is, on the tenth day, taken by the son and barber to the sea or a tank, -and thrown into it. Three stones are set up over the grave. - -Chaliyan also occurs as an occupational title or sub-division of -Nayars, and Chaliannaya as an exogamous sept of Bant. In the Madras -Census Report, 1901, Chaliyan is given as a sub-caste of Vaniyan -(oil-pressers). Some Chaliyans are, however, oilmongers by profession. - -Challa.--Challa, meaning apparently eaters of refuse, occurs as -a sub-division of Yanadis, and meaning buttermilk as an exogamous -sept of Devanga. Challakuti, meaning those who eat old or cold food, -is an exogamous sept of Kapus. - -Chamar.--Nearly three hundred members of this Bengal caste of -tanners and workers in leather were returned at the census, 1901. The -equivalent Chamura occurs as the name of leather-workers from the -Central Provinces. - -Chandala.--At the census, 1901, more than a thousand individuals -returned themselves as Chandala, which is defined as a generic -term, meaning one who pollutes, to many low castes. "It is," -Surgeon-Major W. R. Cornish writes, [11] "characteristic of the -Brahmanical intolerance of the compilers of the code that the origin -of the lowest caste of all (the Chandala) should be ascribed to the -intercourse of a Sudra man and a Brahman woman, while the union of -a Brahman male with a Sudra woman is said to have resulted in one of -the highest of the mixed classes." By Manu it was laid down that "the -abode of the Chandala and Swapaca must be out of the town. They must -not have the use of entire vessels. Their sole wealth must be dogs -and asses. Their clothes must be the mantles of the deceased; their -dishes for food broken pots; their ornaments rusty iron; continually -must they roam from place to place. Let no man who regards his duty, -religious and civil, hold any intercourse with them, and let food be -given to them in potsherds, but not by the hand of the giver." - -Chandra (moon).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. The name Chandravamsapu -(moon people) is taken by some Razus, who claim to be Kshatriyas, -and to be descended from the lunar race of kings of the Mahabharata. - -Chanipoyina (those who are dead).--An exogamous sept of Orugunta Kapu. - -Chapa (mat).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Chappadi (insipid).--An exogamous sept of Jogi. - -Chapparam (a pandal or booth).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Chapparband.--The Chapparbands are manufacturers of spurious coin, -who hail from the Bombay Presidency, and are watched for by the -police. It is noted, in the Police Report, 1904, that good work was -done in Ganjam in tracing certain gangs of these coiners, and bringing -them to conviction. - -For the following note I am indebted to a report [12] by -Mr. H. N. Alexander of the Bombay Police Department. The name -Chapparband refers to their calling, chapa meaning an impression or -stamp. "Among themselves they are known as Bhadoos, but in Hindustan, -and among Thugs and cheats generally, they are known as Khoolsurrya, -i.e., false coiners. While in their villages, they cultivate the -fields, rear poultry and breed sheep, while the women make quilts, -which the men sell while on their tours. But the real business of this -class is to make and pass off false coin. Laying aside their ordinary -Muhammadan dress, they assume the dress and appearance of fakirs of the -Muddar section, Muddar being their Pir, and, unaccompanied by their -women, wander from village to village. Marathi is their language, -and, in addition, they have a peculiar slang of their own. Like all -people of this class, they are superstitious, and will not proceed -on an expedition unless a favourable omen is obtained. The following -account is given, showing how the false coin is manufactured. A mould -serves only once, a new one being required for every rupee or other -coin. It is made of unslaked lime and a kind of yellow earth called -shedoo, finely powdered and sifted, and patiently kneaded with water -to about the consistency of putty. One of the coins to be imitated -is then pressed with some of the preparation, and covered over, -and, being cut all round, is placed in some embers. After becoming -hardened, it is carefully laid open with a knife, and, the coin -being taken out, its impression remains. The upper and lower pieces -are then joined together with a kind of gum, and, a small hole being -made on one side, molten tin is poured in, and thus an imitation of -the coin is obtained, and it only remains to rub it over with dirt -to give it the appearance of old money. The tin is purchased in any -bazaar, and the false money is prepared on the road as the gang -travels along. Chapparbands adopt several ways of getting rid of -their false coin. They enter shops and make purchases, showing true -rupees in the first instance, and substituting false ones at the time -of payment. They change false rupees for copper money, and also in -exchange for good rupees of other currencies. Naturally, they look -out for women and simple people, though the manner of passing off -the base coin is clever, being done by sleight of hand. The false -money is kept in pockets formed within the folds of their langutis -(loin-cloths), and also hidden in the private parts." - -The following additional information concerning Chapparbands is -contained in the Illustrated Criminal Investigation and Law Digest -[13]:--"They travel generally in small gangs, and their women never -follow them. They consult omens before leaving their villages. They do -not leave their villages dressed as fakirs. They generally visit some -place far away from their residence, and there disguise themselves as -Madari fakirs, adding Shah to their names. They also add the title -Sahib, and imitate the Sawals, a sing-song begging tone of their -class. Their leader, Khagda, is implicitly obeyed. He is the treasurer -of the gangs, and keeps with him the instruments used in coining, and -the necessary metal pieces. But the leader rarely keeps the coins with -him. The duty of passing the false coins belongs to the Bhondars. A -boy generally accompanies a gang. He is called Handiwal. He acts -as a handy chokra (youngster), and also as a watch over the camp -when the false coins are being prepared. They generally camp on high -ground in close vicinity to water, which serves to receive the false -coins and implements, should danger be apprehended. When moving -from one camp to another, the Khagda and his chokra travel alone, -the former generally riding a small pony. The rest of the gang keep -busy passing the coins in the neighbourhood, and eventually join the -pair in the place pre-arranged. If the place be found inconvenient -for their purpose, another is selected by the Khagda, but sufficient -indication is given to the rest that the rendezvous might be found -out. This is done by making a mark on the chief pathway leading to -the place settled first, at a spot where another pathway leads from it -in the direction he is going. The mark consists of a mud heap on the -side of the road, a foot in length, six inches in breadth, and six in -height, with an arrow mark pointing in the direction taken. The Khagda -generally makes three of these marks at intervals of a hundred yards, -to avoid the chance of any being effaced. Moulds are made of Multani -or some sticky clay. Gopichandan and badap are also used. The clay, -after being powdered and sifted, is mixed with a little water and -oil, and well kneaded. The two halves of the mould are then roughly -shaped with the hand, and a genuine coin is pressed between them, -so as to obtain the obverse on one half and the reverse impression on -the other. The whole is then hardened in an extempore oven, and the -hole to admit the metal is bored, so as to admit of its being poured -in from the edge. The halves are then separated, and the genuine -rupee is tilted out; the molten alloy of tin or pewter is poured in, -and allowed to cool. According to the other method, badap clay brought -from their own country is considered the most suitable for the moulds, -though Multani clay may be used when they run out of badap. Two discs -are made from clay kneaded with water. These discs are then highly -polished on the inner surface with the top of a jvari stalk called -danthal. A rupee, slightly oiled, is then placed between the discs, -which are firmly pressed over it. The whole is then thoroughly hardened -in the fire. The alloy used in these moulds differs from that used in -the others, and consists of an alloy of lead and copper. In both cases, -the milling is done by the hand with a knife or a piece of shell. The -Chapperbands select their victims carefully. They seem to be fairly -clever judges of persons from their physiognomy. They easily find -out the duffer and the gull in both sexes, and take care to avoid -persons likely to prove too sharp for them. They give preference to -women over men. The commonest method is for the Bhondar to show a -quantity of copper collected by him in his character of beggar, and -ask for silver in its place. The dupe produces a rupee, which he looks -at. He then shakes his head sadly, and hands back a counterfeit coin, -saying that such coins are not current in his country, and moves on to -try the same trick elsewhere. Their dexterity in changing the rupees -is very great, the result of long practice when a Handiwal." - -Further information in connection with the Chapparbands has recently -been published by Mr. M. Paupa Rao Naidu, from whose account [14] -the following extract is taken. "Chapperbands, as their name implies, -are by profession builders of roofs, or, in a more general term, -builders of huts. They are Sheikh Muhammadans, and originally belonged -to the Punjab. During the Moghul invasion of the Carnatic, as far back -as 1687-88, a large number of them followed the great Moghul army as -builders of huts for the men. They appear to have followed the Moghul -army to Aurangabad, Ahmednagar, and Seringapatam until the year 1714, -when Bijapur passed into the hands of the Peshwas. The Chapperbands -then formed part of the Peshwa's army in the same capacity, and -remained as such till the advent of the British in the year 1818, -when it would appear a majority of them, finding their peculiar -profession not much in demand, returned to the north. A part of those -who remained behind passed into the Nizam's territory, while a part -settled down in the Province of Talikota. A legendary tale, narrated -before the Superintendent of Police, Raipur, in 1904, by an intelligent -Chapperband, shows that they learnt this art of manufacturing coins -during the Moghul period. He said 'In the time of the Moghul Empire, -Chapperbands settled in the Bijapur district. At that time, a fakir -named Pir Bhai Pir Makhan lived in the same district. One of the -Chapperbands went to this fakir, and asked him to intercede with God, -in order that Chapperbands might be directed to take up some profession -or other. The fakir gave the man a rupee, and asked him to take it to -his house quickly, and not to look backwards as he proceeded on his -way. As the man ran home, some one called him, and he turned round -to see who it was. When he reached his house, he found the rupee had -turned into a false one. The man returned to the fakir, and complained -that the rupee was a false one. The fakir was much enraged at the -man's account of having looked back as he ran, but afterwards said -that Chapperbands would make a living in future by manufacturing -false coins. Since that time, Chapperbands have become coiners of -false money.' On every Sunday, they collect all their false rupees, -moulds, and other implements, and, placing these in front of them, -they worship Pir Makhan, also called Pir Madar. They sacrifice a fowl -to him, take out its eyes and tail, and fix them on three thorns of -the trees babul, bir, and thalmakana; and, after the worship is over, -they throw them in the direction in which they intend to start. The -Chapperbands conceal a large number of rupees in the rectum, long -misusage often forming a cavity capable of containing ten to twenty -rupees. So also cavities are formed in the mouth below the tongue." - -In a case recorded by Mr. M. Kennedy, [15] "when a Chapperband was -arrested on suspicion, on his person being examined by the Civil -Surgeon, no less than seven rupees were found concealed in a cavity -in his rectum. The Civil Surgeon was of opinion that it must have -taken some considerable time to form such a cavity." A similar case -came before the Sessions Judge in South Canara a few years ago. - -The following case of swindling, which occurred in the Tanjore -district, is recorded in the Police Report, 1903. "A gang of -Muhammadans professed to be able to duplicate currency notes. The -method was to place a note with some blank sheets of paper between two -pieces of glass. The whole was then tied round with string and cloth, -and smoked over a fire. On opening the packet, two notes were found, -a second genuine one having been surreptitiously introduced. The -success of the first operations with small notes soon attracted -clients, some of them wealthy; and, when the bait had had time to -work, and some very large notes had been submitted for operation, the -swindlers declared that these large notes took longer to duplicate, -and that the packet must not be opened for several days. Before the -time appointed for opening, they disappeared, and the notes were -naturally not found in the packets. One gentleman was fleeced in this -way to the value of Rs. 4,600." The administration of an enema to a -false coiner will sometimes bring to light hidden treasure. - -Chaptegara.--The Chaptegaras or Cheptegaras are described by -Mr. H. A. Stuart [16] as "carpenters who speak Konkani, and are -believed to have come from the Konkan country. Caste affairs are -managed by a Gurikar or headman, and the fines collected are paid -to the Sringeri math. They wear the sacred thread, and employ Karadi -Brahmans as purohits. Infant marriage is practised, and widow marriage -is not permitted. The dead are burned if means allow; otherwise they -are buried. They are Saivites, and worship Durga and Ganapati. They -eat flesh and drink liquor. Their titles are Naik, Shenai, etc." It -is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that Saraswat Brahmans -will eat with them. Choutagara has been recorded as a corrupt form -of Chaptegara. - -Charamurti.--A class of Jangams, who go from village to village -preaching. - -Charodi.--The Charodis have been described [17] as "Canarese carpenters -corresponding to the Konkani Cheptegaras (or Chaptegaras), and there -is very little difference in the customs and manners of the two castes, -except that the former employ Shivalli and Konkanashta Brahmans instead -of Karadis. Their title is Naika." In the Madras Census Report, 1901, -Mesta is returned as a Konkani-speaking sub-caste of Charodi. - -Chatla (winnow).--An exogamous sept of Madiga. Chatla Dhompti occurs -as a sub-division of Madigas, who, at marriages, place the offering -of food, etc. (dhompti), in a winnow. - -Chatri.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as an equivalent -of Kshatriya. It occurs also as the name of an exogamous sept, -meaning umbrella, of the Holeyas. - -Chaturakshari.--A sub-division of Satanis, who believe in the efficacy -of the four syllables Ra-ma-nu-ja. - -Chaudari.--Chaudari, or Chowdari, is recorded as a title of Haddi, -Kalingi, and Komati. - -Chaya (colour) Kurup.--A class of Kollans in Malabar, who work -in lacquer. - -Cheli (goat).--An exogamous sept of Bottada and Mattiya. - -Chelu (scorpion).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. The equivalent thelu -occurs among the Padma Sales. - -Chembadi.--The Chembadis are a Telugu caste, the occupations of which -are fresh-water fishing, and rowing boats or coracles. In fishing, -unlike the Besthas who use a cast-net, they employ a large drag-net, -called baithivala, the two ends of which are fastened to poles. When -a new net is made, it is folded up, and placed on the edge of a pond -or tank. Mud is spread over it, and on it are placed three masses of -mud kneaded into a conical shape. These represent the God, and cakes, -called kudumulu, are set before them. A male member of the caste, -biting one of the cakes and keeping it between his teeth, goes round -the net, and then drags it to the water, in which the conical masses -become disintegrated. Like the Besthas, they smear a new net with the -blood of the first fish caught in it, but they do not burn a mesh of -the net. - -Some Chembadis regard Gurappa Gurunathadu as their caste deity, and -connect him, for some unknown reason, with the jammi tree (Prosopis -spicigera). Jammi occurs as the name of a gotra, and some children -are named Gurappa or Gurunathadu. When such children are five, seven, -or nine years old, they are taken on an auspicious day to a jammi -tree and shaved, after the tree has been worshipped with offerings -of cooked food, etc. - -At the betrothal ceremony in this caste, immediately after the girl -has taken up areca nuts, placed them in her lap, and folded them -in her cloth, the headman takes up the betel leaves and areca nuts -(thambulam) before him with crossed hands. This ceremony corresponds -to the thonuku thambulam of the lower classes, e.g., Malas and -Mangalas. Among the Mangalas and Tsakalas, the thambulam is said to be -taken up by a Balija Setti. For the funeral ceremonies, the Chembadis -engage a Dasari of their own caste. During their performances, flesh -and toddy may not be offered to the deceased person. - -Chembian.--A name assumed by some Pallis or Vanniyans, who claim that -they belong to the Chola race, on the supposition that Chembinadu is -a synonym for Chola. - -Chembillam (chembu, copper).--An exogamous section of Mukkuvan. - -Chembotti.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, it is stated that -the name Chembotti is derived from "chembu, copper, and kotti, he -who beats." They are coppersmiths in Malabar, who are distinct from -the Malabar Kammalans. They are supposed to be descendants of men -who made copper idols for temples, and so rank above the Kammalans -in social position, and about equally with the lower sections of the -Nayars. The name is also used as an occupational term by the Konkan -Native Christian coppersmiths. In the Cochin and Travancore Census -Reports, Chembukotti is recorded as an occupational title or sub-caste -of Nayars who work in copper, chiefly in temples and Brahman houses. - -In the Gazetteer of the Malabar district, the Chembottis are described -as copper-workers, whose traditional business is the roofing of the -Sri-kovil, or inner shrine of the temple with that metal. They are -said to have originally formed part of the Kammalan community. "When -the great temple at Taliparamba was completed, it was purified on a -scale of unprecedented grandeur, no less than a thousand Brahmans -being employed. What was their dismay when the ceremony was well -forward, to see a Chembotti coming from the Sri-kovil, where he had -been putting finishing touches to the roof. This appeared to involve -a recommencement of the whole tedious and costly ritual, and the -Brahmans gave vent to their feelings of despair, when a vision from -heaven reassured them, and thereafter the Chembottis have been raised -in the social scale, and are not regarded as a polluting caste." - -Chembetti, or Chemmatti, meaning hammer, occurs as an exogamous sept -of the Telugu Yanadis. - -Chempakaraman.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, -as an honorific title of Nayars. - -Chenchu.--The Chenchus or Chentsus are a Telugu-speaking jungle -tribe inhabiting the hills of the Kurnool and Nellore districts. In -a letter addressed to the Bengal Asiatic Society, [18] transmitting -vocabularies of various tribes inhabiting Vizagapatam, by Mr. Newill, -it is stated that "the Chenchu tribe, whose language is almost entirely -corrupt Hindi and Urdu with a few exceptions from Bengali, affords -one more example to the many forthcoming of an uncultured aboriginal -race having abandoned their own tongue." The compiler of the Kurnool -Manual (1885) remarks that Mr. Newill's vocabulary "seems to belong to -the dialect spoken by Lambadis, who sometimes wander about the hills, -and it is not unlikely that he was misled as to the character of the -persons from whom his list was taken." As examples of the words given -by Mr. Newill, the following may be quoted:-- - - - Bone, had. One, yek. - Cat, billeyi. Ten, das. - Ear, kan. Far, dur. - Elephant, hate. Drink, pi. - Tiger, bag. Sweet, mitha. - - -It is probable that Mr. Newill confused the Chenchus with the Bonthuk -Savaras (q.v.) who speak corrupt Oriya, and are called Chenchu vandlu, -and, like the Chenchus, believe that the god Narasimha of Ahobilam -married a girl belonging to their tribe. As a further example of the -confusion concerning the Chenchus, I may quote the remarks of Buchanan -[19] about the Irulas, who are a Tamil-speaking jungle tribe: "In -this hilly tract there is a race of men called by the other natives -Cad Eriligaru, but who call themselves Cat Chensu. The language of -the Chensu is a dialect of the Tamil, with occasionally a few Karnata -or Telinga words intermixed, but their accent is so different from -that of Madras that my servants did not at first understand what they -said. Their original country, they say, is the Animalaya forest below -the ghats, which is confirmed by their dialect." In the Census Report, -1901, Chenchu is said to be the name by which Irulas of North Arcot and -the Mysore plateau are called sometimes, and, in the Census Report, -1891, Chenchu is given as a sub-division of the Yanadis. There can -be little doubt that the Chenchus and Yanadis are descended from the -same original stock. Mackenzie, in the local records collected by him, -speaks of the Chenchus as being called Yanadi Chenchus. The Chenchus -themselves at the present day say that they and the Yanadis are one -and the same, and that the tribes intermarry. - -In Scott's 'Ferishta,' the Chenchus are described as they appeared -before Prince Muhammad Masúm, a son of Aurangzib, who passed through -the Kurnool district in 1694, as "exceedingly black, with long hair, -and on their heads wore caps made of the leaves of trees. Each man had -with him unbarbed arrows and a bow for hunting. They molest no one, -and live in caverns or under the shady branches of trees. The prince -presented some of them with gold and silver, but they did not seem -to put any value on either, being quite unconcerned at receiving -it. Upon the firing of a gun, they darted up the mountains with a -surprising swiftness uncommon to man. In Taylor's 'Catalogue raisonné -of Oriental Manuscripts,' the Chenchus are described as people who -"live to the westward of Ahobalam, Srisailam, and other places, in -the woods or wilds, and go about, constantly carrying in their hands -bows and arrows. They clothe themselves with leaves, and live on the -sago or rice of the bamboo. They rob travellers, killing them if they -oppose. This people afflict every living creature (kill for food is -supposed to be meant)." It is noted in the Kurnool Manual that in -former times the Chenchu headman used to "dispose of murder cases, -the murderer, on proof of guilt, being put to death with the same -weapons with which the murder was committed. [20] Captain Newbold, -writing in 1846, says that, passing through the jungle near Pacharla, -he observed a skull bleached by the sun dangling from the branch of -a tamarind tree, which he was informed was that of a murderer and -hill-robber put to death by the headman. In the time of the Nabobs, -some of the Chenchu murderers were caught and punished, but the -practice seems to have prevailed among them more or less till the -introduction of the new police in 1860, since which time all cases -are said to be reported to the nearest police officer." - -A Chenchu Taliari (village watchman), who came to see me at Nandyal, -was wearing a badge with his name engraved on it in Telugu, which -had been presented to him by Government in recognition of his -shooting with a double-barrelled gun two Donga Oddes who had robbed -a village. Another aged Taliari had a silver bangle bearing a Telugu -inscription, which had been given to him in acknowledgment of his -capturing a murderer who was wanted by the police, and came to his -hut. The casual visitor explained that he was on his way to Hyderabad, -but the Chenchu, noticing blood on his clothes, tied him to a post, -and gave information that he had secured him. The same man had also -received presents for reporting cases of illicit distillation under -the Abkari Act. - -In recent accounts of the Chenchus of the Nallamalai hills by a forest -officer, it is noted that pilgrims, on their way to the Srisailam -temple, "are exploited at every turn, the Chentzu being seen in his -true colours at this period, and, being among the most active agents in -the exactions, but not being by any means the only plunderer. In return -for the protection, the Chentzu levies a toll per head, and as much -more as he can extort. We had to interfere with the perquisites of one -drugged specimen of this race, who drew a knife on a peon (orderly), -and had to be sent down under escort.... It is commonly supposed that -the Chentzus are a semi-wild, innocent, inoffensive hill tribe, living -on roots, honey, wild fruits, and game. If this was so, we should -have no difficulty in controlling them. They are actually a semi-wild, -lazy, drinking set of brigands. They levy blackmail from every village -along the foot of the hills, and, if any ryot (cultivator) refuses -to pay up, his crop silently disappears on some moonless night. They -levy blackmail from every pilgrim to the shrines in the hills. They -levy blackmail from the graziers in the hills. They borrow money from -Komatis and Buniahs (merchants and money-lenders), and repay it in -kind--stolen timber, minor forest produce, etc. They are constantly -in debt to the Komatis, and are practically their slaves as regards -the supply of timber and other forest produce. They think nothing of -felling a tree in order to collect its fruits, and they fire miles of -forest in order to be able to collect with ease certain minor produce, -or to trace game. They poison the streams throughout the hills, and -in short do exactly as they please throughout the length and breadth -of the Nallamalais." The Conservator of Forests expressed his belief -that this picture was not overdrawn, and added that the Chenchus are -"a danger to the forest in many ways, and I have always thought it -a pity that they were given some of the rights at settlement, which -stand against their names. These rights were-- - - - (1) Rights of way, and to carry torches. - (2) Rights to draw and drink water from, wash or bathe in all - streams, springs, wells and pools. - (3) Rights to forest produce for home use. - (4) Rights to fish and shoot. - (5) Rights to graze a limited number of cattle, sheep and goats. - (6) Rights to collect for sale or barter certain minor produce. - - -In connection with right (3), the District Forest Officer suggested -that "the quantity to be taken annually must be limited, especially -in the case of wood, bamboos, fibre, firewood and honey. The quality -of the wood and of other forest produce should be defined. Chenchus do -not require teak or ebony beams or yegi (Pterocarpus Marsupium) spokes -and felloes for domestic purposes; but, as the right now stands, they -can fell whatever they like, and, though we may know it is for sale -to merchants, the Chenchus have only to say it is for domestic use, -and they cannot be punished. The wood should be limited to poles and -smaller pieces of third-class and unclassified trees." - -In 1898 the Governor in Council made the following rules for regulating -the exercise of the rights of the Chenchus living in the reserved -forests on the Nallamalais:-- - -1. The carrying of torches, and the lighting of fires in fire-protected -blocks during the fire season are prohibited. - -2. There shall be no right to wash or bathe in such springs, wells, -pools or portions of streams as are especially set apart for drinking -purposes by the District Forest Officer. - -3. No more than the quantity which the Collector may consider to be -actually required for domestic use shall be removed in the exercise of -the right to take wood, bamboos, fibre, thatching grass, firewood, -roots, fruits, honey and other forest produce. The term "other -forest produce" shall be taken to mean other minor forest produce, -not including tusks and horns. No wood other than poles and smaller -pieces of third class and unclassified trees shall be removed. - -4. No gudem (Chenchu village) shall, without the special permission -of the Collector, be allowed to keep a larger number of guns than that -for which licenses had been taken out at the time of settlement. Every -gun covered by a license shall be stamped with a distinctive mark or -number. The use of poison and explosives in water, and the setting -of cruives or fixed engines, or snares for the capture or destruction -of fish, are strictly prohibited. - -5. For purposes of re-generation, a portion of the area set apart -for the grazing of cattle, not exceeding one-fifth, may be closed -to grazing at any time, and for such length of time as the District -Forest Officer deems fit. - -6. The right of pre-emption of all minor forest produce collected -by the Chenchus for sale or barter shall be reserved to the Forest -department. The exercise of the right of collecting wood and other -produce for domestic use, and of collecting minor produce for sale -or barter, shall be confined to natural growth, and shall not include -forest produce which is the result of special plantation or protection -on the part of the Forest department. - -In connection with a scheme for dealing with the minor forest produce -in the Nallamalais, the Conservator of Forests wrote as follows in -1905. "I believe that it is generally recognised that it is imperative -to obtain the good-will of the Chenchus even at a considerable loss, -both from a political and from a forest point of view; the latter being -that, if we do not do so, the whole of the Nallamalai forests will, -at a not very remote date, be utterly destroyed by fire. The Chenchus, -being a most abnormal type of men, must be treated in an abnormal way; -and the proposals are based, therefore, on the fundamental principle of -allowing the two District Forest Officers a very free hand in dealing -with these people. What is mainly asked for is to make an experiment, -of endeavouring to get the Chenchus to collect minor produce for the -department, the District Forest Officers being allowed to fix the -remuneration as they like, in money or barter, as they may from time -to time find on the spot to be best." In commenting on the scheme, -the Board of Revenue stated that "action on the lines proposed is -justified by the present state of the Nallamalais. These valuable -forests certainly stand in danger of rapid destruction by fire, and, -according to the local officers, the Chenchus are almost entirely -responsible. The department has at present no means of bringing -influence to bear on the Chenchus, or securing their assistance in -putting out fires. Repressive measures will be worse than useless, -as the Chenchus will merely hide themselves, and do more damage than -ever. The only way of getting into touch with them is to enforce -the right of pre-emption in the matter of minor produce reserved -to Government at the time of forest settlement, and by dealing with -them in a just and generous way to secure their confidence. If this -is achieved, the department may hope to secure their co-operation -and valuable assistance in preventing jungle fires. The department -can certainly afford to sell at a profit, and at the same time give -the Chenchus better prices than the sowcars (money-lenders), who are -said invariably to cheat them. The Board believes that the ultimate -loss from advances will not be serious, as advances will ordinarily be -small in amount, except in cases where they may be required by Chenchus -to pay off sowcars. It will be well, therefore, if the Collector and -the District Forest Officers will ascertain as soon as possible how -much the Chenchus are indebted to the sowcars, as it will probably -be necessary for the success of the scheme to liquidate these debts." - -From a note on the Chenchus of the Nallamalai hills, I gather that -"a striking contrast is afforded between those who inhabit the belt of -forest stretching from Venkatapuram to Bairnuti, and those who dwell -in the jungle on the skirts of the great trunk road, which formed the -chief means of communication between the principal towns until the -Southern Mahratta railway diverted traffic into another channel. In -the former we behold the Chenchu semi-civilised and clothed. He -possesses flocks and herds, smiling fields and even gardens, and -evinces an aptitude for barter. The superiority of the Bairnuti -Chenchu has been brought about by the influence, example, labours, -and generosity of a single Englishman, who built a substantial stone -dwelling in the depths of the great Bairnuti forest. There also he -erected indigo vats, and planted indigo, and a grove of choice mango -grafts, orange and lime trees. He bought buffaloes, and by careful -selection and breeding evolved a magnificent type. These buffaloes -have now become almost entirely fruit-eaters, and are engaged in -seeking for and devouring the forest fruits, which--particularly the -mowhra and forest fig--litter the ground in vast quantities. This -habit of fruit-eating imparts to their milk a peculiarly rich nutty -flavour, and the cream is of abnormally rich quality. The Chenchus -manufacture this into ghee (clarified butter), which they turn to -profitable account. The brethren of the Bairnuti Chenchus dwelling in -the forest of Pacherla present very different conditions of life. They -accentuate their nakedness by a narrow bark thread bound round the -waist, into which are thrust their arrows and knife. This is their -full dress. The hair, they aver, is the great and natural covering -of mankind. Why, therefore, violate the ordinary laws of nature by -inventing supererogatory clothing? A missionary sportsman was fairly -non-plussed by these arguments, particularly when his interlocutors -pointed to a celebrated pass or gorge, through which the amorous -Kristna is averred to have pursued and captured a fascinating Chenchu -damsel. 'You see,' said the Chenchu logician, 'the beauty of her form -was so manifest in its rude simplicity that even the god could not -resist it.' En passant it may be noted that, when a Chenchu wishes -to express superlative admiration of a belle, he compares her to a -monkey. In his eyes, the supremest beauty of femininity is agility. The -girl who can shin up a lofty tree, and bring him down fruit to eat is -the acme of feminine perfection. 'Ah, my sweet monkey girl,' said a -demoralised Chenchu, who was too idle to climb up a tree himself, 'she -has been climbing trees all day, and throwing me fruit. There is not -a man in the forest who can climb like my monkey girl.' The Chenchus -are wisely employed by the authorities as road-police or Taliaris, to -prevent highway dacoities. This is an astute piece of diplomacy. The -Chenchus themselves are the only dacoits thereabouts, and the salary -paid them as road-police is virtually blackmail to induce them to -guarantee the freedom of the forest highways. The Chenchu barters -the produce of the forests in which he lives, namely, honey and wax, -deer horns and hides, tamarinds, wood apples (Feronia elephantum), -and mowhra (Bassia latifolia) fruit and flowers, and realises a very -considerable income from these sources. He reaps annually a rich -harvest of hides and horns. The sambur (Cervus unicolor) and spotted -deer (Cervus axis) shed their horns at certain seasons. These horns -are hidden in the rank luxuriant grass. But, when the heat of the dry -weather has withered it, the Chenchu applies fire to it by rubbing two -dried sticks together, and, walking in the wake of the flames, picks -up the horns disclosed to view by the reduction of the vegetation to -ashes. He supplements this method with his bow and rifle, and by the -latter means alone obtains his hides. The Chenchu is every bit as bad -a shot as the average aboriginal. He rarely stalks, but, when he does, -he makes up by his skill in woodcraft for his inexpertness with his -gun. He understands the importance of not giving the deer a slant of -his wind, and, if they catch a glimpse of him, he will stand motionless -and black as the tree trunks around. The ambush by the salt-lick or -water-hole, however, is his favourite method of sport. Here, fortified -with a supply of the pungent-smelling liquor which he illicitly -distils from the mowhra flower he will lie night and day ruthlessly -murdering sambur, spotted deer, nilgai (Boselaphus tràgocamelus); -four-horned antelope (Tetracerus quadricornis). Tigers often stalk -down, and drink and roll in the pool, but the Chenchu dares not draw -a bead on him. Perhaps the indifference of his shooting, of which he -is conscious, deters him." When in danger from tigers or leopards, the -Chenchus climb a tree, and shout. The Chenchus recognise two distinct -varieties of leopards called chirra puli and chirta puli, concerning -which Blanford writes as follows. [21] "Most of the sportsmen who -have hunted in Central India, and many native shikaris (sportsmen) -distinguish two forms, and in parts of the country there is some -appearance of two races--a larger form that inhabits the hills and -forests, and a smaller form commonly occurring in patches of grass -and bushes amongst cultivated fields and gardens. The larger form is -said to have a shorter tail, a longer head with an occipital crest, -and clearly defined spots on a paler ground-colour. The smaller form -has a comparatively longer tail, a rounder head, less clearly defined -spots, and rougher fur. I cannot help suspecting that the difference -is very often due to age." - -A Chenchu who was asked by me whether they kill wild beasts replied -that they are wild beasts themselves. In devouring a feast of -mutton provided for those who were my guests in camp, they certainly -behaved as such, gnawing at the bones and tearing off the flesh. To -the Chenchus a feast, on however liberal a scale the food may be, -is nothing without a copious supply of toddy, of which even infants -receive a small share. In the absence of toddy, they sometimes -manufacture illicit liquor from the flower-buds of the mahua (or -mowhra) tree. The man who gained the prize (a coarse cotton cloth) -in a shooting match with bow and arrow, with the head of a straw -scarecrow as bull's-eye, was in an advanced stage of intoxication, -and used his success as an argument in favour of drink. In a long -distance shooting match, the prize was won with a carry of 144 yards, -the arrow being shot high into the air. It was noted by Captain -Newbold that the Chenchus are not remarkably expert as archers, -to judge from the awkwardness they exhibited in dispatching an -unfortunate sheep picketed for them at forty yards, which was held out -to them as the prize for the best marksman. Some time ago a Chenchu, -who was the bully of his settlement, beat another Chenchu and his -wife. The injured man appealed to the District Forest Officer, and, -explaining that he knew the law did not allow him to kill his enemy, -applied for a written permit to go after him with a bow and arrow. - -Some Chenchus bear on the head a cap made of wax-cloth, deer or hare -skin. By the more fashionable the tufted ear or bushy tail-end of -the large Indian squirrel (Sciurus Indicus) is attached by way of -ornament to the string with which the hair of the head is tied into a -bunch behind. Leafy garments have been replaced by white loin-cloths, -and some of the women have adopted the ravike (bodice), in imitation -of the female costume in the plains. Boys, girls, and women wear -bracelets made of Phoenix or palmyra palm leaves. By some pieces of -stick strung on a thread, or seeds of Givotia rottleriformis, are -worn as a charm to ward off various forms of pain. Some of the women -are tattooed on the forehead, corners of the eyes, and arms. And I -saw a few men tattooed on the shoulder as a cure for rheumatism. - -The huts of which a present day gudem is composed are either in the -shape of bee-hives like those of the Yanadis, or oblong with sloping -roof, and situated in a grove near a pond or stream. The staple food -of the Chenchus consists of cereals, supplemented by yams (Dioscorea) -which are uprooted with a digging-stick tipped with iron, forest -fruits, and various animals such as peacock, crow, lizard (Varanus), -bear, and black monkey. They are very fond of the young flowers and -buds of the mahua tree, and tamarind fruits, the acidity of which is -removed by mixing with them the ashes of the bark of the same tree. - -The forest products collected by the Chenchus include myrabolams, -fruits of the tamarind, Semecarpus anacardiúm, Sapindus trifoliatus -(soap-nut), Buchanania latifolia, Buchanania angustifolia, and Ficus -glomerata; roots of Aristolochia Indica and Hemidesmus Indicus; seeds -of Abrus precatorius; flowers of Bassia latifolia; horns, and honey. - -The Chenchus recognise two kinds of bees, large and small, and -gather honey from nests in trees or rocks. It is stated in the -Cuddapah Manual that "the Yenadis or Chenchus alone are able to -climb miraculously into difficult and apparently inaccessible places, -and over perpendicular cliffs in some places from a hundred to two -hundred feet high. This they do by means of a plaited rope made of -young bamboos tied together. Accidents sometimes happen by the rope -giving way. It is a nervous sight to watch them climbing up and down -this frail support. From below the men look like little babies hanging -midway. The rope being fastened on the top of the cliff by means of -a peg driven into the ground or by a tree, the man swings suspended -in the air armed with a basket and a stick. The Chenchu first burns -some brushwood or grass under the hive, which is relinquished by most -of the bees. This accomplished, he swings the rope, until it brings -him close to the hive, which he pokes with his stick, at the same -time holding out his basket to catch the pieces broken off from the -hive. When the basket is full, he shakes the rope, and is drawn up -(generally by his wife's brother). The bamboo ropes are never taken -away; nor are they used a second time, a fresh one being made on each -occasion, and at each place. They are to be seen hanging for years, -until they decay and fall down of themselves." - -Like other Telugu classes, the Chenchus have exogamous septs or -intiperu, of which the following are examples:--gurram (horse), arati -(plantain tree), manla (trees), tota (garden), mekala (goats), indla -(houses), savaram (sovereign, gold coin), and gundam (pit). - -Of the marriage customs the following account is given in the Kurnool -Manual. "The Chenchus do not follow a uniform custom in respect to -marriage ceremonies. Their marriage is performed in three ways. A -man wishing to marry selects his own bride, and both retire for one -night by mutual consent from the gudem. On the following morning, when -they return, their parents invite their friends and relatives, and by -formally investing them with new clothes, declare them duly married. To -complete the ceremony, a meal is given to those assembled. The second -method is as follows. A small space, circular in form, is cleaned and -besmeared with cowdung. In the centre a bow and arrow tied together -are fixed in the ground, and the bride and bridegroom are made to -move round it, when the men assembled bless them by throwing some rice -over them, and the marriage is complete. According to the third mode, -a Brahmin is consulted by the elders of the family. An auspicious day -is fixed, and a raised pial (platform) is formed, on which the bride -and bridegroom being seated, a tali (marriage badge) is tied, and rice -poured over their heads. The services of the Brahmin are engaged for -three or four days, and are rewarded with a piece of new cloth and some -money. This ceremony resembles that of the ryot (cultivating) class -among the Hindus. It is evidently a recent Brahminical innovation. On -marriage occasions generally tom-toms, if available, are beaten, and -a dance takes place." In the second form of marriage, as described -to me, the bride and bridegroom sit opposite each other with four -arrows stuck in the ground between them. In Mackenzie's record it -is stated that the Chenchus make the bridal pair sit with a single -arrow between them, and, when there is no shadow, some elderly men and -women throw rice over their heads. The importance of the arrow with -the Chenchus, as with the Yanadis, is that the moment when it casts -no shadow is the auspicious time for the completion of the marriage -rite. The remarriage of widows is permitted, and the second husband -is said to be in most cases a brother of the deceased one. - -As an example of the Chenchu songs, the following marriage song, sung -by two men and a woman, and recorded by my phonograph, may be cited:-- - - - The tali was of avaram [22] leaves, - Oh! the lord of the Chenchus. - The bashingham [23] was made of the leaf of a wild tree, - Oh! the lord of the Chenchus. - Wild turmeric was used for the kankanam [24], - Oh! the lord of the Chenchus. - Wearing a garment made of the leaves of the paru tree, - Oh! the lord of the Chenchus. - Wearing a bodice made of the leaves of the pannu tree, - Oh! the lord of the Chenchus. - Roaming over inaccessible hills, - Oh! the lord of the Chenchus. - Wandering through dense forests, - Oh! the lord of the Chenchus. - Committing acts that ought not to be done, - Oh! the lord of the Chenchus. - Obalesa's marriage was celebrated, - Oh! the lord of the Chenchus. - A four-cornered dais was made, - Oh! the lord of the Chenchus. - On the dais arrows were stuck, - Oh! the lord of the Chenchus. - Bamboo rice was used to throw on the heads of the pair, - Oh! the lord of the Chenchus. - Cocoanut cups were stuck on the points of the arrow, - Oh! the lord of the Chenchus. - The marriage was thus celebrated. - - -At a dance in my honour, men and women executed a series of step -dances in time with a drum (thappata) resembling a big tambourine, -which, at the conclusion of each dance, was passed to and fro through -a blazing fire of cholum straw to bring it up to the proper pitch. An -elderly hag went through a variety of gesticulations like those of -a Deva-dasi (dancing-girl). A man dressed up in straw and fragments -of mats picked up near my camp, and another disguised as a woman, -with bells round his ankles, supplied the comic business. - -In the Kurnool Manual it is stated that "as soon as a child is born, -the umbilical cord is cut (with a knife or arrow), and the child -is washed in cold or hot water, according as the season is hot or -cold. On the third day, all the women of the tribe are invited, and -served with betel nut. On the fourth day, an old woman gives a name to -the child. The baby is generally laid in a cradle made of deer skins, -and suspended from a bamboo by means of strings or dusara creepers." - -The dead are carried to the burial-place in a cloth slung on a -pole. The body, after it has been laid in the grave, is covered over -with leafy twigs, and the grave is filled in. The spot is marked by -a mound of earth and stones piled up. On the second or third day, -some cooked food is offered to the soul of the deceased person, near -the grave, and, after some of it has been set apart for the crows, -the remainder is buried in the mound or within the grave. The same -rite is repeated after the eighth day. - -The Chenchus are said [25], like the Yanadis, to worship a god -called Chenchu Devata, to whom offerings of honey and fruits are -sometimes made. They believe, as has been mentioned already, that -the god Narasimha of Ahobilam, whom they call Obalesudu, carried -off a beautiful Chenchu girl, named Chenchita, and married her. To -prevent the occurrence of a similar fate to other females of the -tribe, Chenchita ordained that they should in future be born ugly, -and be devoid of personal charms. The Chenchus claim Obalesudu as -their brother-in-law, and, when they go to the temple for the annual -festival, carry cloths as presents for the god and goddess. The legend -of their origin is told as follows by Captain Newbold. "Previous to the -incarnation of Sri Krishna in the Dwapara Yug (the third of the great -ages), the Chenchwars were shepherds of the Yerra Golla caste. Obal -Iswara, the swami (deity) of Obalam, a celebrated hill shrine in the -Nalla Mallas, having taken away and kept as a Chenchita a maid of -the Yerra Golla family, begat upon her children, of whom they are -descendants." Among other minor deities, the Chenchus are said to -worship Ankalamma, Potu Razu, Sunkalamma, Mallamma, and Guruppa. - -In the absence of lucifer matches, the Chenchus make fire with flint -and steel, and the slightly charred floss of the white cotton tree, -Eriodendron anfractuosum, I am informed that, like the Paniyans of -Malabar, they also obtain fire by friction, by means of the horizontal -or sawing method, with two pieces of split bamboo. - -Some Chenchus still exhibit the primitive short stature and high -nasal index, which are characteristic of other jungle tribes such as -the Kadirs, Paniyans, and Kurumbas. But there is a very conspicuous -want of uniformity in their physical characters, and many individuals -are to be met with, above middle height or tall, with long narrow -noses. A case is noted in the Kurnool Manual, in which a brick-maker -married a Chenchu girl. And I was told of a Boya man who had married -into the tribe, and was living in a gudem. In this way is the pure -type of Chenchu metamorphosed. - - - =============================================== - Stature, cm. | Nasal index. - -----------------------+----------------------- - AV. | MAX. | MIN. | AV. | MAX. | MIN. - -------+-------+-------+-------+-------+------- - 162.5 | 175 | 149.6 | 81.9 | 95.7 | 68.1 - =============================================== - - -By the dolichocephalic type of head which has persisted, and which -the Chenchus possess in common with various other jungle tribes, -they are, as shown by the following table, at once differentiated -from the mesaticephalic dwellers in the plains near the foot of the -Nallamalais:-- - - - ================================================ - | Cephalic | Number of cases - ---- | Index. | in which index - | | exceeded 80. - -------------------+----------+----------------- - 40 Chenchus | 74.3 | 1 - 60 Gollas | 77.5 | 9 - 50 Boyas | 77.9 | 14 - 39 Tota Balijas | 78. | 10 - 49 Motati Kapus | 78. | 16 - 19 Upparas | 78.8 | 4 - 16 Mangalas | 78.8 | 7 - 17 Yerukalas | 78.6 | 6 - 12 Medaras | 80.7 | 8 - ================================================ - - -The visual acuity of the Chenchus was tested with Cohn's letter E, -No. 6. For clinical purposes, the visual acuity would be represented -by a fraction, of which 6 is the denominator, and the number of metres -at which the position of the letter was recognised by the individual -tested is the numerator, e.g., - - - V.A. = 13m/6 = 2.16. - - -The average distances in metres, at which the letter was -recognised by the various castes and tribes examined by myself and -Dr. W. H. R. Rivers, were as follows:-- - - - 16 Sholagas (Rivers) 12.9 - 94 Kotas 12.8 - 180 Badagas 12.6 - 50 Paraiyans 12.5 - 58 Telugu ryats 12.4 - 28 Chenchus 12.3 - 55 Uralis (Rivers) 12.2 - 30 Brahmans, Mysore 12.2 - 30 Non-Brahmans, Mysore 12.2 - - -In all classes, it may be noted, the average acuity was between 12 and -13 metres (13 to 14 yards), and ranged between V.A. = 2·15 and V.A. = -2·03. The maxima distances, at which the position of the letter was -recognised, were:--Sholaga, 18m; Paraiyan, 19m; Badaga and Dikshitar -Brahman, 20m. No cases of extraordinary hyper-acuity were met with. The -nine classes, or groups of classes examined, cover a wide range of -degrees of civilisation from the wild jungle Chenchus, Sholagas, and -Uralis, to the cultured Brahman. And, though the jungle man, who has -to search for his food and mark the tracks and traces of wild beasts, -undoubtedly possesses a specially trained keenness of vision for the -exigencies of his primitive life, the figures show that, as regards -ordinary visual acuity, he has no advantage over the more highly -civilised classes. - -There were, in 1904-05, two Board upper primary schools for the -Chenchus of the Kurnool district, which were attended by seventy-three -pupils, who were fed and clothed, and supplied with books and slates -free of charge. - -Chenu (dry field).--An exogamous sept of Kamma. - -Cheppat.--A sub-division of Maran. - -Cherukara.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-division of Nayar. - -Cheruku.--Cheruku (sugar-cane) or Cherukula has been recorded as an -exogamous sept of Boya, Jogi and Odde. - -Cheruman.--The Cherumans or Cherumukkal have been defined as a -Malayalam caste of agricultural serfs, and as members of an inferior -caste in Malabar, who are, as a rule, toilers attached to the soil. In -the Madras Census Report, 1891, it is stated that "this caste is -called Cheruman in South Malabar and Pulayan in North Malabar. Even -in South Malabar where they are called Cheruman, a large sub-division -numbering over 30,000 is called Pula Cheruman. The most important -of the sub-divisions returned are Kanakkan, Pula Cheruman, Eralan, -Kudan and Rolan. Kanakkan and Pula Cheruman are found in all the -southern taluks, Kudan almost wholly in Walluvanad, and Eralan in -Palghat and Walluvanad." In the Census Report, 1901, Alan (slave), -and Paramban are given as sub-castes of Cheruman. - -According to one version, the name Cheruma or Cheramakkal signifies -sons of the soil; and, according to another, Cheriamakkal means little -children, as Parasurama directed that they should be cared for, and -treated as such. The word Pulayan is said to be derived from pula, -meaning pollution. - -Of the Cherumans, the following account is given in the Gazetteer -of Malabar. "They are said to be divided into 39 divisions, the more -important of which are the Kanakka Cherumans, the Pula Cherumans or -Pulayas, the Era Cherumans or Eralans, the Roli Cherumans or Rolans, -and the Kudans. Whether these sub-divisions should be treated as -separate castes or not, it is hardly possible to determine; some -of them at least are endogamous groups, and some are still further -sub-divided. Thus the Pulayas of Chirakkal are said to be divided into -one endogamous and eleven exogamous groups, called Mavadan, Elamanam, -Tacchakudiyan, Kundaton, Cheruvulan, Mulattan, Talan, Vannatam, -Eramalodiyan, Mullaviriyan, Egudan, and Kundon. Some at least of these -group names obviously denote differences of occupation. The Kundotti, -or woman of the last group, acts as midwife; and in consequence the -group is considered to convey pollution by touch to members of the -other groups, and they will neither eat nor marry with those belonging -to it. Death or birth pollution is removed by a member of the Mavadan -class called Maruttan, who sprinkles cowdung mixed with water on the -feet, and milk on the head of the person to be purified. At weddings, -the Maruttan receives 32 fanams, the prescribed price of a bride, from -the bridegroom, and gives it to the bride's people. The Era Cherumans -and Kanakkans, who are found only in the southern taluks of the -district, appear to be divided into exogamous groups called Kuttams, -many of which seem to be named after the house-name of the masters whom -they serve. The Cherumans are almost solely employed as agricultural -labourers and coolies; but they also make mats and baskets." - -It is noted [26] by Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna Iyer that "from -traditions current among the Pulayas, it would appear that, once upon -a time, they had dominion over several parts of the country. A person -called Aikkara Yajaman, whose ancestors were Pulaya kings, is still -held in considerable respect by the Pulayas of North Travancore, -and acknowledged as their chieftain and lord, while the Aikkaranad -in the Kunnethnad taluk still remains to lend colour to the tale. In -Trivandrum, on the banks of the Velli lake, is a hill called Pulayanar -Kotta, where it is believed that a Pulaya king once ruled. In other -places, they are also said to have held sway. As a Paraya found -at Melkota the image of Selvapillai, as a Savara was originally in -possession of the sacred stone which became the idol in the temple of -Jaganath, so also is the worship of Padmanabha at Trivandrum intimately -connected with a Pulayan. Once a Pulaya woman, who was living with -her husband in the Ananthan kadu (jungle), suddenly heard the cry -of a baby. She rushed to the spot, and saw to her surprise a child -lying on the ground, protected by a snake. She took pity on it, and -nursed it like her own child. The appearance of the snake intimated -to her the divine origin of the infant. This proved to be true, -for the child was an incarnation of Vishnu. As soon as the Raja of -Travancore heard of the wonderful event, he built a shrine on the spot -where the baby had been found, and dedicated it to Padmanabha. The -Pulayas round Trivandrum assert to this day that, in former times, -a Pulaya king ruled, and had his castle not far from the present -capital of Travancore. The following story is also current among -them. The Pulayas got from the god Siva a boon, with spade and axe, -to clear forests, own lands, and cultivate them. When other people -took possession of them, they were advised to work under them." - -According to Mr. Logan, [27] the Cherumans are of two sections, one -of which, the Iraya, are of slightly higher social standing than the -Pulayan. "As the names denote, the former are permitted to come as -far as the eaves (ira) of their employers' houses, while the latter -name denotes that they convey pollution to all whom they meet or -approach." The name Cheruman is supposed to be derived from cheru, -small, the Cheruman being short of stature, or from chera, a dam or -low-lying rice field. Mr. Logan, however, was of opinion that there -is ample evidence that "the Malabar coast at one time constituted the -kingdom or Empire of Chera, and the nad or county of Cheranad lying on -the coast and inland south-east of Calicut remains to the present day -to give a local habitation to the ancient name. Moreover, the name of -the great Emperor of Malabar, who is known to every child on the coast -as Cheraman Perumal, was undoubtedly the title and not the name of the -Emperor, and meant the chief (literally, big man) of the Chera people." - -Of the history of slavery in Malabar an admirable account is given -by Mr. Logan, from which the following extracts are taken. "In 1792, -the year in which British rule commenced, a proclamation was issued -against dealing in slaves. In 1819, the principal Collector wrote -a report on the condition of the Cherumar, and received orders that -the practice of selling slaves for arrears of revenue be immediately -discontinued. In 1821, the Court of Directors expressed considerable -dissatisfaction at the lack of precise information which had been -vouchsafed to them, and said 'We are told that part of the cultivators -are held as slaves: that they are attached to the soil, and marketable -property.' In 1836, the Government ordered the remission in the -Collector's accounts of Rs. 927-13-0, which was the annual revenue from -slaves on the Government lands in Malabar, and the Government was at -the same time 'pleased to accede to the recommendation in favour of -emancipating the slaves on the Government lands in Malabar.' In 1841, -Mr. E. B. Thomas, the Judge at Calicut, wrote in strong terms a letter -to the Sadr Adalat, in which he pointed out that women in some taluks -(divisions) fetched higher prices, in order to breed slaves; that the -average cost of a young male under ten years was about Rs. 3-8-0, of -a female somewhat less; that an infant ten months old was sold in a -court auction for Rs. 1-10-6 independent of the price of its mother; -and that, in a recent suit, the right to twenty-seven slaves was the -'sole matter of litigation, and was disposed of on its merits.' In a -further letter, Mr. Thomas pointed out that the slaves had increased in -numbers from 144,000 at the Census, 1835, to 159,000 at the Census, -1842. It was apparently these letters which decided the Board of -Directors to send out orders to legislate. And the Government of India -passed Act V of 1843, of which the provisions were widely published -through Malabar. The Collector explained to the Cherumar that it was -in their interest, as well as their duty, to remain with their masters, -if kindly treated. He proclaimed that 'the Government will not order a -slave who is in the employ of an individual to forsake him and go to -the service of another claimant; nor will the Government interfere -with the slave's inclination as to where he wishes to work.' And -again, 'Any person claiming a slave as janmam, kanam or panayam, -the right of such claim or claims will not be investigated into at -any one of the public offices or courts.' In 1852, and again in 1855, -the fact that traffic in slaves still continued was brought to the -notice of Government, but on full consideration no further measures -for the emancipation of the Cherumar were deemed to be necessary. The -Cherumar even yet have not realised what public opinion in England -would probably have forced down their throats fifty years ago, and -there is reason to think that they are still, even now, with their -full consent bought and sold and hired out, although, of course, -the transaction must be kept secret for fear of the penalties of the -Penal Code, which came into force in 1862, and was the real final -blow at slavery in India. The slaves, however, as a caste will never -understand what real freedom means, until measures are adopted to -give them indefeasible rights in the small orchards occupied by them -as house-sites." It is noted by Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer that "though -slavery has been abolished many years ago, the name valliyal (a person -receiving valli, i.e., paddy given to a slave) still survives." - -By the Penal Code it is enacted that-- - - - Whoever imports, exports, removes, buys, sells, or disposes of any - person as a slave, or accepts, receives, or detains against his - will any person as a slave, shall be punished with imprisonment - for a term which may extend to seven years, and shall also be - liable to a fine. - - Whoever habitually imports, exports, removes, buys, sells, traffics - or deals in slaves, shall be punished with transportation for - life, or with imprisonment for a term not exceeding ten years, - and shall be liable to a fine. - - Whoever unlawfully compels any person to labour against the will - of that person, shall be punished with imprisonment for a term - which may extend to one year, or with a fine, or with both. - - -"Very low indeed," Mr. S. Appadorai Iyer writes, [28] "is the social -position of these miserable beings. When a Cherumar meets a person -of superior caste; he must stand at a distance of thirty feet. If he -comes within this prohibited distance, his approach is said to cause -pollution, which is removed only by bathing in water. A Cherumar -cannot approach a Brahman village or temple, or tank. If he does so, -purification becomes necessary. Even while using the public road, if he -sees his lord and master, he has to leave the ordinary way and walk, it -may be in the mud, to avoid his displeasure by accidentally polluting -him. To avoid polluting the passer-by, he repeats the unpleasant -sound 'O, oh, O--'. [In some places, e.g., Palghat, one may often -see a Cheruman with a dirty piece of cloth spread on the roadside, -and yelling in a shrill voice 'Ambrane, Ambarane, give me some pice, -and throw them on the cloth.'] His position is intolerable in the -Native States of Cochin and Travancore, where Brahman influence is -in the ascendant; while in the Palghat taluk the Cherumars cannot, -even to this day, enter the bazaar." A melancholy picture has been -drawn of the Cherumans tramping along the marshes in mud, often wet -up to their waists, to avoid polluting their superiors. In 1904, a -Cheruman came within polluting distance of a Nayar, and was struck -with a stick. The Cheruman went off and fetched another, whereupon -the Nayar ran away. He was, however, pursued by the Cherumans. In -defending himself with a spade, the Nayar struck the foremost Cheruman -on the head, and killed him. [29] In another case, a Cheruman, who -was the servant of a Mappilla, was fetching grass for his master, -when he inadvertently approached some Tiyans, and thereby polluted -them. The indignant Tiyans gave not only the Cheruman, but his master -also, a sound beating by way of avenging the insult offered to them. - -The status of the Pulayas of the Cochin State is thus described by -Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer. "They abstain from eating food prepared -by the Velakkathalavans (barbers), Mannans (washermen), Panans, -Vettuvans, Parayans, Nayadis, Ulladans, Malayans, and Kadars. The -Pulayas in the southern parts of the State have to stand at a distance -of 90 feet from Brahmans and 64 feet from Nayars, and this distance -gradually diminishes towards the lower castes. They are polluted by -Pula Cherumas, Parayas, Nayadis, and Ulladans. [The Pula Cherumas are -said to eat beef, and sell the hides of cattle.] The Kanakka Cherumas -of the Chittur taluk pollute Era Cherumas and Konga Cherumas by touch, -and by approach within a distance of seven or eight feet, and are -themselves polluted by Pula Cherumas, Parayas, and Vettuvans, who have -to stand at the same distance. Pulayas and Vettuvans bathe when they -approach one another, for their status is a point of dispute as to -which is superior to the other. When defiled by the touch of a Nayadi, -a Cheruman has to bathe in seven tanks, and let a few drops of blood -flow from one of his fingers. A Brahman who enters the compound of a -Pulayan has to change his holy thread, and take panchagavyam (the five -products of the cow) so as to be purified from pollution. The Valluva -Pulayan of the Trichur taluk fasts for three days, if he happens to -touch a cow that has been delivered of a calf. He lives on toddy and -tender cocoanuts. He has also to fast three days after the delivery -of his wife." In ordinary conversation in Malabar, such expressions -as Tiya-pad or Cheruma-pad (that is, the distance at which a Tiyan -or Cheruman has to keep) are said to be commonly used. [30] - -By Mr. T. K. Gopal Panikkar the Cherumans are described [31] as -"a very inferior race, who are regarded merely as agricultural -instruments in the hands of the landlords their masters, who supply -them with houses on their estates. Their daily maintenance is supplied -to them by their masters themselves. Every morning the master's agent -summons them to his house, and takes them away to work in the fields, -in ploughing, drawing water from wells, and in short doing the whole of -the cultivation. In the evening a certain quantity of paddy (unhusked -rice) is distributed to them as wages. Both theory and practice, in -the great majority of cases, are that they are fed at the master's -cost the whole year round, whether they work in the fields or not. But -it is very seldom that they can have a holiday, regard being had to -the nature of agriculture in Malabar. It is the Cheruma that should -plough the land, sow the seed, transplant the seedlings, regulate -the flow of water in the fields, uproot the weeds, and see that the -crops are not destroyed by animals, or stolen. When the crops ripen, -he has to keep watch at night. The sentry house consists of a small -oval-shaped portable roof, constructed of palmyra and cocoanut leaves, -supported by four posts, across which are tied bamboos, which form -the watchman's bed. Wives sometimes accompany their husbands in their -watches. When the harvest season approaches, the Cheruman's hands -are full. He has to cut the crops, carry them to the barn (kalam), -separate the corn from the stalk, and winnow it. The second crop -operations immediately follow, and the Cheruma has to go through all -these processes again. It is in the summer season that his work is -light, when he is set to prepare vegetable gardens, or some odd job is -found for him by his master. The old, infirm, and the children look -after their master's cattle. Receiving his daily pittance of paddy, -the Cheruman enters his hut, and reserves a portion of it for the -purchase of salt, chillies, toddy, tobacco, and dried fish. The other -portion is reserved for food. The Cheruman spends the greater part -of his wages on toddy. It is a very common sight in Malabar to see -a group of Cherumans, including women and children, sitting in front -of a toddy shop, the Cheruman transferring the unfinished portion of -the toddy to his wife, and the latter to the children. A Cheruman, -however, rarely gets intoxicated, or commits crime. No recess is -allowed to the Cherumans, except on national holidays and celebrated -temple festivals observed in honour of the goddess Bhagavati or Kali, -when they are quite free to indulge in drink. On these days, their hire -is given in advance. With this they get intoxicated, and go to the -poora-paramba or temple premises, where the festival is celebrated, -in batches of four, each one tying his hands to another's neck, -and reciting every two seconds the peculiar sound: - - - Lalle lalle lalle ho. - Lalle lalle lalle ho. - - -"On the European plantations in the Wynad the Cherumans are in great -request, and many are to be seen travelling nowadays without fear in -railway carriages on their way to the plantations. A few also work -in the gold mines of Mysore." - -Like other servile classes, the Cherumans possess special privileges -on special occasions. For example, at the chal (furrow) ceremony in -Malabar "the master of the house, the cultivating agent, and Cherumans -assemble in the barn, a portion of the yard in front of the building -is painted with rice-water, and a lighted bell-lamp is placed near at -hand with some paddy and rice, and several cups made of the leaves -of the kanniram (Strychnos nux-vomica)--as many cups as there are -varieties of seed in the barn. Then, placing implicit faith in his -gods, and deceased ancestors, the master of the house opens the barn -door, followed by the Cheruman with a new painted basket containing the -leaf cups. The master then takes a handful of seed from a seed-basket, -and fills one of the cups, and the cultivating agent, head Cheruman, -and others who are interested in a good harvest, fill the cups till -the seeds are exhausted. The basket, with the cups, is next taken to -the decorated portion of the yard. A new ploughshare is fastened to a -new plough, and a pair of cattle are brought on to the scene. Plough, -cattle, and basket are all painted with rice-water. A procession -proceeds to the fields, on reaching which the head Cheruman lays -down the basket, and makes a mound of earth with the spade. To this a -little manure is added, and the master throws a handful of seed into -it. The cattle are then yoked, and one turn is ploughed by the head -Cheruman. Inside this at least seven furrows are made, and the plough -is dropped to the right. An offering is made to Ganapathi (the elephant -god), and the master throws some seed into a furrow. Next the head -Cheruman calls out 'May the gods on high and the deceased ancestors -bless the seed, which has been thrown broadcast, and the cattle which -are let loose; the mother and children of the house, the master, and -the slaves, may they also vouchsafe to us a good crop, good sunshine, -and good harvest.' A cocoanut is then cut on the ploughshare, and from -the cut portions several deductions are made. If the hinder part is -larger than the front one, the harvest will be moderate. If the cut -passes through the eyes of the nut, or if no water is left in the -cut portions, certain misfortune is foreboded. The cut fragments are -then taken with a little water inside them, and a leaf of the tulsi -plant (Ocimum sanctum) dropped in. If the leaf turns to the right, -a prosperous harvest is assured; whereas, if it turns to the left, -certain calamity will follow. This ceremonial concluded, there is -much shouting, and the names of all the gods may be heard called -out in a confused prayer. The party then breaks up, and the unused -seeds are divided among the workmen." [32] At the ceremony in Malabar, -when the transplantation of rice is completed, during which a goat is -sacrificed to Muni, the protector of cattle and field labourers, the -officiating priest is generally the cultivation agent of the family, -who is a Nayar, or sometimes a Cheruman. - -In connection with the harvest ceremonial in Cochin, Mr. Anantha -Krishna Iyer writes as follows. "There are some curious customs -connected with the harvest, prevailing among the Pulayas of the -southern parts of the State. Before reaping, the Pulaya headman asks -his master whether he may begin to reap. With his permission, he -faces the east, and puts the sickle to the stalks. The first bundle -he reserves for the gods of his master, and the second for those of -his castemen. Before thrashing, the same headman takes a few bundles -of corn from the sheaf intended for their gods, and sprinkles toddy on -them. Another Pulayan does the same for the various reapers, and says, -as he does so 'Come, thrashing corn, increase.' This is called filling -the thrashing floor, and each man thrashes his own sheaves. When the -thrashing is over, the headman puts his master's sheaf in the centre of -the floor, and his own at a short distance outside, in order that the -two sets of gods may look kindly on them. The headman is privileged -to measure the corn sitting with his two assistants, saying 'Come, -paddy, increase,' as he counts. He also calls out 'Good paddy, one', -'bad paddy, two', and so on, until he counts ten. The eleventh is the -share for the reaper. He takes a handful, and places it in a basket, -half of which falls to him, his assistants and the watchman, while the -other half is given away in charity to the poor men that come to the -thrashing place. In the northern parts of the State, before reaping, -offerings of goats, fowls, and cocoanuts, are made to Mallan and -Muni. The Cheruma headman faces east, and applies his sickle to the -stalks, reserving the first stalk for the deities above mentioned. The -corn is thrashed and measured by one of them, and, as he does so, he -says 'Labham' (profit) for one, 'Chetham' (loss) for two, and counts -up to ten. The eleventh goes to the share of the reapers. Thus they -get one para for every ten paras of corn. The poor people that attend -are also given a handful of the grain. After reaping, the members of -the castes named in the table below receive a small portion of the -corn for their services rendered to the farmers in the course of the -months during which cultivation has been carried on:-- - - - ==============+====================================+=============== - Caste. | Purpose for which paddy | Remuneration. - | is given. | - --------------+------------------------------------+--------------- - Carpenters | For making and repairing | A big bundle - | ploughs, etc. | of corn. - Blacksmiths | For making sickles, knives, | Do. - | and other tools. | - Parayan | For lifting and placing the | Do. - | loads of stalks on the heads | - | of the Cherumans, who carry | - | them to the farmyard. | - Washerman or | For keeping off birds, insects, | Do. - Mannan. | etc., from the fields by magic. | - Vilkurup | For treating Cherumas during | Do. - | their illness, and for shampooing | - | them. | - Kaniyan or | For giving information of the | Do. - astrologer. | auspicious times for ploughing, | - | sowing, transplanting | - | and reaping, and also of the | - | time for giving rice, vegetables, | - | oil, etc., to the | - | Cherumas during the Onam | - | festival. | - ==============+====================================+=============== - - -"The Pulayans receive, in return for watching, a small portion of -the field near the watchman's rest-hut, which is left unreaped for -him. It fetches him a para of paddy. - -"The Cherumas who are engaged in reaping get two bundles of corn each -for every field. For measuring the corn from the farmyard, a Cheruman -gets an edangazhy of paddy, in addition to his daily wage. Three paras -of paddy are set apart for the local village deity. During the month of -Karkadakam, the masters give every Cheruman a fowl, some oil, garlic, -mustard, anise seeds, pepper, and turmeric. They prepare a decoction -of seeds, and boil the flesh of the fowl in it, which they take for -three days, during which they are allowed to take rest. Three days' -wages are also given in advance." - -In Travancore, a festival named Macam is held, of which the following -account has been published. [33] "The Macam (tenth constellation -Regulus, which follows Thiru Onam in August), is regarded by Hindus -as a day of great festivity. One must enjoy it even at the cost of -one's children, so runs an adage. The day is considered to be so -lucky that a girl born under the star Regulus is verily born with a -silver spoon in her mouth. It was on Macam, some say, that the Devas, -to free themselves from the curse they were put under by a certain -sage, had to churn the sea of milk to procure ambrosia. Be the cause -which led to the celebration what it may, the Hindus of the present -day have ever been enthusiastic in its observance; only some of the -rude customs connected with it have died out in the course of time, -or were put a stop to by Government. Sham fights were, and are still, -in some places a feature of the day. Such a sham fight used to be -carried on at Pallam until, about a hundred years ago, it was stopped -through the intervention of Colonel Munro, the British Resident in -Travancore. The place is still called Patanilam (battle field), and -the tank, on opposite sides of which the contending parties assembled, -Chorakulam (pool of blood). The steel swords and spears, of curious -and various shapes, and shields large enough to cover a man, are -even now preserved in the local temple. Many lives were lost in these -fights. It is not generally known, even to people in these parts, that -a sham fight takes place on Macam and the previous day every year at -a place called Wezhapra, between the Changanacherry and Ambalapuzha -taluks. Three banyan trees mark the place. People, especially Pulayas -and Pariahs, to the number of many thousands, collect round the outside -trees with steel swords, spears, and slings in their hands. A small -bund (embankment) separates the two parties. They have to perform -certain religious rites near the tree which stands in the middle, -and, in doing so, make some movements with their swords and spears -to the accompaniment of music. If those standing on one side of the -bund cross it, a regular fight is the result. In order to avoid such -things, without at the same time interfering with their liberty to -worship at the spot, the Government this year made all the necessary -arrangements. The Police were sent for the purpose. Everything went -off smoothly but for one untoward event. The people had been told not -to come armed with steel weapons, but with wooden ones. They had to -put them down, and were then allowed to go and worship." - -Of conversion to Muhammadanism at the present time, a good example is -afforded by the Cherumans. "This caste," the Census Superintendent, -1881, writes, "numbered 99,009 in Malabar at the census of 1871, and, -in 1881, is returned as only 64,735. There are 40,000 fewer Cherumans -than there would have been but for some disturbing influence, and this -is very well known to be conversion to Muhammadanism. The honour of -Islam once conferred on the Cheruman, he moves at one spring several -places higher than that which he originally occupied." "Conversion -to Muhammadanism," Mr. Logan writes, "has had a marked effect in -freeing the slave caste in Malabar from their former burthens. By -conversion a Cheruman obtains a distinct rise in the social scale, -and, if he is in consequence bullied or beaten, the influence of the -whole Muhammadan community comes to his aid." It has been noted [34] -that Cheruman converts to Islam take part in the Moplah (Mappilla) -outbreaks, which from time to time disturb the peace of Malabar. - -The home of the Cheruman is called a chala or hut, which has a thatched -roof of grass and palm-leaves resembling an immense bee-hive. A big -underground cell, with a ceiling of planks, forms the granary of -the occupants of these huts. The chief house furniture consists of -a pestle and mortar, and two or three earthenware pots. - -The habitations of the Pulayas of Cochin are thus described by -Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer. "Their huts are generally called madams, -which are put up on the banks of fields, in the middle of rice flats, -or on trees along their borders, so as to enable them to watch the -crops after the toils of the day. They are discouraged from erecting -better huts, under the idea that, if settled more comfortably, they -would be less inclined to move as cultivation required. The madams -are very poor huts, supported on four small posts, and thatched with -leaves. The sides are protected with the same kind of leaves. There -is only one room, and the floor, though slightly raised, is very -damp during the rainy months. These temporary buildings are removed -after the harvest, and put up in places where cultivation has to be -carried on. All the members of the family sleep together in the same -hut. Small temporary huts are sometimes erected, which are little -better than inverted baskets. These are placed in the rice field -while the crop is on the ground, and near the stacks while it is being -thrashed. In the northern parts of the State, the Pulaya huts are made -of mud walls, and provided with wooden doors. The roofs are of bamboo -framework thatched with palmyra palm leaves. The floor is raised, -and the huts are provided with pyals (raised platforms) on three -sides. They have also small compounds (grounds) around them. There -is only one room inside, which is the sleeping apartment of the newly -married youngsters. The others, I am told, sleep on the verandahs. The -utensils consist of a few earthen pots for cooking and keeping water, -and a few earthen dishes for taking food. In addition to these, I -found a wooden mortar, a few pestles, two pans, two winnowing pans, -a fish basket for each woman, a few cocoanut shells for keeping -salt and other things, a few baskets of their own making, in one of -which a few dirty cloths were placed, some mats of their own making, -a bamboo vessel for measuring corn, and a vessel for containing toddy." - -"During the rainy season, the Cherumas in the field wear a few -green leaves, especially those of the plantain tree, tied round -their waists, and a small cone-shaped cap, made of plantain leaf, -is worn on the head. This practice, among the females, has fallen -into disuse in Malabar, though it is to some extent still found -in the Native States. The Cherumi is provided with one long piece -of thick cloth, which she wraps round her waist, and which does not -even reach the knees. She does not cover the chest." [35] The Cheruma -females have been described as wearing, when at work in the open, -a big oval-shaped handleless umbrella covered with palm leaves, -which they place on their back, and which covers the whole of their -person in the stooping attitude. The men use, during the rainy season, -a short-handled palm-leaf umbrella. - -The women are profusely decorated with cheap jewelry of which the -following are examples: - -1. Lobes of both ears widely dilated by rolled leaden ornaments. Brass, -and two glass bead necklets, string necklet with flat brass ornaments, -the size of a Venetian sequin, with device as in old Travancore gold -coins, with two brass cylinders pendent behind, and tassels of red -cotton. Three brass rings on right little finger; two on left ring -finger, one brass and two steel bangles on left wrist. - -2. Several bead necklets, and a single necklet of many rows of -beads. Brass necklet like preceding, with steel prong and scoop, -for removing wax from the ears and picking teeth, tied to one of the -necklets. Attached to, and pendent from one necklet, three palm leaf -rolls with symbols and Malayalam inscription to act as a charm in -driving away devils. Three ornamental brass bangles on right forearm, -two on left. Iron bangle on left wrist. Thin brass ring in helix of -each ear. Seventy thin brass rings (alandoti) with heavy brass ornament -(adikaya) in dilated lobe of each ear. - -3. In addition to glass bead necklets, a necklet with heavy -heart-shaped brass pendants. String round neck to ward off fever. - -4. String necklet with five brass cylinders pendent; five brass -bangles on right wrist; six brass and two iron bangles on left wrist. - -Right hand, one copper and five brass rings on middle finger; one -iron and three brass rings on little finger. - -Left hand, one copper and five brass rings on middle finger; three -brass and two copper rings on ring finger; one brass ring on little -finger. - -5. Trouser button in helix of left ear. - -6. Brass bead necklet with pendent brass ornament with legend "Best -superior umbrella made in Japan, made for Fazalbhoy Peeroo Mahomed, -Bombay." - -A Cheruman, at Calicut, had his hair long and unkempt, as he played -the drum at the temple. Another had the hair arranged in four matted -plaits, for the cure of disease in performance of a vow. A man who -wore a copper cylinder on his loin string, containing a brass strip -with mantrams (consecrated formulæ) engraved on it, sold it to me -for a rupee with the assurance that it would protect me from devils. - -Concerning the marriage ceremony of the Cherumans in Malabar, -Mr. Appadorai Iyer writes that "the bridegroom's sister is the -chief performer. It is she who pays the bride's price, and carries -her off. The consent of the parents is required, and is signified -by an interchange of visits between the parents of the bride and -bridegroom. During these visits, rice-water (conji) is sipped. Before -tasting the conji, they drop a fanam (local coin) into the vessel -containing it, as a token of assent to the marriage. When the -wedding party sets out, a large congregation of Cherumans follow, -and at intervals indulge in stick play, the women singing in chorus -to encourage them 'Let us see, let us see the stick play (vadi tallu), -Oh! Cheruman.' The men and women mingle indiscriminately in the dance -during the wedding ceremony. On the return to the bridegroom's hut, -the bride is expected to weep loudly, and deplore her fate. On entering -the bridegroom's hut, she must tread on a pestle placed across the -threshold." During the dance, the women have been described as letting -down their hair, and dancing with a tolerable amount of rhythmic -precision amid vigorous drumming and singing. According to another -account, the bridegroom receives from his brother-in-law a kerchief, -which the giver ties round his waist, and a bangle which is placed on -his arm. The bride receives a pewter vessel from her brother. Next -her cousin ties a kerchief round the groom's forehead, and sticks a -betel leaf in it. The bride is then handed over to the bridegroom. - -Of the puberty and marriage ceremonies of the Pulayas of Cochin, the -following detailed account is given by Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer. "When -a Pulaya girl comes of age, she is located in a separate hut. Five -Vallons (headmen), and the castemen of the kara (settlement), -are invited to take part in the performance of the ceremony. A -song, called malapattu, is sung for an hour by a Parayan to the -accompaniment of drum and pipe. The Parayan gets a para of paddy, -and his assistants three annas each. As soon as this is over, seven -cocoanuts are broken, and the water thereof is poured over the head -of the girl, and the broken halves are distributed among the five -Vallons and seven girls who are also invited to be present. Some more -water is also poured on the girl's head at the time. She is lodged -in a temporary hut for seven days, during which food is served to -her at a distance. She is forbidden to go out and play with her -friends. On the morning of the seventh day, the Vallons of the kara -and the castemen are again invited. The latter bring with them some -rice, vegetables, and toddy, to defray the expenses of the feast. At -dawn, the mother of the girl gives oil to the seven Pulaya maidens, -and to her daughter for an oil-bath. They then go to a neighbouring -tank (pond) or stream to bathe, and return home. The girl is then -neatly dressed, and adorned in her best. Her face is painted yellow, -and marked with spots of various colours. She stands before a few -Parayas, who play on their flute and drum, to cast out the demons, -if any, from her body. The girl leaps with frantic movements, if she -is possessed by them. In that case, they transfer them to a tree close -by driving a nail into the trunk after due offerings. If she is not -possessed, she remains unmoved, and the Parayas bring the music to -a close. The girl is again bathed with her companions, who are all -treated to a dinner. The ceremony then comes to an end with a feast -to the castemen. The ceremony described is performed by the Valluva -Pulayas in the southern parts, near and around the suburbs of Cochin, -but is unknown among other sub-tribes elsewhere. The devil-driving by -the Parayas is not attended to. Nor is a temporary hut erected for the -girl to be lodged in. She is allowed to remain in a corner of the hut, -but is not permitted to touch others. She is bathed on the seventh day, -and the castemen, friends and relations, are invited to a feast. - -"Marriage is prohibited among members of the same koottam (family -group). In the Chittur taluk, members of the same village do not -intermarry, for they believe that their ancestors may have been the -slaves of some local landlord, and, as such, the descendants of the -same parents. A young man may marry among the relations of his father, -but not among those of his mother. In the Palghat taluk, the Kanakka -Cherumas pride themselves on the fact that they avoid girls within -seven degrees of relationship. The marriage customs vary according -to the sub-division. In the southern parts of the State, Pulaya girls -are married before puberty, while in other places, among the Kanakka -Cherumas and other sub-tribes, they are married both before and after -puberty. In the former case, when a girl has not been married before -puberty, she is regarded as having become polluted, and stigmatised -as a woman whose age is known. Her parents and uncles lose all claim -upon her. They formally drive her out of the hut, and proceed to -purify it by sprinkling water mixed with cow-dung both inside and -outside, and also with sand. She is thus turned out of caste. She -was, in former times, handed over to the Vallon, who either married -her to his own son, or sold her to a slave master. If a girl is too -poor to be married before puberty, the castemen of the kara raise a -subscription, and marry her to one of themselves. - -"When a young Pulayan wishes to marry, he applies to his master, who -is bound to defray the expenses. He gives seven fanams [36] to the -bride's master, one fanam worth of cloth to the bride-elect, and about -ten fanams for the marriage feast. In all, his expenses amount to ten -rupees. The ceremony consists in tying a ring attached to a thread -round the neck of the bride. This is provided by her parents. When -he becomes tired of his wife, he may dispose of her to any other -person who will pay the expenses incurred at the marriage. There are -even now places where husband and wife serve different masters, but -more frequently they serve the same master. The eldest male child -belongs to the master of the mother. The rest of the family remain -with the mother while young, but, being the property of the owner, -revert to him when of an age to be useful. She also follows them, -in the event of her becoming a widow. In some places, a man brings -a woman to his master, and says that he wishes to keep her as his -wife. She receives her allowance of rice, but may leave her husband -as she likes, and is not particular in changing one spouse for -another. In other places, the marriage ceremonies of the Era Cherumas -are more formal. The bridegroom's party goes to the bride's hut, and -presents rice and betel leaf to the head of the family, and asks for -the bride. Consent is indicated by the bride's brother placing some -rice and cloth before the assembly, and throwing rice on the headman -of the caste, who is present. On the appointed day, the bridegroom -goes to the hut with two companions, and presents the girl with cloth -and twelve fanams. From that day he is regarded as her husband, and -cohabitation begins at once. But the bride cannot accompany him until -the ceremony called mangalam is performed. The bridegroom's party goes -in procession to the bride's hut, where a feast awaits them. The man -gives sweetmeats to the girl's brother. The caste priest recites the -family history of the two persons, and the names of their masters and -deities. They are then seated before a lamp and a heap of rice in a -pandal (booth). One of the assembly gets up, and delivers a speech on -the duties of married life, touching on the evils of theft, cheating, -adultery, and so forth. Rice is thrown on the heads of the couple, -and the man prostrates himself at the feet of the elders. Next day, -rice is again thrown on their heads. Then the party assembled makes -presents to the pair, a part of which goes to the priest, and a part -to the master of the husband. Divorce is very easy, but the money -paid must be returned to the woman. - -"In the Ooragam proverthy of the Trichur taluk, I find that the -marriage among the Pulayas of that locality and the neighbouring -villages is a rude form of sambandham (alliance), somewhat similar to -that which prevails among the Nayars, whose slaves a large majority of -them are. The husband, if he may be so called, goes to the woman's hut -with his wages, to stay therein with her for the night. They may serve -under different masters. A somewhat similar custom prevails among the -Pula Cherumas of the Trichur taluk. The connection is called Merungu -Kooduka, which means to tame, or to associate with. - -"A young man, who wishes to marry, goes to the parents of the young -woman, and asks their consent to associate with their daughter. If they -approve, he goes to her at night as often as he likes. The woman seldom -comes to the husband's hut to stay with him, except with the permission -of the thamar (landlord) on auspicious occasions. They are at liberty -to separate at their will and pleasure, and the children born of the -union belong to the mother's landlord. Among the Kanakka Cherumas -in the northern parts of the State, the following marital relations -are in force. When a young man chooses a girl, the preliminary -arrangements are made in her hut, in the presence of her parents, -relations, and the castemen of the village. The auspicious day is -fixed, and a sum of five fanams is paid as the bride's price. The -members assembled are treated to a dinner. A similar entertainment -is held at the bridegroom's hut to the bride's parents, uncles, and -others who come to see the bridegroom. On the morning of the day fixed -for the wedding, the bridegroom and his party go to the bride's hut, -where they are welcomed, and seated on mats in a small pandal put up -in front of the hut. A muri (piece of cloth), and two small mundus -(cloths) are the marriage presents to the bride. A vessel full of -paddy (unhusked rice), a lighted lamp, and a cocoanut are placed in -a conspicuous place therein. The bride is taken to the booth, and -seated by the side of the bridegroom. Before she enters it, she goes -seven times round it, with seven virgins before her. With prayers to -their gods for blessings on the couple, the tali (marriage badge) -is tied round the bride's neck. The bridegroom's sister completes -the knot. By a strange custom, the bride's mother does not approach -the bridegroom, lest it should cause a ceremonial pollution. The -ceremony is brought to a close with a feast to those assembled. Toddy -is an indispensable item of the feast. During the night, they amuse -themselves by dancing a kind of wild dance, in which both men and women -joyfully take part. After this, the bridegroom goes along to his own -hut, along with his wife and his party, where also they indulge in a -feast. After a week, two persons from the bride's hut come to invite -the married couple. The bride and bridegroom stay at the bride's hut -for a few days, and cannot return to his hut unless an entertainment, -called Vathal Choru, is given him. - -"The marriage customs of the Valluva Pulayas in the southern parts of -the State, especially in the Cochin and Kanayannur taluks, are more -formal. The average age of a young man for marriage is between fifteen -and twenty, while that of a girl is between ten and twelve. Before -a young Pulayan thinks of marriage, he has to contract a formal and -voluntary friendship with another young Pulayan of the same age and -locality. If he is not sociably inclined, his father selects one for -him from a Pulaya of the same or higher status, but not of the same -illam (family group). If the two parents agree among themselves, -they meet in the hut of either of them to solemnise it. They fix a -day for the ceremony, and invite their Vallon and the castemen of -the village. The guests are treated to a feast in the usual Pulaya -fashion. The chief guest and the host eat together from the same -dish. After the feast, the father of the boy, who has to obtain -a friend for his son, enquires of the Vallon and those assembled -whether he may be permitted to buy friendship by the payment of -money. They give their permission, and the boy's father gives the -money to the father of the selected friend. The two boys then clasp -hands, and they are never to quarrel. The new friend becomes from -that time a member of the boy's family. He comes in, and goes out -of their hut as he likes. There is no ceremony performed at it, -or anything done without consulting him. He is thus an inseparable -factor in all ceremonies, especially in marriages. I suspect that -the friend has some claims on a man's wife. The first observance in -marriage consists in seeing the girl. The bridegroom-elect, his friend, -father and maternal uncle, go to the bride's hut, to be satisfied with -the girl. If the wedding is not to take place at an early date, the -bridegroom's parents have to keep up the claim on the bride-elect by -sending presents to her guardians. The presents, which are generally -sweetmeats, are taken to her hut by the bridegroom and his friends, -who are well fed by the mother of the girl, and are given a few -necessaries when they take leave of her the next morning. The next -observance is the marriage negociation, which consists in giving -the bride's price, and choosing an auspicious day in consultation -with the local astrologer (Kaniyan). On the evening previous to the -wedding, the friends and relations of the bridegroom are treated to a -feast in his hut. Next day at dawn, the bridegroom and his friend, -purified by a bath, and neatly dressed in a white cloth with a -handkerchief tied over it, and with a knife stuck in their girdles, -go to the hut of the bride-elect accompanied by his party, and are -all well received, and seated on mats spread on the floor. Over a -mat specially made by the bride's mother are placed three measures of -rice, some particles of gold, a brass plate, and a plank with a white -and red cover on it. The bridegroom, after going seven times round -the pandal, stands on the plank, and the bride soon follows making -three rounds, when four women hold a cloth canopy over her head, -and seven virgins go in front of her. The bride then stands by the -side of the bridegroom, and they face each other. Her guardian puts -on the wedding necklace a gold bead on a string. Music is played, and -prayers are offered up to the sun to bless the necklace which is tied -round the neck of the girl. The bridegroom's friend, standing behind, -tightens the knot already made. The religious part of the ceremony -is now over, and the bridegroom and bride are taken inside the hut, -and food is served to them on the same leaf. Next the guests are -fed, and then they begin the poli or subscription. A piece of silk, -or any red cloth, is spread on the floor, or a brass plate is placed -before the husband. The guests assembled put in a few annas, and take -leave of the chief host as they depart. The bride is soon taken to -the bridegroom's hut, and her parents visit her the next day, and -get a consideration in return. On the fourth day, the bridegroom and -bride bathe and worship the local deity, and, on the seventh day, -they return to the bride's hut, where the tali (marriage badge) -is formally removed from the neck of the girl, who is bedecked with -brass beads round her neck, rings on her ears, and armlets. The next -morning, the mother-in-law presents her son-in-law and his friend -with a few necessaries of life, and sends them home with her daughter. - -"During the seventh month of pregnancy, the ceremony of puli kuti, or -tamarind juice drinking, is performed as among other castes. This is -also an occasion for casting out devils, if any, from the body. The -pregnant woman is brought back to the hut of her own family. The -devil-driver erects a tent-like structure, and covers it with plantain -bark and leaves of the cocoanut palm. The flower of an areca palm -is fixed at the apex. A cocoanut palm flower is cut out and covered -with a piece of cloth, the cut portion being exposed. The woman is -seated in front of the tent-like structure with the flower, which -symbolises the yet unborn child in the womb, in her lap. The water -of a tender cocoanut in spoons made of the leaf of the jack tree -(Artocarpus integrifolia) is poured over the cut end by the Vallon, -guardian, and brothers and sisters present. The devil-driver then -breaks open the flower, and, by looking at the fruits, predicts the -sex of the child. If there are fruits at the end nearest the stem, -the child will live and, if the number of fruits is even, there will -be twins. There will be deaths if any fruit is not well formed. The -devil-driver repeats an incantation, whereby he invokes the aid -of Kali, who is believed to be present in the tent. He fans the -woman with the flower, and she throws rice and a flower on it. He -repeats another incantation, which is a prayer to Kali to cast out -the devil from her body. This magical ceremony is called Garbha Bali -(pregnancy offering). The structure, with the offering, is taken up, -and placed in a corner of the compound reserved for gods. The devotee -then goes through the remaining forms of the ceremony. She pours into -twenty-one leaf spoons placed in front of the tent a mixture of cow's -milk, water of the tender cocoanut, flower, and turmeric powder. Then -she walks round the tent seven times, and sprinkles the mixture on -it with a palm flower. Next she throws a handful of rice and paddy, -after revolving each handful round her head, and then covers the -offering with a piece of cloth. She now returns, and her husband puts -into her mouth seven globules of prepared tamarind. The devil-driver -rubs her body with Phlomis (?) petals and paddy, and thereby finds -out whether she is possessed or not. If she is, the devil is driven -out with the usual offerings. The devil-driver gets for his services -twelve measures and a half of paddy, and two pieces of cloth. The -husband should not, during this period, get shaved. - -"When a young woman is about to give birth to a child, she is lodged -in a small hut near her dwelling, and is attended by her mother -and a few elderly women of the family. After the child is born, the -mother and the baby are bathed. The woman is purified by a bath on the -seventh day. The woman who has acted as midwife draws seven lines on -the ground at intervals of two feet from one another, and spreads over -them aloe leaves torn to shreds. Then, with burning sticks in the hand, -the mother with the baby goes seven times over the leaves backwards -and forwards, and is purified. For these seven days, the father should -not eat anything made of rice. He lives on toddy, fruits, and other -things. The mother remains with her baby in the hut for sixteen days, -when she is purified by a bath so as to be free from pollution, after -which she goes to the main hut. Her enangathi (relation by marriage) -sweeps the hut and compound, and sprinkles water mixed with cow-dung -on her body as she returns after the bath. In some places, the bark -of athi (Ficus glomerata) and ithi (Ficus Tsiela?) is well beaten and -bruised, and mixed with water. Some milk is added to this mixture, -which is sprinkled both inside and outside the hut. Only after this do -they think that the hut and compound are purified. Among the Cherumas -of Palghat, the pollution lasts for ten days. - -"The ear-boring ceremony is performed during the sixth or seventh -year. The Vallon, who is invited, bores the ears with a sharp -needle. The wound is healed by applying cocoanut oil, and the hole -is gradually widened by inserting cork, a wooden plug, or a roll of -palm leaves. The castemen of the village are invited, and fed. The -landlord gives the parents of the girl three paras of paddy, and this, -together with what the guests bring, goes to defray the expenses -of the ceremony. After the meal they go, with drum-beating, to the -house of the landlord, and present him with a para of beaten rice, -which is distributed among his servants. The ear-borer receives eight -edangazhis of paddy, a cocoanut, a vessel of rice, and four annas. - -"A woman found to be having intercourse with a Paraya is outcasted. She -becomes a convert to Christianity or Mahomedanism. If the irregularity -takes place within the caste, she is well thrashed, and prevented from -resorting to the bad practice. In certain cases, when the illicit -connection becomes public, the castemen meet with their Vallon, and -conduct a regular enquiry into the matter, and pronounce a verdict -upon the evidence. If a young woman becomes pregnant before marriage, -her lover, should he be a Pulaya, is compelled to marry her, as -otherwise she would be placed under a ban. If both are married, the -lover is well thrashed, and fined. The woman is taken before a Thandan -(Izhuva headman), who, after enquiry, gives her the water of a tender -cocoanut, which she is asked to drink, when she is believed to be -freed from the sin. Her husband may take her back again as his wife, -or she is at liberty to marry another. The Thandan gets a few annas, -betel leaves and areca nuts, and tobacco. Both the woman's father and -the lover are fined, and the fine is spent in the purchase of toddy, -which is indulged in by those present at the time. In the northern -parts of the State, there is a custom that a young woman before -marriage mates with one or two paramours with the connivance of her -parents. Eventually one of them marries her, but this illicit union -ceases at once on marriage." - -Of the death ceremonies among the Cherumas of South Malabar, I gather -that "as soon as a Cheruman dies, his jenmi or landlord is apprised -of the fact, and is by ancient custom expected to send a field spade, -a white cloth, and some oil. The drummers of the community are summoned -to beat their drums in announcement of the sad event. This drumming is -known as parayadikka. The body is bathed in oil, and the near relatives -cover it over with white and red cloths, and take it to the front -yard. Then the relatives have a bath, after which the corpse is removed -to the burying ground, where a grave is dug. All those who have come -to the interment touch the body, which is lowered into the grave after -some of the red cloths have been removed. A mound is raised over the -grave, a stone placed at the head, another at the feet, and a third in -the centre. The funeral cortège, composed only of males, then returns -to the house, and each member takes a purificatory bath. The red cloths -are torn into narrow strips, and a strip handed over as a sacred object -to a relative of the deceased. Meanwhile, each relative having on -arrival paid a little money to the house people, toddy is purchased, -and served to the assembly. The mourners in the house have to fast on -the day of the death. Next morning they have a bath, paddy is pounded, -and gruel prepared for the abstainers. An elder of the community, the -Avakasi, prepares a little basket of green palm leaves. He takes this -basket, and hangs it on a tree in the southern part of the compound -(grounds). The gruel is brought out, and placed on a mortar in the -same part of the compound. Spoons are made out of jack (Artocarpus -integrifolia) leaves, and the elder serves out the gruel. Then the -relatives, who have gathered again, make little gifts of money and -rice to the house people. Vegetable curry and rice are prepared, -and served to the visitors. A quaint ceremony called ooroonulka is -next gone through. A measure of rice and a measure of paddy in husk -are mixed, and divided into two shares. Four quarter-anna pieces are -placed on one heap, and eight on the other. The former share is made -over to the house people, and from the latter the Avakasi removes -four of the coins, and presents one to each of the four leading men -present. These four men must belong to the four several points of the -compass. The remaining copper is taken by the elder. From his share -of rice and paddy he gives a little to be parched and pounded. This -is given afterwards to the inmates. The visitors partake of betel and -disperse, being informed that the Polla or post-obituary ceremony -will come off on the thirteenth day. On the forenoon of this day, -the relatives again gather at the mourning place. The inmates of the -house bathe, and fish and rice are brought for a meal. A little of -the fish is roasted over a fire, and each one present just nibbles at -it. This is done to end pollution. After this the fish may be freely -eaten. Half a seer or a measure of rice is boiled, reduced to a pulpy -mass, and mixed with turmeric powder. Parched rice and the powder -that remains after the rice has been pounded, a cocoanut and tender -cocoanut, some turmeric powder, plantain leaves, and the rice that -was boiled and coloured with turmeric, are then taken to the burial -ground by the Avakasi, a singer known as a Kalladi or Moonpatkaren, -and one or two close relatives of the departed. With the pulped rice -the elder moulds the form of a human being. At the head of the grave -a little mound is raised, cabalistic lines are drawn across it with -turmeric, and boiled rice powder and a plantain leaf placed over -the lines. The cocoanut is broken, and its kernel cut out in rings, -each of which is put over the effigy, which is then placed recumbent -on the plantain leaf. Round the mound, strings of jungle leaves are -placed. Next the elder drives a pole into the spot where the chest of -the dead person would be, and it is said that the pole must touch the -chest. On one side of the pole the tender cocoanut is cut and placed, -and on the other a shell containing some toddy. Then a little copper -ring is tied on to the top of the pole, oil from a shell is poured over -the ring, and the water from the tender cocoanut and toddy are in turn -similarly poured. After this mystic rite, the Kalladi starts a mournful -dirge in monotone, and the other actors in the solemn ceremony join -in the chorus. The chant tells of the darkness and the nothingness -that were before the creation of the world, and unfolds a fanciful -tale of how the world came to be created. The chant has the weird -refrain Oh! ho! Oh! ho. On its conclusion, the effigy is left at the -head of the grave, but the Kalladi takes away the pole with him. The -performers bathe and return to the house of mourning, where the Kalladi -gets into a state of afflation. The spirit of the departed enters into -him, and speaks through him, telling the mourners that he is happy, -and does not want them to grieve over much for him. The Kalladi then -enters the house, and, putting a heap of earth in the corner of the -centre room, digs the pole into it. A light is brought and placed -there, as also some toddy, a tender cocoanut, and parched rice. The -spirit of the deceased, speaking again through the Kalladi, thanks -his people for their gifts, and beseeches them to think occasionally -of him, and make him periodical offerings. The assembly then indulge -in a feed. Rice and paddy are mixed together and divided into two -portions, to one of which eight quarter-annas, and to the other twelve -quarter-annas are added. The latter share falls to the Avakasi, while -from the former the mixture and one quarter-anna go to the Kalladi, -and a quarter-anna to each of the nearest relatives. The basket which -had been hung up earlier in the day is taken down and thrown away, -and the jenmi's spade is returned to him." [37] - -It is noted by Mr. Logan that "the Cherumans, like other classes, -observe death pollution. But, as they cannot at certain seasons afford -to be idle for fourteen days consecutively, they resort to an artifice -to obtain this end. They mix cow-dung and paddy, and make it into a -ball, and place the ball in an earthen pot, the mouth of which they -carefully close with clay. The pot is laid in a corner of the hut, and, -as long as it remains unopened, they remain free from pollution, and -can mix among their fellows. On a convenient day they open the pot, -and are instantly seized with pollution, which continues for forty -days. Otherwise fourteen days consecutive pollution is all that is -required. On the forty-first or fifteenth day, as the case may be, -rice is thrown to the ancestors, and a feast follows." - -The following account of the death ceremonies is given by -Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer. "When a Pulayan is dead, the castemen in -the neighbourhood are informed. An offering is made to the Kodungallur -Bhagavati, who is believed by the Pulayas to watch over their welfare, -and is regarded as their ancestral deity. Dead bodies are generally -buried. The relatives, one by one, bring a new piece of cloth, -with rice and paddy tied at its four corners, for throwing over the -corpse. The cloth is placed thereon, and they cry aloud three times, -beating their breasts, after which they retire. A few Parayas are -invited to beat drums, and play on their musical instruments--a -performance which is continued for an hour or two. After this, a few -bits of plantain leaves, with rice flour and paddy, are placed near -the corpse, to serve as food for the spirit of the dead. The bier is -carried to the graveyard by six bearers, three on each side. The pit -is dug, and the body covered with a piece of cloth. After it has been -lowered into it, the pit is filled in with earth. Twenty-one small -bits of leaves are placed over the grave, above the spot where the -mouth of the dead man is, with a double-branched twig fixed to the -centre, a cocoanut is cut open, and its water is allowed to flow in -the direction of the twig which represents the dead man's mouth. Such -of the members of the family as could not give him kanji (rice gruel) -or boiled rice before death, now give it to him. The six coffin-bearers -prostrate themselves before the corpse, three on each side of the -grave. The priest then puts on it a ripe and tender cocoanut for the -spirit of the dead man to eat and drink. Then all go home, and indulge -in toddy and aval (beaten rice). The priest gets twelve measures of -rice, the grave-diggers twelve annas, the Vallon two annas, and the -coffin-bearers each an anna. The son or nephew is the chief mourner, -who erects a mound of earth on the south side of the hut, and uses -it as a place of worship. For seven days, both morning and evening, -he prostrates himself before it, and sprinkles the water of a tender -cocoanut on it. On the eighth day, his relatives, friends, the Vallon, -and the devil-driver assemble together. The devil-driver turns round -and blows his conch, and finds out the position of the ghost, whether -it has taken up its abode in the mound, or is kept under restraint by -some deity. Should the latter be the case, the ceremony of deliverance -has to be performed, after which the spirit is set up as a household -deity. The chief mourner bathes early in the morning, and offers -a rice-ball (pinda bali) to the departed spirit. This he continues -for fifteen days. On the morning of the sixteenth day, the members of -the family bathe to free themselves from pollution, and their enangan -cleans the hut and the compound by sweeping and sprinkling water mixed -with cow-dung. He also sprinkles the members of the family, as they -return after the bath. The chief mourner gets shaved, bathes, and -returns to the hut. Some boiled rice, paddy, and pieces of cocoanut, -are placed on a plantain leaf, and the chief mourner, with the members -of his family, calls on the spirit of the dead to take them. Then -they all bathe, and return home. The castemen, who have assembled -there by invitation, are sumptuously fed. The chief mourner allows -his hair to grow as a sign of mourning (diksha), and, after the expiry -of the year, a similar feast is given to the castemen." - -The Cherumans are said by Mr. Gopal Panikkar to "worship certain -gods, who are represented by rude stone images. What few ceremonies -are in force amongst them are performed by priests selected from -their own ranks, and these priests are held in great veneration -by them. They kill cocks as offerings to these deities, who are -propitiated by the pouring on some stones placed near them of the -fresh blood that gushes from the necks of the birds." The Cherumans -are further said to worship particular sylvan gods, garden deities, -and field goddesses. In a note on cannibalism, [38] the writer states -that "some sixteen years ago a Nair was murdered in Malabar by some -Cherumans. The body was mutilated, and, on my asking the accused (who -freely confessed their crime) why had this been done? they answered -'Tinnal papam tirum, i.e., if one eats, the sin will cease'." It is -a common belief among various castes of Hindus that one may kill, -provided it is done for food, and this is expressed in the proverb -Konnapavam thinnal thirum, or the sin of killing is wiped away by -eating. The Cheruman reply probably referred only to the wreaking of -vengeance, and consequent satisfaction, which is often expressed by -the lower classes in the words pasi thirndadu, or hunger is satisfied. - -Concerning the religion of the Pulayas, Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer writes -as follows. "The Pulayas are animists, but are slowly coming on to -the higher forms of worship. Their gods are Parakutty, Karinkutty, -Chathan, and the spirits of their ancestors. Offerings to these gods -are given on Karkadaka and Makara Sankrantis, Onam, Vishu, and other -auspicious days, when one of the Pulayas present turns Velichapad -(oracle), and speaks to the assembly as if by inspiration. They are -also devout worshippers of Kali or Bhagavati, whose aid is invoked -in all times of danger and illness. They take part in the village -festivals celebrated in honour of her. Kodungallur Bhagavati is their -guardian deity. The deity is represented by an image or stone on a -raised piece of ground in the open air. Their priest is one of their -own castemen, and, at the beginning of the new year, he offers to the -goddess fowls, fruits, and toddy. The Pulayas also believe that spirits -exercise an influence over the members of their families, and therefore -regular offerings are given to them every year on Sankranti days. The -chief festivals in which the Pulayas take part are the following:-- - -1. Pooram Vela.--This, which may be described as the Saturnalia -of Malabar, is an important festival held at the village Bhagavati -temple. It is a festival, in which the members of all castes below -Brahmans take part. It takes place either in Kumbham (February-March), -or Meenam (March-April). The Cherumas of the northern part, as well -as the Pulayas of the southern parts of the State, attend the festival -after a sumptuous meal and toddy drinking, and join the procession. Toy -horses are made, and attached to long bamboo poles, which are carried -to the neighbourhood of the temple. As they go, they leap and dance -to the accompaniment of pipe and drum. One among them who acts as a -Velichapad (devil-dancer) goes in front of them, and, after a good deal -of dancing and loud praying in honour of the deity, they return home. - -2. Vittu Iduka.--This festival consists in putting seeds, or bringing -paddy seeds to the temple of the village Bhagavati. This also is -an important festival, which is celebrated on the day of Bharani, -the second lunar day in Kumbham. Standing at a distance assigned to -them by the village authorities, where they offer prayers to Kali, -they put the paddy grains, which they have brought, on a bamboo mat -spread in front of them, after which they return home. In the Chittur -taluk, there is a festival called Kathiru, celebrated in honour of -the village goddess in the month of Vrischikam (November-December), -when these people start from the farms of their masters, and go in -procession, accompanied with the music of pipe and drum. A special -feature of the Kathiru festival is the presence, at the temple of the -village goddess, of a large number of dome-like structures made of -bamboo and plantain stems, richly ornamented, and hung with flowers, -leaves, and ears of corn. These structures are called sarakootams, and -are fixed on a pair of parallel bamboo poles. These agrestic serfs bear -them in grand processions, starting from their respective farms, with -pipe and drum, shouting and dancing, and with fireworks. Small globular -packets of palmyra leaves, in which are packed handfuls of paddy rolled -up in straw, are also carried by them in huge bunches, along with the -sarakootams. These packets are called kathirkootoos (collection of -ears of corn), and are thrown among the crowd of spectators all along -the route of the procession, and also on arrival at the temple. The -spectators, young and old, scramble to obtain as many of the packets -as possible, and carry them home. They are then hung in front of the -houses, for it is believed that their presence will help in promoting -the prosperity of the family until the festival comes round again next -year. The greater the number of these trophies obtained for a family by -its members, the greater, it is believed, will be the prosperity of the -family. The festival is one of the very few occasions on which Pulayas -and other agrestic serfs, who are supposed to impart, so to speak, -a long distant atmospheric pollution, are freely allowed to enter -villages, and worship in the village temples, which generally occupy -central positions in the villages. Processions carrying sarakootams -and kathirkootoos start from the several farms surrounding the village -early enough to reach the temple about dusk in the evening, when the -scores of processions that have made their way to the temple merge -into one great concourse of people. The sarakootams are arranged in -beautiful rows in front of the village goddess. The Cherumas dance, -sing, and shout to their hearts content. Bengal lights are lighted, -and fireworks exhibited. Kathirkootoos are thrown by dozens and scores -from all sides of the temple. The crowd then disperses. All night, -the Pulayas and other serfs, who have accompanied the procession to -the temple, are, in the majority of cases, fed by their respective -masters at their houses, and then all go back to the farms. - -3. Mandalam Vilakku.--This is a forty-one days' festival in Bhagavati -temples, extending from the first of Vrischikam (November-December) -to the tenth of Dhanu (December-January), during which temples are -brightly illuminated both inside and outside at night. There is much -music and drum-beating at night, and offerings of cooked peas or -Bengal gram, and cakes, are made to the goddess, after which they are -distributed among those present. The forty-first day, on which the -festival terminates, is one of great celebration, when all castemen -attend at the temple. The Cherumas, Malayars, and Eravallars attend -the festival in Chittur. They also attend the Konga Pata festival -there. In rural parts of the State, a kind of puppet show performance -(olapava koothu) is acted by Kusavans (potters) and Tamil Chettis, -in honour of the village deity, to which they contribute their share -of subscription. They also attend the cock festival of Cranganore, -and offer sacrifices of fowls." - -For the following note on the religion of the Pulayas of Travancore, -I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Iyer. "The Pulayas worship -the spirits of deceased ancestors, known as Chavars. The Matan, -and the Anchu Tamprakkal, believed by the better informed section -of the caste to be the five Pandavas, are specially adored. The -Pulayas have no temples, but raise squares in the midst of groves, -where public worship is offered. Each Pulaya places three leaves -near each other, containing raw rice, beaten rice, and the puveri -(flowers) of the areca palm. He places a flower on each of these -leaves, and prays with joined hands. Chavars are the spirits of -infants, who are believed to haunt the earth, harassed by a number of -unsatisfied cravings. This species of supernatural being is held in -mingled respect and terror by Pulayas, and worshipped once a year with -diverse offerings. Another class of deities is called Tevaratumpuran, -meaning gods whom high caste Hindus are in the habit of worshipping -at Parassalay; the Pulayas are given certain special concessions on -festival days. Similar instances may be noted at Ochira, Kumaranallur, -and Nedumangad. At the last mentioned shrine, Mateer writes, [39] -'where two or three thousand people, mostly Sudras and Izhuvas, attend -for the annual festival in March, one-third of the whole are Parayas, -Kuravas, Vedars, Kanikkars, and Pulayas, who come from all parts -around. They bring with them wooden models of cows, neatly hung over, -and covered, in imitation of shaggy hair, with ears of rice. Many -of these images are brought, each in a separate procession from its -own place. The headmen are finely dressed with cloths stained purple -at the edge. The image is borne on a bamboo frame, accompanied by a -drum, and men and women in procession, the latter wearing quantities -of beads, such as several strings of red, then several of white, -or strings of beads, and then a row of brass ornaments like rupees, -and all uttering the Kurava cry. These images are carried round the -temple, and all amuse themselves for the day.' By far the most curious -of the religious festivals of the Pulayas is what is known as the Pula -Saturday in Makaram (January-February) at Sastamkotta in the Kunnattur -taluk. It is an old observance, and is most religiously gone through -by the Pulayas every year. The Valluvan, or caste priest, leads the -assembled group to the vicinity of the banyan tree in front of the -temple, and offerings of a diverse nature, such as paddy, roots, -plantain fruits, game, pulse, coins, and golden threads are most -devoutly made. Pulayas assemble for this ceremony from comparatively -distant places. A deity, who is believed to be the most important -object of worship among the Pulayas, is Utaya Tampuran, by which name -they designate the rising sun. Exorcism and spirit-dancing are deeply -believed in, and credited with great remedial virtues. The Kokkara, -or iron rattle, is an instrument that is freely used to drive out evil -spirits. The Valluvan who offers animal sacrifices becomes immediately -afterwards possessed, and any enquiries may be put to him without it -being at all difficult for him to furnish a ready answer. In North -Travancore, the Pulayas have certain consecrated buildings of their -own, such as Kamancheri, Omkara Bhagavathi, Yakshi Ampalam, Pey Koil, -and Valiyapattu Muttan, wherein the Valluvan performs the functions -of priesthood. The Pulayas believe in omens. To see another Pulaya, -to encounter a Native Christian, to see an Izhuva with a vessel in -the hand, a cow behind, a boat containing rice or paddy sacks, etc., -are regarded as good omens. On the other hand, to be crossed by a cat, -to see a fight between animals, to be encountered by a person with a -bundle of clothes, to meet people carrying steel instruments, etc., -are looked upon as very bad omens. The lizard is not believed to be -a prophet, as it is by members of the higher castes." - -Concerning the caste government of the Pulayas of Travancore, -Mr. Subramania Iyer writes as follows. "The Ayikkara Yajamanan, -or Ayikkara Tamara (king) is the head of the Pulaya community. He -lives at Vayalar in the Shertalley taluk in North Travancore, and -takes natural pride in a lace cap, said to have been presented to one -of his ancestors by the great Cheraman Perumal. Even the Parayas of -North Travancore look upon him as their legitimate lord. Under the -Tamara are two nominal headmen, known as Tatteri Achchan and Mannat -Koil Vallon. It is the Ayikkara Tamara who appoints the Valluvans, or -local priests, for every kara, for which they are obliged to remunerate -him with a present of 336 chuckrams. The Pulayas still keep accounts in -the earliest Travancorean coins (chuckrams). The Valluvan always takes -care to obtain a written authority from the Tamara, before he begins -his functions. For every marriage, a sum of 49 chuckrams and four -mulikkas [40] have to be given to the Tamara, and eight chuckrams and -one mulikka to the Valluvan. The Valluvan receives the Tamara's dues, -and sends them to Vayalar once or twice a year. Beyond the power of -appointing Valluvans and other office-bearers, the authority of the -Tamara extends but little. The Valluvans appointed by him prefer to -call themselves Head Valluvans, as opposed to the dignitaries appointed -in ancient times by temple authorities and other Brahmans, and have a -general supervising power over the Pulayas of the territory that falls -under their jurisdiction. Every Valluvan possesses five privileges, -viz., (1) the long umbrella, or an umbrella with a long bamboo -handle; (2) the five-coloured umbrella; (3) the bracelet of honour; -(4) a long gold ear-ring; (5) a box for keeping betel leaves. They -are also permitted to sit on stools, to make use of carpets, and to -employ kettle-drums at marriage ceremonials. The staff of the Valluvan -consists of (1) the Kuruppan or accountant, who assists the Valluvan -in the discharge of his duties; (2) the Komarattan or exorciser; (3) -the Kaikkaran or village representative; (4) the Vatikkaran, constable -or sergeant. The Kuruppan has diverse functions to perform, such as -holding umbrellas, and cutting cocoanuts from trees, on ceremonial -occasions. The Vatikkaran is of special importance at the bath that -succeeds a Pulaya girl's first menses. Adultery is looked upon as the -most heinous of offences, and used to be met with condign punishment -in times of old. The woman was required to thrust her hand into a -vessel of boiling oil, and the man was compelled to pay a fine of -336 or 64 chuckrams, according as the woman with whom he connected -himself was married or not, and was cast out of society after a most -cruel rite called Ariyum Pirayum Tittukka, the precise nature of which -does not appear to be known. A married woman is tried by the Valluvan -and other officers, when she shows disobedience to her husband." - -It is noted by Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer, that, "in the Palghat -taluk of South Malabar, it is said that the Cherumas in former times -used to hold grand meetings for cases of theft, adultery, divorce, -etc., at Kannati Kutti Vattal. These assemblies consisted of the -members of their caste in localities between Valayar forests and -Karimpuzha (in Valluvanad taluk), and in those between the northern -and southern hills. It is also said that their deliberations used to -last for several days together. In the event of anybody committing a -crime, the punishment inflicted on him was a fine of a few rupees, -or sometimes a sound thrashing. To prove his innocence, a man had -to swear 'By Kannati Swarupam (assembly) I have not done it.' It was -held so sacred that no Cheruman who had committed a crime would swear -falsely by this assembly. As time went on, they found it difficult -to meet, and so left off assembling together." - -In connection with the amusements of the Pulayas, Mr. Anantha Krishna -Iyer writes that "their games appear to be connected in some way with -their religious observances. Their favourite dance is the kole kali, -or club dance. A party of ten or twelve men, provided with sticks, -each a yard in length, stand in a circle, and move round, striking -at the sticks, keeping time with their feet, and singing at the same -time. The circle is alternately widened and narrowed. Vatta kali -is another wild dance. This also requires a party of ten or twelve -men, and sometimes young women join them. The party move in a circle, -clapping their hands while they sing a kind of rude song. In thattinmel -kali, four wooden poles are firmly stuck in the ground, two of which -are connected by two horizontal pieces of wood, over which planks are -arranged. A party of Pulayas dance on the top of this, to the music -of their pipe and drum. This is generally erected in front of the -Bhagavati temple, and the dancing takes place immediately after the -harvest. This is intended to propitiate the goddess. Women perform -a circular dance on the occasions of marriage celebrations." - -The Cherumas and Pulayas are, like the Koragas of South Canara, short -of stature, and dark-skinned. The most important measurements of the -Cherumans whom I investigated at Calicut were as follows:-- - - - ======================================================== - | Stature, cm. | Nasal index. |Cephalic index. - +--------------+---------------+--------------- - | Average. | Average. | Average. - ---------+--------------+---------------+--------------- - Males | 157.5 | 78.1 | 73.9 - Females | 147.8 | 77. | 74.8 - ======================================================== - - -Cheruppu-katti (shoemaker).--Said to be a Malayalam synonym for Madiga. - -Chetti.--It is noted in the Census Report, 1891, that "the name Chetti -is used both to denote a distinct caste, and also a title, and people -bearing this title describe themselves loosely as belonging to the -Chetti caste, in the same way as a Vellala will say that he is a -Mudali. This use of Chetti has caused some confusion in the returns, -for the sub-divisions show that many other castes have been included -as well as Chetti proper." Again, in the Census Report, 1901, it -is recorded that "Chetti means trader, and is one of those titular -or occupational terms, which are often loosely employed as caste -names. The weavers, oil pressers, and others use it as a title, and -many more tack it on to their names, to denote that trade is their -occupation. Strictly employed, it is nevertheless, the name of a -true caste." The Chettis are so numerous, and so widely distributed, -that their many sub-divisions differ very greatly in their ways. The -best known of them are the Beri Chettis, the Nagarattu Chettis, the -Kasukkar Chettis, and the Nattukottai Chettis. Of these, the Beri and -Nattukottai Chettis are dealt with in special articles. The following -divisions of Chettis, inhabiting the Madura district, are recorded -in my notes:-- - - - (a) Men with head clean-shaved:-- - - Ilavagai or Karnakudi. - Sundaraththan. - Ariyur. - Malampatti. - Palayapattu. - Thedakottai. - Periyakottai-vellan. - Puliyangudi. - Vallam or Tiruvappur. - Kurungalur. - - (b) Men with kudumi (hair knot):-- - - Puvaththukudi or Mannagudi. - Kiramangalam. - Vallanattu. - Marayakkara. - Pandukudi or Manjapaththu. - - -Of these, the Puvaththukudi Chettis, who receive their name from a -village in the Tanjore district, are mostly itinerant petty traders -and money-lenders, who travel about the country. They carry on their -shoulders a bag containing their personal effects, except when they -are cooking and sleeping. I am informed that the Puvaththukudi women -engage women, presumably with a flow of appropriate language ready -for the occasion, to abuse those with whom they have a quarrel. Among -the Puvaththukudi Chettis, marriages are, for reasons of economy, -only celebrated at intervals of many years. Concerning this custom, -a member of the community writes to me as follows. "In our village, -marriages are performed only once in ten or fifteen years. My own -marriage was celebrated in the year Nandana (1892-93). Then seventy -or eighty marriages took place. Since that time, marriages have only -taken place in the present year (1906). The god at Avadaiyar kovil -(temple) is our caste god. For marriages, we must receive from -that temple garlands, sandal, and palanquins. We pay to the temple -thirty-five rupees for every bridegroom through our Nagaraththar -(village headmen). The expenses incurred in connection with the -employment of washermen, barbers, nagasaram (musical instrument) -players, talayaris (watchmen), carpenters, potters, blacksmiths, -gurukkals (priests), and garland-makers, are borne collectively and -shared by the families in which marriages are to take place." Another -Chetti writes that this system of clubbing marriages together is -practised at the villages of Puvaththukudi and Mannagudi, and that -the marriages of all girls of about seven years of age and upwards are -celebrated. The marriages are performed in batches, and the marriage -season lasts over several months. - -Palayasengadam in the Trichinopoly district is the head-quarters of a -section of the Chettis called the Pannirendam (twelfth) Chettis. "These -are supposed to be descended from eleven youths who escaped long -ago from Kaveripatnam, a ruined city in Tanjore. A Chola king, says -the legend, wanted to marry a Chetti; whereupon the caste set fire -to the town, and only these eleven boys escaped. They rested on the -Ratnagiri hill to divide their property; but however they arranged it, -it always divided itself into twelve shares instead of eleven. The -god of Ratnagiri then appeared, and asked them to give him one share -in exchange for a part of his car. They did so, and they now call -themselves the twelfth Chettis from the number of the shares, and at -their marriages they carry the bridegroom round in a car. They are -said to be common in Coimbatore district." [41] - -At the census, 1871, some of the less fortunate traders returned -themselves as "bankrupt Chettis." - -The following castes and tribes are recorded as having assumed the -title Chetti, or its equivalent Setti:-- - - - Balija. Telugu trading caste. - Bant. Tulu cultivating caste. - Bilimagga, Devanga, Patnulkaran, Saliyan, Sedan, Seniyan. All - weaving classes. - Dhobi. Oriya washermen. - Ganiga. Oil pressers. - Gamalla. Telugu toddy-drawers. - Gauda. Canarese cultivators. - Gudigar. Canarese wood-carvers. - Jain. - Janappan. Said to have been originally a section of the Balijas, - and manufacturers of gunny-bags. - Kavarai. Tamil equivalent of Balija. - Komati. Telugu traders. - Koracha. A nomad tribe. - Kudumi. A Travancore caste, which does service in the houses of - Konkani Brahmans. - Mandadan Chetti. - Medara. Telugu cane splitters and mat makers. - Nayar. Occupational title of some Nayars of Malabar. - Pattanavan. Tamil fishermen. - Pattapu. Fishermen in the Telugu country. - Senaikkudaiyan. Tamil betel-vine growers and traders. - Shanan. The great toddy-drawing class of the Tamil country. - Sonar. Goldsmiths. - Toreya. Canarese fishermen. - Uppiliyan. Salt-workers. Some style themselves Karpura (camphor) - Chetti, because they used to manufacture camphor. - Vaniyan. Tamil oil-pressers. - Wynaadan Chetti. - - -Of proverbs relating to Chettis, [42] the following may be quoted:-- - - - He who thinks before he acts is a Chetti, but he who acts without - thinking is a fool. - - When the Chetti dies, his affairs will become public. - - She keeps house like a merchant caste woman, i.e., economically. - - Though ruined, a Chetti is a Chetti, and, though torn, silk is - still silk. - - The Chetti reduced the amount of advance, and the weaver the - quantity of silk in the border of the cloth. - - From his birth a Chetti is at enmity with agriculture. - - -In a note on secret trade languages Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes -as follows. [43] "The most interesting of these, perhaps, is that -spoken by petty shopkeepers and cloth merchants of Madras, who -are mostly Moodellys and Chettis by caste. Their business mostly -consists in ready-money transactions, and so we find that they have -a regular table of numerals. Numbers one to ten have been given -definite names, and they have been so long in use that most of them -do not understand the meaning of the terms they use. Thus madi (mind) -stands for one, mind being always represented in the Hindu shastras -as a single thing. Vene (act or deed) stands for two, for vene is -of two kinds only, nalvene and thivene or good and bad acts. Konam -(quality) stands for three, since three different sorts of qualities -are recognised in Hindu metaphysics. These are rajasam, thamasam, -and sathmikam. Shuruthi stands for four, for the Srutis or Vedas are -four in numbers. Sara (arrow) stands for five, after Panchasara, the -five-arrowed, a well-known name of Manmatha, the Indian Cupid. Matha -represents six, after the shan mathams or six systems of Hindu -philosophy. There stands for seven, after the seven oceans recognised -by the Sanskrit geographers. Giri (mountain) represents eight, since -it stands for ashtagiri or the eight mountains of the Hindus. Mani -stands for nine, after navamani, the nine different sorts of precious -stones recognised by the Hindus. Thisai represents ten, from the -ten points of the compass. The common name for rupee is velle or the -white thing. Thangam velle stands for half a rupee, pinji velle for -a quarter of a rupee, and pu velle for an eighth of a rupee. A fanam -(or 1-1/4 annas) is known as shulai. The principal objects with which -those who use this language have to deal with are padi or measure, -velle or rupee, and madi ana, one anna, so that madi padi means one -measure, madi velle one rupee, and madi ana one anna. Similarly with -the rest of the numerals. The merchants of Trichinopoly have nearly -the same table of numerals, but the names for the fractions of a rupee -vary considerably. Mundri ana is, with them, one anna; e ana is two -annas; pu ana is four annas; pani ana is eight annas and muna ana -is twelve annas. Among them also velle stands for a rupee. They have -besides another table of numerals in use, which is curious as being -formed by certain letters of the Tamil alphabet. Thus pina stands -for one, lana for two, laina for three, yana for four, lina for -five, mana for six, vana for seven, nana for eight, thina for nine, -and thuna for ten. These letters have been strung into the mnemonic -phrase Pillayalam Vanthathu, which literally means 'the children have -come'. This table is also used in connection with measures, rupees, -and annas. Dealers in coarse country-made cloths all over Madras -and the Chingleput district have a table of their own. It is a very -complete one from one pie to a thousand rupees. Occasionally Hindu -merchants are found using a secret language based on Hindustani. This -is the case in one part of Madras city. With them pav khane stands -for one anna, ada khane for two annas, pavak ruppe for one rupee, -and so on. Brokers have terms of their own. The Tamil phrase padiya -par, when used by them, means ask less or say less, according as -it is addressed to the purchaser or seller. Similarly, mudukka par -means ask a higher price. When a broker says Sivan thambram, it is to -be inferred that the price given out by the seller includes his own -brokerage. Telugu brokers have similar terms. Among them, the phrase -Malasu vakkadu and Nasi vakkadu denote respectively increase the rate, -and decrease the rate stated." - -Chevvula (ears).--An exogamous sept of Boya and Golla. - -Cheyyakkaran.--A Malayalam form of the Canarese Servegara. - -Chikala (broom).--An exogamous sept of Tottiyan. - -Chikka (small).--A sub-division of Kurni. - -Chikkudu (Dolichos Lablab).--An exogamous sept of Muka Dora. - -Chilakala (paroquet).--An exogamous sept of Boya, Kapu and Yanadi. - -Chilla (Strychnos potatorum: clearing-nut tree).--An exogamous sept -of Kuruba, and sub-division of Tottiyan. - -Chimala (ant).--An exogamous sept of Boya and Tsakala. - -Chimpiga (tailor).--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as -a Lingayat sub-caste of Rangari. In the Mysore Census Report, 1901, -Darjis are classified as follows:--"(1) Darji, Chippiga, or Namdev; -(2) Rangare." The first three, known by the collective name of Darji, -are professional tailors, while the Rangares are also dyers and -calico printers. - -Chimpiri (rags).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Chinerigadu.--A class of mendicants connected with the Padma -Sales. (See Devanga.) - -Chinda.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small -caste of Oriya cultivators in Ganjam and Vizagapatam. - -Chinese-Tamil Cross.--Halting in the course of an anthropological -expedition on the western side of the Nilgiri plateau, I came across -a small settlement of Chinese, who have squatted for some time on -the slopes of the hills between Naduvatam and Gudalur and developed, -as the result of alliances with Tamil Pariah women, into a colony, -earning a modest livelihood by cultivating vegetables and coffee. - -The original Chinese who arrived on the Nilgiris were convicts from the -Straits Settlement, where there was no sufficient prison accommodation, -who were confined in the Nilgiri jail. It is recorded [44] that, in -1868, twelve of the Chinamen "broke out during a very stormy night, -and parties of armed police were sent out to scour the hills for -them. They were at last arrested in Malabar a fortnight later. Some -police weapons were found in their possession, and one of the parties -of police had disappeared--an ominous circumstance. Search was made -all over the country for the party, and at length their four bodies -were found lying in the jungle at Walaghat, half way down the Sispara -ghat path, neatly laid out in a row with their severed heads carefully -placed on their shoulders." - -The measurements of a single family are recorded in the following -table:-- - - -======================================================================== - | |Cephalic|Cephalic|Cephalic| Nasal | Nasal |Nasal - | |length. |breadth.| index. |height.|breadth.|index. ----------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+------- -Tamil |Mother of | 18.1 | 13.9 | 76.8 | 4.7 | 3.7 | 78.7 -Paraiyan.|children. | | | | | | ----------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+------- -Chinese |Father of | 18.6 | 14.6 | 78.5 | 5.3 | 3.8 | 71.7 - |children. | | | | | | ----------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+------- -Chinese- |Girl, | 17.6 | 14.1 | 80.1 | 4.7 | 3.2 | 68.1 - Tamil |aged 18 | | | | | | ----------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+------- -Chinese- |Boy, | 18.1 | 14.3 | 79 | 4.6 | 3.3 | 71.7 -Tamil |aged 10 | | | | | | ----------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+------- -Chinese- |Boy, | 17 | 14 | 82.4 | 4.4 | 3.3 | 72.7 -Tamil |aged 9 | | | | | | ----------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+------- -Chinese- |Boy, | 17.1 | 13.7 | 80.1 | 4.1 | 2.8 | 68.3 -Tamil |aged 5 | | | | | | -=========+==========+========+========+========+=======+========+======= - - -The father was a typical Chinaman, whose only grievance was that, -in the process of conversion to Christianity, he had been obliged -to "cut him tail off." The mother was a typical dark-skinned Tamil -Paraiyan. The colour of the children was more closely allied to the -yellowish tint of the father than to that of the mother; and the -semi-Mongol parentage was betrayed in the slant eyes, flat nose and -(in one case) conspicuously prominent cheek-bones. - -To have recorded the entire series of measurements of the children -would have been useless for the purpose of comparison with those of -the parents, and I selected from my repertoire the length and breadth -of the head and nose, which plainly indicate the paternal influence -on the external anatomy of the offspring. The figures given in the -table bring out very clearly the great breadth, as compared with -the length, of the heads of all the children, and the resultant high -cephalic index. In other words, in one case a mesaticephalic (79), -and, in the remaining three cases, a sub-brachycephalic head (80.1; -80.1; 82.4) has resulted from the union of a mesaticephalic Chinaman -(78.5) with a sub-dolichocephalic Tamil Paraiyan (76.8). How great is -the breadth of the head in the children may be emphasised by noting -that the average head-breadth of the adult Tamil Paraiyan man is only -13.7 cm., whereas that of the three boys, aged ten, nine, and five -only, was 14.3, 14, and 13.7 cm. respectively. - -Quite as strongly marked is the effect of paternal influence on the -character of the nose; the nasal index, in the case of each child -(68.1; 71.772; 7; 68.3), bearing a much closer relation to that of -the long-nosed father (71.7) than to the typical Paraiyan nasal index -of the broad-nosed mother (78.7). - -It will be interesting to note hereafter what is the future of the -younger members of this quaint little colony, and to observe the -physical characters, temperament, fecundity, and other points relating -to the cross breed resulting from the blend of Chinese and Tamil. - -Chinna (little).--A sub-division of Boya, Kunnuvan, Konda Dora, -Pattanavan, and Pattapu, and an exogamous sept of Mala. Chinna, -chinnam, and chinnada, denoting gold, occur as exogamous septs of -Kuruba, Padma Sale, Toreya, and Vakkaliga. - -Chintala (tamarind: Tamarindus Indica).--An exogamous sept of Ghasi, -Golla, Madiga, and Mala. Chintyakula, or tamarind sept, occurs among -the Komatis; chintaginjala (tamarind seeds) as an exogamous sept of -Padma Sales, and of Panta Reddis, who may not touch or use the seeds; -and Chintakai or Chintakayala (tamarind fruit) as an exogamous sept -of Boyas and Devangas. - -Chirla (woman's cloth).--An exogamous sept of Kamma. - -Chitikan.--A synonym of Maran, indicating one whose occupation relates -to the funeral pyre. A Chitikan, for example, performs the funeral -rites for the Mussads. - -Chiti Karnam.--A name of the Oriya Karnam caste. A vulgar form of -Sresta Karnam (Sreshto Korono). - -Chitra Ghasi.--The Chitra Ghasis, for the following note on whom I -am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, are a class of artisans, whose -name, meaning Ghasis who make artistic things, bears reference to -their occupation. They are employed in the manufacture of brass and -bell-metal jewelry, such as is largely worn by the tribes inhabiting -the Jeypore Agency tracts, and are generally found attached to Kond -and Savara villages. They are a polluting class, and their dwellings -are consequently situated at some distance from the huts of the -villagers. Their language is a corrupt form of Oriya. - -Girls are usually married after puberty. A man can claim his paternal -aunt's daughter in marriage. When such a marriage is contemplated, -his parents take a little rice and a pot of liquor to the home of -the paternal aunt. If they are accepted, it is taken as a sign -that the match is agreed to, and the jholla tonka (bride-price) -of twelve rupees is paid. After some time has elapsed, the bride is -conducted to the home of her future husband, and the marriage is there -celebrated. A younger brother may marry the widow of an elder brother, -and, if such a woman contracts a marriage with some other man, her -second husband has to give a cow to the younger brother who has been -passed over. The dead are burnt, and death pollution is observed -for three days, during which the caste occupation is not carried -on. On the third day, the ashes are collected together, and a fowl -is killed. The ashes are then buried, or thrown into running water. - -Chitrakara or Chitrakaro.--The Chitrakaros of Ganjam, who are a class -of Oriya painters (chitra, painting), are returned in the Census -Report, 1901, as a sub-caste of Muchi. In the Mysore Census Report, -1891, the Chitragaras are said to be "also called Bannagara of the -Rachevar (or Raju) caste. They are painters, decorators and gilders, -and make trunks, palanquins, 'lacquer' toys and wooden images for -temples, cars, etc." At Channapatna in Mysore, I interviewed a Telugu -Chitrakara, who was making toys out of the white wood of Wrightia -tinctoria. The wood was turned on a primitive lathe, consisting of -two steel spikes fixed into two logs of wood on the ground. Seated on -the floor in front of his lathe, the artisan chucked the wood between -the spikes, and rotated it by means of a bow held in the right hand, -whereof the string was passed round the wood. The chisel was held -between the sole of the right foot and palm of the left hand. Colours -and varnish were applied to the rotating toy with sticks of paint like -sealing-wax, and strips of palm leaf smeared with varnish. In addition -to the turned toys, models of fruits were made from mud and sawdust, -cane cradles made by Medaras were painted and idols manufactured -for the Holi festival at Bangalore, and the figure of Sidi Viranna -for the local pseudo-hook-swinging ceremony. The Chitrakaras, whom -I saw at Tumkur, had given up making toys, as it did not pay. They -manufacture big wooden idols (grama devata), e.g., Ellamma and -Mariamma, and vehicles for various deities in the shape of bulls, -snakes, peacocks, lions, tigers, and horses. They further make painted -figures of Lakshmi, and heads of Gauri, the wife of Siva, decorated -with gold-leaf jewels, which are worshipped by Brahmans, Vakkaligas, -Komatis, and others at the annual Gauri puja; and mandahasa (god -houses) with pillars carved with figures of Narasimha and conventional -designs. These mandahasas serve as a receptacle for the household gods -(salagrama stone, lingam, etc.), which are worshipped daily by Smarta -and Madhva Brahmans. These Chitrakaras claimed to be Suryavamsam, -or of the lunar race of Kshatriyas, and wear the sacred thread. - -Chitravaliar.--A synonym of Alavan. - -Chogan.--See Izhava. - -Cholapuram or Sholavaram.--A sub-division of Chetti. - -Choliya Pattar.--A name for Pattar Brahmans in Malabar. - -Chondi.--See Sondi. - -Choutagara.--A corrupt form of Chaptegara. - -Chovatton.--Priests of Muttans and Tarakans. - -Chuditiya.--See Kevuto. - -Chunam (lime).--A sub-division of Toreyas, who are manufacturers of -lime. Chunam, made from calcined shells, limestone, etc., is largely -used for building purposes, and the chunam plaster of Madras has been -long celebrated for its marble-like polish. Chunam is also chewed -with betel. - -Chuvano.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small -Oriya cultivating caste, supposed to be of Kshatriya parentage. - - - - - - - -D - - -Daindla.--The name, denoting those who hid or ran away, of a -sub-division of Mala. - -Daivampati.--Recorded in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -caste included among Ambalavasis, and a sub-division of Nayar. - -Dakkala.--Dakkala or Dakkali is the name of a class of mendicants who -beg from Madigas only. In the Kurnool district they are said to have -divided the district with the Mushtis, and not to beg except within -their own limits. - -The following story is told as regards the origin of the Dakkalas. A -smith was asked to make a bottu (marriage badge) for Siva's wedding, -and for this purpose required bellows, fire-pot, hammer, etc. Jambuvadu -called his eldest son, and prepared the various implements from sundry -parts of the body, except the backbone. Being highly pleased at this, -the gods endowed the backbone with life, and the son went to his father -Jambuvadu, who failed to recognise him, and refused to admit him. He -was told that he must live as a beggar attached to the Madigas, and -was called Dakkala because he was brought to life from a vertebral -column (dakka). - -The Dakkalas wander from place to place. They may not enter Madiga -houses, outside which meals are given to them by males only, as -females are not allowed to serve them. Madiga women may not tread on -the footsteps of the Dakkalas. - -Dakku (fear).--An exogamous sept of Mala. - -Dakni.--Dakni or Deccani is defined in the Madras Census Report, -1901, as "a territorial name meaning a Musalman of the Deccan; -also a name loosely applied to converts to Islam." In the Tanjore -district, Muhammadans who speak Hindustani, and claim pure Muhammadan -descent, are spoken of as Daknis or Dakanis. In other Tamil districts -they are called Patanigal, to distinguish them from Labbais and -Marakkayars. The Daknis follow the Muhammadan ritual except in -their marriages, which afford an example of a blend between Hindu and -Muhammadan ceremonials. Like Hindus, they erect, at times of marriage, -a milk-post of bamboo, to which are tied a two-anna piece, and a bit -of sugar-candy done up in a Turkey red cloth. The post is handed to -the headman, who decorates it with a garland of flowers and a roll of -betel, and places it in a hole made in the court-yard of the house, -wherein milk has been sprinkled. On the following day, two big pots -are placed near the milk-post, and filled with water by four married -couples. Around the pots, nine kinds of seed grains are sprinkled. On -the third day, the bridegroom's party proceeds to the house of the -bride with thirteen trays of betel, fruits, flowers, sandal paste, -and a paste made of turmeric and henna (Lawsonia alba) leaves. The -bride is decorated, and sits on a plank. Women smear the face and -hands of the bridal couple with the pastes, and one of them, or the -bridegroom's sister, ties a string of black beads round the bride's -neck. While this is being done, no one should sneeze. Wrist threads -(kankanam) are tied on the wrists of the bride and bridegroom. On -the fourth day, the nikka rite is celebrated, and the newly-married -couple sit together while the nalagu ceremony of smearing them with -sandal, and waving coloured water (arati), is performed. The two pots -containing water are kept for forty days, and then examined. If the -water remains sweet, and does not "teem with vermin," it is regarded as -a good omen. The seed grains, too, should by this time have developed -into healthy seedlings. - -Dammula.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small class -of Telugu beggars, and priests in the temples of village goddesses. - -Dandasi.--The Dandasis are summed up in the Ganjam Manual as being -village watchmen, many of whom are great thieves. "It is curious," -Mr. S. P. Rice writes, [45] "to find that the word Naiko [meaning -leader or chief], which is corrupted into the Telugu Naidu, is -the caste distinction of the lowest class, the village watcher -and professional thief. This man, for all that his cognomen is so -lofty, goes by the generic name of Dandasi. This word means worthy -of punishment, and assuredly no appellation ever fitted its owner -more completely than does this. He is the village policeman and the -village thief, a curious mixture of callings." According to other -versions, the name is derived from danda, a stick, and asi, sword, -from dandabadi, a stout bamboo stick, or from dandapasi, stick and -rope, in reference to the insignia of the Dandasi's office. - -A large number of criminals, undergoing punishment in Ganjam for -robbery and thieving, are Dandasis. The members of the caste, -like the Tamil Kallans, believe that thieving is their traditional -occupation, and, as such, regard it as justifiable. There is a legend -that they adopted this occupation as their profession because their -ancestors assisted the Pandavas to escape from the lac fort which was -constructed by the Kurus with a view to killing them, by digging a -secret subterranean passage. According to another story, the Dandasis -are descended from the offspring of a clandestine amour of Krishna -with Dhuuthika, Radha's handmaid. The Dandasis perform an interesting -ceremony of initiation into the profession of thieving, when a child -is born. When it is three or five days old, the headman (Behara) is -invited to attend. A breach is made in the wall, or beneath the door -sill. Through this the infant is passed by the Behara three times, and -received by some members of the family. Each time the Behara repeats -the words "Enter, baby enter. May you excel your father!" The Dandasis, -when questioned concerning this custom, denied its existence, but some -admitted that it was carried out in former days. An old woman stated -that her grandchild was passed through a breach beneath the door, -but was not inclined to enter into details. - -A number of exogamous septs occur among the Dandasis, of which the -following may be noted. Members of the Santarasi sept must avoid using -mats made of the sedge which goes by this name. Kilalendias avoid -touching the bamboo posts used by washermen to support the ropes on -which cloths are hung to dry. They sacrifice a pig and seven fowls to -their gods on the new-moon day, on which the head of a male child is -first shaved. Diyasis show special reverence for the sun, and cloths, -mokkutos (forehead chaplets), garlands, and other articles to be used -by the bride and bridegroom at a wedding, are placed outside the house, -so that they may be exposed to it. Members of the Ekopothiriya sept -are regarded as low in the social scale, and the following legend -is narrated to account for this. A Dandasi went, with his relations -and friends, to the house of a Dandasi of the Ekopothiriya sept, -to arrange a marriage. The guests were hospitably received, and the -prospective bride asked her father what kind of curry was going to -be served to them. He replied that barikolora (backyard Momordica) -[46] was to be cooked. This aroused the curiosity of some of the -guests, who went to the backyard, where, instead of Momordica, they -saw several blood-suckers (lizards) running about. They jumped to the -conclusion that these were what the host referred to as barikolora, -and all the guests took their departure. Ekopothiriyas will not -partake of food from the same plate as their grown-up children, -even if a married daughter comes on a visit to them. - -The Dandasis worship various Takuranis (village deities), e.g., -Sankaithuni, Kulladankuni, Kombesari and Kalimuki. The gods are -either represented temporarily by brass vessels, or permanently -by three masses of clay, into each of which a small bit of gold is -thrust. When Bassia (mahua) buds or mangoes are first eaten in their -season, a sacrifice is made, and a goat and fowl are killed before -the produce of the harvest is first partaken of. - -The Dandasis have a headman, called Behara, who exercises authority -over several groups of villages, and each group is under a Nayako, -who is assisted by a Dondia. For every village there is a Bholloboya, -and, in some places, there is an officer, called Boda Mundi, appointed -by the Zamindar, to whom irregularities in the community have to be -reported. When a woman is delivered of a still-born child, the whole -family is under pollution for eleven days. The headman is then invited -to attend, and presents are given to him. He sprinkles water over -members of the family, and they are thereby freed from this pollution. - -A certain portion of the property stolen by Dandasis is set apart for -the headman, and, like the Tamil Kallans and Maravans, they seem to -have a blackmailing system. If a Dandasi is engaged as a watchman, -property is safe, or, if stolen, is recovered and restored to its -owner. - -Girls are married after puberty. A man may marry his maternal uncle's, -but not his paternal aunt's daughter. The marriage ceremonies -usually last three days, but are sometimes spread over seven days, -in imitation of the higher castes. On the day (gondo sono) before -the wedding day, seven new pots are brought from a potter's house, -and placed in a room. Seven women throw Zizyphus jujuba leaves over -them, and they are filled with water at a tank (pond). One of the pots -must be carried by the sister-in-law of the bridegroom. A brass vessel -is tied up, and worshipped. Towards evening, a fowl is sacrificed at -an 'ant' hill. The bridegroom is shaved on this day by his sister's -husband. Like other Oriya castes, the Dandasis collect water at seven -houses, but only from those of members of castes higher than their -own. The pot containing this water is hung up over the marriage dais -(bedi). On the wedding (bibha) day, the bridegroom sits on the dais, -with the bride, seated in her maternal uncle's lap or at his side, in -front of him. The headman, or some respected elder of the community, -places a betel nut cutter, on, or with some rice and betel nut between -the united hands of the contracting couple, and ties them together -with seven turns of a turmeric-dyed thread. He then announces that -... the granddaughter of ... and daughter of ... is united to ... the -grandson of ... and son of ... The parents of the bride and bridegroom -pour turmeric-water from a chank (Turbinella rapa) shell or leaf over -their united hands. The nut-cutter is removed by the bride's brother, -and, after striking the bridegroom, he goes away. The couple then play -with cowry (Cypræ arabica) shells, and, while they are so engaged, -the ends of their cloths are tied together, and the rice which is in -their hands is tied in a knot. When the play is finished, this knot -is untied, and the rice is measured in a small earthen pot, first on -behalf of the bride, and is pronounced to be all right. It is then -again measured, and said to have diminished in quantity. This gives -rise to jokes at the expense of the bridegroom, who is called a thief, -and other hard names. Those who imitate the ceremonial of the higher -castes make the bridegroom go away in feigned anger, after he has -broken the pot which is hanging over the dais. He is brought back by -his brother-in-law. - -On the occasion of the first menstrual period, a girl is under -pollution for seven days. If she is engaged to be married, her future -father-in-law makes her a present of jewels and money on the seventh -day, and thereby confirms the marriage contract. - -The dead are cremated. A widow accompanies the corpse of her husband -to the boundary of the village, carrying a ladle and pot, which she -throws down at the boundary, and returns home. On the day after the -funeral, the embers are extinguished, and an effigy of the deceased is -made on the spot where he was cremated, and food offered to it. Toddy -is distributed among those who have assembled at the house. On the -tenth day, food is offered on ten fragments of pots. On the eleventh -day, if the dead man was an important personage in the community, a -ceremony, corresponding to the jola jola handi of the higher castes, -is performed. A cloth is spread on the ground, on the spot where the -corpse was cremated, and the ground round it swept by women, whose -backs are turned towards the cloth, so that they cannot see it. Two -men, with swords or big knives, sit by the side of the cloth and -wait till an insect settles on the cloth. They then at once put the -swords or knives on the cloth, and, folding it up, place it on a new -winnowing-basket. It is taken home, placed on the floor, and connected -by means of a long thread with the household god (mass of clay or -vessel). It is then shaken near the god, so that the insect falls out. - -Dandasi further occurs as a sub-division of the Kondras, the members -of which have taken to the profession of village watchmen. - -Dandi (a staff).--A house name of Korava. - -Dandu (army).--A sub-division of Idiga, and an exogamous sept of -Boya and Kapu. It has been suggested that the name is not Dandu but -Dande, meaning pole, in reference to the apparatus used by the Idigas -in climbing palm trees for the extraction of toddy. Dandu Agasa, -indicating army washerman, occurs as a name for some Maratha Dhobis in -Mysore, whose forefathers probably accompanied armies in times of war. - -Dara (stream of water).--An exogamous sept of Mala. - -Darabala.--Taken, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a sub-caste -of Mala. It is a common house-name among many Telugu castes. - -Darala (thread).--An exogamous sept of Madiga. - -Darzi.--Darzi or Darji is a Muhammadan occupational term, meaning -tailor. "The east," it has been said, [47] "now sews by machinery. The -name of Singer is known from the Mediterranean to the Pacific. In -every bazaar in India one may see men--they are always men, not -women--in turban or Mussalman cap, crouching over the needle-plate, -and working the pedals." The value of the imports of sewing-machines -rose, in British India, from Rs. 5,91,046 in 1901-02 to Rs. 10,06,625 -in 1904-05. - -Das.--The title of Jain immigrants from Northern India, most of whom -are established as merchants, and also of the Mahants of the Tirumala -(Tirupati) temple, e.g., Balaram Das, Bhagavan Das. - -Dasari.--"Dasari or Tadan," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [48] "is a -mendicant caste of Vaishnavas, the reputed descendants of a wealthy -Sudra of one of the northern districts, who, being devoid of offspring, -vowed that, should he be blessed with children, he would devote one -to the service of his god. He subsequently had many sons, one of whom -he named Dasan (servant), and placed entirely at the service of the -deity. Dasan forfeited all claim to participate in his father's estate, -and his offspring are therefore all beggars. - -"The caste, like that of the Satanis, is reinforced by idle members of -the lower Sudra classes, who, being branded by the gurus of Tirupati -and other shrines, become Dasaris thereby. They usually wander -about, singing hymns to a monotonous accompaniment upon a leather -instrument called tappai (tabret). Some Sudra castes engage them thus -to chant in front of the corpse at funerals, and many, accompanying -bands of pilgrims travelling to Tirupati, stimulate their religious -excitement by singing sacred songs. A few, called Yerudandis, (q.v.), -take possession of young bulls that have been devoted to a swami, -and teach them to perform tricks very cleverly. The bulls appear to -understand what is said to them, and go through various antics at -the word of command. Some Dasaris exhibit what is called the Panda -Servai performance, which consists in affecting to be possessed by -the spirit of the deity, and beating themselves all over the body -with a flaming torch, after covering it probably with some protecting -substance. In such modes do they wander about and receive alms, each -wearing as a distinction a garland of beads made of tulasi (Ocimum -sanctum) wood. Every Dasari is a Tengalai. They have six sub-divisions, -called Balija, Janappa, Palli, Valluva, Gangeddula, and Golla Dasaris, -which neither eat together nor intermarry. As these are the names of -existing and distinct castes, it is probable that the Dasaris were -formerly members of those classes, who, through their vagabond tastes, -have taken to a mendicant life. Beyond prohibiting widow remarriage, -they have no social restrictions." - -Concerning the mendicants of Anantapur, Mr. W. Francis writes [49] that -"the beggars who are most in evidence are the Dasaris. This community -is recruited from several castes, such as the Kapus, Balijas, Kurubas, -Boyas, and Malas, and members of it who belong to the last two of these -(which are low in the social scale) are not allowed to dine with the -others. All Dasaris are Vaishnavites, and admission to the community is -obtained by being branded by some Vaishnavite guru. Thenceforward the -novice becomes a Dasari, and lives by begging from door to door. The -profession is almost hereditary in some families. The five insignia of -a Dasari are the conch shell, which he blows to announce his arrival; -the gong which he strikes as he goes his rounds; the tall iron lamp -(with a cocoanut to hold the oil for replenishing it) which he keeps -lighted as he begs; the brass or copper vessel (sometimes with the -namam painted on it) suspended from his shoulder, in which he places -the alms received; and the small metal image of Hanuman, which he hangs -round his neck. Of these, the iron lamp is at once the most conspicuous -and the most indispensable. It is said to represent Venkatesa, and -it must be burning, as an unlighted lamp is inauspicious. Dasaris -also subsist by doing puja (worship) at ceremonial and festival -occasions for certain of the Hindu castes." In the Kurnool district, -when a girl is dedicated as a Basavi (dedicated prostitute), she -is not, as in some other parts of the country, married to an idol, -but tied by means of a garland of flowers to the tall standard lamp -(garudakambham) of a Dasari, and released by the man who is to receive -her first favours, or by her maternal uncle. - -The Dasaris in Mysore are described in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, -as "mendicants belonging to different classes of Sudras. They become -Dasas or servants dedicated to the God at Tirupati by virtue of a -peculiar vow, made either by themselves or their relatives, at some -moment of anxiety or danger, and live by begging in His name. Dasaris -are always Vaishnavites, as the vows are taken only by those castes -which are worshippers of that deity. Dasaris are invited by Sudras -on ceremonial days, and feasted. Properly speaking, Dasari is not a -caste, but simply an occupational division. Among certain castes, the -custom of taking a vow to become a Dasari prevails. In fulfilment of -that vow the person becomes a Dasari, and his eldest son is bound to -follow suit, the others taking to other walks of life. The following -castes take the vow of becoming Dasari:--Telugu Banajiga, Holeya, -Tigala, and Vakkaliga. The duty of a Dasari requires that he should -daily bathe his head, and take care that, while eating with the -profane, their victuals do not get mixed with his. Every Saturday, -after bathing and praying for some hours, he must cook his own food in -a clean pot. They go about the streets singing some Hari Keerthanams, -with a gong and conch to relieve the dull monotony of their mumblings." - -Concerning the synonym Tadan, this is stated [50] to be "a corruption -of the Sanskrit dasa which, with the Tamil termination an, stands for -dasan. The word is often used in this form, but often as Dasari. The -word is applied to Vaishnava mendicants. They go out every morning, -begging for alms of uncooked rice, and singing ballads or hymns. They -play on a small drum with their fingers, and often carry a conch shell, -which they blow. They are given to drinking." In the Nellore Manual, -the Dasrivandlu are summed up as being "mendicants and thieves in -the Telugu and Canarese countries. They usually practise what is -known as scissor-theft." The mendicant Dasaris, who are dealt with -in the present note, are stated by Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri [51] to -be called Gudi Dasari, as the gudi or temple is their home and to -be a set of quiet, innocent and simple people, leading a most idle -and stupid life. "Quite opposed," he adds, "to the Gudi Dasaris in -every way are the Donga Dasaris or thieving Dasaris. They are the -most dreaded of the criminal classes in the Bellary district. These -Donga Dasaris are only Dasaris in name." (See Donga Dasari.) - -Some Dasaris are servants under Vaishnava Brahmans, who act as gurus -to various castes. It is their duty to act as messengers to the guru, -and carry the news of his arrival to his disciples. At the time of -worship, and when the guru approaches a village, the Dasari has to -blow a long brass trumpet (tarai). As the Brahman may not approach -or touch his Paraiyan disciples, it is the Dasari who gives them -the holy water (thirtham). When a Paraiyan is to be branded, the -Brahman heats the instruments bearing the devices of the chank and -chakaram, and hands them to the Dasari, who performs the operation -of branding. For councils, settlement of marriage, and the decision -of other social matters, the Dasaris meet, at times of festivals, -at well-known places such as Tirutani, Tirupati or Tiruvallur. - -At the annual festival at the temple at Karamadi in the Coimbatore -district, which is visited by very large numbers, belonging for -the most part to the lower orders, various vows are fulfilled. These -include the giving of kavalam to Dasaris. Kavalam consists of plantain -fruits cut up into small slices, and mixed with sugar, jaggery (crude -sugar), fried grain, or beaten rice. The Dasaris are attached to the -temple, and wear short drawers, with strings of small brass bells tied -to their wrists and ankles. They appear to be possessed, and move -wildly about to the beating of drums. As they go about, the devotee -puts some of the kavalam into their mouths. The Dasaris eat a little, -and spit out the remainder into the hands of the devotees, who eat -it. This is believed to cure all diseases, and to give children to -those who partake of it. In addition to kavalam, some put betel leaves -into the mouths of the Dasaris, who, after chewing them, spit them into -the mouths of the devotees. At night the Dasaris carry large torches -made of rags, on which the devotees pour ghi (clarified butter). Some -say that, many years ago, barren women used to take a vow to visit -the temple at the festival time, and, after offering kavalam, have -sexual intercourse with the Dasaris. The temple authorities, however, -profess ignorance of this practice. - -When proceeding on a pilgrimage to the temple of Subramanya Swami at -Palni, some devotees pierce their cheeks with a long silver skewer, -which traverses the mouth cavity; pierce the tongue with a silver -arrow, which is protruded vertically through the protruded organ; -and place a silver shield (mouth-lock) in front of the mouth. Some -Dasaris have permanent holes in their cheeks, into which they insert -skewers when they go about the country in pursuit of their profession. - -For the following note on Dasaris in the Vizagapatam district, I am -indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The caste is an endogamous unit, -the members calling themselves Sankhu (or conch-blowing) Dasaris, -and is divided into numerous exogamous septs. The menarikam custom, -according to which a man should marry his maternal uncle's daughter, -is followed. The remarriage of widows is permitted, but divorce is -forbidden. The dead are cremated, and the chinna (small) and pedda rozu -(big day) death ceremonies are observed. These Dasaris profess the -Tengalai form of Vaishnavism, and get themselves branded. The caste -is more secular, and less religious than in the southern districts. A -Dasari of the North Arcot or Anantapur type, with conch-shell, metal -gong, iron lamp, copper vessel, and metal image of Hanuman on his neck, -is scarcely met with. The Vizagapatam Dasaris are the most popular -among ballad-singers, and sing songs about heroes and heroines, -of which the following are the most appreciated:-- - -1. Bobbilipata, which describes the siege and conquest of Bobbili by -Bussy in 1757. - -2. Ammi Nayudupata, which describes the tyrannical behaviour of -one Ammi Nayudu, a village headman in the Palkonda taluk, who was -eventually murdered, to the great relief of those subject to him, -by one of his dependents. - -3. Lakshmammapata, which relates the life and death of Lakshmamma, -a Velama woman, who went against the menarikam custom of the caste, -and was put to death by her husband. - -4. Yerakammaperantala-pata, which recounts the story of one Yerakamma, -who committed sati. - -Yerakamma is the local goddess at Srungavarapukota in the Vizagapatam -district. The ballads sung about her say that she was the child of -Dasari parents, and that her birth was foretold by a Yerukala woman -(whence her name), who prophesied that she would have the gift of -second sight. She eventually married, and one day she begged her -husband not to go to his field, as she was sure he would be killed -by a tiger if he did. Her husband went notwithstanding, and was slain -as she had foreseen. She committed sati on the spot where her shrine -still stands, and at this there is a festival at Sivaratri. - -As ballad-singers, two Dasaris generally travel about together, -begging from house to house, or at the weekly market, one singing, -while the other plays, and joins in the chorus. - -The titles of these Dasaris are Anna and Ayya. - -Dasari has been recorded as an exogamous sept of the Koravas, Malas, -and Yerukalas. - -Dasi (servant).--The name for a non-Brahman female attendant upon a -Nambutiri Brahman woman, which should not, as sometimes happens, be -confused with Deva-dasi, (q.v.), which has quite another significance. - -Dayare (Muhammadan).--The Dayare, Daira, or Mahadev Muhammadans -are found in the Bangalore and Mysore districts of the Mysore -province. Concerning them, we are informed in the Mysore Gazetteer that -"they differ from the general body of Muhammadans in a point of belief -concerning the advent of Imam Mahadi. The Dayares maintain that he -has visited this earth and departed, while the orthodox Muhammadans -believe the Prophet (Imam) has not yet appeared, and that his coming -will be a sign of the end of the world. The following account of the -origin of this body of dissenters has been related. A child was born -of the Sayad sect of Muhammadans at Guzrat about four hundred years -ago, who was named Sayad Ahmed, and afterwards became distinguished -by the title of Alam (superior to Maulvi) in consequence of his great -learning. Sayad Ahmed proclaimed himself the equal of Mahomet, and -superior to all other Paigambars or messengers of god. He succeeded -in obtaining some followers who believed in him, and repaired to -Jivanpur in the Nizam's territories, where he took the name of Imam -Mahadi. From thence he, with some disciples, proceeded to Mecca, -but did not visit Medina. After some time he returned to Hyderabad, -still retaining the name of Imam Mahadi. Such pretensions could not be -tolerated by the great mass of Muhammadans, and Sayad Ahmed, together -with his disciples, being worsted in a great religious controversy, -was driven out of Hyderabad, and came to Channapatna in the Bangalore -district, where they settled. The descendants of these settlers -believe that Sayad Ahmed was the Prophet Imam Mahadi predicted in -the Koran. They offer prayers in a masjid of their own, separate from -other Muhammadans, and do not intermarry with the rest. They are an -enterprising body, and carry on a brisk trade in silk with the western -coast." They are mostly domiciled at Channapatna, where a considerable -industry in the cocoons of the mulberry silk-moth is carried on. - -When an adult Hindu joins the Dayares as a convert, an interesting -mock rite of circumcision is performed as a substitute for the real -operation. A strip of betel leaf is wrapped round the penis, so that -it projects beyond the glans, and is snipped instead of the prepuce. - -Like other Muhammadan classes of Southern India, the Dayares are as -a whole dolichocephalic. But the frequent occurrence of individuals -with a high cephalic index would seem to point to their recruitment -from the mesaticephalic or brachycephalic Canarese classes. - - - =================+=============+============+============= - | | | Number of - | | Number | times - Class. | Locality. | examined. | cephalic - | | | index - | | | exceeded 80. - -----------------+-------------+------------+------------- - Mappilla | Malabar | 40 | 0 - Saiyad | Madras | 40 | 2 - Pathan | Do. | 40 | 2 - Sheik | Do. | 40 | 2 - Dayare | Mysore | 40 | 8 - =================+=============+============+============= - - -Dayyalakulam (devil's family).--Recorded, at times of census, as a -sub-caste of Gollas, who are wrestlers and acrobats. - -Dedingi.--Recorded as a sub-division of Poroja. - -Dera.--Dera, Dendra, and Devara occur as synonyms of Devanga. - -Desa.--A sub-division of Balija. Desadhipati, denoting ruler of -a country, is a name assumed by some Janappans, who say that they -are Balijas. - -Desayi.--For the following account of the Desayi institution, -I am indebted to an excellent account thereof by Mr. S. M. Natesa -Sastri. [52] "The word Desayi means of the country. For almost every -taluk in the North Arcot district there is a headman, called the Desayi -Chetti, who may be said in a manner to correspond to a Justice of the -Peace. The headmen belong to the Kavarai or Balija caste, their family -name being Dhanapala--a common name among the Kavarais--which may be -interpreted as 'the protector of wealth.' The Dhanapala Desayi Chetti -holds sway over eighteen castes, Kavarai, Uppara, Lambadi, Jogi, Idiga, -Paraiyan, etc. All those that are called valangai, or right-hand caste, -fall within his jurisdiction. He has an establishment of two peons -(orderlies), who are castemen, and another menial, a sort of bugler, -who blows the horn whenever the Desayi Chetti goes on circuit. When -any deviation in the moral conduct of any man or woman occurs in a -village under the Desayi's jurisdiction, a report of it is at once -sent to the Desayi Chetti, through the Paraiya of the village, by -the Desayi's representative in that village. He has his local agent -in every village within his jurisdiction. On receipt of a report, -he starts on circuit to the village, with all the quaint-looking -paraphernalia attached to his office. He moves about from place to -place in his bullock coach, the inside of which is upholstered with -a soft cushion bed, with a profusion of pillows on all sides. The -Paraiya horn-blower runs in front of the carriage blowing the horn -(bhamka), which he carries suspended from his shoulder when it is -not in use. On the Desayi Chetti arriving at a village, the horn -is blown to announce his visit on professional matters. While he -camps at a village, people from the surrounding country within his -jurisdiction usually go to him with any representations they may -have to make to him as the head of their caste. The Desayi generally -encamps in a tope (grove) adjoining the village. At the sound of the -horn, the castemen on whose account the visit is made assemble at the -place of encampment, with the Desayi's local representative at their -head. The personal comforts of the Desayi are first attended to, and -he is liberally supplied with articles of food by the party on whose -account the visit has been undertaken. A large cup-shaped spoon is -the ensign of the Desayi. On the outer surface, all round its edge, -are carved in relief eighteen figures, each one being typical of -one of the castes of which the Desayi is the social head. Under each -figure is inscribed in Tamil the name of the caste which that figure -typifies. The figures are smeared with red powder and sandal, and -decorated with flowers. The menial, taking up the cup, rings the bell -attached to it, to summon the parties. As soon as the sound is heard, -the castemen amongst whom any offence has occurred assemble, each -house in the village being represented by a member, so as to make up a -panchayat (council). The Desayi's emblem is then placed in front of him -in the midst of the panchayat, and a regular enquiry held. Supposing -a person stands charged with adultery, the accused is brought before -the assembly, and the charge formally investigated with the advice of -the panchayat, the Desayi declares the accused guilty or not guilty, -as the case may be. In the event of a man being pronounced guilty, -the panchayat directs him to pay the aggrieved husband all the expenses -he had incurred in connection with his marriage. In addition to this, -a fine ranging from ten to twenty rupees is imposed on the offender by -the Desayi, and is collected at once. A small fraction of this fine, -never exceeding four annas, is paid to every representative who sits -in the panchayat, the balance going into the Desayi's pocket. If -the delinquent refuses to pay the fine, a council of the same men -is held, and he is excommunicated. The recalcitrant offender soon -realises the horrors of excommunication, and in a short time appears -before the Desayi, and falls prostrate at his feet, promising to -obey him. The Desayi then accompanies him to the village, calls the -panchayat again, and in their presence removes the interdict. On this -occasion, the excommunicated person has to pay double the amount of -the original fine. But disobedience is rare, as people are alive to -the serious consequences of excommunication. The Desayi maintains a -regular record of all his enquiries and judgments, and in the days -of the Nawabs these decisions were, it would appear, recognised by -the Courts of Justice. The same respect was, it is said, also shown -to the Desayi's decisions by the early courts of John Company. [53] - -"Every house belonging to the eighteen castes sends to the village -representative of the Desayi, who is called Periyatanakaran, a -pagoda (Rs. 3-8) in cash, besides rice, dhal (Cajanus Indicus), and -other articles of food for every marriage that takes place, in the -village. The representative reserves for himself all the perishable -articles, sending only the cash to the Desayi. Thus, for every marriage -within his jurisdiction, the Desayi gets one pagoda. Of late, in the -case of those Desayis who have purchased their rights as such from -the old Desayis, instead of a pagoda, a fee of two annas and a half -is levied on each marriage. Every death which occurs in a village -is equally a source of income to the Desayi, who receives articles -of food, and four annas or more, according to the circumstances of -the parties in whose house the death has occurred. As in the case -of marriage, the local representative appropriates to himself the -articles of food, and transmits the money to the Desayi. The local -agent keeps a list of all domestic occurrences that take place in -the village, and this list is most carefully scrutinised and checked -by the Desayi during his tours, and any amount left unpaid is then -collected. Whenever a marriage takes place in his own house, all -the houses within his jurisdiction are bound to send him rice, dhal, -and other articles, and any money they can afford to pay. Sometimes -rich people send large sums to the Desayi, to enable him to purchase -the clothes, jewels, etc., required for the marriage. When a Desayi -finds his work too heavy for him to attend to single-handed, he sells a -portion of his jurisdiction for some hundreds or thousands of rupees, -according to its extent, to some relation. A regular sale deed is -executed and registered." (See also Samaya.) - -Desikar.--A sub-division and title of Pandaram. - -Desur.--The name of a sub-division of Kapu, which is either -territorial, or possibly derived from deha, body, and sura, valour. - -Deva.--Deva or Devara, meaning God, has been recorded as a synonym of -Devanga and Ganiga or Gandla and a sept of Moger, and Deva Telikulakali -as a name for those who express and sell oils in the Vizagapatam -district. Devara occurs further as a title of the Jangams. At -the Madras Census, 1901, Devar was returned as the name of Telugu -merchants from Pondicherry trading in glassware. Devar is also the -title of Occhans, who are priests at temples of village deities. The -title of Maravans is Devan or Tevan. In South Canara, the Halepaiks -(toddy-drawers) are known as Devaru Makkalu (God's children), which, -it has been suggested, [54] is possibly a corruption of Tivaru or -Divaru Makkalu, meaning children of the islanders, in reference to -their supposed descent from early immigrants from the island of Ceylon. - -Deva-dasi.--In old Hindu works, seven classes of Dasis are mentioned, -viz., (1) Datta, or one who gives herself as a gift to a temple; (2) -Vikrita, or one who sells herself for the same purpose; (3) Bhritya, -or one who offers herself as a temple servant for the prosperity of -her family; (4) Bhakta, or one who joins a temple out of devotion; -(5) Hrita, or one who is enticed away, and presented to a temple; -(6) Alankara, or one who, being well trained in her profession, and -profusely decked, is presented to a temple by kings and noblemen; -(7) Rudraganika or Gopika, who receive regular wages from a temple, -and are employed to sing and dance. For the following general account -I am indebted to the Madras Census Report, 1901:-- - -"Dasis or Deva-dasis (handmaidens of the gods) are dancing-girls -attached to the Tamil temples, who subsist by dancing and music, and -the practice of 'the oldest profession in the world.' The Dasis were -probably in the beginning the result of left-handed unions between -members of two different castes, but they are now partly recruited by -admissions, and even purchases, from other classes. The profession -is not now held in the consideration it once enjoyed. Formerly -they enjoyed a considerable social position. It is one of the many -inconsistencies of the Hindu religion that, though their profession -is repeatedly and vehemently condemned by the Shastras, it has always -received the countenance of the church. The rise of the caste, and -its euphemistic name, seem both of them to date from about the ninth -and tenth centuries A.D., during which much activity prevailed in -Southern India in the matter of building temples, and elaborating the -services held in them. The dancing-girls' duties, then as now, were -to fan the idol with chamaras (Tibetan ox tails), to carry the sacred -light called kumbarti, and to sing and dance before the god when he -was carried in procession. Inscriptions [55] show that, in A.D. 1004, -the great temple of the Chola king Rajaraja at Tanjore had attached -to it four hundred talic' cheri pendugal, or women of the temple, -who lived in free quarters in the four streets round about it, and -were allowed tax-free land out of the endowment. Other temples had -similar arrangements. At the beginning of the last century there -were a hundred dancing-girls attached to the temple at Conjeeveram, -who were, Buchanan tells us, [56] 'kept for the honour of the deities -and the amusement of their votaries; and any familiarity between these -girls and an infidel would occasion scandal.' At Madura, Conjeeveram, -and Tanjore there are still numbers of them, who receive allowances -from the endowments of the big temples at these places. In former -days, the profession was countenanced not only by the church, but -also by the State. Abdur Razaak, a Turkish ambassador at the court -of Vijayanagar in the fifteenth century, describes [57] women of -this class as living in State-controlled institutions, the revenue -of which went towards the upkeep of the police. - -"At the present day they form a regular caste, having its own laws -of inheritance, its own customs and rules of etiquette, and its own -panchayats (councils) to see that all these are followed, and thus -hold a position, which is perhaps without a parallel in any other -country. Dancing-girls, dedicated to the usual profession of the -caste, are formally married in a temple to a sword or a god, the tali -(marriage badge) being tied round their necks by some men of their -caste. It was a standing puzzle to the census enumerators whether -such women should be entered as married in the column referring to -civil condition. - -"Among the Dasis, sons and daughters inherit equally, contrary to -ordinary Hindu usage. Some of the sons remain in the caste, and live -by playing music for the women to dance to, and accompaniments to -their songs, or by teaching singing and dancing to the younger girls, -and music to the boys. These are called Nattuvans. Others marry some -girl of the caste, who is too plain to be likely to be a success in -the profession, and drift out of the community. Some of these affix to -their names the terms Pillai and Mudali, which are the usual titles -of the two castes (Vellala and Kaikola) from which most of the Dasis -are recruited, and try to live down the stigma attaching to their -birth. Others join the Melakkarans or professional musicians. Cases -have occurred, in which wealthy sons of dancing-women have been allowed -to marry girls of respectable parentage of other castes, but they are -very rare. The daughters of the caste, who are brought up to follow -the caste profession, are carefully taught dancing, singing, the art -of dressing well, and the ars amoris, and their success in keeping up -their clientele is largely due to the contrast which they thus present -to the ordinary Hindu housewife, whose ideas are bounded by the day's -dinner and the babies. The dancing-girl castes, and their allies the -Melakkarans, are now practically the sole repository of Indian music, -the system of which is probably one of the oldest in the world. Besides -them and the Brahmans, few study the subject. The barbers' bands -of the villages usually display more energy than science. A notable -exception, however, exists in Madras city, which has been known to -attempt the Dead March in Saul at funerals in the Pariah quarters. - -"There are two divisions among the Dasis, called Valangai (right-hand) -and Idangai (left-hand). The chief distinction between them is that -the former will have nothing to do with the Kammalans (artisans) or -any other of the left-hand castes, or play or sing in their houses. The -latter division is not so particular, and its members are consequently -sometimes known as the Kammala Dasis. Neither division, however, -is allowed to have any dealings with men of the lowest castes, and -violation of this rule of etiquette is tried by a panchayat of the -caste, and visited with excommunication. - -"In the Telugu districts, the dancing-girls are called Bogams and -Sanis. They are supposed to be dedicated to the gods, just as the -Dasis are, but there is only one temple in the northern part of the -Presidency which maintains a corps of these women in the manner in -vogue further south. This exception is the shrine of Sri Kurmam -in Vizagapatam, the dancing-girls attached to which are known as -Kurmapus. In Vizagapatam most of the Bogams and Sanis belong to the -Nagavasulu and Palli castes, and their male children often call -themselves Nagavasulus, but in Nellore, Kurnool and Bellary they -are often Balijas and Yerukalas. In Nellore the Bogams are said to -decline to sing in the houses of Komatis. The men of the Sanis do -not act as accompanists to their women at nautch parties, as Bogam -and Dasi men do. - -"In the Oriya country the dancing-girl caste is called Guni, but there -they have even less connection with the temples than the Bogams and -Sanis, not being even dedicated to the god. - -"In the Canarese (or western) taluks of Bellary, and in the adjoining -parts of Dharwar and Mysore, a curious custom obtains among the Boyas, -Bedarus, and certain other castes, under which a family which has no -male issue must dedicate one of its daughters as a Basavi. The girl is -taken to a temple, and married there to the god, a tali and toe-rings -being put on her, and thenceforward she becomes a public woman, except -that she does not consort with any one of lower caste than herself. She -is not, however, despised on this account, and indeed at weddings she -prepares the tali (perhaps because she can never be a widow). Contrary -to all Hindu Law, she shares in the family property as though she was -a son, but her right to do so has not yet been confirmed by the Civil -Courts. If she has a son, he takes her father's name, but if only -a daughter, that daughter again becomes a Basavi. The children of -Basavis marry within their own caste, without restrictions of any kind. - -"In Malabar there is no regular community of dancing-girls; nor is -there among the Mussalmans of any part of the Presidency." - -"No doubt," Monier Williams writes, [58] "Dasis drive a profitable -trade under the sanction of religion, and some courtesans have been -known to amass enormous fortunes. Nor do they think it inconsistent -with their method of making money to spend it in works of piety. Here -and there Indian bridges and other useful public works owe their -existence to the liberality of the frail sisterhood." The large tank -(lake) at Channarayapatna in Mysore was built by two dancing-girls. - -In the Travancore Census Report, 1901, the Dasis of the Coromandel -coast are compared, in the words of a Sanskrit poet, to walking -flesh-trees bearing golden fruits. The observant Abbé Dubois noticed -that, of all the women in India, it is especially the courtesans who -are the most decently clothed, as experience has taught them that for -a woman to display her charms damps sensual ardour instead of exciting -it, and that the imagination is more easily captivated than the eye. - -It was noticed by Lord Dufferin, on the occasion of a Viceregal visit -to Madura, that the front part of the dress of the dancing-girls -hangs in petticoats, but the back is only trousers. - -The Rev. A. Margöschis writes in connection with the practice -of dilating the lobes of the ears in Tinnevelly, that, as it was -once the fashion and a mark of respectability to have long ears, -so now the converse is true. Until a few years ago, if a woman had -short ears, she was asked if she was a Deva-dasi, because that class -kept their ears natural. Now, with the change of customs all round, -even dancing-girls are found with long ears. "The dancing-girls are," -the Rev. M. Phillips writes, [59] "the most accomplished women among -the Hindus. They read, write, sing and play as well as dance. Hence -one of the great objections urged at first against the education of -girls was 'We don't want our daughters to become dancing-girls'." - -It is on record [60] that, in 1791, the Nabob of the Carnatic dined -with the Governor of Madras, and that, after dinner, they were diverted -with the dancing wenches, and the Nabob was presented with cordial -waters, French brandy and embroidered China quilts. The story is -told of a Governor of Madras in more recent times, who, ignorant of -the inverse method of beckoning to a person to advance or retreat in -the East, was scandalised when a nautch girl advanced rapidly, till -he thought she was going to sit in his lap. At a nautch in the fort -of the Mandasa Zemindar in honour of Sir M. E. Grant Duff, [61] the -dancing-girls danced to the air of Malbrook se va t'en guerre. Bussy -taught it to the dancing-girls, and they to their neighbours. In -the Vizagapatam and Godavari jungles, natives apostrophise tigers as -Bussy. Whether the name is connected with Bussy I know not. - -Of Deva-dasis at the Court of Tippoo Sultan, the following account -was published in 1801. [62] "Comme Souverain d'une partie du Visapour, -Tippoo-Saïb jouissoit de la facilité d'avoir parmi ses bayadères celles -qui étoient les plus renommées par leurs talens, leurs graces, leur -beauté, etc. Ces bayadères sont des danseuses supérieures dans leur -genre; tout danse et tout joue en même-tems chez elles; leur tête, -leurs yeux, leurs bras, leurs pieds, tout leur corps, semblent ne se -mouvoir que from enchanter; elles sont d'une incroyable légèreté, -et ont le jarret aussi fort que souple; leur taille est des plus -sveltes et des plus élégantes, et elles n'ont pas un mouvement -qui ne soit une grace. La plus âgée de ces femmes n'avoit pas plus -de seize à dix-sept ans. Aussi tot qu'elles atteignoient cet âge, -on les réformoit, et alors elles alloient courir les provinces, on -s'attachoient à des pagodes, dans lesqueles elles étoient entretenues, -et ou leurs charmes étoient un des meilleurs revenus des brames." - -General Burton narrates [63] how a civilian of the old school built -a house at Bhavani, and established a corps de ballet, i.e., a set -of nautch girls, whose accomplishments actually extended to singing -God save the King, and this was kept up by their descendants, so that, -when he visited the place in 1852, he was "greeted by the whole party, -bedizened in all their finery, and squalling the national anthem as if -they understood it, which they did not." With this may be contrasted -a circular from a modern European official, which states that "during -my jamabandy (land revenue settlement) tour, people have sometimes -been kind enough to arrange singing or dancing parties, and, as it -would have been discourteous to decline to attend what had cost money -to arrange, I have accepted the compliment in the spirit in which -it was offered. I should, however, be glad if you would let it be -generally known that I am entirely in accord with what is known as -the anti-nautch movement in regard to such performances." - -It was unanimously decided, in 1905, by the Executive Committee of -the Prince and Princess of Wales' reception fund, that there should -be no performance by nautch girls at the entertainment to be given -to Their Royal Highnesses at Madras. - -In a note on Basavis, the Collector of the Bellary district writes -that "it is usual among Hindus to dedicate a bull for public use on -the death of a member of their family. These are the breeding bulls -of the village flock. Similarly, cows are dedicated, and are called -Basavis. No stigma attaches to Basavis or their children, and they are -received on terms of equality by other members of their caste. The -origin of the institution, it has been suggested, may probably be -traced to the time when the Boyas, and other castes which dedicate -Basavis, were soldiers, and the Basavis acted as camp-followers and -nurses of the wounded in battle. According to Hindu custom, the wives -of the men could not be taken from their homes, and, other women of -the caste being required to attend to their comforts, the institution -of Basavis might have been started; or, if they existed before then as -religious devotees attached to temples, they might have been pressed -into their service, and the number added to as occasion required. In -Narayandevarkeri there are many Boyas and many Basavis. On the -car-festival day, the Boyas cannot take meals until the car is taken -back to its original place after the procession. Sometimes, owing to -some accident, this cannot be done the same day, and the car-drawing -Boyas sleep near the car, and do not go to their houses. Then it is -their Basavis who bring them food, and not their wives." At Adoni -I have seen a Basavi, who was working at a cotton press for a daily -wage of three annas, in full dress on a holiday in honour of a local -deity, wearing an elaborately chased silver waist belt and abundant -silver jewelry. The following are examples of petitions presented to -a European Magistrate and Superintendent of Police by girls who are -about to become Basavis:-- - - - Petition of __________ aged about 17 or 18. - - I have agreed to become a Basavi, and get myself stamped by my guru - (priest) according to the custom of my caste. I request that my - proper age, which entitles me to be stamped, may be personally - ascertained, and permission granted to be stamped. - - The stamping refers to branding with the emblems of the chank - and chakram. - - - - Petition of _____ wife of _____. - - I have got two daughters, aged 15 and 12 respectively. As I have - no male issues, I have got to necessarily celebrate the ceremony - in the temple in connection with the tying of the goddess's tali - to my two daughters under the orders of the guru, in accordance - with the customs of my caste. I, therefore, submit this petition - for fear that the authorities may raise any objection (under the - Age of Consent Act). I, therefore, request that the Honourable - Court may be pleased to give permission to the tying of the tali - to my daughters. - - - - Petition of two girls, aged 17 to 19. - - Our father and mother are dead. Now we wish to be like prostitutes, - as we are not willing to be married, and thus establish our - house-name. Our mother also was of this profession. We now request - permission to be prostitutes according to our religion, after we - are sent before the Medical Officer. - - -The permission referred to in the above petitions bears reference -to a decision of the High Court that, a girl who becomes a Basavi -being incapable of contracting a legal marriage, her dedication when -a minor is an offence under the Penal Code. - -At Adoni the dead body of a new-born infant was found in a ditch, -and a Basavi, working with others in a cotton factory, was suspected -of foul play. The station-house officer announced his intention -of visiting the factory, and she who was in a state of lactation, -and could produce no baby to account for her condition, would be -the culprit. Writing concerning the Basavis of the Bellary district, -[64] Mr. W. Francis tells us that "parents without male issue often, -instead of adopting a son in the usual manner, dedicate a daughter -by a simple ceremony to the god of some temple, and thenceforth, -by immemorial custom, she may inherit her parents' property, and -perform their funeral rites as if she was a son. She does not marry, -but lives in her parents' house with any man of equal or higher caste -whom she may select, and her children inherit her father's name and -bedagu (sept), and not those of their own father. If she has a son, -he inherits her property; if she has only a daughter, that daughter -again becomes a Basavi. Parents desiring male issue of their own, -cure from sickness in themselves or their children, or relief from -some calamity, will similarly dedicate their daughter. The children -of a Basavi are legitimate, and neither they nor their mothers are -treated as being in any way inferior to their fellows. A Basavi, -indeed, from the fact that she can never be a widow, is a most welcome -guest at weddings. Basavis differ from the ordinary dancing-girls -dedicated at temples in that their duties in the temples (which -are confined to the shrine of their dedication) are almost nominal, -and that they do not prostitute themselves promiscuously for hire. A -Basavi very usually lives faithfully with one man, who allows her -a fixed sum weekly for her maintenance, and a fixed quantity of new -raiment annually, and she works for her family as hard as any other -woman. Basavis are outwardly indistinguishable from other women, and -are for the most part coolies. In places there is a custom by which -they are considered free to change their protectors once a year at the -village car-festival or some similar anniversary, and they usually -seize this opportunity of putting their partner's affections to the -test by suggesting that a new cloth and bodice would be a welcome -present. So poor, as a rule, are the husbands that the police aver -that the anniversaries are preceded by an unusual crop of petty -thefts and burglaries committed by them in their efforts to provide -their customary gifts." A recent report of a Police Inspector in the -Bellary district states that "crimes are committed here and there, -as this is Nagarapanchami time. Nagarapanchami festival is to be -celebrated at the next Ammavasya or new-moon day. It is at that time -the people keeping the prostitutes should pay their dues on that day; -otherwise they will have their new engagements." - -In the Kurnool district, the Basavi system is practised by the Boyas, -but differs from that in vogue in Bellary and Mysore. The object of -making a Basavi, in these two localities, is to perpetuate the family -when there is no male heir. If the only issue in a family is a female, -the family becomes extinct if she marries, as by marriage she changes -her sept. To prevent this, she is not married, but dedicated as a -Basavi, and continues to belong to her father's sept, to which also -any male issue which is born to her belongs. In the Kurnool district -the motive in making Basavis is different. The girl is not wedded to -an idol, but, on an auspicious day, is tied by means of a garland -of flowers to the garuda kambham (lamp) of a Balija Dasari. She -is released either by the man who is to receive her first favours, -or by her maternal uncle. A simple feast is held, and a string of -black beads tied round the girl's neck. She becomes a prostitute, -and her children do not marry into respectable Boya families. - -"Basava women," Dr. E. Balfour writes, [65] "are sometimes married to -a dagger, sometimes to an idol. In making a female child over to the -service of the temple, she is taken and dedicated for life to some -idol. A khanjar, or dagger, is placed on the ground, and the girl who -is to undergo the ceremony puts a garland thereon. Her mother then puts -rice on the girl's forehead. The officiating priest then weds the girl -to the dagger, just as if he was uniting her to a boy in marriage, -by reciting the marriage stanzas, a curtain being held between the -girl and the dagger." In an account of the initiation ceremony of the -Basavis of the Bellary district Mr. F. Fawcett writes as follows. [66] -"A sword with a lime stuck on its point is placed upright beside the -novice, and held in her right hand. It represents the bridegroom, who, -in the corresponding ceremony of Hindu marriage, sits on the bride's -right. A tray, on which are a kalasyam (vessel of water) and a lamp, -is then produced, and moved thrice in front of the girl. She rises, -and, carrying the sword in her right hand, places it in the god's -sanctuary. Among the dancing-girls very similar ceremonies are -performed. With them, the girl's spouse is represented by a drum -instead of a sword, and she bows to it. Her insignia consist of a -drum and bells." In a further note on the dedication of Basavis, -Mr. Fawcett writes [67] that "a tali, on which is depicted the namam -of Vishnu, fastened to a necklace of black beads, is tied round her -neck. She is given by way of insignia a cane as a wand carried in the -right hand, and a gopalam or begging basket, which is slung on the left -arm. She is then branded with the emblems of the chank and chakra. In -another account [68] of the marriage ceremony among dancing-girls, -it is stated that the Bogams, who are without exception prostitutes, -though they are not allowed to marry, go through a marriage ceremony, -which is rather a costly one. Sometimes a wealthy Native bears the -expense, makes large presents to the bride, and receives her first -favours. Where no such opportunity offers itself, a sword or other -weapon represents the bridegroom, and an imaginary nuptial ceremony -is performed. Should the Bogam woman have no daughter, she invariably -adopts one, usually paying a price for her, the Kaikola (weaver) -caste being the ordinary one from which to take a child. - -Among the Kaikolan musicians of Coimbatore, at least one girl in -every family should be set apart for the temple service, and she -is instructed in music and dancing. At the tali-tying ceremony -she is decorated with jewels, and made to stand on a heap of paddy -(unhusked rice). A folded cloth is held before her by two Dasis, -who also stand on heaps of paddy. The girl catches hold of the cloth, -and her dancing master, who is seated behind her, grasping her legs, -moves them up and down in time with the music which is played. In the -evening she is taken, astride a pony, to the temple, where a new cloth -for the idol, the tali, and other articles required for doing puja -(worship) have been got ready. The girl is seated facing the idol, -and the officiating Brahman gives sandal and flowers to her, and ties -the tali, which has been lying at the feet of the idol, round her -neck. The tali consists of a golden disc and black beads. She continues -to learn music and dancing, and eventually goes through the form of -a nuptial ceremony, The relations are invited on an auspicious day, -and the maternal uncle, or his representative, ties a golden band on -the girl's forehead, and, carrying her, places her on a plank before -the assembled guests. A Brahman priest recites mantrams (prayers), -and prepares the sacred fire (homam). For the actual nuptials a rich -Brahman, if possible, and, if not, a Brahman of more lowly status is -invited. A Brahman is called in, as he is next in importance to, and -the representative of, the idol. As a Dasi can never become a widow, -the beads in her tali are considered to bring good luck to women -who wear them. And some people send the tali required for a marriage -to a Dasi, who prepares the string for it, and attaches to it black -beads from her own tali. A Dasi is also deputed to walk at the head -of Hindu marriage processions. Married women do not like to do this, -as they are not proof against evil omens, which the procession may -meet. And it is believed that Dasis, to whom widowhood is unknown, -possess the power of warding off the effects of inauspicious omens. It -may be remarked, en passant, that Dasis are not at the present day -so much patronised at Hindu marriages as in olden times. Much is due -in this direction to the progress of enlightened ideas, which have -of late been strongly put forward by Hindu social reformers. When -a Kaikolan Dasi dies, her body is covered with a new cloth removed -from the idol, and flowers are supplied from the temple, to which -she belonged. No puja is performed in the temple till the corpse is -disposed of, as the idol, being her husband, has to observe pollution. - -"In former times, dancing-girls used to sleep three nights at the -commencement of their career in the inner shrine of the Koppesvara -temple at Palivela in the Godavari district, so as to be embraced by -the god. But one of them, it is said, disappeared one night, and the -practice has ceased. The funeral pyre of every girl of the dancing -girl (Sani) caste dying in the village should be lit with fire brought -from the temple. The same practice is found in the Srirangam temple -near Trichinopoly." [69] - -The following account of Dasis in Travancore, where their total -strength is only about four hundred, is taken from a note by -Mr. N. Subramani Aiyer. "While the Dasis of Kartikappalli, Ambalapuzha, -and Shertallay belonged originally to the Konkan coast, those of -Shenkottah belonged to the Pandian country. But the South Travancore -Dasis are an indigenous class. The female members of the caste are, -besides being known by the ordinary name of Tevadiyal and Dasi, both -meaning servant of God, called Kudikkar, meaning those belonging to -the house (i.e., given rent free by the Sirkar), and Pendukal, or -women, the former of these designations being more popular than the -latter. Males are called Tevadiyan, though many prefer to be known -as Nanchinat Vellalas. Males, like these Vellalas, take the title -of Pillai. In ancient days Deva-dasis, who became experts in singing -and dancing, received the title of Rayar (king) which appears to have -been last conferred in 1847 A.D. The South Travancore Dasis neither -interdine nor intermarry with the dancing-girls of the Tamil-speaking -districts. They adopt girls only from a particular division of the -Nayars, Tamil Padam, and dance only in temples. Unlike their sisters -outside Travancore, they do not accept private engagements in houses -on the occasion of marriage. The males, in a few houses, marry the -Tamil Padam and Padamangalam Nayars, while some Padamangalam Nayars -and Nanchinat Vellalas in their turn take their women as wives. - -"When a dancing-woman becomes too old or diseased, and thus unable -to perform her usual temple duties, she applies to the temple -authorities for permission to remove her ear-pendants (todus). The -ceremony takes place at the palace of the Maharaja. At the appointed -spot the officers concerned assemble, and the woman, seated on -a wooden plank, proceeds to unhook the pendants, and places them, -with a nuzzur (gift) of twelve fanams (coins), on the plank. Directly -after this she turns about, and walks away without casting a second -glance at the ear-ornaments which have been laid down. She becomes -immediately a taikkizhavi or old mother, and is supposed to lead a -life of retirement and resignation. By way of distinction, a Dasi in -active service is referred to as atumpatram. Though the ear-ornaments -are at once returned to her from the palace, the woman is never again -permitted to put them on, but only to wear the pampadam, or antiquated -ear-ornament of Tamil Sudra women. Her temple wages undergo a slight -reduction, consequent on her proved incapacity. - -"In some temples, as at Keralapuram, there are two divisions -of dancing-girls, one known as the Murakkudi to attend to -the daily routine, the other as the Chirappukuti to serve on -special occasions. The special duties that may be required of the -South Travancore Dasis are:--(1) to attend the two Utsavas at Sri -Padmanabahswami's temple, and the Dusserah at the capital; (2) to meet -and escort members of the royal family at their respective village -limits; (3) to undertake the prescribed fasts for the Apamargam -ceremony in connection with the annual festival of the temple. On -these days strict continence is enjoined, and they are fed at the -temple, and allowed only one meal a day. - -"The principal deities of the dancing-girls are those to whom the -temples, in which they are employed, are dedicated. They observe -the new and full-moon days, and the last Friday of every month -as important. The Onam, Sivaratri, Tye-Pongal, Dipavali, and -Chitrapurnami are the best recognised religious festivals. Minor -deities, such as Bhadrakali, Yakshi, and Ghandarva are worshipped by -the figure of a trident or sword being drawn on the wall of the house, -to which food and sweetmeats are offered on Fridays. The priests on -these occasions are Occhans. There are no recognized headmen in the -caste. The services of Brahmans are resorted to for the purpose of -purification, of Nampiyans and Saiva Vellalas for the performance -of funeral rites, and of Kurukkals on occasions of marriage, and for -the final ceremonies on the sixteenth day after death. - -"Girls belonging to this caste may either be dedicated to temple -service, or married to a male member of the caste. No woman can -be dedicated to the temple after she has reached puberty. On the -occasion of marriage, a sum of from fifty to a hundred and fifty -rupees is given to the bride's house, not as a bride-price, but for -defraying the marriage expenses. There is a preliminary ceremony of -betrothal, and the marriage is celebrated at an auspicious hour. The -Kurukkal recites a few hymns, and the ceremonies, which include the -tying of the tali, continue for four days. The couple commence joint -life on the sixteenth day after the girl has reached puberty. It is -easy enough to get a divorce, as this merely depends upon the will -of one of the two parties, and the woman becomes free to receive -clothes from another person in token of her having entered into a -fresh matrimonial alliance. - -"All applications for the presentation of a girl to the temple are -made to the temple authorities by the senior dancing-girl of the -temple, the girl to be presented being in all cases from six to eight -years of age. If she is closely related to the applicant, no enquiries -regarding her status and claim need be made. In all other cases, formal -investigations are instituted, and the records taken are submitted to -the chief revenue officer of the division for orders. Some paddy (rice) -and five fanams are given to the family from the temple funds towards -the expenses of the ceremony. The practice at the Suchindrum temple is -to convene, on an auspicious day, a yoga or meeting, composed of the -Valiya Sri-kariyakkar, the Yogattil Potti, the Vattappalli Muttatu, -and others, at which the preliminaries are arranged. The girl bathes, -and goes to the temple on the morning of the selected day with two new -cloths, betel leaves and nuts. The temple priest places the cloths and -the tali at the feet of the image, and sets apart one for the divine -use. The tali consists of a triangular bottu, bearing the image of -Ganesa, with a gold bead on either side. Taking the remaining cloth -and the tali, and sitting close to the girl, the priest, facing to -the north, proceeds to officiate. The girl sits, facing the deity, -in the inner sanctuary. The priest kindles the fire, and performs all -the marriage ceremonies, following the custom of the Tirukkalyanam -festival, when Siva is represented as marrying Parvati. He then -teaches the girl the Panchakshara hymn if the temple is Saivite, -and Ashtakshara if it is Vaishnavite, presents her with the cloth, -and ties the tali round her neck. The Nattuvan, or dancing-master, -instructs her for the first time in his art, and a quantity of raw rice -is given to her by the temple authorities. The girl, thus married, -is taken to her house, where the marriage festivities are celebrated -for two or three days. As in Brahmanical marriages, the rolling of a -cocoanut to and fro is gone through, the temple priest or an elderly -Dasi, dressed in male attire, acting the part of the bridegroom. The -girl is taken in procession through the streets. - -"The birth of male children is not made an occasion for rejoicing, -and, as the proverb goes, the lamp on these occasions is only dimly -lighted. Inheritance is in the female line, and women are the absolute -owners of all property earned. When a dancing-girl dies, some paddy -and five fanams are given from the temple to which she was attached, -to defray the funeral expenses. The temple priest gives a garland, and -a quantity of ashes for decorating the corpse. After this, a Nampiyan, -an Occhan, some Vellala headmen, and a Kudikkari, having no pollution, -assemble at the house of the deceased. The Nampiyan consecrates a pot -of water with prayers, the Occhan plays on his musical instrument, -and the Vellalas and Kudikkari powder the turmeric to be smeared over -the corpse. In the case of temple devotees, their dead bodies must -be bathed with this substance by the priest, after which alone the -funeral ceremonies may proceed. The Karta (chief mourner), who is -the nearest male relative, has to get his whole head shaved. When -a temple priest dies, though he is a Brahman, the dancing-girl, -on whom he has performed the vicarious marriage rite, has to go to -his death-bed, and prepare the turmeric powder to be dusted over his -corpse. The anniversary of the death of the mother and maternal uncle -are invariably observed. - -"The adoption of a dancing-girl is a lengthy ceremony. The application -to the temple authorities takes the form of a request that the girl -to be adopted may be made heir to both kuti and pati, that is, to -the house and temple service of the person adopting. The sanction -of the authorities having been obtained, all concerned meet at the -house of the person who is adopting, a document is executed, and a -ceremony, of the nature of the Jatakarma, performed. The girl then -goes through the marriage rite, and is handed over to the charge of -the music teacher to be regularly trained in her profession." - -As bearing on the initiation, laws of inheritance, etc., of Deva-dasis, -the following cases, which have been argued in the Madras High Court, -may be quoted [70]:-- - -(a) In a charge against a dancing-girl of having purchased a young -girl, aged five, with the intent that she would be used for the purpose -of prostitution, or knowing it to be likely that she would be so used, -evidence was given of the fact of purchase for sixty rupees, and that -numerous other dancing-girls, residing in the neighbourhood, were in -the habit of obtaining girls and bringing them up as dancing-girls or -prostitutes, and that there were no instances of girls brought up by -dancing-girls ever having been married. One witness stated that there -were forty dancing-girls' houses in the town (Adoni), and that their -chief source of income was prostitution, and that the dancing-girls, -who have no daughters of their own, get girls from others, bring -them up, and eventually make them dancing-girls or prostitutes. He -added that the dancing-girls get good incomes by bringing up girls -in preference to boys. Another witness stated that dancing-girls, -when they grow old, obtain girls and bring them up to follow their -profession, and that good-looking girls are generally bought. [71] - -(b) The evidence showed that two of the prisoners were dancing-girls -of a certain temple, that one of them took the two daughters of the -remaining prisoner to the pagoda, to be marked as dancing-girls, and -that they were so marked, and their names entered in the accounts of -the pagoda. The first prisoner (the mother of the girls) disposed -of the children to the third prisoner for the consideration of a -neck ornament and thirty-five rupees. The children appeared to be of -the ages of seven and two years, respectively. Evidence was taken, -which tended to prove that dancing-girls gain their livelihood by -the performance of certain offices in pagodas, by assisting in the -performance of ceremonies in private houses, by dancing and singing -upon the occasion of marriage, and by prostitution. [72] - -(c) The first prisoner presented an application for the enrolment -of his daughter as a dancing-girl at one of the great pagodas. He -stated her age to be thirteen. She attained puberty a month or two -after her enrolment. Her father was the servant of a dancing-girl, the -second prisoner, who had been teaching the minor dancing for some five -years. The evidence showed that the second prisoner brought the girl -to the pagoda, that both first and second prisoners were present when -the bottu (or tali) was tied, and other ceremonies of the dedication -performed; that third prisoner, as Battar of the temple, was the -person who actually tied the bottu, which denotes that the Dasi is -wedded to the idol. There was the usual evidence that dancing-girls -live by prostitution, though occasionally kept by the same man for -a year or more. [73] - -(d) The plaintiff, a Deva-dasi, complained that, when she brought -offerings according to custom and placed them before the God at a -certain festival, and asked the Archakas (officiating priests) to -present the offerings to the God, burn incense, and then distribute -them, they refused to take the offerings on the ground that the -Deva-dasi had gone to a Komati's house to dance. She claimed damages, -Rs. 10, for the rejected offerings, and Rs. 40 for loss of honour, -and a perpetual injunction to allow her to perform the mantapa hadi -(sacrifice) at the Chittrai Vasanta festival. The priests pleaded -that the dancing-girl had, for her bad conduct in having danced at -a Komati's house, and subsequently refused to expiate the deed by -drinking panchagavyan (five products of the cow) according to the -shastras, been expelled both from her caste and from the temple. [74] - -(e) In a certain temple two dancing-girls were dedicated by the -Dharmakarta to the services of the temple without the consent of the -existing body of dancing-girls, and the suit was instituted against -the Dharmakarta and these two Deva-dasis, asking that the Court should -ascertain and declare the rights of the Deva-dasis of the pagoda in -regard (1) to the dedication of Deva-dasis, (2) to the Dharmakarta's -power to bind and suspend them; and that the Court should ascertain -and declare the rights of the plaintiff, the existing Deva-dasis, as -to the exclusion of all other Deva-dasis, save those who are related -to or adopted by some one of the Deva-dasis for the time being, -or those who, being approved by all, are elected and proposed to -the Dharmakarta for dedication. That the new Dasis may be declared -to have been improperly dedicated, and not entitled to any of the -rights of Deva-dasis, and restrained from attending the pagoda in that -character, and from interfering with the duly dedicated Deva-dasis -in the exercise of their office. That first defendant be restrained -from stamping and dedicating other Deva-dasis but such as are duly -approved. The Judge dismissed the case on the ground that it would be -contrary to public policy to make the declaration prayed for, as, in -so doing, the Court would be lending itself to bringing the parties -under the criminal law. In the appeal, which was dismissed, one of -the Judges remarked that the plaintiffs claimed a right exclusive to -themselves and a few other dancing-women, professional prostitutes, -to present infant female children for dedication to the temple as -dancing-girls to be stamped as such, and so accredited to become at -maturity professional prostitutes, private or public. [75] - -(f) A Deva-dasi sued to establish her right to the mirasi (fees) -of dancing-girls in a certain pagoda, and to be put in possession of -the said mirasi together with the honours and perquisites attached -thereto, and to recover twenty-four rupees, being the value of said -perquisites and honours for the year preceding. She alleged that the -Dharmakarta of the pagoda and his agents wrongfully dismissed her from -the office because she had refused to acquiesce in the admission by -the Dharmakarta of new dancing-girls into the pagoda service, of which -she claimed the monopoly for herself and the then existing families -of dancing-girls. The District Judge dismissed the suit, but the High -Court ordered a re-investigation as to the question of the existence of -an hereditary office with endowments or emoluments attached to it. [76] - -(g) A girl, aged seventeen, instituted a suit against the trustees of -a pagoda. It was alleged that a woman who died some years previously -was one of the dancing-women attached to the pagoda, and, as such, -entitled to the benefit of one of the temple endowments; that she -had taken in adoption the plaintiff, who was accordingly entitled -to succeed to her office and the emoluments attached to it; that -the plaintiff could not enter on the office until a bottu-tali had -been tied on her in the temple; and that the trustees did not permit -this to be done. The prayer of the plaint was that the defendants -be compelled to allow the tali to be tied in the temple in view to -the girl performing the dancing service, and enjoying the honours -and endowments attached thereto. The Judge dismissed the suit on the -ground that the claim was inadmissible, as being in effect a claim -by the plaintiff to be enlisted as a public prostitute. [77] - -(h) On the death of a prostitute dancing-girl, her adopted niece, -belonging to the same class, succeeds to her property, in whatever -way it is acquired, in preference to a brother remaining in -his caste. The general rule is that the legal relation between a -prostitute dancing-girl and her undegraded relations remaining in -caste be severed. [78] - -(i) A pauper sued his sister for the partition of property valued at -Rs. 34,662. The parties belonged to the Bogam caste in the Godavari -district. The woman pleaded that the property had been acquired by her -as a prostitute, and denied her brother's claim to it. He obtained -a decree for only Rs. 100, being a moiety of the property left by -their mother. The High Court held, on the evidence as to the local -custom of the caste, that the decree was right. [79] - -(j) The accused, a Madiga of the Bellary district, dedicated his minor -daughter as a Basavi by a form of marriage with an idol. It appeared -that a Basavi is incapable of contracting a lawful marriage, and -ordinarily practices promiscuous intercourse with men, and that her -sons succeed to her father's property. It was held that the accused -had committed an offence under the Penal Code, which lays down that -"whoever sells, lets to hire, or otherwise disposes of any minor -under the age of sixteen years, with intent that such minor shall be -employed or used for the purpose of prostitution, or for any unlawful -and immoral purpose, shall be punished, etc." The Sessions judge -referred to evidence that it was not a matter of course for Basavis -to prostitute themselves for money, and added: "The evidence is very -clear that Basavis are made in accordance with a custom of the Madiga -caste. It is also in evidence that one of the effects of making -a girl Basavi is that her male issue becomes a son of her father, -and perpetuates his family, whereas, if she were married, he would -perpetuate her husband's family. In this particular case, the girl was -made a Basavi that she might be heir to her aunt, who was a Basavi, -but childless. Siddalingana Gowd says that they and their issue inherit -the parents' property. There is evidence that Basavis are made on a -very large scale, and that they live in their parents' houses. There -is no evidence that they are regarded otherwise than as respectable -members of the caste. It seems as if the Basavi is the Madiga and -Bedar equivalent of the "appointed daughter" of Hindu law (Mitakshara, -Chap. I, s. xi, 3). Upon the whole, the evidence seems to establish -that, among the Madigas, there is a widespread custom of performing, in -a temple at Uchangidurgam, a marriage ceremony, the result of which is -that the girl is married without possibility of widowhood or divorce; -that she is at liberty to have intercourse with men at her pleasure; -that her children are heirs to her father, and keep up his family; -and that Basavi's nieces, being made Basavis, become their heirs. The -Basavis seem in some cases to become prostitutes, but the language used -by the witnesses generally points only to free intercourse with men, -and not necessarily to receipt of payment for use of their bodies. In -fact, they seem to acquire the right of intercourse with men without -more discredit than accrues to the men of their caste for intercourse -with women who are not their wives. [80] - -It may be observed that Deva-dasis are the only class of women, -who are, under Hindu law as administered in the British Courts, -allowed to adopt girls to themselves. Amongst the other castes, -a widow, for instance, cannot adopt to herself, but only to her -husband, and she cannot adopt a daughter instead of a son. A recent -attempt by a Brahman at Poona to adopt a daughter, who should -take the place of a natural-born daughter, was held to be invalid -by general law, and not sanctioned by local usage. [81] The same -would be held in Madras. "But among dancing-girls," Mayne writes, -[82] "it is customary in Madras and Western India to adopt girls to -follow their adoptive mother's profession, and the girls so adopted -succeed to their property. No particular ceremonies are necessary, -recognition alone being sufficient. In the absence, however, of a -special custom, and on the analogy of an ordinary adoption, only -one girl can be adopted." In Calcutta and Bombay these adoptions by -dancing-girls have been held invalid. [83] - -Of proverbs relating to dancing-girls, the following may be quoted:-- - -(1) The dancing-girl who could not dance said that the hall was not -big enough. The Rev. H. Jensen gives [84] as an equivalent "When the -devil could not swim, he laid the blame on the water." - -(2) If the dancing-girl be alive, and her mother dies, there will be -beating of drums; but, if the dancing-girl dies, there will be no such -display. This is explained by Jensen as meaning that, to secure the -favour of a dancing-girl, many men will attend her mother's funeral; -but, if the dancing-girl herself dies, there is nothing to be gained -by attending the funeral. - -(3) Like a dancing-girl wiping a child. Jensen remarks that a -dancing-girl is supposed to have no children, so she does not know -how to keep them clean. Said of one who tries to mend a matter, -but lacks experience, and makes things worse than they were before. - -(4) As when a boy is born in a dancing-girl's house. Jensen notes -that, if dancing-girls have children, they desire to have girls, -that they may be brought up to their own profession. - -(5) The dancing-girl, who was formerly more than filled with good -food in the temple, now turns a somersault to get a poor man's rice. - -(6) If a matron is chaste, she may live in the dancing-girl's street, - -The insigne of courtesans, according to the Conjeeveram records, -is a Cupid, that of a Christian, a curry-comb. [85] - -Devadiga.--The Devadigas are Canarese-speaking temple servants in South -Canara, concerning whom Mr. H. A. Stuart writes as follows. [86] "This -is a class of servants, chiefly musicians in Hindu temples. In the -reign of Mayura Varma, who built a number of new temples, it was found -that Brahmans could not perform all the services. It was, therefore, -ordained by him that the puja or worship alone should be performed by -the Brahmans, and that the Stanikas and Devadigas should perform the -other services in the temples. They are also called Moili (or Moyili), -but there is a caste called Kannada Moili which is quite distinct, -and Devadigas will not eat with them. Some of them cultivate lands, -and some are employed as peons and constables. They returned eleven -sub-divisions, but only one (Tulu) is numerically important. They -are Vaishnavites, and Tulu Brahmans are their priests. As regards -marriage, there is no fixed age. Remarriage of widows is permitted, -but it is practiced only in the case of young widows. The dead are -burned. They eat flesh, and drink liquor." - -The Devadigas or Moilis speak Tulu, and are mainly -agriculturists. Their traditional occupation, however, is said to -be service in temples (slaves or servants of the deva or god). A -large number of them, both male and female, are engaged as domestic -servants. Like the Bants, they follow the aliya santana law of -inheritance (in the female line), and they have the same balis -(septs) as the Bants and Billavas. In their marriage ceremonies, -they closely imitate the Bants. An interesting feature in connection -therewith is that, during the dhare ceremony, a screen is interposed -between the bride and bridegroom at the time when the dhare water is -poured. As a sign of betrothal, a ring is given to the bride-elect, -and she wears it on the little finger. The caste is a mixed one, -and here and there Devadigas are seen to have the typical prominent -cheek-bones and square face of the Jains. - -In the Census Report, 1901, Dakkera Devali, Padarti, and Valagadava -are returned as sub-divisions of Devadiga. - -Devala (belonging to God).--An exogamous sept of Odde. The equivalent -Devali has been recorded as a sub-caste of Devadiga, and Devalyal as a -division of the Todas. [87] A division of the Irulas of the Nilgiris, -settled near the village of Devala, is known by that name. - -Devanga.--The Devangas are a caste of weavers, speaking Telugu or -Canarese, who are found all over the Madras Presidency. Those whom -I studied in the Bellary district connected my operations in a vague -way with the pilag (plague) tax, and collection of subscriptions for -the Victoria Memorial. They were employed in weaving women's saris in -pure cotton, or with a silk border, which were sold to rich merchants -in the local bazaar, some of whom belong to the Devanga caste. They -laughingly said that, though they are professional weavers, they find -it cheapest to wear cloths of European manufacture. - -The Devangas are also called Jadaru or Jada (great men), Dendra, -Devara, Dera, Seniyan, and Sedan. At Coimbatore, in the Tamil country, -they are called Settukkaran (economical people). - -The following legend is narrated concerning the origin of the -caste. Brahma, having created Manu, told him to weave clothes for -Devas and men. Accordingly Manu continued to weave for some years, -and reached heaven through his piety and virtuous life. There being -no one left to weave for them, the Devas and men had to wear garments -of leaves. Vexed at this, they prayed to Brahma that he would rescue -them from their plight. Brahma took them to Siva, who at once created -a lustrous spirit, and called him Devalan. Struck with the brilliancy -thereof, all fled in confusion, excepting Parvati, who remained near -Siva. Siva told her that Devalan was created to weave clothes, to -cover the limbs and bodies of Devas and men, whose descendants are -in consequence called Devangas (Deva angam, limb of god). Devalan -was advised to obtain thread from the lotus stalks springing from -the navel of Vishnu, and he secured them after a severe penance. On -his way back, he met a Rakshasa, Vajradantan by name, who was doing -penance at a hermitage, disguised as a Sanyasi. Deceived by his -appearance, Devalan paid homage to him, and determined to spend the -night at the hermitage. But, towards the close of the day, the Rishi -and his followers threw off their disguise, and appeared in their -true colours as Asuras. Devalan sought the assistance of Vishnu, -and a chakra was given to him, with which he attempted to overthrow -the increasing number of Asuras. He then invoked the assistance -of Chaudanayaki or Chaudeswari, who came riding on a lion, and the -Asuras were killed off. The mighty Asuras who met their death were -Vajradantan (diamond-toothed), Pugainethran (smoke-eyed), Pugaimugan -(smoke-faced), Chithrasenan (leader of armies) and Jeyadrathan (owner -of a victory-securing car). The blood of these five was coloured -respectively yellow, red, white, green, and black. For dyeing threads -of different colours, Devalan dipped them in the blood. The Devangas -claim to be the descendants of Devalan, and say that they are Devanga -Brahmans, on the strength of the following stanza, which seems to -have been composed by a Devanga priest, Sambalinga Murti by name:-- - - - Manu was born in the Brahman caste. - He was surely a Brahman in the womb. - There is no Sudraism in this caste. - Devanga had the form of Brahma. - - -The legendary origin of the Devangas is given as follows in the -Baramahal Records. [88] "When Brahma the creator created the charam -and acharam, or the animate and inanimate creation, the Devatas or -gods, Rakshasas or evil demons, and the human race, were without a -covering for their bodies, which displeasing the god Narada or reason, -he waited upon Parameshwara or the great Lord at his palace on the -Kailasa Parvata or mount of paradise, and represented the indecent -state of the inhabitants of the universe, and prayed that he would -be pleased to devise a covering for their nakedness. Parameshwara saw -the propriety of Narada's request, and thought it was proper to grant -it. While he was so thinking, a male sprang into existence from his -body, whom he named Deva angam or the body of God, in allusion to the -manner of his birth. Deva angam instantly asked his progenitor why -he had created him. The God answered 'Repair to the pala samudram -or sea of milk, where you will find Sri Maha Vishnu or the august -mighty god Vishnu, and he will tell thee what to do.' Deva angam -repaired to the presence of Sri Maha Vishnu, and represented that -Parameshwara had sent him, and begged to be favoured with Vishnu's -commands. Vishnu replied 'Do you weave cloth to serve as a covering -to the inhabitants of the universe.' Vishnu then gave him some of -the fibres of the lotus flower that grew from his navel, and taught -him how to make it into cloth. Deva angam wove a piece of cloth, and -presented it to Vishnu, who accepted it, and ordered him to depart, -and to take the fibres of trees, and make raiment for the inhabitants -of the Vishnu loka or gods. Deva angam created ten thousand weavers, -who used to go to the forest and collect the fibre of trees, and make -it into cloth for the Devatas or gods and the human race. One day, -Deva angam and his tribe went to a forest in the Bhuloka or earthly -world, in order to collect the fibre of trees, when he was attacked -by a race of Rakshasas or giants, on which he waxed wroth, and, -unbending his jata or long plaited hair, gave it a twist, and struck -it once on the ground. In that moment, a Shakti, or female goddess -having eight hands, each grasping a warlike weapon, sprang from the -earth, attacked the Rakshasas, and defeated them. Deva anga named her -Chudeshwari or goddess of the hair, and, as she delivered his tribe -out of the hands of the Rakshasas, he made her his tutelary divinity." - -The tribal goddess of the Devangas is Chaudeswari, a form of Kali or -Durga, who is worshipped annually at a festival, in which the entire -community takes part either at the temple, or at a house or grove -specially prepared for the occasion. During the festival weaving -operations cease; and those who take a prominent part in the rites -fast, and avoid pollution. The first day is called alagu nilupadam -(erecting, or fixing of the sword). The goddess is worshipped, and -a sheep or goat sacrificed, unless the settlement is composed of -vegetarian Devangas. One man at least from each sept fasts, remains -pure, and carries a sword. Inside the temple, or at the spot selected, -the pujari (priest) tries to balance a long sword on its point on -the edge of the mouth of a pot, while the alagu men cut their chests -with the swords. Failure to balance the sword is believed to be -due to pollution brought by somebody to get rid of which the alagu -men bathe. Cow's urine and turmeric water are sprinkled over those -assembled, and women are kept at a distance to prevent menstrual or -other form of pollution. On the next day, called jothiarambam (jothi, -light or splendour) as Chaudeswari is believed to have sprung from -jothi, a big mass is made of rice flour, and a wick, fed with ghi -(clarified butter) and lighted, is placed in a cavity scooped out -therein. This flour lamp must be made by members of a pujari's family -assisted sometimes by the alagu boys. In its manufacture, a quantity -of rice is steeped in water, and poured on a plantain leaf. Jaggery -(crude sugar) is then mixed with it, and, when it is of the proper -consistency, it is shaped into a cone, and placed on a silver or brass -tray. On the third day, called panaka puja or mahanevedyam, jaggery -water is offered, and cocoanuts, and other offerings are laid before -the goddess. The rice mass is divided up, and given to the pujari, -setti, alagu men and boys, and to the community, to which small -portions are doled out in a particular order, which must be strictly -observed. For example, at Tindivanam the order is as follows:-- - - - Setti (headman). - Dhondapu family. - Bapatla family. - Kosanam family. - Modanam family. - - -Fire-walking does not form part of the festival, as the goddess -herself sprang from fire. - -In some places in the North Arcot district the festival lasts over -ten days, and varies in some points from the above. On the first day, -the people go in procession to a jammi (Prosopis spicigera) tree, -and worship a decorated pot (kalasam), to which sheep and goats are -sacrificed. From the second to the sixth day, the goddess and pot are -worshipped daily. On the seventh day, the jammi tree is again visited, -and a man carries on his back cooked rice, which may not be placed on -the ground, except near the tree, or at the temple. If the rice is not -set down en route thereto, it is accepted as a sign that the festival -may be proceeded with. Otherwise they would be afraid to light the -joti on the ninth day. This is a busy day, and the ceremonies of -sandhulu kattadam (binding the corners), alagu erecting, lighting -the flour mass, and pot worship are performed. Early in the morning, -goats and sheep are killed, outside the village boundary, in the -north, east, south, and west corners, and the blood is sprinkled -on all sides to keep off all foreign ganams or saktis. The sword -business, as already described, is gone through, and certain tests -applied to see whether the joti may be lighted. A lime fruit is -placed in the region of the navel of the idol, who should throw it -down spontaneously. A bundle of betel leaves is cut across with a -knife, and the cut ends should unite. If the omens are favourable, -the joti is lighted, sheep and goats are killed, and pongal (rice) -is offered to the joti. The day closes with worship of the pot. On the -last day the rice mass is distributed. All Devanga guests from other -villages have to be received and treated with respect according to -the local rules, which are in force. For this purpose, the community -divide their settlements into Sthalams, Payakattulu, Galugramatulu, -Petalu, and Kurugramalu, which have a definite order of precedence. - -Among the Devangas the following endogamous sections occur:--(1) -Telugu; (2) Canarese; (3) Hathinentu Manayavaru (eighteen house -people); (4) Sivachara; (5) Ariya; (6) Kodekal Hatakararu (weavers). - -They are practically divided into two linguistic sections, Canarese and -Telugu, of which the former have adopted the Brahmanical ceremonials -to a greater extent than the latter, who are more conservative. Those -who wear the sacred thread seem to preponderate over the non-thread -weavers in the Canarese section. To the thread is sometimes attached -metal charm-cylinder to ward off evil spirits. - -The following are examples of exogamous septs in the Telugu section:-- - - - Akasam, sky. - Anumala, seeds of Dolichos lablab. - Boggula, charcoal. - Bandla, rock or cart. - Chintakai, tamarind fruit. - Challa, buttermilk. - Chapparam, pandal or booth. - Dhoddi, cattle-pen, or courtyard. - Dhuggani, money. - Yerra, red. - Konda, mountain. - Kaththi, knife. - Bandari (treasurer). - Busam, grain. - Dhondapu (Cephalandra indica). - Elugoti, assembly. - Gattu, bank or mound. - Paidam, money. - Gonapala, old plough. - Gosu, pride. - Jigala, pith. - Katta, a dam. - Kompala, houses. - Konangi, buffoon. - Katikala, collyrium. - Kaththiri, scissors. - Moksham, heaven. - Pasupala, turmeric. - Pidakala, dried cow-dung cakes. - Pothula, male. - Pachi powaku, green tobacco. - Padavala, boat. - Pouzala, a bird. - Pammi, clay lamp. - Thalakoka, female cloth. - Thutla, hole. - Utla, ropes for hanging pots. - Vasthrala, cloths. - Matam, monastery. - Madira, liquor or heap of earth. - Medam, fight. - Masila, dirt. - Olikala, funeral pyre and ashes. - Prithvi, earth. - Peraka, tile. - Punjala, cock or male. - Pinjala, cotton-cleaning. - Pichchiga, sparrow. - Sika (kudumi: tuft of hair). - Sandala, lanes. - Santha, a fair. - Sajje (Setaria italica). - - -The majority of Devangas are Saivites, and wear the lingam. They do -not, however, wash the stone lingam with water, in which the feet -of Jangams have been washed. They are not particular as to always -keeping the lingam on the body, and give as an explanation that, -when they are at work, they have to touch all kinds of people. Some -said that merchants, when engaged in their business, should not wear -the lingam, especially if made of spatikam (quartz), as they have to -tell untruths as regards the value and quality of their goods, and -ruin would follow if these were told while the lingam was on the body. - -In some parts of Ganjam, the country folk keep a large number of -Brahmini bulls. When one of these animals dies, very elaborate funeral -ceremonies take place, and the dead beast is carried in procession -by Devangas, and buried by them. As the Devangas are Lingayats, -they have a special reverence for Basavanna, the sacred bull, and -the burying of the Brahmini bull is regarded by them as a sacred and -meritorious act. Other castes do not regard it as such, though they -often set free sacred cows or calves. - -Devangas and Padma Sales never live in the same street, and do not -draw water from the same well. This is probably due to the fact that -they belong to the left and right-hand factions respectively, and -no love is lost between them. Like other left-hand castes, Devangas -have their own dancing-girls, called Jathi-biddalu (children of the -castes), whose male offspring do achchupani, printing-work on cloth, -and occasionally go about begging from Devangas. In the Madras -Census Report, 1901, it is stated that "in Madura and Tinnevelly, -the Devangas, or Sedans, consider themselves a shade superior to the -Brahmans, and never do namaskaram (obeisance or salutation) to them, -or employ them as priests. In Madura and Coimbatore, the Sedans have -their own dancing-girls, who are called Devanga or Seda Dasis in the -former, and Manikkattal in the latter, and are strictly reserved for -members of the caste under pain of excommunication or heavy fine." - -Concerning the origin of the Devanga beggars, called Singamvadu, -the following legend is current. When Chaudeswari and Devalan were -engaged in combat with the Asuras, one of the Asuras hid himself -behind the ear of the lion, on which the goddess was seated. When -the fight was over, he came out, and asked for pardon. The goddess -took pity on him, and ordered that his descendants should be called -Singamvallu, and asked Devalan to treat them as servants, and support -them. Devangas give money to these beggars, who have the privilege -of locking the door, and carrying away the food, when the castemen -take their meals. In assemblies of Devangas, the hand of the beggar -serves as a spittoon. He conveys the news of death, and has as the -insignia of office a horn, called thuththari or singam. - -The office of headman, or Pattagar, is hereditary, and he is assisted -by an official called Sesha-raju or Umidisetti who is the servant of -the community, and receives a small fee annually for each loom within -his beat. - -Widow remarriage is permitted in some places, and forbidden -in others. There may be intermarriage between the flesh-eating -and vegetarian sections. But a girl who belongs to a flesh-eating -family, and marries into a vegetarian family, must abstain from meat, -and may not touch any vessel or food in her husband's family till -she has reached puberty. Before settling the marriage of a girl, -some village goddess, or Chaudeswari, is consulted, and the omens -are watched. A lizard chirping on the right is a good omen, and on -the left bad. Sometimes, red and white flowers, wrapped up in green -leaves, are thrown in front of the idol, and the omen considered good -or bad according to the flower which a boy or girl picks up. At the -marriage ceremony which commences with distribution of pan-supari -(betel) and Vigneswara worship, the bride is presented with a new -cloth, and sits on a three-legged stool or cloth-roller (dhonige). The -maternal uncle puts round her neck a bondhu (strings of unbleached -cotton) dipped in turmeric. The ceremonies are carried out according -to the Puranic ritual, except by those who consider themselves to -be Devanga Brahmans. On the first day the milk post is set up being -made of Odina Wodier in the Tamil, and Mimusops hexandra in the Telugu -country. Various rites are performed, which include tonsure, upanayanam -(wearing the sacred thread), padapuja (washing the feet), Kasiyatra -(mock pilgrimage to Benares), dharadhattam (giving away the bride), -and mangalyadharanam (tying the marriage badge, or bottu). The -proceedings conclude with pot searching. A pap-bowl and ring are -put into a pot. If the bride picks out the bowl, her first-born will -be a girl, and if the bridegroom gets hold of the ring, it will be -a boy. On the fifth day, a square design is made on the floor with -coloured rice grains. Between the contracting couple and the square a -row of lights is placed. Four pots are set, one at each corner of the -square, and eight pots arranged along each side thereof. On the square -itself, two pots representing Siva and Uma, are placed, with a row of -seedling pots near them. A thread is wound nine times round the pots -representing the god and goddess, and tied above to the pandal. After -the pots have been worshipped, the thread is cut, and worn, with the -sacred thread, for three months. This ceremony is called Nagavali. - -When a girl reaches puberty, a twig of Alangium Lamarckii is placed -in the menstrual hut to keep off devils. - -The dead are generally buried in a sitting posture. Before the grave is -filled in, a string is tied to the kudumi (hair knot) of the corpse, -and, by its means, the head is brought near the surface. Over it a -lingam is set up, and worshipped daily throughout the death ceremonies. - -The following curious custom is described by Mr. C. Hayavadana -Rao. Once in twelve years, a Devanga leaves his home, and joins -the Padma Sales. He begs from them, saying that he is the son of -their caste, and as such entitled to be supported by them. If alms -are not forthcoming, he enters the house, and carries off whatever -he may be able to pick up. Sometimes, if he can get nothing else, -he has been known to seize a lighted cigar in the mouth of a Sale, -and run off with it. The origin of this custom is not certain, but -it has been suggested that the Devangas and Sales were originally one -caste, and that the former separated from the latter when they became -Lingayats. A Devanga only becomes a Chinerigadu when he is advanced -in years, and will eat the remnants of food left by Padma Sales on -their plates. A Chinerigadu is, on his death, buried by the Sales. - -Many of the Devangas are short of stature, light skinned, with -sharp-cut features, light-brown iris, and delicate tapering -fingers. Those at Hospet, in the Bellary district, carried thorn -tweezers (for removing thorns of Acacia arabica from the feet), -tooth-pick and ear-scoop, suspended as a chatelaine from the -loin-string. The more well-to-do had these articles made of silver, -with the addition of a silver saw for paring the nails and cutting -cheroots. The name Pampanna, which some of them bore, is connected with -the nymph Pampa, who resides at Hampi, and asked Parameswara to become -her husband. He accordingly assumed the name of Pampapathi, in whose -honour there is a tank at Anagundi, and temple at Hampi. He directed -Pampa to live in a pond, and pass by the name of Pampasarovara. - -The Sedans of Coimbatore, at the time of my visit in October, were -hard at work making clothes for the Dipavali festival. It is at times -of festivals and marriages, in years of prosperity among the people, -that the weavers reap their richest harvest. - -In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Bilimagga (white loom) and Atagara -(weavers and exorcists) are returned as sub-castes of Devanga. The -usual title of the Devangas is Chetti. - -The shortness of stature of some of the weaving classes which I have -examined is brought out by the following average measurements:-- - - - cm. - Padma Sale 159.9 - Sukun Sale 160.3 - Togata 160.5 - Suka Sale 161.1 - - -Devendra.--A name assumed by some Pallans, who claim to be descended -from the king of the gods (devas). - -Dhabba (split bamboo).--Dhabba or Dhabbai is the name of a sub-division -of Koravas, who split bamboos, and make various articles therefrom. - -Dhakkado.--A small mixed class of Oriya cultivators, concerning whom -there is a proverb that a Dhakkado does not know his father. They -are described, in the Census Report, 1891, as "a caste of cultivators -found in the Jeypore agency tracts. They are said to be the offspring -of a Brahman and a Sudra girl, and, though living on the hills, they -are not an uncivilised hill tribe. Some prepare and sell the sacred -thread, others are confectioners. They wear the sacred thread, and -do not drink water from the hands of any except Brahmans. Girls are -married before puberty, and widow marriage is practiced. They are -flesh-eaters, and their dead are usually buried." - -In a note on the Dhakkados, Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes that -"the illegitimate descendant of a Brahman and a hill woman of the -non-polluting castes is said to be known as a Dhakkado. The Dhakkados -assume Brahmanical names, but, as regards marriages, funerals, etc., -follow the customs of their mother's caste. Her caste people intermarry -with her children. A Dhakkado usually follows the occupation of his -mother's caste. Thus one whose mother is a Kevuto follows the calling -of fishing or plying boats on rivers, one whose mother is a Bhumia -is an agriculturist, and so on." - -Dhakur.--Stated, in the Manual of the Vizagapatam district, to be -illegitimate children of Brahmans, who wear the paieta (sacred thread). - -Dhanapala.--A sub-division of Gollas, who guard treasure while it is -in transit. - -Dhangar.--Dhangar, or Donigar, is recorded, in the Madras Census -Report, 1901, as a Marathi caste of shepherds and cattle-breeders. I -gather, from a note [89] on the Dhangars of the Kanara district in -the Bombay Presidency, that "the word Dhangar is generally derived -from the Sanskrit dhenu, a cow. Their home speech is Marathi, but they -can speak Kanarese. They keep a special breed of cows and buffaloes, -known as Dhangar mhasis and Dhangar gais which are the largest cattle -in Kanara. Many of Shivaji's infantry were Satara Dhangars." - -Dhaniala (coriander).--An exogamous sept of Kamma. Dhaniala Jati, -or coriander caste, is an opprobrious name applied to Komatis, -indicating that, in business transactions, they must be crushed as -coriander fruits are crushed before the seed is sown. - -Dhare.--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. In the Canara country, the -essential and binding part of the marriage ceremony is called dhare -(see Bant). - -Dharmaraja.--An exogamous sept of the Irulas of North Arcot. Dharmaraja -was the eldest of the five Pandavas, the heroes of the Mahabharatha. - -Dhippo (light).--An exogamous sept of Bhondari. The members thereof -may not blow out lights, or extinguish them in any other way. They -will not light lamps without being madi, i.e., wearing silk cloths, -or cloths washed and dried after bathing. - -Dhobi.--A name used for washerman by Anglo-Indians all over India. The -word is said to be derived from dhoha, Sanskrit, dhav, to wash. A -whitish grey sandy efflorescence, found in many places, from which, -by boiling and the addition of quicklime, an alkali of considerable -strength is obtained, is called Dhobi's earth. [90] "The expression -dhobie itch," Manson writes, [91] "although applied to any itching -ringworm-like affection of any part of the skin, most commonly -refers to some form of epiphytic disease of the crutch or axilla -(armpit)." The disease is very generally supposed to be communicated -by clothes from the wash, but Manson is of opinion that the belief -that it is contracted from clothes which have been contaminated by -the washerman is probably not very well founded. - -Dhobi is the name, by which the washerman caste of the Oriyas -is known. "They are said," Mr. Francis writes, [92] "to have come -originally from Orissa. Girls are generally married before maturity, -and, if this is not possible, they have to be married to a sword or -a tree, before they can be wedded to a man. Their ordinary marriage -ceremonies are as follows. The bridal pair bathe in water brought from -seven different houses. The bridegroom puts a bangle on the bride's -arm (this is the binding part of the ceremony); the left and right -wrists of the bride and bridegroom are tied together; betel leaf -and nut are tied in a corner of the bride's cloth, and a myrabolam -(Terminalia fruit) in that of the bridegroom; and finally the people -present in the pandal (booth) throw rice and saffron (turmeric) over -them. Widows and divorced women may marry again. They are Vaishnavites, -but some of them also worship Kali or Durga. They employ Bairagis, -and occasionally Brahmans, as their priests. They burn their dead, and -perform sraddha (annual memorial ceremony). Their titles are Chetti -(or Maha Chetti) and Behara." The custom of the bridal pair bathing -in water from seven different houses obtains among many Oriya castes, -including Brahmans. It is known by the name of pani-tula. The water -is brought by married girls, who have not reached puberty, on the -night preceding the wedding day, and the bride and bridegroom wash -in it before dawn. This bath is called koili pani snano, or cuckoo -water-bath. The koil is the Indian koel or cuckoo (Eudynamis honorata), -whose crescendo cry ku-il, ku-il, is trying to the nerves during the -hot season. - -The following proverbs [93] relating to washermen may be quoted:-- - - - Get a new washerman, and an old barber. - - The washerman knows the defects of the village (i.e., he learns - a good deal about the private affairs of the various families, - when receiving and delivering the clothes). - - When a washerman gets sick, his sickness must leave him at the - stone. The stone referred to is the large stone, on which the - washerman cleans cloths, and the proverb denotes that, however - sick a washerman may be, his work must be done. - - -Dhoddi.--Dhoddi, meaning a court or back-yard, cattle-pen, or -sheep-fold, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of Devanga, -Koppala Velama, Kama Sale, Mala, and Yanadi. - -Dhoddiyan.--A name given by Tamilians to Jogis. - -Dhollo.--Dhollo is recorded in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as -the same as Doluva. A correspondent informs me that Dhollo is said -to be different from Doluva. - -Dhoma (gnat or mosquito).--An exogamous sept of Mala. - -Dhondapu (Cephalandra indica).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. The fruit -is one of the commonest of native vegetables, and cooked in curries. - -Dhoni (boat).--An exogamous sept of Mila and Oruganti Kapu. In a -paper on the native vessels of South India by Mr. Edge, published in -the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, the dhoni is described as -"a vessel of ark-like form, about 70 feet long, 20 feet broad, and -11 feet deep, with a flat bottom or keel part, which at the broadest -place is 7 feet. - -"The whole equipment of these rude vessels, as well as their -construction, is the most coarse and unseaworthy that I have ever -seen." The dhoni, with masts, is represented in the ancient lead and -copper coinage of Southern India. - -Dhor.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, a few (164) individuals were -returned as "Dher, a low caste of Marathi leather workers." They were, -I gather from the Bombay Gazetteer, Dhors or tanners who dwell in -various parts of the Bombay Presidency, and whose home speech, names -and surnames seem to show that they have come from the Maratha country. - -Dhudala (calves).--An exogamous sept of Thumati Golla. - -Dhudho (milk).--A sept of Omanaito. - -Dhuggani (money).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Dhuliya.--Dhuliya or Dulia is a small class of Oriya cultivators, -some of whom wear the sacred thread, and employ Boishnobs as their -priests. Marriage before puberty is not compulsory, and widows can -remarry. They eat flesh. The dead are cremated. [94] The name is -said to be derived from dhuli, dust, with which those who work in the -fields are covered. Dhuliya also means carriers of dhulis (dhoolies), -which are a form of palanquin. - -Didavi.--A sub-division of Poroja. - -Digambara (space-clad or sky-clad, i.e., nude).--One of the two main -divisions of the Jains. The Digambaras are said [95] to "regard -absolute nudity as the indispensable sign of holiness, though the -advance of civilisation has compelled them to depart from the practice -of their theory." - -Divar.--See Deva. - -Diyasi.--An exogamous sept of Dandasi. The members thereof show special -reverence for the sun, and cloths, mokkutos (forehead chaplets), -garlands, and other articles to be used by the bride and bridegroom -at a wedding are placed outside the house, so that they may be exposed -to it. - -Dolaiya.--A title of Doluva and Odia. - -Dolobehara.--The name of headmen or their assistants among many Oriya -castes. In some cases, e.g., among the Haddis, the name is used as -a title by families, members of which are headmen. - -Doluva.--The Doluvas of Ganjam are, according to the Madras Census -Report, 1891, "supposed to be the descendants of the old Rajahs by -their concubines, and were employed as soldiers and attendants. The -name is said to be derived from the Sanskrit dola, meaning army." The -Doluvas claim to be descended from the Puri Rajahs by their concubines, -and say that some of them were employed as sirdars and paiks under -these Rajahs. They are said to have accompanied a certain Puri Rajah -who came south to wage war, and to have settled in Ganjam. They -are at the present day mainly engaged in agriculture, though some -are traders, bricklayers, cart-drivers, etc. The caste seems to be -divided into five sections, named Kondaiyito, Lenka, Rabba, Pottia, -and Beharania, of which the first two are numerically the strongest -and most widely distributed. Kondaiyito is said to be derived from -kondo, an arrow, and to indicate warrior. The Kondaiyitos sometimes -style themselves Rajah Doluvas, and claim superiority over the other -sections. It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "Oriya -Zamindars get wives from this sub-division, but the men of it cannot -marry into the Zamindar's families. They wear the sacred thread, -and are writers." In former days, the title writer was applied to -the junior grade of Civil Servants of the East India Company. It is -now used to denote a copying clerk in an office. - -Various titles occur among members of the caste, e.g., Bissoyi, -Biswalo, Dolei, Jenna, Kottiya, Mahanti, Majhi, Nahako, Porida, -Ravuto, Samulo, and Sani. - -The ordinary caste council system, with a hereditary headman, seems -to be absent among the Doluvas, and the affairs of the caste are -settled by leading members thereof. - -The Doluvas are Paramarthos, following the Chaitanya form of -Vaishnavism, and wearing a rosary of tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) beads. They -further worship various Takuranis (village deities), among which -are Kalva, Bagadevi, Kotari, Maheswari, and Manickeswari. They are -in some places very particular regarding the performance of sradh -(memorial ceremony), which is carried out annually in the following -manner. On the night before the sradh day, a room is prepared for -the reception of the soul of the deceased. This room is called pitru -bharano (reception of the ancestor). The floor thereof is cleansed with -cow-dung water, and a lamp fed with ghi (clarified butter) is placed -on it by the side of a plank. On this plank a new cloth is laid for -the reception of various articles for worship, e.g., sacred grass, -Zizyphus jujuba leaves, flowers, etc. In front of the plank a brass -vessel, containing water and a tooth brush of Achyranthes aspera root, -is placed. The dead person's son throws rice and Zizyphus leaves into -the air, and calls on the deceased to come and give a blessing on the -following day. The room is then locked, and the lamp kept burning -in it throughout the night. On the following day, all old pots are -thrown away and, after a small space has been cleaned on the floor -of the house, a pattern is drawn thereon with flour in the form of -a square or oblong with twelve divisions. On each division a jak -(Artocarpus integrifolia) leaf is placed, and on each leaf the son -puts cooked rice and vegetables. A vessel containing Achyranthes -root, and a plank with a new cloth on it, are set by the side of -the pattern. After worship has been performed and food offered, -the cloth is presented to a Brahman, and the various articles used -in the ceremonial are thrown into water. - -Domb.--The name Domb or Dombo is said to be derived from the word -dumba, meaning devil, in reference to the thieving propensities -of the tribe. The Dombas, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [96] "are a -Dravidian caste of weavers and menials, found in the hill tracts of -Vizagapatam. This caste appears to be an offshoot of the Dom caste -of Bengal, Behar, and the North-Western Provinces. Like the Doms, -the Dombas are regarded with disgust, because they eat beef, pork, -horse-flesh, rats, and the flesh of animals which have died a natural -death, and both are considered to be Chandalas or Pariahs by the -Bengalis and the Uriyas. The Dombs weave the cloths and blankets -worn by the hill people, but, like the Pariahs of the plains, they -are also labourers, scavengers, etc. Some of them are extensively -engaged in trade, and they have, as a rule, more knowledge of the -world than the ryots who despise them. They are great drunkards." In -the Census Report, 1871, it was noted that "in many villages, the -Doms carry on the occupation of weaving, but, in and around Jaipur, -they are employed as horse-keepers, tom-tom beaters, scavengers, -and in other menial duties. Notwithstanding their abject position -in the social scale, some signs of progress may be detected amongst -them. They are assuming the occupation, in many instances, of petty -hucksters, eking out a livelihood by taking advantage of the small -difference in rates between market and market." - -"The Dombs," Mr. F. Fawcett writes, [97] "are an outcast jungle -people, who inhabit the forests on the high lands fifty to eighty or a -hundred miles from the east coast, about Vizagapatam. Being outcast, -they are never allowed to live within a village, but have their own -little hamlet adjoining a village proper, inhabited by people of -various superior castes. It is fair to say that the Dombs are akin -to the Panos of the adjoining Khond country, a Pariah folk who live -amongst the Khonds, and used to supply the human victims for the -Meriah sacrifices. Indeed, the Khonds, who hold them in contemptuous -inferiority, call them Dombas as a sort of alternative title to -Panos. The Paidis of the adjoining Savara or Saora country are also, -doubtless, kinsmen of the Dombs. [The same man is said to be called -Paidi by Telugus, Dombo by the Savaras, and Pano by the Khonds. It -is noted in the Census Report, 1881, that the Pano quarters in Khond -villages are called Dombo Sai.] In most respects their condition is -a very poor one. Though they live in the best part of the Presidency -for game, they know absolutely nothing of hunting, and cannot even -handle a bow and arrow. They have, however, one respectable quality, -industry, and are the weavers, traders, and money-lenders of the hills, -being very useful as middlemen between the Khonds, Sauras, Gadabas, -and other hill people on the one hand, and the traders of the plains -on the other. I am informed, on good authority, that there are some -Dombs who rise higher than this, but cannot say whether these are, -or are not crosses with superior races. Most likely they are, for -most of the Dombs are arrant thieves. It was this propensity for -thieving, in fact, which had landed some hundreds of them in the jail -at Vizagapatam when I visited that place, and gave me an opportunity -of recording their measurements." The averages of the more important -of these measurements are as follows:-- - - - cm. - Stature 161.9 - Cephalic length 18.8 - Cephalic breadth 14.3 - Cephalic index 75.6 - Nasal index 86.5 - - -It is noted by the Missionary Gloyer [98] that the colour of the -skin of the Dombs varies from very dark to yellow, and their height -from that of an Aryan to the short stature of an aboriginal, and that -there is a corresponding variation in facial type. - -For the following note on the Dombs, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana -Rao. They are the weavers, traders, musicians, beggars, and -money-lenders of the hills. Some own cattle, and cultivate. The -hill people in the interior are entirely dependent on them for their -clothing. A few Domb families are generally found to each village. They -act as middlemen between the hill people and the Komati traders. Their -profits are said to be large, and their children are, in some places, -found attending hill schools. As musicians, they play on the drum and -pipe. They are the hereditary musicians of the Maharaja of Jeypore. A -Domb beggar, when engaged in his professional calling, goes about -from door to door, playing on a little pipe. Their supposed powers -over devils and witches result in their being consulted when troubles -appear. Though the Dombs are regarded as a low and polluting class, -they will not eat at the hands of Komatis, Bhondaris, or Ghasis. Some -Dombas have become converts to Christianity through missionary -influence. - -In the Madras Census Report, 1891, the following sections of the -Dombs are recorded:--Onomia, Odia, Mandiri, Mirgam, and Kohara. The -sub-divisions, however, seem to be as follows:--Mirigani, Kobbiriya, -Odiya, Sodabisiya, Mandiri, and Andiniya. There are also various septs, -of which the following have been recorded among the Odiyas:--Bhag -(tiger), Balu (bear), Nag (cobra), Hanuman (the monkey god), Kochchipo -(tortoise), Bengri (frog), Kukra (dog), Surya (sun), Matsya (fish), -and Jaikonda (lizard). It is noted by Mr. Fawcett that "monkeys, frogs, -and cobras are taboo, and also the sunari tree (Ochna squarrosa). The -big lizard, cobras, frogs, and the crabs which are found in the paddy -fields, and are usually eaten by jungle people, may not be eaten." - -When a girl reaches puberty, she remains outside the hut for five -days, and then bathes at the nearest stream, and is presented with -a new cloth. In honour of the event, drink is distributed among her -relatives. Girls are usually married after puberty. A man can claim -his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. When a proposal of marriage -is to be made, the suitor carries some pots of liquor, usually worth -two rupees, to the girl's house, and deposits them in front of it. If -her parents consent to the match, they take the pots inside, and drink -some of the liquor. After some time has elapsed, more liquor, worth -five rupees, is taken to the girl's house. A reduction in the quantity -of liquor is made when a man is proposing for the hand of his paternal -aunt's daughter, and, on the second occasion, the liquor will only be -worth three rupees. A similar reduction is made in the jholla tonka, -or bride price. On the wedding day, the bridegroom goes, accompanied -by his relations, to the bride's home, where, at the auspicious moment -fixed by the Desari, his father presents new cloths to himself and -the bride, which they put on. They stand before the hut, and on each -is placed a cloth with a myrabolam (Terminalia) seed, rice, and a few -copper coins tied up in it. The bridegroom's right little finger is -linked with the left little finger of the bride, and they enter the -hut. On the following day, the newly married couple repair to the home -of the bridegroom. On the third day, they are bathed in turmeric water, -a pig is killed, and a feast is held. On the ninth day, the knots in -the cloths, containing the myrabolams, rice, and coins, are untied, -and the marriage ceremonies are at an end. The remarriage of widows -is permitted, and a younger brother usually marries the widow of his -elder brother. - -It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district, that "some -of the Dombus of the Parvatipur Agency follow many of the customs -of the low-country castes, including menarikam (marriage with the -maternal uncle's daughter), and say they are the same as the Paidis -(or Paidi Malas) of the plains adjoining, with whom they intermarry." - -The corpses of the more prosperous Dombs are usually cremated. The -wood of the sunari tree and relli (Cassia fistula) may not be used -for the pyre. The son or husband of a deceased person has his head, -moustache, and armpits shaved on the tenth day. - -Domb women, and women of other tribes in the Jeypore Agency tracts, -wear silver ear ornaments called nagul, representing a cobra just -about to strike with tongue protruded. Similar ornaments of gold, -called naga pogulu (cobra-shaped earrings), are worn by women of some -Telugu castes in the plains of Vizagapatam. - -The personal names of the Dombs are, as among other Oriya castes, -often those of the day of the week on which the individual was born. - -Concerning the religion of the Dombs, Mr. Fawcett notes that "their -chief god--probably an ancestral spirit--is called Kaluga. There is -one in each village, in the headman's house. The deity is represented -by a pie piece (copper coin), placed in or over a new earthen pot -smeared with rice and turmeric powder. During worship, a silk cloth, -a new cloth, or a wet cloth may be worn, but one must not dress in -leaves. Before the mangoes are eaten, the first-fruits are offered -to the moon, at the full moon of the month Chitra." - -"When," Gloyer writes, "a house has to be built, the first thing is to -select a favourable spot, to which few evil spirits (dumas) resort. At -this spot they put, in several places, three grains of rice arranged in -such a way that the two lower grains support the upper one. To protect -the grains, they pile up stones round them, and the whole is lightly -covered with earth. When, after some time, they find on inspection -that the upper grain has fallen off, the spot is regarded as unlucky, -and must not be used. If the position of the grains remains unchanged, -the omen is regarded as auspicious. They drive in the first post, -which must have a certain length, say of five, seven, or nine ells, -the ell being measured from the tip of the middle finger to the -elbow. The post is covered on the top with rice straw, leaves, and -shrubs, so that birds may not foul it, which would be regarded as -an evil omen. [In Madras, a story is current, with reference to the -statue of Sir Thomas Munro, that he seized upon all the rice depôts, -and starved the people to death by selling rice in egg-shells at one -shell for a rupee, and, to punish him, the Government erected the -statue in an open place, so that the birds of the air might insult -him by polluting his face.] In measuring the house, odd numbers play -an important part. The number four (pura, or full number), however, -forms the proper measurement, whereby they measure the size of the -house, according to the pleasure of the builder. But now the Dissary -(Desari) decides whether the house shall be built on the nandi, dua, or -tia system, nandi signifying one, dua two, and tia three. This number -of ells must be added to the measurement of the house. Supposing that -the length of the house is twelve ells, then it will be necessary to -add one ell according to the nandi system, so that the length amounts -to thirteen ells. The number four can only be used for stables." - -"The Dumas," Gloyer continues, "are represented as souls of the -deceased, which roam about without a home, so as to cause to mankind -all possible harm. At the birth of a child, the Duma must be invited -in a friendly manner to provide the child with a soul, and protect it -against evil. For this purpose, a fowl is killed on the ninth day, -a bone (beinknochen) detached, and pressed in to the hand of the -infant. The relations are seated in solemn silence, and utter the -formula:--When grandfather, grandmother, father, or brother comes, -throw away the bone, and we will truly believe it. No sooner does the -sprawling and excited infant drop the bone, than the Dumas are come, -and boisterous glee prevails. The Dumas occasionally give vent to -their ghostly sounds, and cause no little consternation among the -inmates of a house, who hide from fear. Cunning thieves know how to -rob the superstitious by employing instruments with a subdued tone -(dumpftönende), or by emitting deep sounds from the chest. The yearly -sacrifice to a Duma consists of a black fowl and strong brandy. If -a member of a family falls ill, an extraordinary sacrifice has to -be offered up. The Duma is not regarded only as an evil spirit, but -also as a tutelary deity. He protects one against the treacherous -attacks of witches. A place is prepared for him in the door-hinge, or -a fishing-net, wherein he lives, is placed over the door. The witches -must count all the knots of the net, before they can enter. Devil -worship is closely connected with that of the Duma. The devil's -priests, and in rare cases priestesses, effect communion between -the people and the Dumas by a sort of possession, which the spirit, -entering into them, is said to give rise to. This condition, which is -produced by intoxicating drink and the fumes of burning incense, gives -rise to revolting cramp-like contortions, and muscular quiverings. In -this state, they are wont to communicate what sacrifices the spirits -require. On special occasions, they fall into a frenzied state, -in which they cut their flesh with sharp instruments, or pass long, -thin iron bars through the tongue and cheeks, during which operation no -blood must flow. For this purpose, the instruments are rubbed all over -with some blood-congealing material or sap. They also affect sitting -on a sacred swing, armed with long iron nails. [Mr. G. F. Paddison -informs me that he once saw a villager in the Vizagapatam district, -sitting outside the house, while groans proceeded from within. He -explained that he was ill, and his wife was swinging on nails with -their points upwards, to cure him.] The devil called Jom Duto, -or messenger of the going, is believed to be a one-eyed, limping, -black individual, whose hair is twisted into a frightfully long horn, -while one foot is very long, and the other resembles the hoof of a -buffalo. He makes his appearance at the death-bed, in order to drag -his victim to the realm of torture." - -Children are supposed to be born without souls, and to be afterwards -chosen as an abode by the soul of an ancestor. The coming of the -ancestor is signalised by the child dropping a chicken bone which -has been thrust into its hand, and much rejoicing follows among the -assembled relations. [99] - -Mr. Paddison tells me that some Dombs are reputed to be able to pour -blazing oil over their bodies, without suffering any hurt; and one -man is said to have had a miraculous power of hardening his skin, so -that any one could have a free shot at him, without hurting him. He -further narrates that, at Sujanakota in the Vizagapatam district, -the Dombs, notwithstanding frequent warnings, put devils into two -successive schoolmasters. - -Various tattoo devices, borne by the Dombs examined by Mr. Fawcett, -are figured and described by him. "These patterns," he writes, -"were said to be, one and all, purely ornamental, and not in any way -connected with totems, or tribal emblems." Risley, however, [100] -regards "four out of the twelve designs as pretty closely related to -the religion and mythology of the tribe; two are totems and two have -reference to the traditional avocations. Nos. 11 and 12 represent a -classical scene in Dom folk-lore, the story of King Haris-Chandra, who -was so generous that he gave all he had to the poor and sold himself -to a Dom at Benares, who employed him to watch his cremation ground at -night. While he was thus engaged, his wife, who had also been sold for -charitable purposes, came to burn the body of her son. She had no money -to pay her fees, and Haris-Chandra, not knowing her in the darkness, -turned her away. Fortunately the sun rose; mutual recognition followed; -the victims of promiscuous largesse were at once remarried, and Vishnu -intervened to restore the son to life. Tatu No. 11 shows Haris-Chandra -watching the burning-ground by moonlight; the wavy line is the Ganges; -the dots are the trees on the other side; the strokes on either side -of the king are the logs of wood, which he is guarding. In No. 12 -we see the sun rising, its first ray marked with a sort of fork, -and the meeting of the king and queen." - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district, that -"throughout the Jeypore country proper, the Dombus (and some Ghasis) -are by far the most troublesome class. Their favourite crime is -cattle-theft for the sake of the skins, but, in 1902, a Dombu gang in -Naurangpur went so far as to levy blackmail over a large extent of -country, and defy for some months all attempts at capture. The loss -of their cattle exasperates the other hill folk to the last degree, -and, in 1899, the Naiks (headmen) of sixteen villages in the north of -Jeypore taluk headed an organized attack on the houses of the Dombus, -which, in the most deliberate manner, they razed to the ground in some -fifteen villages. The Dombus had fortunately got scent of what was -coming, and made themselves scarce, and no bloodshed occurred. In the -next year, some of the Naiks of the Ramagiri side of Jeypore taluk -sent round a jack branch, a well-recognised form of the fiery cross, -summoning villagers other than Dombus to assemble at a fixed time -and place, but this was luckily intercepted by the police. The Agent -afterwards discussed the whole question with the chief Naiks of Jeypore -and South Naurangpur. They had no opinion of the deterrent effects -of mere imprisonment on the Dombus. 'You fatten them, and send them -back,' they said, and suggested that a far better plan would be to -cut off their right hands. [It is noted, in the Vizagapatam Manual, -1869, that in cases of murder, the Rajah of Jeypore generally had the -man's hands, nose, and ears cut off, but, after all that, he seldom -escaped the deceased's relatives.] They eventually proposed a plan -of checking the cattle-thefts, which is now being followed in much -of that country. The Baranaiks, or heads of groups of villages, were -each given brands with distinctive letters and numbers, and required -to brand the skins of all animals which had died a natural death or -been honestly killed; and the possession by Dombus, skin merchants, or -others, of unbranded skins is now considered a suspicious circumstance, -the burden of explaining which lies upon the possessor. Unless this, or -some other way of checking the Dombus' depredations proves successful, -serious danger exists that the rest of the people will take the -matter into their own hands and, as the Dombus in the Agency number -over 50,000, this would mean real trouble." It is further recorded -[101] that the Paidis (Paidi Malas), who often commit dacoities on -the roads, "are connected with the Dombus of the Rayagada and Gunupur -taluks, who are even worse. These people dacoit houses at night in -armed gangs of fifty or more, with their faces blacked to prevent -recognition. Terrifying the villagers into staying quiet in their huts, -they force their way into the house of some wealthy person (for choice -the local Sondi, liquor-seller and sowcar, [102] usually the only -man worth looting in an agency village, and a shark who gets little -pity from his neighbours when forced to disgorge), tie up the men, -rape the women, and go off with everything of value. Their favourite -method of extracting information regarding concealed property is to -sprinkle the houseowner with boiling oil." - -Dommara.--The Dommaras are a tribe of tumblers, athletes, and -mountebanks, some of whom wander about the country, while others -have settled down as agricultural labourers, or make combs out of -the wood of Elæodendron glaucum, Ixora parviflora, Pavetta indica, -Ficus bengalensis, etc., which they sell to wholesale merchants. They -are, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [103] "a nomad class of acrobats, -who, in many respects, recall the gipsies to mind, and raise the -suggestion that their name may possibly be connected with the Doms of -Northern India. They speak Telugu, Marathi, and Hindustani, but not -generally Tamil. They are skilful jugglers, and both men and women -are very clever tumblers and tight-rope dancers, exhibiting their -feats as they travel about the country. Some of them sell date mats -and baskets, some trade in pigs, while others, settled in villages, -cultivate lands. In social position they rank just above the Pariahs -and Madigas. They profess to be Vaishnavites [and Saivites]. Infant -marriage is not practiced. Widow remarriage is freely allowed, -and polygamy is common. Their marriage tie is very loose, and their -women often practice prostitution. They are a predatory class, great -drunkards, and of most dissolute habits. The dead are generally buried, -and [on the day of the final death ceremonies] cooked rice is thrown -out to be eaten by crows. In the matter of food, they eat all sorts of -animals, including pigs, cats, and crows." When a friend was engaged -in making experiments in connection with snake venom, some Dommaras -asked for permission to unbury the corpses of snakes and mungooses -for the purpose of food. - -The Dommaras are, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, summed up as being -buffoons, tumblers, acrobats, and snakecharmers, who travel from place -to place, and earn a precarious living by their exhibitions. In the -Madras Census Report, 1901, Domban, Kalaikuttadi (pole-dancer), and -Arya Kuttadi, are given as synonyms of Dommara. The Kuttadi are summed -up, in the Tanjore Manual, as vagabond dancers, actors, pantomimists, -and marionette exhibitors, who hold a very low position in the social -scale, and always perform in public streets and bazaars. - -By Mr. F. S. Mullaly [104] the Dommaras are divided into Reddi or -Kapu (i.e., cultivators) and Aray (Maratha). "The women," he writes, -"are proficient in making combs of horn and wood, and implements used -by weavers. These they hawk about from place to place, to supplement -the profits they derive from their exhibitions of gymnastic feats. In -addition to performing conjuring tricks, rope-dancing and the like, -the Dommaras hunt, fish, make mats, and rear donkeys and pigs. The -head of the tribe is called the Mutli Guru. He is their high priest, -and exercises supreme jurisdiction over them both in spiritual and -temporal matters. His head-quarters is Chitvel in the Cuddapah -district. The legend regarding the office of the Mutli Guru is -as follows. At Chitvel, or as it was then known Mutli, there once -lived a king, who called together a gathering of all the gymnasts -among his subjects. Several classes were represented. Polerigadu, -a Reddi Dommara, so pleased the king that he was presented with a -ring, and a royal edict was passed that the wearer of the ring and -his descendants should be the head of the Dommara class. The ring then -given is said to be the same that is now worn by the head of the tribe -at Chitvel, which bears an inscription in Telugu declaring that the -wearer is the high-priest or guru of all the Dommaras. The office -is hereditary. The dwellings of the Dommaras are somewhat similar -to those of the Koravars and Joghis, made of palmyra leaves plaited -into mats with seven strands. These huts, or gudisays, are located on -the outskirts of villages, and carried on the backs of donkeys when -on the march. Stolen cloths, unless of value, are not as a rule sold, -but concealed in the packs of their donkeys, and after a time worn. The -Dommaras are addicted to dacoity, robbery, burglary, and thefts. The -instrument used by them is unlike those used by other criminal classes: -it is of iron, about a foot long, and with a chisel-shaped point. As -cattle and sheep lifters they are expert, and they have their regular -receivers at most of the cattle fairs throughout the Presidency." - -It is noted, in the Nellore Manual, that the Dommaras "are stated by -the Nellore Tahsildar to possess mirasi rights in some villages; that I -take to mean that there is, in some villages, a customary contribution -for tumblers and mendicants, which, according to Wilson, was made in -Mysore the pretext for a tax named Dombar-lingada-vira-kaniki. This -tax, under the name Dombar tafrik, was levied in Venkatagiri in -1801." In the Madura district, Dommaras are found in some villages -formerly owned by zamindars, and they call themselves children of -the zamindars, by whom they were probably patronised. - -Being a criminal class, the Dommaras have a thief's language of their -own, of which the following are examples:-- - - - Bidam vadu, Dommara. - Poothi, policeman. - Marigam, pig. - Goparam, seven. - Dasa-masa, prostitute. - Kopparam, salt. - Kaljodu, goldsmith. - - -The Dommaras are said to receive into their community children of other -castes, and women of doubtful morals, and to practice the custom of -making Basavis (dedicated prostitutes). - -The Telugu Dommaras give as their gotra Salava patchi, the name -of a mythological bird. At times of marriage, they substitute a -turmeric-dyed string consisting of 101 threads, called bondhu, for -the golden tali or bottu. The marriage ceremonies of the Are Dommaras -are supervised by an old Basavi woman, and the golden marriage badge -is tied round the bride's neck by a Basavi. - -A Dommara, whom I interviewed at Coimbatore, carried a cotton bag -containing a miscellaneous assortment of rubbish used in his capacity -as medicine man and snake-charmer, which included a collection of -spurious jackal horns (nari kompu), the hairs round which were stained -with turmeric. To prove the genuineness thereof, he showed me not only -the horn, but also the feet with nails complete, as evidence that the -horns were not made from the nails. Being charged with manufacturing -the horns, he swore, by placing his hand on the head of a child who -accompanied him, that he was not deceiving me. The largest of the horns -in his bag, he gravely informed me, was from a jackal which he dug out -of its hole on the last new moon night. The possessors of such horns, -he assured me, do not go out with the pack, and rarely leave their -holes except to feed on dew, field rats, etc. These spurious horns -are regarded as a talisman, and it is believed that he who owns one -can command the realisation of every wish. (See Kuruvikkaran.) An -iron ring, which the Dommara was wearing on his wrist, was used as a -cure for hernia, being heated and applied as a branding agent over the -inguinal region. Lamp oil is then rubbed over the burn, and a secret -medicine, mixed with fowl's egg, administered. The ring was, he said, -an ancestral heir-loom, and as such highly prized. To cure rheumatism -in the big joints, he resorted to an ingenious form of dry cupping. A -small incision is made with a piece of broken glass over the affected -part, and the skin damped with water. The distal end of a cow's horn, -of which the tip has been removed, and plugged with wax, does duty for -the cup. A hole is pierced through the wax with an iron needle, and, -the horn being placed over the seat of disease, the air is withdrawn -from it by suction with the mouth, and the hole in the wax stopped -up. As the air is removed from the cavity of the horn, the skin rises -up within it. To remove the horn, it is only necessary to readmit air -by once more boring a hole through the wax. In a bad case, as many as -three horns may be applied to the affected part. The Pitt Rivers Museum -at Oxford possesses dry-cupping apparatus, made of cow horn, from -Mirzapur in Northern India and from Natal, and of antelope horn from an -unrecorded locality in India. In cases of scorpion sting the Dommara -rubbed up patent boluses with human milk or milk of the milk-hedge -plant (Euphorbia Tirucalli), and applied them to the part. For chest -pains he prescribed red ochre, and for infantile diseases myrabolam -(Terminalia) fruits mixed with water. In cases of snake-bite, a black -stone, said to be made of various drugs mixed together, and burnt, -is placed over the seat of the bite, and will, it was stated, drop -off of its own accord as soon as it has absorbed all the poison. It -is then put into milk or water to extract the poison, and the fluid -is thrown away as being dangerous to life if swallowed. As a remedy -for the bite of a mad dog, a plant, which is kept a secret, is mixed -with the milk of a white goat, pepper, garlic, and other ingredients, -and administered internally. A single dose is said to effect a cure. - -At Tarikeri in Mysore, a wandering troupe of Are (Maratha) Dommaras -performed before me. The women were decorated with jewels and -flowers, and carried bells on their ankles. The men had a row of bells -attached all round the lower edge of their short drawers. Before the -performance commenced, a Pillayar (Ganesa) was made with cowdung, -and saluted. The entertainment took place in the open air amid the -beating of drums, whistling, singing, and dialogue. The jests and -antics of the equivalent of the circus clown were a source of much -joy to the throng of villagers who collected to witness the tamasha -(spectacle). One of the principal performers, in the waits between his -turns, played the drum, or took a suck at a hooka (tobacco pipe) which -was passed round among the members of the troupe. The entertainment, -in which both men and women took part, consisted of various acrobatic -feats, turning summersaults and catherine wheels, stilt-walking, -and clever feats on the tight rope. Finally a man, climbing up a -lofty bamboo pole, spun himself rapidly round and round on the top -of it by means of a socket in an iron plate tied to his loin cloth, -into which a spike in the pole fitted. - -Dondia.--A title of Gaudo. - -Donga Dasari.--Dasari (servant of the god), Mr. Francis writes, [105] -"in the strict sense of the word, is a religious mendicant of the -Vaishnavite sect, who has formally devoted himself to an existence -as such, and been formally included in the mendicant brotherhood -by being branded on the shoulders with Vaishnavite symbols." Far -different are the Donga, or thief Dasaris, who receive their name -from the fact that "the men and women disguise themselves as Dasaris, -with perpendicular Vaishnava marks on their foreheads, and, carrying -a lamp (Garuda kambum), a gong of bell-metal, a small drum called -jagata, and a tuft of peacock feathers, go begging in the villages, -and are at times treated with the sumptuous meals, including cakes -offered to them as the disciples of Venkatesvarlu. [106]" - -In an interesting article on the Donga Dasaris, Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri -writes as follows. [107] "Quite opposed to the gudi (temple) Dasaris -are Donga Dasaris. They are the most dreaded of the criminal classes -in the Bellary district. In the early years of their settlement in -Bellary, these Donga Dasaris were said to have practiced kidnapping -boys and girls of other castes to strengthen their number, and even -now, as the practice stands, any person can become a Donga Dasari -though very few would like to become one. But, for all that, the -chief castes who furnished members to this brotherhood of robbery -were the scum of the Lingayats and the Kabberas. Of course, none -of the respectable members of these castes would join them, and -only those who were excommunicated found a ready home among these -Donga Dasaris. Sometimes Muhammadan budmashes (bad-mash, evil means -of livelihood) and the worst characters from other castes, also -become Donga Dasaris. The way an alien is made a Donga Dasari is as -follows. The regular Donga Dasaris take the party who wants to enter -their brotherhood to the side of a river, make him bathe in oil, give -him a new cloth, hold a council, and give a feast. They burn a twig -of the sami (Prosopis spicigera) or margosa (Melia Azadirachta) tree, -and slightly burn the tongue of the party who has joined them. This -is the way of purification and acceptance of every new member, -who, soon after the tongue-burning ceremony, is given a seat in the -general company, and made to partake of the common feast. The Donga -Dasaris talk both Telugu and Kanarese. They have only two bedagas -or family names, called Sunna Akki (thin rice) and Ghantelavaru -(men of the bell). As the latter is a family name of the Kabberas, -it is an evidence that members of the latter community have joined the -Donga Dasaris. Even now Donga Dasaris intermarry with Kabberas, i.e., -they accept any girl from a Kabbera family in marriage to one of their -sons, but do not give one of their daughters in marriage to a Kabbera -boy. Hanuman is their chief god. Venkatesa, an incarnation of Vishnu, -is also worshipped by many. But, in every one of their villages, they -have a temple dedicated to their village goddess Huligavva or Ellamma, -and it is only before these goddesses that they sacrifice sheep or -fowls. Vows are undertaken for these village goddesses when children -fall ill. In addition to this, these Donga Dasaris are notorious for -taking vows before starting on a thieving expedition, and the way these -ceremonies are gone through is as follows. The gang, before starting on -a thieving expedition, proceed to a jungle near their village in the -early part of the night, worship their favourite goddesses Huligavva -or Ellamma, and sacrifice a sheep or fowl before her. They place one -of their turbans on the head of the sheep or fowl that was sacrificed, -as soon as the head falls on the ground. If the turban turns to the -right, it is considered a good sign, the goddess having permitted -them to proceed on the expedition; if to the left, they return home -that night. Hanuman is also consulted in such expeditions, and the -way in which it is done is as follows. They go to a Hanuman temple -which is near their village, and, after worshipping him, garland -him with a wreath of flowers. The garland hangs on both sides of -the neck. If any flowers on the right side drop down first, it is -considered as a permission granted by the god to start on plundering -expeditions, and, conversely, these expeditions are never undertaken -if any flowers happen to drop from the left side first. The Donga -Dasaris start on their thieving raids with their whole family, wife -and children following. They are the great experts in house-breaking -and theft, and children are taught thieving by their mothers when -they are five or six years old. The mother takes her boy or girl -to the nearest market, and shows the child some cloth or vessel, -and asks it to bring it away. When it fails, it is thrashed, and, -when stroke upon stroke falls upon its back, the only reply it is -taught to give is that it knows nothing. This is considered to be -the reply which the child, when it grows up to be a man or woman, -has to give to the police authorities when it is caught in some -crime and thrashed by them to confess. Whenever the Donga Dasaris are -caught by the police, they give false names and false castes. They -have a cipher language among themselves. The Donga Dasari woman is -very loose, but, if she go astray with a Brahman, Lingayat, Kabbera, -Kuruba, Upparava, or Rajput, her tongue is burnt, and she is taken -back into the community. Widow remarriage freely prevails. They avoid -eating beef and pork, but have no objection to other kinds of flesh." - -Donga Odde.--The name for Oddes who practice thieving as a profession. - -Dongayato.--A sub-division of Gaudo. - -Dongrudiya.--A sub-division of Mali. - -Dora.--Dora, meaning lord, has been returned as the title of numerous -classes, which include Boya, Ekari, Jatapu, Konda Dora, Mutracha, -Patra, Telaga, Velama, and Yanati. The hill Kois or Koyis of the -Godavari district are known as Koi Dora or Doralu (lords). I am told -that, in some parts of the Telugu country, if one hears a native -referred to as Dora, he will generally turn out to be a Velama; -and that there is the following gradation in the social scale:-- - - - Velama Dora = Velama Esquire. - Kamma Varu = Mr. Kamma. - Kapu = Plain Kapu, without an honorific suffix. - - -In Southern India, Dorai or Durai (Master) is the equivalent of the -northern Sahib, and Dorasani (Mistress) of Memsahib. - -It is noted by Sir A. J. Arbuthnot [108] that "the appellation by which -Sir Thomas Munro was most commonly known in the Ceded districts was -that of Colonel Dora. And to this day it is considered a sufficient -answer to enquiries regarding the reason for any Revenue Rule, that -it was laid down by the Colonel Dora." - -Dorabidda, or children of chiefs, is the name by which Boyas, who -claim to be descended from Poligars (feudal chiefs) call themselves. - -Dravida.--A sub-division of Kamsala. South Indian Brahmans are called -Dravidas. - -Dubaduba.--Recorded, at times of census, as an Oriya form of -Budubudukala. - -Duddu (money).--An exogamous sept of Mala. - -Dudekula.--The Dudekulas are described by Mr. H. A. Stuart [109] as -"Muhammadans who have taken to the trade of cotton-cleaning (dude, -cotton; ekula, to clean). By the Tamils they are called Panjari or -Panjukotti, which have the same significance. Though Muhammadans, -they have adopted or retained many of the customs of the Hindus around -them, tying a tali to the bride at marriage, being very ignorant of -the Muhammadan religion, and even joining in Hindu worship as far as -allowable. Circumcision is, however, invariable, and they are much -given to the worship of Muhammadan saints. In dress they resemble the -Hindus, and often shave off the beard, but do not leave a single lock -of hair upon the head, as most Hindus do. Over three hundred Hindus -have returned their caste as either Dudekula or Panjari, but these -are probably members of other castes, who call themselves Dudekula -as they are engaged in cotton-cleaning." - -The Dudekulas are described by Mr. W. Francis [110] as "a Muhammadan -caste of cotton-cleaners, and rope and tape-makers. They are either -converts to Islam, or the progeny of unions between Musalmans and the -women of the country. Consequently they generally speak the Dravidian -languages--either Canarese or Telugu--but some of them speak Hindustani -also. Their customs are a mixture of those of the Musalmans and the -Hindus. Inheritance is apparently according to Muhammadan law. They -pray in mosques, and circumcise their boys, and yet some of them -observe the Hindu festivals. They worship their tools at Bakrid and -not at the Dasara; they raise the azan or Muhammadan call to prayers -at sunset, and they pray at the tombs of Musalman saints." In the -Vizagapatam district, the Dudekulas are described as beating cotton, -and blowing horns. - -For the following note on the Dudekulas of the Ceded Districts, I am -indebted to Mr. Haji Khaja Hussain. They claim Bava Faqrud-din Pir -of Penukonda in the Anantapur district as their patron saint. Large -numbers of Muhammadans, including Dudekulas, collect at the annual -festival (mela) at his shrine, and offer their homage in the shape of -a fatiha. This, meaning opener, is the name of the first chapter of -the Koran, which is repeated when prayers are offered for the souls -of the departed. For this ceremony a pilau, made of flesh, rice and -ghi (clarified butter) is prepared, and the Khazi repeats the chapter, -and offers the food to the soul of the deceased saint or relation. - -The story of Faqrud-din Pir is as follows. He was born in A.H. 564 -(about A.D. 1122), and was King of Seistan in Persia. One day, while -he was administering justice, a merchant brought some horses before him -for sale. His attention was diverted, and he became for a time absorbed -in contemplation of the beauty of one of the horses. Awakening from his -reverie, he blamed himself for allowing his thoughts to wander when he -was engaged in the most sacred of his duties as a king. He summoned -a meeting of all the learned moulvis in his kingdom, and enquired of -them what was the penalty for his conduct. They unanimously decreed -that he should abdicate. Accordingly he placed his brother on the -throne, and, becoming a dervish, came to India, and wandered about -in the jungles. Eventually he arrived at Trichinopoly, and there met -the celebrated saint Tabri-Alam, whose disciple he became. After his -admission into holy orders, he was told to travel about, and plant -his miswak wherever he halted, and regard the place where it sprouted -as his permanent residence. The miswak, or tooth-brush, is a piece -of the root of the pilu tree (Salvadora persica), which is used by -Muhammadans, and especially Fakirs, for cleaning the teeth. When Bava -Faqrud-din arrived at Penukonda hill, he, as usual, planted the miswak, -which sprouted. He accordingly decided to make this spot his permanent -abode. But there was close by an important Hindu temple, and the idea -of a Muhammadan settling close to it enraged the Hindus, who asked -him to leave. He not only refused to do so, but allowed his disciples, -of whom a number had collected, to slaughter a sacred bull belonging -to the temple. The Hindus accordingly decided to kill Faqrud-din and -his disciples. The Raja collected an armed force, and demanded the -restoration of the bull. Faqrud-din ordered one of his disciples to -bring before him the skin, head, feet and tail of the animal, which -had been preserved. Striking the skin with his staff, he exclaimed -"Rise, Oh! bull, at the command of God." The animal immediately rose -in a complete state of restoration, and would not leave the presence -of his preserver. Alarmed at this miracle, the Hindus brandished their -swords and spears, and were about to fall on the Muhammadans, when a -dust-storm arose and blinded them. In their confusion, they began to -slay each other, and left the spot in dismay. The Raja then resolved to -kill the Muhammadans by poisoning them. He prepared some cakes mixed -with poison, and sent them to Faqrud-din for distribution among his -disciples. The saint, though he knew that the cakes were poisoned, -partook thereof of himself, as also did his disciples, without any -evil effect. A few days afterwards, the Raja was attacked with colic, -and his case was given up by the court physicians as hopeless. As a -last resort, he was taken before Faqrud-din, who offered him one of -the poisoned cakes, which cured him. Falling at his feet, the Raja -begged for pardon, and offered the village of Penukonda to Faqrud-din -as a jaghir (annuity). This offer was declined, and the saint asked -that the temple should be converted into a mosque. The Raja granted -this request, and it is said that large numbers of Hindus embraced -the Muhammadan religion, and were the ancestors of the Dudekulas. - -The Dudekulas, like the Hindus, like to possess some visible symbol -for worship, and they enrol great personages who have died among the -number of those at whose graves they worship. So essential is this -grave worship that, if a place is without one, a grave is erected in -the name of some saint. Such a thing has happened in recent times in -Banganapalle. A Fakir, named Alla Bakhsh, died at Kurnool. A Dudekula -of the Banganapalle State visited his grave, took away a lump of earth -from the ground near it, and buried it in a village ten miles from -Banganapalle. A shrine was erected over it in the name of the saint, -and has become very famous for the miracles which are performed at -it. An annual festival is held, which is attended by large numbers -of Muhammadans and Dudekulas. - -Some Dudekulas have names which, though at first sight they seem to be -Hindu, are really Muhammadan. For example, Kambannah is a corruption -of Kamal Sahib, and Sakali, which in Telugu means a washerman, seems -to be an altered form of Sheik Ali. Though Dudekulas say that they are -Muhammadans of the Sheik sect, the name Sheik is only occasionally -used as a prefix, e.g., Sheik Hussain or Sheik Ali. Names of males -are Hussain Sa, Fakir Sa, and Khasim Sa. Sa is an abbreviated form of -Sahib. One old Dudekula stated that the title Sahib was intended for -pucka (genuine) Muhammadans, and that the Dudekulas could not lay claim -to the title in its entirety. Instead of Sa, Bhai, meaning brother, -is sometimes used as a suffix to the name, e.g., Ghudu Bhai. Ghudu, -meaning ash-heap, is an opprobrious name given to children of those -whose offspring have died young, in the hope of securing long life to -them. The child is taken, immediately after birth, to an ash-heap, -where some of the ashes are sprinkled over it. Some Dudekulas adopt -the Hindu termination appa (father), anna (brother), or gadu, e.g., -Pullanna, Naganna, Yerkalappa, Hussaingadu, Hussainappa. Typical names -of females are Roshamma, Jamalamma, and Madaramma. They have dropped -the title Bibi or Bi, and adopted the Hindu title amma (mother). - -The ceremony of naming a child is generally performed on the sixth -day after its birth. The choice of a name is entrusted to an elderly -female member of the family. In some cases, the name of a deceased -ancestor who lived to an advanced age is taken. If a child dies -prematurely, there is a superstitious prejudice against its name, -which is avoided by the family. Very frequently a father and son, -and sometimes two or three brothers, have the same name. In such a -case prefixes are added to their names as a means of distinguishing -them, e.g., Pedda (big), Nadpi (middle), Chinna (little). Sometimes -two names are assumed by an individual, one a Hindu name for every -day use, the other Muhammadan for ceremonial occasions. - -The Dudekulas depend for the performance of their ceremonies largely on -the Khazi, by whom even the killing of a fowl for domestic purposes has -to be carried out. The Dudekula, like other Muhammadans, is averse -to taking animal life without due religious rites, and the zabh, -or killing of an animal for food, is an important matter. One who -is about to do so should first make vazu (ablution), by cleaning -his teeth and washing his mouth, hands, face, forearms, head and -feet. He should then face the west, and an assistant holds the animal -to be slaughtered upside down, and facing west. Water is poured into -its mouth, and the words Bismilla hi Alla hu Akbar uttered. The -operator then cuts the throat, taking care that the jugular veins -are divided. In remote villages, where a Khazi is not available, -the Dudekulas keep a sacrificial knife, which has been sanctified by -the Khazi repeating over it the same words from the Koran as are used -when an animal is slaughtered. - -The first words which a Muhammadan child should hear are those of the -azan, or call to prayer, which are uttered in its ear immediately after -birth. This ceremony is observed by those Dudekulas who live in towns -or big villages, or can afford the services of a Khazi. It is noted -by Mr. Francis that the Dudekulas raise the azan at sunset. A few, -who have been through a course of religious instruction at a Madrasa -(school), may be able to do this. A Muhammadan is supposed to raise -the azan five times daily, viz., before sunrise, between noon and 3 -P.M., between 4 and 6 P.M., at sunset, and between 8 P.M. and midnight. - -At the naming of an infant on the sixth day, the Dudekulas do not, -like other Muhammadans, perform the aguiga ceremony, which consists -of shaving the child's head, and sacrificing a he-goat. Children are -circumcised before the tenth year. On such occasions the Muhammadans -generally invite their friends, and distribute sweets and pan-supari -(betel leaf and areca nuts). The Dudekulas simply send for a barber, -Hindu or Muhammadan, who performs the operation in the presence of a -Khazi, if one happens to be available. When a girl reaches puberty, -the Dudekulas invite their friends to a feast. Other Muhammadans, -on the contrary, keep the fact a secret. - -At the betrothal ceremony, when sweets and pan-supari are taken by -the future bridegroom and his party to the house of the girl whom he -seeks in marriage, the female members of both families, and the girl -herself, are present. This fact shows the absence of the Muhammadan -gosha system among Dudekulas. A Muhammadan wedding lasts over five or -six days, whereas the ceremonies are, among the Dudekulas, completed -within twenty-four hours. On the night preceding the nikka day, a pilau -is prepared, and a feast is held at the bridegroom's house. On the -following morning, when it is still dark, the bridegroom, accompanied -by his relations, starts on horseback in procession, with beating -of drums and letting off of fireworks. The procession arrives at the -bride's house before sunrise. The Khazi is sent for, and the mahr is -settled. This is a nominal gift settled on the wife before marriage -by the bridegroom. On the death of a husband, a widow has priority of -claim on his property to the promised amount of the mahr. Two male -witnesses are sent to the bride, to obtain her assent to the union, -and to the amount of the mahr. The Khazi, being an orthodox Muhammadan, -treats the Dudekula bride as strictly gosha for the time being, and, -therefore, selects two of her near relatives as witnesses. The lutcha -(marriage badge), consisting of a single or double string of beads, -is brought in a cup filled with sandal paste. - -The Khazi chants the marriage service, and sends the lutcha in to -the bride with his blessing. It is tied round her neck by the female -relations of the bridegroom, and the marriage rites are over. - -The usual Muhammadan form of greeting among Muhammadans is the familiar -"Peace be with you." "And with you be peace." When a Dudekula greets -a Muhammadan, he simply bows, and, with members of his own community, -uses a Telugu form of salutation, e.g., niku mokkutamu. - -The Dudekulas, male and female, dress exactly like Hindus, but, -as a rule, the men do not shave their beard. - -Disputes, and social questions affecting the community, are settled -by a Khazi. - -With the increase in cotton mills, and the decline of the indigenous -hand-weaving industry, the demand for cotton-cleaning labour -has diminished, and some Dudekulas have, of necessity, taken to -agriculture. Land-owners are very scarce among them, but some -are abkari (liquor) contractors, village schoolmasters, and quack -doctors. In the Ceded Districts, the cotton-cleaning industry is -solely confined to the Dudekulas. - -The synonyms of Dudekula, Ladaf and Nurbash, recorded at times of -census, are corruptions of Nad-daf (a cotton dresser) and Nurbaf -(weaving). - -Dudi.--A title of Kurumos, who officiate as priests at the temples -of village deities. - -Dudi (cotton) Balija.--A name for traders in cotton in the Telugu -country, and an occupational sub-division of Komati. - -Durga (fort).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Dutan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, as a synonym of Ari. - -Dyavana (tortoise).--An exogamous sept of Moger. - - - - - - - -E - - -Eddulu (bulls).--See Yeddulu. - -Ediannaya (hornet's nest).--An exogamous sept of Bant. - -Egadavan.---Recorded, at times of census, as an exogamous sept -of Anappans, who are Canarese cattle-grazers settled in the Tamil -country. Possibly it is a corruption of Heggade, a title among Kurubas. - -Ekakshara.--A sub-division of Satani. The name is derived from -Ekakshara, meaning one syllable, i.e., the mystic syllable Om. - -Ekari.--This caste is summed up in the Madras Census Report, 1901, -under the names Ekari, Ekali, Yakari, and Yakarlu, as a sub-caste -of Mutracha. Mr. H. A. Stuart writes [111] that "Ekaris or Yakarlu -are a class of cultivators and village watchmen, found chiefly in -the northern taluks of North Arcot, and in the adjoining district of -Cuddapah. It is very doubtful whether the Ekaris and Mutrachas are -identical castes. The census statistics are, I think, sufficient to -throw grave doubt on this view. Neither name, for instance, appears -as a sub-division of the other, although this would certainly be -the case if they were synonymous. Nor is there any similarity in the -sub-divisions that are given. They are said, in the Nellore Manual, to -be hunters and mercenaries, and in Cuddapah, where they are known to -some as Boyas and Kiratas, they are classed as a forest tribe. It is -clear, however, that they enjoyed some authority, for several rose to -be poligars. Thus the poligars of Kallur, Tumba, Pulicherla, Bangari -and Gudipati are of this caste, and many of its members are village -policemen. They do not wear the sacred thread, but employ Brahmans as -their priests. Their ceremonies differ very little from those of the -Kapus. They are flesh-eaters, and their titles are Naidu and Dora. The -caste possesses some interest as being that which had, in 1891, the -highest proportion of widowed among females between the ages of 15 -and 39. Little is known of the caste history. Some assert that they -were formerly Hindu cotton cleaners, and that their name is derived -from the verb yekuta, to clean cotton. They returned 74 sub-divisions, -of which the most important seem to be Dodda (big) and Pala." - -There is neither intermarriage, nor free interdining between Ekaris -and Mutrachas. By some, Kampin, and Nagiripilla kayalu, and by others -Kammi and Yerrai were given as sub-divisions. - -One of the recognised names of washermen in Tamil is Egali or Ekali. - -Elakayan.--A sub-division of Nayar. It is recorded, in the Madras -Census Report, 1901, that "its hereditary occupation is to get plantain -leaves for the use of the Cherukunnu temple, where travellers are -fed daily by the Chirakkal Raja." - -Elayad.--For the following note on the Elayads or Ilayatus I am -indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. Ilayatu literally means younger, -and the name is employed to denote a caste, which is supposed to be -the last among the numerous sub-divisions of Malabar Brahmans. The -caste-men make use of two titles, Ilayatu and Nambiyatiri, the latter -of which has the same origin as Nambutiri, meaning a person worthy of -worship. Women are generally known as Ilayammas, and, in some parts -of North Travancore, also Kunjammas. By the caste-men themselves the -women are called Akattulavar, or those inside, in the same way as -Nambutiri women. Children are called Kunjunnis. The Ilayatus exact -from the Nayars the name of Ilayachchan, or little father. - -According to the Jatinirnaya, a work ascribed to Parasurama, the -Ilayatus were once Brahmans of undiminished purity, but became degraded -owing to the priestly service which was performed for a Nayar servant -attached to one of their households. Two members of the house of -Azhvancheri Tamprakkal were brothers. The younger resolved to go to a -foreign country, and could get no other Nayar servant than one who was -obliged to perform his mother's anniversary ceremony on the way. He -promised to act as the priest on this occasion, and is even believed -to have eaten the food prepared by the Nayar. When the matter became -known to his elder brother, he assembled all the Vaidik Brahmans, -and the younger brother was excommunicated. This tradition, like the -majority of Malabar traditions, has to be accepted with reserve. The -Ilayatus assert that, until interdicted by Rama Iyen Dalawa in revenge -for a supposed dishonour to him, they had the privilege of commensality -with Nambutiri Brahmans; but Rama Iyen's authority, large as it was, -did not extend to Cochin and British Malabar, where too the Ilayatus -appear to labour under the same difficulty. Those who encouraged -the higher classes of Nayars with ritualistic functions became Onnam -Parisha or the first party of Ilayatus, the remainder being grouped in -another class known as Randam or second party. The latter are lower in -the social scale than the former. The two sections do not intermarry, -and interdining is restricted to the male sex. - -The Ilayatus generally have a dejected appearance, and their -poverty is proverbial. Most of them earn only a scanty living by -their traditional occupation, and yet it is notorious that other -walks of life have absolutely no attraction for them. Not only is -English education not welcomed, but even the study of Sanskrit finds -only a few steadfast votaries. The Ilayatus are, however, a naturally -clever, and intelligent community, and, under favourable conditions, -are found to take a more prominent place in society. - -The house of an Ilayatu is, like that of a Nambutiri, called illam. It -is generally large, being the gift of some pious Nayar. Every Ilayatu -house possesses a serpent grove, where periodical offerings are -made. The dress and ornaments of the Ilayatus are exactly like those of -the Nambutiris. The wedding ornament is called kettu-tali. Children -wear a ring tied to a thread round the neck from the moment of -the first feeding ceremony. The Ilayatus are strict vegetarians, -and, though in some of their temples they have to make offerings of -liquor to the deity, they are strictly forbidden by caste rules from -partaking thereof. - -The chief occupation of the Ilayatus is the priesthood of the -Nayars. The first division perform this service only for the Ilakkar -or highest class of Nayars, while the second division do not decline -to be the priests of any section of that community. In performing -such services, the Ilayatus recite various liturgic texts, but -hardly any Vedic hymns. The Ilayatus have also been the recognised -priests in several North Travancore temples, the chief of which are -the Kainikkara Bhagavata shrine, the Payappara Sasta shrine, and the -Parekkavu Siva temple at Kuttattukulam. Ilayatus are the priests in -most of the snake groves of Malabar, that at Mannarsalay commanding -the greatest popularity and respect. - -Ilayatus are, in all matters of caste such as Smarta-vicharam, or -enquiry into charges of adultery, etc., governed by the Nambutiris, -who are assisted by Vaidiks belonging to the caste itself. It is -the latter who are the regular priests of the Ilayatus, and, though -ignorant of the Vedas, they seem to possess considerable knowledge -of the priestly functions as carried out in Malabar. Nambutiris are -sometimes invited to perform Isvaraseva, Sarpabali, and other religious -rites. Purification rites are performed by the caste priests only, -and no Nambutiri is called on to assist. Brahmans do not cook food -in the houses of Ilayatus. - -The Ilayatus are divided mostly into two septs or gotras, called -Visvamitra and Bharadvaja. The marriage of girls is performed before or -after puberty, between the twelfth and eighteenth years. No bride-price -is paid, but a sum of not less than Rs. 140 has to be paid to the -bridegroom. This is owing to the fact that, in an Ilayatu family, as -among the Nambutiris, only the eldest son can lead a married life. All -male members of a family, except the eldest, take to themselves some -Nayar or Ambalavasi woman. Widows do not remove their tuft of hair on -the death of their husband, but throw their marriage ornament on to -the funeral pyre, probably as a symbol of the performance of sati. The -Ilayatus resemble the Nambutiris in all questions of inheritance. - -The Ilayatus do not omit any of the sixteen religious ceremonies of -the Brahmans. The rules of name given are that the eldest son should -be named after the paternal grandfather, the second after the maternal -grandfather, and the third after the father. A parallel rule obtains -in giving names to daughters. - -The Ilayatus belong in the main to the white and black branches of the -Yajurveda, and observe the sutras of Bodhayana and Asvalayana. They -recite only twenty-four Gayatri hymns, thrice a day. Women are believed -to be polluted for ninety days after childbirth. - -It is noted in the Cochin Census Report, 1901, that the Elayads are -"their own priests, and for this reason, and from the fact that -Nayars perform sradhas (memorial service) in the houses of Elayads, -the Nambudris do not cook or take meals in their houses, nor do they, -Kshatriyas or Nampidis, take water from Elayads. In former times, the -Elayads used to take their meals in Nayar houses during the performance -of the sradha ceremony of the Nayars, as Brahmans generally do on such -ceremonial occasions amongst themselves, but they now decline to do it, -except in a few wealthy and influential families. Muthads and Elayads -wear the sacred thread. Though in many respects the Elayads are more -Brahmanical than the Muthads, the majority of the Ambalavasi castes -do not take the food cooked or touched by the Elayads. There are some -temples, in which they officiate as chief priests. The Muthad and -Elayad females are gosha. They both practice polygamy, and perform -Sarvaswadanam marriages like the Nambudris." - -Ella (boundary).--An exogamous sept of Mutracha. - -Elugoti (assembly).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Elugu (bear).--An exogamous sept of Yanadi. - -Eluttacchan.--Eluttacchan or Ezhuttacchan, meaning teacher or master -of learning, is the name for educated Kadupattans of Malabar employed -as schoolmasters. - -Eman.--A corruption of Yajamanan, lord, recorded, in the Travancore -Census Report, 1901, as a title of Nayar. - -Embrantiri.--Embrantiri or Embran is "a Malayalam name for Tulu -Brahmans settled in Malabar. They speak both Tulu and Malayalam. Some -of them call themselves Nambudris, but they never intermarry with -that class." [112] By Wigram they are defined [113] as "a class -of sacrificing Brahmans, chiefly Tulu, who officiate at Sudra -ceremonies." It is a name for the Tulu Shivalli Brahmans. - -Emme (buffalo).--See Yemme. - -Ena Korava.--See Korava. - -Enadi.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "a name for -Shanans, derived from Enadi Nayanar, a Saivite saint. It also means -Ambattan, or barber." The word denotes a chief, barber, or minister. - -Enangan.--Enangan or Inangan is defined by Mr. K. Kannan Nayar [114] as -"a member of an Inangu, this being a community of a number of tarwads, -the members of which may interdine or intermarry, and are bound to -assist one another, if required, in the performance of certain social -and religious rites." It is noted, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that -"an Enangan or Inangan is a man of the same caste and sub-division -or marriage groups. It is usually translated kinsman, but is at once -wider and narrower in its connotation. My Enangans are all who can -marry the same people that I can. An Enangatti is a female member of -an Enangan's family." - -Eneti.--Said to be mendicants, who beg from Gamallas. (See Yanati.) - -Entamara.--See Yanati. - -Era.--Era Cheruman, or Eralan, is a sub-division of Cheruman. - -Eradi.--Eradi has been defined [115] as meaning "a cow-herd. A -sub-division of the Nayar caste, which formerly ruled in what is -now the Ernad taluk" of Malabar. In the Malabar Manual, Ernad is -said to be derived from Eradu, the bullock country. Eradi denotes, -according to the Census Report, 1891, "a settlement in Ernad. The -caste of Samantas, to which the Zamorin of Calicut belongs." - -Eravallar.--The Eravallars are a small forest tribe inhabiting -the Coimbatore district and Malabar. For the following note on the -Eravallars of Cochin, I am indebted to Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna -Iyer. [116] - -Eravallars are a wild tribe of inoffensive hill-men found in the -forests of the Cochin State, especially in the Chittur taluk. They -are also called Villu Vedans (hunters using bows). Their language -is Tamil, though some speak Malayalam. In addressing the elderly -members of the caste, they use the titles Muthan (elder) and Pattan -(grandfather). Names in use for males are Kannan (Krishna), Otukan, -Kothandan, Kecharan, and Attukaran, while females are called Kanni, -Keyi, Kaikayi, Otuka, and Ramayi. These Hindu divine names are recent -innovations after the names of members of the higher castes, with -whom they frequently come in contact. - -The Eravallars have no knowledge of the origin of their caste. They -appear to be a rude and primitive people, like the other jungle -tribes of the State, but are somewhat improving their status under -their masters. Their habits are less migratory than those of the -Malayars and Kadars. They live in villages called pathis, situated -in the forests. Their huts are similar to those of the Malayars and -Kadars. They propitiate their sylvan deities before the construction of -their huts, and also before their occupation. Some days are believed to -be lucky, as Mondays for sowing and weddings, Wednesdays for building, -and Fridays for reaping. - -Eravallars do not live as small independent communities, but are -mostly attached to farmers, under whom they work for a daily wage -of two edangazhis and a half of paddy (unhusked rice). The women -also work for the same wage, but never agree to serve in a state of -bondage. During the festival kathira in the village temple of their -landlords, when sheaves of corn are brought, every male member gets -from his landlord two veshtis (a cloth with a coloured border 3 -yards in length), and every woman a potava (coloured cloth 8 yards -in length). During the Onam and Vishu festivals, one para of paddy, -two cocoanuts, a small quantity of gingelly (Sesamum) and cocoanut -oil are also given. The landlords partly defray their marriage and -funeral expenses by a grant of a few paras of paddy, some salt and -chillies. Sometimes they agree to work for twenty valloms (a large corn -measure) a year. To improve their condition, they borrow money from -their landlords, and purchase a bullock or buffalo or two, to cultivate -a plot of land, after clearing a portion of the forest belonging to -their master. They raise some crops, and make some saving to pay off -the debt. Should they be so unfortunate as to fail in the undertaking, -they willingly mortgage themselves to their master, or to some other, -for the wages above mentioned, and wait for some favourable opportunity -to pay off the debt. Women never surrender themselves to work in a -state of bondage, but are independent day-labourers. The Eravallars -are, as certified by their masters, always truthful, honest, faithful -and god-fearing, and never, like the Pulayas of the northern parts -of the State, ungratefully run away from their masters. - -A girl, when she comes of age, is lodged in a separate hut (muttuchala) -erected at a distance of a furlong from the main hut. Only a few girl -friends are allowed to be in company with her during the period of her -seclusion, which is generally seven days, during which food is served -to her at a distance, when she comes to take it. No grown-up member -approaches her, for fear of pollution. She bathes on the morning of -the seventh day, and is then allowed to enter the hut. The day is -one of festivity to her friends and relations. If a girl is married -before she attains puberty, her husband contributes something for the -expenses of the ceremony. Should a woman cohabit with a man before -marriage and become pregnant, she used, in former times, to be put -to death, but is now turned out of caste. Instances of the kind are, -they say, extremely rare. - -An Eravallan who wishes to see his son married visits the parents -of a girl with his brother-in-law and a few relatives, who make -the proposal. If the parents agree, the wedding day is fixed, and -all the preliminary arrangements are made at the hut of the bride, -where the relatives assembled are treated to a dinner. The bride's -price is only a rupee. The parents of the bride and bridegroom visit -their respective landlords with a few packets of betel leaves, areca -nuts, and tobacco, and inform them of the marriage proposal. The -landlords give a few paras of paddy to defray a portion of the -wedding expenses. They celebrate their weddings on Mondays. On a -Monday previous to the wedding ceremony, the sister of the bridegroom, -with a few of her relations and friends, goes to the bride's hut, and -presents her parents with the bride's money, and a brass ring for the -bride. On the Monday chosen for the wedding, the same company, and a -few more, go there, and dress the girl in the new garment brought by -them. They are treated to a dinner as on the previous occasion. They -then return with the bride to the hut of the bridegroom, where also -the parties assembled are entertained. On the Monday after this, -the bridegroom and bride are taken to the bride's hut, where they -stay for a week, and then return to the bridegroom's hut. Marriage -is now formally over. The tali (marriage badge) tying is dispensed -with. This custom of marriage prevails among the Izhuvas of the -Chittur taluk. The bridegroom gets nothing as a present during the -wedding, but this is reserved for the Karkadaka Sankranthi, when he -is invited by his father-in-law, and given two veshtis and a turban, -after sumptuously feeding him. A widow can only marry a widower. It is -called Mundakettuka (marrying a widow). When they both have children, -the widower must make a solemn promise to his castemen that he will -treat and support the children by both marriages impartially. The -present of a brass ring and cloth is essential. A man can divorce -his wife, if he is not satisfied with her. The divorced wife can mate -only with a widower. Such cases, they say, are very rare among them. - -No ceremony is performed for a pregnant woman during the fifth or -seventh month. If she dreams of dogs, cats, or wild animals coming to -threaten her, it is believed that she is possessed of demons. Then a -devil-driver from this or some other caste is called in. He draws a -hideous figure (kolam) on the floor with powdered rice, turmeric, and -charcoal, and the woman is seated in front of it. He sings and beats -his small drum, or mutters his mantram (consecrated formula). A lamp -is lighted, and frankincense is burned. A kaibali is waved round the -woman's face. She is worked up to a hysterical state, and makes frantic -movements. Boiled rice, flattened rice, plantains, cocoanuts, and fowl -are offered to the demon. Quite satisfied, the demon leaves her, or -offers to leave her on certain conditions. If the woman remains silent -and unmoved all the time, it is supposed that no demon resides in her -body. Very often a yantram (charm) is made on a piece of cadjan (palm) -leaf, and rolled. It is attached to a thread, and worn round the neck. - -A woman in childbirth is located in a separate small hut (muttuchala) -erected at a distance from the main hut. Nobody attends upon her, -except her mother or some old woman to nurse her. As soon as delivery -takes place, the mother and child are bathed. Her pollution is for -seven days, during which she stays in the hut. She then bathes, and -is removed to another hut close to the main hut, and is again under -pollution for five months. Her diet during this period is simple, and -she is strictly forbidden to take meat. The only medicine administered -to her during the period is a mixture of pepper, dried ginger, and -palm sugar mixed with toddy. She comes back to the main hut after -purifying herself by a bath at the end of the five months. The day -is one of festivity. - -The Eravallers bury their dead, and observe death pollution for five -days. On the morning of the sixth day, the chief mourner, who may -be the son or younger brother, gets shaved, bathes, and offers to -the spirit of the departed boiled rice, parched rice, plantains, -and fowl. A feast is given to the castemen once a year, when they -have some savings. They think of their ancestors, who are propitiated -with offerings. - -They are pure animists, and believe that the forests and hills are full -of demons disposed to do them harm. Many of them are supposed to live -in trees, and to rule wild beasts. They also believe that there are -certain local demons, which are supposed to reside in rocks, trees, -or peaks, having influence over particular families or villages, and -that services rendered to them are intended to mitigate their hunger -rather than to seek benefits. Their gods are Kali, Muni, Kannimar, and -Karappu Rayan. Kali is adored to obtain her protection for themselves -and their families while living in the forest. Muni is worshipped for -the protection of their cattle, and to secure good harvest. Kannimar -(the seven virgins) and Karappu Rayan are their family deities, -who watch over their welfare. Offerings of boiled rice, plantains, -cocoanuts, and flattened rice are given to propitiate them. Kali and -Muni are worshipped in the forest, and the others in their huts. - -The main occupation of the Eravallers is ploughing dry lands for the -cultivation of chama (Panicum miliaceum), cholam (Sorghum vulgare), -dholl (Cajanus indicus) and gingelly (Sesamum indicum) seeds, and -sowing the seeds, which begin in the middle of May, and harvesting -in November. During these months, they are wholly occupied with -agriculture. During the other months of the year, gardening, fencing, -and thatching are their chief occupations. Offerings are made to Kali -and Muni, when they plough, sow, and reap. They are so propitiated, -as they are supposed to protect their corn from destruction by wild -beasts. The Eravallers are skilful hunters. Owing to their familiarity -and acquaintance with the forests, they can point out places frequented -by wild beasts, which they can recognise by smell, either to warn -travellers against danger, or to guide sportsmen to the game. Ten or -fifteen of them form a party, and are armed with knives, bows and -arrows. Some of them act as beaters, and the animal is driven to a -particular spot, where it is caught in a large net already spread, -shot, or beaten to death. Animals hunted are hares, porcupines, and -wild pigs. The game is always equally divided. Being good marksmen, -they take skilful aim at birds, and kill them when flying. - -The ordinary dietary is kanji (gruel) of chama or cholam, mixed -with tamarind, salt and chillies, prepared overnight, and taken -in the morning. The same is prepared for the midday meal, with a -vegetable curry consisting of dholl, horse gram (Dolichos biflorus), -and other grains grown in the garden of their masters, which they have -to watch. They eat the flesh of sheep, fowls, pigs, hares, quails, -and doves. They take food at the hands of Brahmans, Nayars, Kammalars, -and Izhuvas. They refuse to take anything cooked by Mannans, Panans, -Parayans, and Cherumans. They bathe when touched by a Chakkiliyan, -Parayan, or Cheruman. They stand a long way off from Brahmans and -Nayars. - -Both men and women are decently clad. Males wear veshtis, one end of -which hangs loose, and the other is tucked in between the legs. They -have a shoulder cloth, either hanging loosely over their shoulders, -or sometimes tied to the turban. They allow their hair to grow -long, but do not, for want of means, anoint it with oil. They grow -moustaches. They wear round the neck a necklace of small white beads to -distinguish them from Malayars, who are always afraid of them. Some -wear brass finger rings. Women wear a potava (coloured cloth), -half of which is worn round the loins, while the other half serves -to cover the body. The hair is not smoothed with oil. It is twisted -into a knot on the back. It is said that they take an oil bath once -a week. Their ear ornament is made of a long palmyra leaf rolled into -a disc, and the ear lobes are sufficiently dilated to contain them. - -Erkollar.--A Tamil form of the Telugu Yerragolla, which is sub-division -of Tottiyan. - -Ernadan.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the Aranadans are -described as a hill tribe in Malabar, who kill pythons, and extract -an oil from them, which they sell to people on the plains as a remedy -for leprosy. These are, I have no doubt, the Ernadans, concerning -whom Mr. G. Hadfield writes to me as follows. They are a small -jungle tribe, found exclusively in Malabar, and are considered to -be the lowest of the jungle tribes by the inhabitants of Malabar, -who consider themselves polluted if an Ernadan approaches within -a hundred yards. Even Paniyans and Pariahs give them a wide berth, -and they are prohibited from coming within four hundred yards of a -village. One of their customs is very singular, viz., the father of -a family takes (or used to take) his eldest daughter as his second -wife. The Ernadans use bows and arrows, principally for shooting -monkeys, to the flesh of which they are very partial. They are not -particular as to what they eat, and are, in fact, on a par with -jackals in this respect, devouring snakes and the putrid flesh of -various animals. They are fond of collecting the fat of snakes, and -selling it. Muhammadans employ them in felling timber, and cultivating -fields. Their clothing is exceedingly scanty, and, when hard up, -they use wild plantain leaves for this purpose. - -Through Mr. Hadfield's influence with the tribe, Mr. F. Fawcett -was able to examine a few members thereof, who appeared before him -accompanied by their Mappilla master, at a signal from whom they ran -off like hares, to attend to their work in the fields. Their most -important measurements were as follows:-- - - - Max. Min. Av. - Stature (cm.) 156.6 150.6 154.5 - Cephalic index 85 77 81 - Nasal index 108.8 71.1 88.4 - - -The Ernadans, according to these figures, are short of stature, -platyrhine, with an unusually high cephalic index. - -Erra.--See Yerra. - -Erudandi.--See Gangeddu. - -Erudukkaran.--See Gangeddu. - -Erumai (buffalo).--An exogamous sept of Toreya. - -Eruman.--A sub-division of Kolayan. - -Ettarai (eight and a half).--An exogamous sept of Tamil goldsmiths. - -Ettuvitan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-division of Nayar. - -Eurasian.--Eurasian (Eur-asian) may, after the definition in -'Hobson-Jobson,' [117] be summed up as a modern name for persons of -mixed European and Indian blood, devised as being more euphemistic -than half-caste, and more precise than East-Indian. When the European -and Anglo-Indian Defence Association was established 17 years ago, -the term Anglo-Indian, after much consideration, was adopted as -best designating the community. According to Stocqueler, [118] the -name Eurasian was invented by the Marquis of Hastings. East Indian -is defined by Balfour [119] as "a term which has been adopted by all -classes of India to distinguish the descendants of Europeans and Native -mothers. Other names, such as half-caste, chatikar, and chi-chi, are -derogatory designations. Chattikar is from chitta (trousers) and kar -(a person who uses them). The Muhammadans equally wear trousers, but -concealed by their outer long gowns. The East Indians are also known -as Farangi (Frank), a person of Europe. The humbler East Indians, if -asked their race, reply that they are Wallandez or Oollanday, which is -a modification of Hollandais, the name having been brought down through -the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries from the Dutch. East Indians -have, in India, all the rights and privileges of Europeans. Races -with a mixture of European with Asiatic blood possess a proud and -susceptible tone of mind." For the purposes of the Lawrence Asylum, -Ootacamund, the word East Indian is restricted to the children of -European fathers by East Indian or Native mothers, or of East Indian -fathers and mothers, both of whom are the children of European fathers. - -By a ruling of the Government of India a few years ago, it was decided -that Eurasians appointed in England to official posts in India are, -if they are not statutory Natives, to be treated as Europeans as -regards the receipt of exchange compensation allowance. - -Some Eurasians have, it may be noted, had decorations or knighthood -conferred on them, and risen to the highest position in, and gained -the blue ribbon of, Government service. Others have held, or still -hold, positions of distinction in the various learned professions, -legal, medical, educational, and ecclesiastical. - -The influence of the various European nations--Portuguese, Dutch, -British, Danish, and French--which have at different times acquired -territory in peninsular India, is clearly visible in the polyglot -medley of Eurasian surnames, e.g., Gomes, Da Souza, Gonsalvez, Rozario, -Cabral, Da Cruz, Da Costa, Da Silva, Da Souza, Fernandez, Fonseca, -Lazaro, Henriquez, Xavier, Mendonza, Rodriguez, Saldana, Almeyda, -Heldt, Van Spall, Jansen, Augustine, Brisson, Corneille, La Grange, -Lavocat, Pascal, DeVine, Aubert, Ryan, McKertish, Macpherson, Harris, -Johnson, Smith, etc. Little did the early adventurers, in the dawn of -the seventeenth century, think that, as the result of their alliances -with the native women, within three centuries banns of marriage would -be declared weekly in Madras churches between, for example, Ben Jonson -and Alice Almeyda, Emmanuel Henricus and Mary Smith, Augustus Rozario -and Minnie Fonseca, John Harris and Clara Corneille. Yet this has -come to pass, and the Eurasian holds a recognised place among the -half-breed races of the world. - -The pedigree of the early Eurasian community is veiled in -obscurity. But the various modes of creation of a half-breed, which -were adopted in those early days, when the sturdy European pioneers -first came in contact with the native females, were probably as -follows:-- - - -A. European man (pure) B. Native woman (pure). -C. Male offspring of A + B (first D. Native woman. - cross) - -E. Female offspring of A + B (first F. European man. - cross) G. Native man. - -H. Male offspring of C + D I. Cross--female offspring - of A + B. - J. Native woman. - -K. Female offspring of C + D L. Cross--male offspring of - A + B. - M. European man. - N. Native man. - - -The Eurasian half-breed, thus established, has been perpetuated by -a variety of possible combinations:-- - - - European man Eurasian woman. - Native woman. - - Eurasian man Native woman. - Eurasian woman. - European woman. - - Native man Eurasian woman. - European woman. - - -In the early days of the British occupation of Madras, the traders and -soldiers, arriving with an inadequate equipment of females, contracted -alliances, regular or irregular, with the women of the country. And -in these early days, when our territorial possessions were keenly -contested with both European and Native enemies, an attempt was made, -under authority from high places, to obtain, through the medium of -the British soldier, and in accordance with the creed that crossing -is an essential means of improving a race, and rendering it vigorous -by the infusion of fresh blood from a separate stock, a good cross, -which should be available for military purposes. Later on, as the -number of the British settlers increased, connexions, either with -the Native women, or with the females of the recently established -Eurasian type, were kept up owing to the difficulty of communication -with the mother-country, and consequent difficulty in securing English -brides. Of these barbaric days the detached or semi-detached bungalows -in the spacious grounds of the old private houses in Madras remain -as a memorial. At the present day the conditions of life in India -are, as the result of steamer traffic, very different, and far more -wholesome. The Eurasian man seeks a wife as a rule among his own -community; and, in this manner, the race is mainly maintained. - -The number of Eurasians within the limits of the Madras Presidency -was returned, at the census, 1891, as 26,643. But on this point I -must call Mr. H. A. Stuart, the Census Commissioner, into the witness -box. "The number of Eurasians," he writes, "is 26,643, which is 20.76 -per cent. more than the number returned in 1881." The figures for -the last three enumerations are given in the following statement:-- - - - Year. Total. Males. Females. - 1871 26,460 13,091 13,359 - 1881 21,892 10,969 10,923 - 1891 26,643 13,141 13,502 - - -"It will be seen that, between 1871 and 1881, there was a great -decrease, and that the numbers in 1891 are slightly higher -than they were twenty years ago. The figures, however, are most -untrustworthy. The cause is not far to seek; many persons, who are -really Natives, claim to be Eurasians, and some who are Eurasians -return themselves as Europeans. It might be thought that the errors -due to these circumstances would be fairly constant, but the district -figures show that this cannot be the case. Take Malabar, for example, -which has the largest number of Eurasians after Madras, and where -the division between Native Christians with European names and -people of real mixed race is very shadowy. In 1871 there were in this -district 5,413 Eurasians; in 1881 the number had apparently fallen to -1,676; while in 1891 it had again risen to 4,193, or, if we include -South-east Wynaad, as we should do, to 4,439. It is to be regretted -that trustworthy statistics cannot be obtained, for the question -whether the true Eurasian community is increasing or decreasing is of -considerable scientific and administrative importance. The Eurasians -form but a very small proportion of the community, for there is only -one Eurasian in every 1,337 of the population of the Madras Presidency, -and it is more than probable that a considerable proportion of those -returned as Eurasians are in reality pure Natives who have embraced the -Christian religion, taken an English or Portuguese name, and adopted -the European dress and mode of living. In the matter of education, or -at least elementary education, they are more advanced than any other -class of the community, and compare favourably with the population -of any country in the world. They live for the most part in towns, -nearly one-half of their number being found in the city of Madras." - -In connection with the fact that, at times of census, Native Christians -and Pariahs, who masquerade in European clothes, return themselves -as Eurasians, and vice versâ, it may be accepted that some benefit -must be derived by the individual in return for the masking of his or -her nationality. And it has been pointed out to me that (as newspaper -advertisements testify) many ladies will employ a Native ayah rather -than a Eurasian nurse, and that some employers will take Eurasian -clerks into their service, but not Native Christians. It occasionally -happens that pure-bred Natives, with European name and costume, -successfully pass themselves off as Eurasians, and are placed on -a footing of equality with Eurasians in the matter of diet, being -allowed the luxury of bread and butter, coffee, etc. - -Mr. Stuart had at his command no special statistics of the occupations -resorted to by Eurasians, but states that the majority of them are -clerks, while very few obtain their livelihood by agriculture. In -the course of my investigations in the city of Madras, the following -occupations were recorded:-- - - - Accountant. - Attendant, Lunatic Asylum. - Baker. - Bandsman. - Bill collector. - Blacksmith. - Boarding-house keeper. - Boatswain. - Boiler smith. - Carpenter. - Chemist's assistant. - Clerk, Government. - Clerk, commercial. - Commission agent. - Compositor. - Compounder. - Contractor. - Coppersmith. - Crane attendant, harbour. - Draftsman. - Electric tram driver. - Electric tram inspector. - Engine-driver, ice factory. - Evangelist. - Filer. - Fireman. - Fitter. - Hammerer. - Harness-maker. - Jewel-smith. - Joiner. - Labourer. - Livery stable-keeper. - Mechanic. - Moulder. - Painter. - Petition writer. - Police Inspector. - Porter. - Printer. - Proof-reader. - Railway-- - Auditor. - Chargeman. - Engine-driver. - Engineer. - Goods clerk. - Guard. - Locomotive Inspector. - Parcels clerk. - Prosecuting Inspector. - Shunter. - Signaller. - Station-master. - Storekeeper. - Ticket collector. - Tool-keeper. - Block signaller. - Carriage examiner. - Reporter. - Rivetter. - Saddler. - Schoolmaster. - Sexton. - Spring-smith. - Stereotyper. - Steward. - Telegraph clerk. - Watchmaker. - Watchman. - - -In the Census Report, 1901, the following statistics of the occupation -of 5,718 Eurasians in Madras city (4,083), Malabar (1,149) and -Chingleput (486) are given. Most of those in the last of these three -reside in Perambur, just outside the Madras municipal limits:-- - - Number of - workers. - Endowments, scholarships, etc. 813 - Pensioners 438 - Railway clerks, station-masters, guards, etc. 427 - Tailors 378 - Merchants' and shop-keepers' clerks 297 - Railway operatives 262 - Teachers 243 - Public service 212 - Private clerks 211 - Mechanics (not railway) 203 - Carpenters 167 - Telegraph department 136 - Medical department 136 - Cooks, grooms, etc. 132 - Printing presses: workmen and subordinates 106 - Independent means 75 - Allowances from patrons, relatives and friends 72 - Survey and Public Works department 66 - Coffee and tea estate clerks and coolies 60 - Inmates of asylums 58 - Railway porters, etc. 57 - Musicians and actors 54 - Harbour service 50 - Workmen, gun carriage factories 48 - Postal department 48 - Non-commissioned officers, Army 46 - Mendicants 45 - Midwives 42 - Priests, ministers, etc. 41 - Tramway officials 35 - Sellers of hides and bones, shoe and boot makers, 33 - tanners, etc. - Local and Municipal service 30 - Shipping clerks, etc. 29 - Brokers and agents 28 - Lawyers' clerks 26 - Merchants and shop-keepers 24 - Landholders 24 - Watch and clock makers 23 - Money-lenders, etc. 22 - Military clerks 21 - Blacksmiths 18 - Chemists and druggists 16 - Prisoners 15 - Pleaders 12 - Brass and copper smiths 12 - Inmates of convents, etc. 11 - Ship's officers, etc. 10 - Prostitutes 10 - Authors, editors, etc. 10 - Cultivating tenants 8 - Club managers, etc. 8 - Hotel-keepers, etc. 7 - Minor occupations 363 - - -As bearing on the subject of Eurasian marriage, I am enabled, -through the courtesy of a railway chaplain and the chaplain of one -of the principal churches in the city of Madras, to place on record -the following statistics abstracted from the registers. It may, in -explanation, be noted that M indicates the bridegroom, F the bride, -and W widow or widower remarriage:-- - - -(a) Railway. - - =======+========+========+========+========+======= - M. | F. | M. | F. | M. | F. - -------+--------+--------+--------+--------+------- - 25 | 18 | 34 | 19 | 24 | 18 - 21 | 15 | 27 | 16 | 35 | 21 - 24 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 24 | 19 - 21 | 14 | 22 | 18 | 22 | 18 - 22 | 19 | 25 | 16 | 21 | 20 - 23 | 17 | 22 | 18 | 32 | 19 - 23 | 14 | 25 | 16 | 26 | 21 - 23 | 18 | 23 | 21 | 25 | 18 - 25 | 16 | W 42 | 18 | 33 | 19 - W 45 | 19 | 37 | 28 | 20 | 15 - 25 | 23 | 25 | 19 | 25 | 18 - 24 | 17 | 24 | 17 | 24 | 20 - 22 | 17 | 26 | 16 | 32 | 19 - W 42 | 18 | 24 | 19 | 27 | 18 - 40 | 16 | 23 | | | - 23 | 22 | 23 | | | - =======+========+========+========+========+====== - - -(b) Madras City. - - ========+========+========+========+========+====== - M. | F. | M. | F. | M. | F. - --------+--------+--------+--------+--------+------ - 33 | 26 | 28 | 19 | 27 | 18 - W 40 | 18 | 29 | 20 | W 39 | 19 - 23 | 26 | 23 | 21 | 27 | 31 - 23 | 23 | 26 | 21 | 23 | 14 - 25 | 21 | 22 | 18 | 33 | 24 - 29 | W 24 | 25 | 17 | 25 | 18 - 31 | 19 | 28 | W 35 | 25 | 18 - 28 | 25 | 24 | 18 | 21 | 19 - 26 | 17 | 26 | 19 | 24 | 20 - 23 | 15 | 32 | 26 | 26 | 19 - 23 | 18 | 26 | 18 | W 46 | W 39 - 23 | 19 | 27 | 18 | 23 | 25 - 30 | 24 | 25 | 21 | 22 | 20 - W 38 | 17 | 23 | 16 | 32 | 17 - 21 | 17 | 27 | 19 | 21 | 16 - 26 | 21 | 40 | 16 | 21 | W 30 - W 53 | W 43 | 28 | 15 | W 40 | 17 - 28 | 20 | 31 | 24 | 25 | 24 - 29 | 21 | 27 | 25 | 30 | 20 - W 43 | W 36 | 29 | 17 | W 43 | 23 - 20 | 16 | 24 | W 30 | 22 | 18 - 22 | 18 | W 42 | W 34 | | - ========+========+========+========+========+======= - - -Analysing these figures, with the omission of remarriages, we obtain -the following results:-- - - -(a) Railway. - - Bridegroom. Bride. - Average age 25-26 18-19 - Mean above average 28-29 19-20 - Mean below average 23-24 16-17 - Range of age 40-20 28-14 - - -(b) Madras City. - - Bridegroom. Bride. - Average age 26-27 19-20 - Mean above average 28-29 21-22 - Mean below average 23-24 17-18 - Range of age 40-20 31-14 - - -From the analysis of a hundred male cases in Madras, in which enquiries -were made with reference to the married state, in individuals ranging -in age from 21 to 50, with an average age of 33, I learn that 74 were -married; that 141 male and 130 female children had been born to them; -and that 26, whose average age was 25, were unmarried. The limits of -age of the men at the time of marriage were 32 and 16; of their wives -25 and 13. The greatest number of children born to a single pair -was 10. In only three cases, out of the seventy-four, was there no -issue. In fifty cases, which were examined, of married men, with an -average age of 34, 207 children had been born, of whom 91 had died, -for the most part in early life, from 'fever' and other causes. - -The racial position of Eurasians, and the proportion of black blood -in their veins, are commonly indicated, not by the terms mulatto, -quadroon, octoroon, sambo (or zambo), etc., but in fractions of a -rupee. The European pure breed being represented by Rs. 0-0-0, and -the Native pure breed by 16 annas (= 1 rupee), the resultant cross is, -by reference to colour and other tests, gauged as being half an anna in -the rupee (faint admixture of black blood), approaching European types; -eight annas (half and half); fifteen annas (predominant admixture of -black blood), approaching Native types, etc. - -The Eurasian body being enveloped in clothes, it was not till they -stripped before me, for the purpose of anthropometry, that I became -aware how prevalent is the practice of tattooing among the male -members of the community. Nearly all the hundred and thirty men -(of the lower classes) whom I examined were, in fact, tattooed to a -greater or less extent on the breasts, upper arms, forearms, wrists, -back of the hands, or shoulders. The following varied selection of -devices in blue, with occasional red, is recorded in my case-book:-- - - - Anchor. - Ballet girl with flag, stars and stripes. - Bracelets round wrists. - Burmese lady carrying umbrella. - Bird. - Bugles. - Conventional artistic devices. - Cross and anchor. - Crown and flags. - Crossed swords and pistols. - Dancing-girl. - Dancing-girl playing with cobras. - Elephant. - Floral devices. - Flowers in pot. - Hands joined in centre of a heart. - Hands joined, and clasping a flower. - Heart. - Heart and cross. - Initials of the individual, his friends, relatives, and inamorata, - sometimes within a heart or laurel wreath. - Lizard. - Mercy (word on left breast). - Mermaid. - Portraits of the man and his lady-love. - Queen Alexandra. - Royal arms and banners. - Sailing boat. - Scorpion. - Solomon's seal. - Steam boat. - Svastika (Buddhist emblem). - Watteau shepherdess. - - -The most elaborate patterns were executed by Burmese tattooers. The -initials of the individual's Christian and surnames, which -preponderated over other devices, were, as a rule, in Roman, but -occasionally in Tamil characters. - -In colour the Eurasians afford examples of the entire colour scale, -through sundry shades of brown and yellow, to pale white, and even -florid or rosy. The pilous or hairy system was, in the cases recorded -by me, uniformly black. The colour of the iris, like that of the -skin, is liable to great variation, from lustrous black to light, -with a predominance of dark tints. Blue was observed only in a -solitary instance. - -The Eurasian resists exposure to the sun better than the European, -and, while many wear solah topis (pith sun-hats), it is by no means -uncommon to see a Eurasian walking about in the middle of a hot day -with his head protected only by a straw hat or cap. - -The average height of the Eurasians examined by me in Madras, according -to my measurements of 130 subjects, is 166.6 cm. (5 feet 5-1/2 inches), -and compares as follows with that of the English and various Native -classes inhabiting the city of Madras:-- - - - cm. - English 170.8 - Eurasians 166.6 - Muhammadans 164.5 - Brahmans 162.5 - Pallis 162.5 - Vellalas 162.4 - Paraiyans 161.9 - - -The height, as might be expected, comes between that of the two -parent stocks, European and Native, and had, in the cases examined, -the wide range of 30.8 cm., the difference between a maximum of 183.8 -cm. (6 feet) and a minimum of 153 cm. (5 feet). - -The average length of the head was 18.6 cm. and the breadth 14.1 -cm. And it is to be noted that, in 63 per cent. of the cases examined, -the breadth exceeded 14 cm.:-- - - - Length. Breadth. Index. - cm. cm. - Brahmans 18.6 14.2 76.5 - Eurasians 18.6 14.1 76 - Muhammadans 18.7 13.9 76.1 - Vellalas 18.6 13.8 74.1 - Paraiyans 18.6 13.7 73.6 - Pallis 18.6 13.6 73 - - -The breadth of the head is very clearly brought out by the following -analysis of forty subjects belonging to each of the above six classes, -which shows at a glance the preponderance of heads exceeding 14 -cm. in breadth in Eurasians, Brahmans, and (to a less extent) -in Muhammadans:-- - - - 12-13 13-14 14-15 15-16 - cm. cm. cm. cm. - Eurasians ... 11 27 2 - Brahmans 1 9 27 3 - Muhammadans 2 17 21 ... - Vellalas ... 24 16 ... - Paraiyans ... 27 13 ... - Pallis 3 30 7 ... - - -The head of a cross-breed, it has been said, generally takes after the -father, and the breadth of the Eurasian head is a persisting result -of European male influence. The effect of this influence is clearly -demonstrated in the following cases, all the result of re-crossing -between British men and Eurasian women:-- - - - Length. Breadth. - cm. cm. - 19 14.5 - 18.4 14.2 - 19.2 14.2 - 20.2 14.6 - 19 14.6 - 19.4 14.3 - ---- ---- - Average 19.2 14.4 - Eurasian average 18.6 14.1 - - -The character of the nose is, as those who have studied ethnology in -India will appreciate, a most important factor in the differentiation -of race, tribe, and class, and in the determination of pedigree. "No -one," Mr. Risley writes, [120] "can have glanced at the literature -of the subject, and in particular, at the Védic accounts of the Aryan -advance, without being struck by the frequent references to the noses -of the people whom the Aryans found in possession of the plains of -India. So impressed were the Aryans with the shortcomings of their -enemies' noses that they often spoke of them as 'the noseless ones,' -and their keen perception of the importance of this feature seems -almost to anticipate the opinion of Dr. Collignon that the nasal index -ranks higher as a distinctive character than the stature or even the -cephalic index itself." - -In the subjoined table, based on the examination of forty members of -each class, the high proportion of leptorhine Eurasians, Muhammadans, -and Vellalas, with nasal indices ranging between 60 and 70, is at -once manifest, and requires no comment:-- - - - 60-70. 70-80. 80-90. 90-100. - Eurasians 19 17 3 1 - Muhammadans 17 18 4 1 - Vellalas 14 22 3 1 - Pallis 3 25 9 3 - Paraiyans 2 17 19 2 - - -I pass on to the Eurasians of the west coast. My visit to Calicut, -the capital of the Malabar district, was by chance coincident with the -commemoration of the four hundredth anniversary of the arrival of Vasco -da Gama at Calicut after his discovery of the sea-route from Europe -to India. Concerning the origin of the Indo-Portuguese half-breed, I -learn [121] that, on his return from the recapture of Goa, Albuquerque -brought with him the women he had carried away when the Portuguese -were driven out of the place. As soon as affairs became tolerably -settled again at that port, he had them converted to Christianity, -and married them to Portuguese men. No less than 450 of his men were -thus married in Goa, and others who desired to follow their example -were so numerous that Albuquerque had great difficulty in granting -their requests. The marriage of Portuguese men to native women had -already been sanctioned by Dom Manuel, but this privilege was only -to be conceded to men of proved character, and who had rendered good -service. Albuquerque, however, extended the permission to many far -beyond what he was authorised to do, and he took care that the women -so married were the daughters of the principal men of the land. This -he did in the hope of inducing them to become Christians. To those who -were married Albuquerque allotted lands, houses and cattle, so as to -give them a start in life, and all the landed property which had been -in possession of the Moorish mosques and Hindu pagodas he gave to the -principal churches of the city, which he dedicated to Santa Catherina. - -The names of some members of the community at Calicut recalled to -mind Pedro Alvares Cabral, who anchored before Calicut in 1500, -and established a factory at Cochin; the first Portuguese Governor, -Dom Franciso de Almeida; André Furtado de Mendonca, who concluded -a treaty with the king of Calicut; and many others, whose exploits -are handed down to posterity in the Indo-Portuguese archives. Though -Portuguese names persist at the present day, it does not follow of -necessity that their owners have any Portuguese blood in their veins, -for some are merely descendants of Native converts to Christianity, -or of household slaves of Portuguese officers. "In Malabar," writes the -Census Commissioner, 1881, "there is a section of Europeanized Native -Christians--Goa Roman Catholics--some of whom have adopted European -dress and customs; and in all districts the popular interpretation -of the word Eurasian is very liberal. There are many Pariahs and -Native Christians, who have adopted a travesty of European clothes, -and who would return themselves as Eurasians, if allowed to do so." - -A social distinction is made at Calicut between Eurasians and -East Indians. With a view at clearing up the grounds on which this -distinction is based, my interpreter was called on to submit a note on -the subject, which arrived couched in language worthy of Mark Twain. I, -therefore, reproduce it in the original Indo-Anglian. - -"Eurasians are classified to those who stand second in the list of -Europeans and those born in any part of India, and who are the Pedigree -of European descendants, being born of father European and mother East -Indian, and notwithstanding those who can prove themselves as really -good Indian descendants, such as mother and father of the same sex, -therefore these are called Eurasians. - -"East Indians are those offsprings of Christians of the East, and -they atimes gather the offsprings of Eurasians to the entering their -marriage to the East Indian females in the East Indian community, -thereby they are called East Indians. - -"Native Christians are those of Hindu nations converted into Christians -by their embracing the poles of Christianity. All Hindus thereby -converted are made Christians by a second Baptism are called Native -Christians. - -"Coaster. They are alluded to those who belong to the Coast, and who -come from a country that has a Sea Coast into that country that has -not got a Sea Coast is therefore called a Coaster. A very rude word." - -Speaking in general terms, it may be said that Eurasians are of greater -stature, and possess skins of lighter hue than the East Indians, -who, as the result of intermarriage with Native Christian women, -have reverted in the direction of the Native type. - -The Eurasians examined by me at Calicut, nearly all of whom were Roman -Catholics, were earning a livelihood in the following capacities:-- - - - Bandsman. Municipal inspector. - Boot-maker. Musician. - Bugler. Petition-writer. - Carpenter. Police constable. - Clerk. Railway guard. - Coffee estate writer. Schoolmaster. - Compositor. Tailor. - Copyist. Tin-smith. - Mechanic. Weaver. - - -As in Madras, so in Malabar, tattooing is very prevalent among the -male members of the community, and the devices are characterised by a -predominance of religious emblems and snakes. The following patterns -are recorded in my notes:-- - - - Bangle on wrist. - Boat. - Bird (the Holy Ghost). - Chalice. - Christ crucified. - Conventional and geometrical designs. - Cross. - Cross and crown. - Cross and heart. - Cross and I.N.R.I. - Crossed swords. - Fish. - Flags. - Flower. - Flower and leaves. - Initials. - Ladder. - Sacred heart. - Snake encircling forearms. - Snake coiled round forearm. - Solomon's seal. - Steam boat. - - -There are, in North Malabar, many individuals, whose fathers were -European. Writing, in 1887, concerning the Tiyan community, Mr. Logan -states [122] that "the women are not as a rule excommunicated if -they live with Europeans, and the consequence is that there has -been among them a large admixture of European blood, and the caste -itself has been materially raised in the social scale. In appearance -some of the women are almost as fair as Europeans." On this point, -the Report of the Malabar Marriage Commission, 1894, states that "in -the early days of British rule, the Tiyan women incurred no social -disgrace by consorting with Europeans, and, up to the last generation, -if the Sudra girl could boast of her Brahmin lover, the Tiyan girl -could show more substantial benefits from her alliance with a white -man of the ruling race. Happily the progress of education, and the -growth of a wholesome public opinion, have made shameful the position -of a European's concubine; and both races have thus been saved from -a mode of life equally demoralizing to each." - -During a visit to Ootacamund on the Nilgiri hills, I was enabled -to examine the physique of the elder boys at the Lawrence Asylum, -the object of which is "to provide for children of European and -East Indian officers and soldiers of Her Majesty's Army (British and -Native), and of Europeans and East Indians in the Medical Service, -military and civil, who are serving, or have served within the limits -of the Presidency of Madras, a refuge from the debilitating effects of -a tropical climate, and from the serious drawbacks to the well-being -of children incidental to a barrack life; to afford for them a plain, -practical, and religious education; and to train them for employment -in different trades, pursuits, and industries." As the result of -examination of thirty-three Eurasian boys, I was able to testify to -the excellence of their physical condition. [123] A good climate, with -a mean annual temperature of 58°, good food, and physical training, -have produced a set of boys well-nourished and muscular, with good -chests, shoulders, and body weight. - -Some final words are necessary on liability to certain diseases, -as a differentiating character between Eurasians and Europeans. The -Census Commissioner, 1891, states that Eurasians seem to be peculiarly -liable to insanity and leprosy. To these should be added elephantiasis -(filarial disease), concerning which Surgeon-Major J. Maitland writes -as follows [124] "Almost all the old writers on elephantiasis believed -that the dark races were more susceptible to the disease than white -people; but it is extremely doubtful if this is the case. It is true -that, in those countries where the disease is endemic, the proportion -of persons affected is much greater among the blacks than among the -whites; but it has to be borne in mind that the habits of the former -render them much more liable to the disease than the latter. The -majority of the white people, being more civilised, are more careful -regarding the purity of their drinking water than the Natives, -who are proverbially careless in this respect. In India, although -it is comparatively rare to meet with Europeans affected with the -disease, yet such cases are from time to time recorded. Eurasians -are proportionately more liable to the disease than pure Europeans, -but not so much so as Natives. Doctors Patterson and Hall of Bahia -[125] examined the blood of 309 persons in that place, and found the -following proportions affected with filaria; of whites, 1 in 26; of -blacks, 1 in 10-1/4; of the mixed race, 1 in 9. Doctor Laville [126] -states that, in the Society Islands, out of a total of 13 European and -American residents, 11 were affected with elephantiasis. Taking all -these facts into consideration, together with our knowledge of the -pathology of the disease, I do not think we are justified in saying -that the black races are more susceptible to the disease than white -people. On the other hand, owing to the nature of their habits, they -are much more liable to the diseases than are the white races." During -the five years 1893-97, ninety-eight Eurasians suffering from filarial -diseases were admitted into the General Hospital, Madras. - -To Colonel W. A. Lee, I.M.S., Superintendent of the Government Leper -Asylum, Madras, I am indebted for the following note on leprosy in its -relation to the Eurasian and European communities. "Europeans are by -no means immune to the disease, which, in the majority of instances, -is contracted by them through coitus with leprous individuals. Leprosy -is one of the endemic diseases of tropical and sub-tropical countries, -to the risk of contracting which Europeans who settle on the plains -of India, and their offspring from unions with the inhabitants of -the land, as well as the descendants of the latter, become exposed, -since, by the force of circumstances, they are thrown into intimate -contact with the Native population. The Eurasian community furnishes -a considerable number of lepers, and the disease, once introduced -into a family, has a tendency to attack several of its members, and -to reappear in successive generations, occasionally skipping one--a -feature akin to the biological phenomenon known as atavism, but of -perhaps doubtful analogy, for the possibility of a fresh infection -or inoculation has always to be borne in mind. There are numerous -instances of such hereditary transmission among the patients, -both Native and Eurasian, in the Leper Hospital. The spread of -the disease by contagion is slow, the most intimate contact even, -such as that between parent and child, often failing to effect -inoculation. Still there is much evidence in support of its being -inoculable by cohabitation, prolonged contact, wearing the same -clothing, sharing the dwelling, using the same cooking and eating -utensils, and even by arm-to-arm vaccination. Influenced by a belief in -the last mentioned cause, vaccination was formerly regarded with much -suspicion and dislike by Eurasians in Madras. But their apprehensions -on this score have abated since animal vaccine was substituted for the -humanised material. It has also for long been a popular belief among -the same class that the suckling of their infants by infected Native -wet-nurses is a common source of the disease. Attempts to reproduce -leprosy from supposed pure cultures of the leprosy bacillus have -invariably failed, and this strengthens the belief that the disease -would die out if sufferers from the tubercular or mixed forms were -segregated, and intermarriage with members of known leprous families -interdicted. Experience shows that, where such marriages are freely -entered into, a notable prevalence of the disease results, as at -Pondicherry for example, where the so-called creole population is -said to contain a large proportion of lepers from this cause." - -Writing concerning the prevalence of insanity in different classes, -the Census Commissioner, 1891, states that "it appears from the -statistics that insanity is far more prevalent among the Eurasians -than among any other class. The proportion is 1 insane person in -every 410. For England and Wales the proportion is 1 in every 307, -and it is significant that the section of the population of Madras, -which shows the greatest liability to insanity, is that which has -an admixture of European blood. I have no information regarding the -prevalence of insanity among Eurasians for any other province or -State in India except Mysore, and there the proportion is 1 in 306." - -For the following tabular statement of admissions into the Government -Lunatic Asylum, Madras, I am indebted to Captain C. H. Leet-Palk, -I.M.S.:-- - - - ======+=================+=================+================ - | Eurasians. | Natives. | Europeans. - -- |-----------------|-----------------|---------------- - | Male. | Female. | Male. | Female. | Male. | Female. - ------+-------+---------+-------+---------+-------+-------- - 1893 | 6 | 7 | 110 | 55 | 15 | 4 - 1894 | 8 | 6 | 104 | 28 | 19 | 1 - 1895 | 10 | 6 | 113 | 18 | 11 | 4 - 1896 | 2 | 4 | 82 | 17 | 5 | ... - 1897 | 3 | 3 | 84 | 18 | 14 | 1 - ======+=======+=========+=======+=========+=======+======== - - -Leaving out of question the Europeans, in whom, owing to the -preponderance of the male sex in Madras, a greater number of male than -female lunatics is to be expected, and considering only Eurasians -and Natives, the far higher proportion of female as compared with -male lunatics in the Eurasian than in the Native community, is -very conspicuous. Taking, for example, the numbers remaining in the -Asylum in 1894. Whereas the proportion of Eurasian males to females -was 33:31, that of Natives was 30.6:6.8; and the high proportion of -female Eurasian inmates was visible in other years. The subject seems -to be one worthy of further study by those competent to deal with it. - - - - - - - -G - - -Gabit.--A Bombay fishing caste returned at the census, 1901. To Malpe -in the South Canara district, during the fishing season, come fishermen -with a flotilla of keeled and outrigged sailing boats from Ratnagiri -in the Bombay Presidency. Hither also come fishermen from Goa. The -reasons given by the Ratnagiri fishermen for coming southward are that -fish are not so abundant off their own coast, competition is keener, -and salt more expensive. Moreover, the crystals of Bombay salt are -too large for successful curing, and "do not agree with the fish, -of which the flesh is turned black." If, they said contemptuously, -they were to sun-dry fish by the local method, their people would -laugh at them for bringing back, not fish, but dried cow-dung for -fuel. The Ratnagiri boats go well out of sight of land to the fishing -ground, where they catch seir, pomfret, cat-fish (Arius), and other -big fish near the surface, and sharks in deeper water. If the fishing -is not good near Malpe, they may go south as far as Mangalore. To -the Ratnagiri fishermen the seir (Cybium) is the most valuable and -lucrative fish. Under existing arrangements, by which clashing of -interests is avoided, the fishery at Malpe is divided into two zones, -viz., the deep sea fished by the large Ratnagiri boats, and the -shallow littoral water by the smaller local and Goa boats. - -Gadaba.--The Gadabas are a tribe of agriculturists, coolies, and -hunters in the Vizagapatam district. Hunting is said to be gradually -decreasing, as many of the forests are now preserved, and shooting -without a license is forbidden. Men sometimes occupy themselves in -felling trees, catching birds and hares, and tracking and beating game -for sportsmen. The Gadabas are also employed as bearers in the hills, -and carry palanquins. There is a settlement of them on the main road -between Sembliguda and Koraput, in a village where they are said to -have been settled by a former Raja expressly for such service. It -is said that the Gadabas will not touch a horse, possibly because -they are palanquin-bearers, and have the same objection to the rival -animal that a cabman has for a motor-car. - -There is a tradition that the tribe owes its name to the fact that -its ancestors emigrated from the banks of the Godabari (Godavari) -river, and settled at Nandapur, the former capital of the Rajas -of Jeypore. The Gadabas have a language of their own, of which a -vocabulary is given in the Vizagapatam Manual. This language is -included by Mr. G. A. Grierson [127] in the Munda linguistic family. - -The tribe is apparently divided into five sections, called Bodo (big) -or Gutob, Parenga, Olaro, Kaththiri or Kaththara, and Kapu. Of these, -the last two are settled in the plains, and say that they are Bodo -and Olaro Gadabas who migrated thither from the hills. As among the -Gadabas, so among the Savaras, there is a section which has settled -on the plains, and adopted Kapu as its name. In the Madras Census -Report, 1891, nearly a thousand Gadabas are returned as belonging to -the Chenchu sub-division. Chenchu is the name of a separate jungle -tribe in the Telugu country, and I have been unable to confirm the -existence of a Chenchu sub-division among the Gadabas. - -In the Madras Census Report, 1871, Mr. H. G. Turner states that "very -much akin to the Gadabas are a class called Kerang Kapus. They will -not admit any connexion with them; but, as their language is almost -identical, such gainsaying cannot be permitted them. They are called -Kerang Kapu from the circumstance of their women weaving cloths, -which they weave from the fibre of a jungle shrub called Kerang -(Calotropis gigantea)." Mr. H. A. Stuart remarks [128] that "the -Kapu Gadabas are possibly the Kerang Kapus mentioned by Mr. Turner -as akin to the Gadabas, for I find no mention of the caste under the -full name of Kerang Kapu, nor is Kerang found as a sub-division of -either Kapu or Gadaba." Writing concerning the numeral system of the -Kerang Kapus, Mr. Turner observes that it runs thus: Moi, Umbar, -Jugi, O, Malloi, Turu, Gu, Tammar, Santing, Goa, and for eleven -(1 and following numbers), they prefix the word Go, e.g., Gommoi, -Gombaro, etc. The Kerang Kapus can count up to nineteen, but have no -conception of twenty. According to Mr. W. Francis, the only tribe on -the hills which has this system of notation is the Bonda Poraja. The -Gadabas have very similar names for the first five numerals; but, -after that, lapse into Oriya, e.g., sat, at, no, das, etc. The -Bonda Poraja numerals recorded by Mr. Francis are muyi, baar, gii, -oo, moloi, thiri, goo, thamam, and so on up to nineteen, after which -they cannot count. This system, as he points out, agrees with the one -described by Mr. Turner as belonging to the Kerang Kapus. The Gutob -Gadaba numerals recorded by Mr. C. A. Henderson include muititti (1 + -a hand), and martitti (2 + a hand). - -Some Gadaba women wear a bustle or dress improver, called irre or -kitte. This article of attire is accounted for by the following -tradition. "A goddess visited a Gadaba village incognito, and asked -leave of one of the women to rest on a cot. She was brusquely told that -the proper seat for beggars was the floor, and she consequently decreed -that thenceforth all Gadaba women should wear a bustle to remind them -to avoid churlishness." [129] The Gadaba female cloths are manufactured -by themselves from cotton thread and the fibre of silloluvada or ankudi -chettu (Holarrhena antidysenterica) and boda luvada or bodda chettu -(Ficus glomerata). The fibre is carefully dried, and dyed blue or -reddish-brown. The edges of the cloth are white, a blue strip comes -next, while the middle portion is reddish-brown with narrow stripes -of white or blue at regular intervals. The Gadabas account for the -dress of their women by the following legend. When Rama, during his -banishment, was wandering in the forests of Dandaka, his wife Sita -accompanied him in spite of his entreaties to the contrary. It was one -of the cruel terms of his stepmother Kaika that Rama should wear only -clothing made from jungle fibre, before leaving the capital. According -to the Hindu religion, a virtuous wife must share both the sorrows -and joys of her lord. Consequently Sita followed the example of Rama, -and wore the same kind of clothing. They then left the capital amidst -the loud lamentation of the citizens. During their wanderings, they met -some Gadaba women, who mocked and laughed at Sita. Whereupon she cursed -them, and condemned them to wear no other dress but the cloth made of -fibre. In a note on the Gadabas, [130] Mr. L. Lakshminarayan writes -that "although mill-prepared cloths are fast replacing house-spun -cloths in all communities, yet, in the case of the Gadabas, there -is a strong superstition which prevents the use of cloths prepared -outside, particularly in regard to the cloths worn by their women. The -legend (about Sita) is fully believed by the Gadabas, and hence their -religious adherence to their particular cloth. At the time of marriage, -it is absolute that the Gadaba maiden should wear this fibre-made -cloth, else misfortune will ruin the family. A bundle of twigs is -brought, and the stems freed of leaves are bruised and twisted to -loosen the bark, and are then dried for two or three days, after which -the bark is ripped out and beaten down smooth with heavy sticks, -to separate the bark from the fibre. The fibre is then collected, -and combed down smooth, and spun into a tolerably fine twist. It -is this twist that the Gadaba maiden weaves in her crude loom, -and prepares from it her marriage sari. According to a good custom -among these people, a Gadaba maiden must learn to weave her cloths -before she becomes eligible for marriage. And no Gadaba ever thinks -of marrying a wife who cannot prepare her own cloths. Men can use -cotton and other cloths, whereas women cannot do so, for they are -under the curse of Sita. But the passion for fineries in woman is -naturally so strong that the modern Gadaba woman is now taking the -liberty of putting cotton thread for the woof and ankudu fibre for -the warp, and thus is able to turn out a more comfortable and finer -cloth. But some old crones informed me that this mixed cloth is not -so auspicious as that prepared wholly from the fibre." - -Some Gadaba women wear immense earrings made of long pieces of brass -wire wound into a circle, which hang down from a hole in the ear, -and sometimes reach to the shoulders. The wire is sold in the shandy -(market) at so much a cubit. The head-dress of some of the women -consists of a chaplet of Oliva shells, and strings of beads of various -sizes and colours, or the red and black berries of Abrus precatorius, -with pendants which hang over the forehead. The women also wear -bead necklaces, to which a coin may sometimes be seen attached -as a pendant. Bracelets and rings are as a rule made of brass or -copper, but sometimes silver rings are worn. Toe-rings and brass or -silver anklets are considered fashionable ornaments. Among the Olaro -Gadabas, the wearing of brass anklets by a woman indicates that she is -married. For teaching backward children to walk, the Gadabas employ -a bamboo stick split so as to make a fork, the prongs of which are -connected by a cross-bar. The apparatus is held by the mother, and -the child, clutching the cross-bar, toddles along. - -Among the Bodo and Olaro sections, the following septs occur:--Kora -(sun), Nag (cobra), Bhag (tiger), Kira (parrot), and Gollari -(monkey). The Gadabas who have settled in the plains seem to have -forgotten the sept names, but will not injure or kill certain animals, -e.g., the cobra. - -Girls are as a rule married after puberty. When a young man's parents -think it time for him to get married, they repair to the home of -an eligible girl with rice and liquor, and say that they have come -to ask a boon, but do not mention what it is. They are treated to -a meal, and return home. Some time afterwards, on a day fixed by -the Disari, three or four aged relatives of the young man go to the -girl's house, and the match is fixed up. After a meal, they return -to their homes. On the day appointed for the wedding ceremonies, -the bridegroom's relations go to the home of the bride, taking with -them a rupee towards the marriage expenses, a new cloth for the girl's -mother, and half a rupee for the females of the bride's village, which -is regarded as compensation for the loss of the girl. To the bride are -given a glass bead necklace, and brass bangles to be worn on the right -wrist. A feast follows. On the following day, the bride is conducted -to the village of the bridegroom, in front of whose home a pandal -(booth), made of four bamboo poles, covered with green leaves, has -been erected. Within the pandal, stems of the sal (Shorea robusta), -addagirli, and bamboo joined together, are set up as the auspicious -post. Beside this a grindstone is placed, on which the bride sits, -with the bridegroom seated on her thighs. The females present throw -turmeric powder over them, and they are bathed with turmeric-water -kept ready in a new pot. They are then presented with new cloths, and -their hands are joined together by the officiating Disari. A feast, -with much drinking, follows, and the day's proceedings conclude with -a dance. On the following day, mud is heaped up near the pandal, into -which the Disari throws a handful of it. The remainder of the mud -is carried into the pandal by the contracting couple, who pour water -over it, and throw it over those who are assembled. All then proceed -to a stream, and bathe. A further feast and dance follows, of which -the newly married couple are spectators, without taking part in it. - -In a note on marriage among the Parenga Gadabas, Mr. G. F. Paddison -writes that they have two forms of marriage rite, one of which -(biba) is accompanied by much feasting, gifts of bullocks, toddy, -rice, etc. The most interesting feature is the fight for the bride -with fists. All the men on each side fight, and the bridegroom has -to carry off the bride by force. Then they all sit down, and feast -together. In the other form (lethulia), the couple go off together -to the jungle, and, when they return, pay twenty rupees, or whatever -they can afford, to the girl's father as a fine. A dinner and regular -marriage follow elopement and payment of the fine. - -The ghorojavai system, according to which a man works for a stated -period for his future father-in-law, is practiced by the Gadabas. But a -cash payment is said to be now substituted for service. The remarriage -of widows is permitted, and a younger brother may marry the widow of -his elder brother. If she does not marry him, the second husband has -to pay a sum of money, called in Oriya the rand tonka, to him. When -a man divorces his wife, her relations are summoned, and he pays her -two rupees before sending her away. Of this sum, one rupee is paid as -buchni for suspicion regarding her chastity, and the other as chatni -for driving her away. A divorced woman may remarry. - -In the hills, the village headman is called Janni or Nayako, and in -the plains Naidado. He is assisted by a Kirasani, who is also the -caste priest. - -Concerning the religion of the Gadabas, Mr. H. D. Taylor writes [131] -that it is "simple, and consists of feasts at stated intervals. The -chief festival is Ittakaparva, or hunting feast, in March and April. On -this occasion, the whole male population turns out to hunt, and, -if they return unsuccessful, the women pelt them with cow-dung on -their return to the village; if, however, successful, they have their -revenge upon the women in another way. The chief deities (though -spoken of generally under the term Devata or Mahaprabhu) are Ganga -Devi or Takurani, Iswara or Mouli, Bhairava, and Jhankara. It is -Iswara or Mouli who is worshipped at Chaitra. Jhankara is the god -of land, rainfall and crops, and a cow is sacrificed to him. There -are not, as a rule, temples, but the puja (worship) place consists -of a sacred grove surrounded with a circle of stones, which takes -the name of Jhankara from the god to whom puja is performed. Ganga -Devi, Iswara and Mouli have temples at certain places, but as a -rule there is no building, and the site of puja is marked by trees -and stones. To Iswara a she-buffalo is sacrificed at Chaitra. To the -other Devatas cocks and goats are sacrificed. Ganga Devi or Takurani -is the goddess of life and health, both of men and cattle; to her -pigs, goats, and pigeons are sacrificed. There are one or two curious -superstitions. If a member of the caste is supposed to be possessed -of a devil, he or she is abused and beaten by other members of the -caste until the devil is cast out. In some parts the superstition is -that a piece of wild buffalo horn buried in the ground of the village -will avert or cure cattle disease." Sometimes a sal or kosangi tree -is planted, and surrounded by a bamboo hedge. It is worshipped with -animal sacrifices at harvest time, and the Kirasani acts as priest. - -"There is," Mr. G. F. Paddison writes, "rather a curious custom -in connection with a village goddess. Close to her shrine a swing -is kept. On this swing, once a year at the great village festival, -thorns are placed, and the village priest or priestess sits on them -without harm. If the pujari is a male, he has been made neuter. But, -if the village is not fortunate enough to possess a eunuch, a woman -performs the ceremony. [At the fire-walking ceremony at Nuvagode -in Ganjam, the priest sits on a thorny swing, and is endowed with -prophetic powers.] When there is small-pox or other epidemic disease -in a village, a little go-cart is built, composed of a box on legs -fixed to a small board on wheels. In this box is placed a little -clay image, or anything else holy, and carried away to a distant -place, and left there. A white flag is hoisted, which looks like -quarantine, but is really intended, I think, to draw the goddess -back to her shrine. Vaccination is regarded as a religious ceremony, -and the Gadabas, I believe, invariably present the vaccinator as the -officiating priest with rice." - -The Gadabas, like other hill tribes, name their children after the -day of the week on which they are born. On the plains, however, -some give their children low-country names, e.g., Ramudu, Lachigadu, -Arjanna, etc. - -Males are, as a rule, burnt; but, if a person dies in the night or -on a rainy day, the corpse is sometimes buried. Women and children -are usually buried, presumably because they are not thought worth the -fuel necessary for cremation. Only relations are permitted to touch a -corpse. Death pollution is observed for three days, during which the -caste occupation must not be engaged in. Stone slabs are erected to the -memory of the dead, and sacrifices are offered to them now and again. - -The Gadabas have a devil dance, which they are willing to perform -before strangers in return for a small present. It has been thus -described by Captain Glasfurd. [132] "At the time of the Dusserah, -Holi, and other holidays, both men and women dance to the music of a -fife and drum. Sometimes they form a ring by joining hands all round, -and with a long hop spring towards the centre, and then hop back -to the full extent of their arms, while they at the same time keep -circling round and round. At other times, the women dance singly or -in pairs, their hands resting on each other's wrists. When fatigued, -they cease dancing, and sing. A man steps out of the crowd, and sings -a verse or two impromptu. One of the women rejoins, and they sing -at each other for a short time. The point of these songs appears to -consist in giving the sharpest rejoinder to each other. The woman -reflects upon the man's ungainly appearance and want of skill as a -cultivator or huntsman, and the man retorts by reproaching her with -her ugliness and slatternly habits." In connection with dancing, -Mr. Henderson writes that "all the Gadaba dancing I have seen was the -same as that of the Porjas, and consisted of a sort of women's march, -at times accompanied by a few men who wander round, and occasionally -form a ring through which the line of women passes. Sometimes the -men get on each other's shoulders, and so form a sort of two-storied -pyramid. The women's song is comparatively quite melodious." - -In recent years, some Gadabas have emigrated to Assam, to work in -the tea-gardens. But emigration has now stopped by edict. - -For the information contained in this article, I am mainly indebted to -notes by Mr. C. A. Henderson, Mr. W. Francis, Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, -and the Kumara Raja of Bobbili. - -Gadi (cart).--An exogamous sept of Mala. - -Gadidhe Kandla (donkey's eyes).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Gadu.--A common suffix to the name of individuals among various Telugu -classes, e.g., Ramigadu, Subbigadu. - -Gaduge (throne).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Gaita.--A sub-division of Konda Razu. - -Gajjal (a small bell).--A sub-division of Toreya. - -Gali.--Gali or Galollu, meaning wind, devil, or spirit, is recorded -as an exogamous sept of Kamma, Kuruba, and Mala. - -Gamalla.--The Gamallas are a class of toddy-drawers, and distillers and -vendors of arrack in the Telugu country and are supposed to be Idigas -who have bettered themselves, and separated from that caste. Both -Gamallas and Idigas worship the deity Kattamayya. At the census, -1891, some returned Idiga as their sub-division. In the Cuddapah -district some toddy-drawers style themselves Asilivandlu. Possibly -the Idiga, Gamalla, and Asili toddy-drawing classes only represent -three endogamous sections of a single caste. In the Nellore district, -the toddy-drawers style themselves Gamandla or Gavandlavandlu, -and say that they have one gotra Kaumandlapu or Gaumandlapu. It -is probable that the name Gamandla or Gavandla has been coined by -Brahman purohits, to connect the caste with Kaumandala Maharishi of -the Puranas. The Gamallas say that they were created to draw toddy -by the sage Kavundinya, and that they belong to the Gaundla varnam -(caste). I am informed that a Puranam, called Gamandla or Gamudi -Puranam, has been created. In the social scale, the toddy-drawers -appear to occupy a higher position in the Telugu than in the Tamil -country, and they are sometimes said to be Telagas or Balijas, -who have adopted toddy-drawing as a profession. The more prosperous -members of the community are toddy and arrack (liquor) shop-keepers, -and the poorer members extract toddy from the palm-trees. - -The Kapus of the Nellore district employ Gamallas as their cooks -and domestic servants, and all menial service and cooking are done -by Gamallas in the houses of Kapus on the occasion of festivals -and marriages. - -Concerning the origin of the Gamallas, the following legend is -current. A Rishi was doing penance by standing on his head, and, like -the chamæleon, living on light and air, instead of food. According to -some, the Rishi was Kaumandla, while others do not know his name. An -Idiga girl passed by the Rishi, carrying a pot filled with toddy, -which polluted the air, so that the Rishi could not continue the -penance. Being struck with the girl's beauty, he followed her to her -home, and pointed out to her that she was the cause of his mishap. He -asked her to become his wife, but she announced that she was already -married. Eventually, however, they became secretly united, and, in -consequence, the whole town caught fire. The girl's husband, returning -home with some toddy, was amazed at the sight, and she, to protect him, -hid the Rishi in a vat. Into this vat the husband poured the toddy, -which made the Rishi breathe hard, so that the toddy, for the first -time on record, began to foam. Noticing this, the husband found a -lingam, into which the Rishi had been transformed. This lingam was -worshipped by the Gamandlas, and they are at the present day Saivites. - -Like other Telugu castes, the Gamallas have exogamous septs, such as -parvathala (hills), kudumalu (a cake), annam (cooked rice), and pandhi -(pig). Among gotras, the following may be noted:--kavundinya, karunya, -vachalya, and surapandesvara (sura panda, toddy pot). - -Marriage is, as a rule, adult, and remarriage of widows is permitted, -though the tendency at the present day is to abandon the practice. At -the wedding of a widow, the bottu (marriage badge) is tied round her -neck at night. Prior to the marriage ceremony, the worship of female -ancestors must be performed. A new female cloth, betel, and flowers, -are placed on a tray, and worshipped by the mothers of the contracting -couple. The cloth is given as a present to a sister or other near -relation of the bride or bridegroom. - -The dead are cremated, and the widow breaks one or two of her -bangles. Fire must be carried to the burning-ground by the father of -the deceased, if he is alive. On the day following cremation, the hot -embers are extinguished, and the ashes collected, and shaped into an -effigy, near the head of which three conical masses of mud and ashes -are set up. To these representatives of Rudra, Yama, and the spirit -of the departed, cooked rice and vegetables are offered up on three -leaves. One of the leaves is given to the Jangam, who officiates at -the rite, another to a washerman, and the third is left, so that the -food on it may be eaten by crows. All, who are assembled, wait till -these birds collect, and the ashes are finally poured on a tree. On -the ninth, tenth, or eleventh day after death, a ceremony called -the peddadinam (big day) is performed. Cooked rice, curry, meat, -and other things, are placed on a leaf inside the house. Sitting -near this leaf, the widow weeps and breaks one or two of the glass -bangles, which she wears on the wrist. The food is then taken to a -stream or tank (pond), where the agnates, after shaving, bathing, and -purification, make an effigy of the dead person on the ground. Close -to this cooked rice and vegetables are placed on three leaves, and -offered to the effigy. The widow's remaining bangles are broken, and -she is presented with a new cloth, called munda koka (widow's cloth) -as a sign of her condition. All Gamallas, rich or poor, engage on -this occasion the services of Mala Pambalas and Bainedus (musicians -and story-tellers) to recite the story of the goddess Ankamma. The -performance is called Ankamma kolupu. Some of the Malas make on -the ground a design, called muggu, while the others play on the -drum, and carry out the recitation. The design must be made in five -colours, green (leaves of Cassia auriculata), white (rice flour), red -(turmeric and lime), yellow (turmeric), and black (burnt rice-husk). It -represents a male and female figure (Virulu, heroes), who are supposed -to be the person whose peddadinam is being celebrated, and an ancestor -of the opposite sex. If the family can afford it, other designs, for -example of Ankamma, are also drawn. On the completion of the muggu, -cocoanuts, rice, and betel are offered, and a fowl is sacrificed. - -Like many other Telugu castes, the Gamallas have a class of beggars, -called Eneti, attached to them, for whom a subscription is raised -when they turn up. - -The Gamallas are mostly Saivites, and their priests are Aradhya -Brahmans, i.e., Telugu Brahmans, who have adopted some of the customs -of the Lingayats. They worship a variety of gods and goddesses, who -include Potharaju, Katamayya, Gangamma, Mathamma, and Thallamma, or -Thadlamma. Once or twice during the year, a pot of toddy is brought -from every house to the shrine of Thallamma, and the liquor contained -in some of the pots is poured on the floor, and the remainder given -to those assembled, irrespective of caste. - -At the festival of Dipavali, the celebrants bathe in the early -morning, and go, in wet clothes, to an ant-hill, before which -they prostrate themselves, and pour a little water into one of -the holes. Round the hill they wind five turns of cotton thread, -and return home. Subsequently they come once more to the ant-hill -with a lamp made of flour paste. Carrying the light, they go thrice -or five times round the hill, and throw into a hole therein split -pulse (Phaseolus Mungo). During the whole of this day they fast. On -the following morning they again go to the hill, pour milk into it, -and snap the threads wound round it. - -At the festival of Sankaranthi, the principal member of every family -observes the worship of ancestors. Various articles are placed in a -room on leaf plates representing the ancestors, who are worshipped -by the celebrant after he has been purified by bathing. Taking a -little of the food from each leaf, he places it on a single leaf, -which is worshipped, and placed in the court-yard, so that the crows -may partake thereof. The remainder of the food is distributed among -the members of the family. - -At the census, 1901, some Gamallas returned themselves as Settigadu -(Chetti). - -Gampa (basket).--A sub-division of Kamma and Telaga, and an exogamous -sept of Odde. The name, among the Kammas, refers to a deadly struggle -at Gandikota, in which some escaped by hiding in baskets. Gampa dhompti -is the name of a sub-division of the Madigas, whose marriage offerings -to the god are placed in a basket. - -Ganayata.--Recorded, at times of census, as a sub-division of Lingayat -Jangams in the Nellore, Cuddapah, and Kurnool districts. The Sanskrit -word Ganam means Siva's attendants. - -Gandham (sandal paste).--An exogamous sept of Balijas, one -sub-division of whom is called Gandhavallu or Gandhapodi (sandal -perfume sellers). The paste made by rubbing sandal (Santalum album) -wood on a stone with water is widely used in connection with Hindu -ceremonial observance. A Brahman, for example, after worshipping, -smears his body with the paste. At festivals, and other ceremonial -occasions, sandal paste is distributed to guests along with betel -leaves and areca nuts (pan-supari). Gandhapodi also occurs as an -exogamous sept of Boya. - -Gandikota.--A sub-division of Kamma. Gandi Kottei is recorded [133] as -a sub-division of Kapu or Reddi, "found only in Madura and Tinnevelly, -and also known simply as Kottei Reddis. Kottei is the Tamil for a fort, -the corresponding Telugu word being kota. Their females do not appear -in public." - -Gandla.--See Ganiga. - -Gangadikara.--Gangadikara, said doubtfully to mean those who lived -on the banks of the Ganges, has been recorded as a sub-division of -the Holeyas, Okkiliyans, and Vakkaligas. The name probably refers to -Gangavadi, the country of the Gangas, a royal line which ruled over -the greater part of the modern Mysore in former times. - -Gangeddu.--The Gangeddulu are a class of mendicants, who travel about -the country exhibiting performing bulls. "The exhibition of sacred -bulls, known as Gangeddulu (Ganga's bulls) is very common in the towns -and villages of Southern India. The presence of the swami (god) bull, -as he is popularly called, is made known by his keeper playing on a -small drum, which emits a dismal, booming sound, in the intervals of -addressing his dumb companion in a piercing voice. The bull is led -about from house to house, and made to go through several tricks, -which he does with evident zest. The keeper in the meanwhile talks -to him, and puts questions to him, to which he replies by shakes of -his head. He will kneel down in an attitude of worship, with his head -inclined to the ground, or he will approach you, and gently rub his -nozzle against your hand. Usually a diminutive cow accompanies the -bull, and, like him, is grandly attired, and resounds with tinkling -bells. She is introduced to the spectators as the bull's ammagaru, -that is consort or spouse. Then a scene between the pair is enacted, -the gist of which is that the husband is displeased with the wife, -and declines to hold converse with her. As a result of the difference, -he resolves to go away, and stalks off in high dudgeon. The keeper -attempts to make peace between them, and is rewarded by being charged -by the irate husband and knocked down, though no harm is done to him -as the animal's horns are padded. The keeper rises, shakes himself, and -complains woefully of the treatment he has received. Indeed, it is only -after a great deal of coaxing and wheedling, and promises of buying -him endless quantities of rice cakes and other bazaar delicacies, -that the bull condescends to return, and a reconciliation is effected." - -For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The -Gangeddulu, Erudandis, or Perumal Madukkarans, often acquire and -train deformed male calves. It is a popular superstition that -for a family to keep such animals in its possession is to court -destruction. Consequently, when one is born, information is sent -to a Gangeddu, who, on his arrival, is sumptuously fed. The calf is -then washed, and a new cloth tied to its horns. A small present of -money is made to the Gangeddu, and he takes the animal away. Temples -sometimes dispose of their deformed calves in a similar manner. When -the trained animals are exhibited in public, the deformity, which -is the hall-mark of a genuine Gangeddu, is shown, usually at the -commencement of the performance, or at any time at the bidding of any -of the spectators. It is only after the exhibition of the deformity, -which is usually concealed within the trappings of the animal, that -remuneration, generally in kind, or in old rags and copper coins, is -doled out to them. Villagers worship the bulls, when they happen to -pass their houses, and, as soon as they enter a village, the females -wash the feet of the animals with milk and water. They then adorn -their foreheads with kunkumam (aniline powder) and turmeric paste, -and burn incense and camphor before them. Cocoanuts, plantains, betel -leaves and areca nuts, and money are also offered in a plate, and are -the perquisite of the Gangeddu. The bulls are thus venerated, as they -represent Basavanna, the sacred bull which is the vehicle of Siva. - -The language of the Gangeddulu is Telugu, but those who have migrated -to the Tamil country also speak the language of the south. They profess -the Vaishnavite religion, and are of the Tengalai persuasion. They -have Brahman gurus (religious preceptors), who reside at Srirangam, -Tirupati, and other places. By them the Gangeddulu are branded on the -shoulder with the emblems of the chank and chakram, and initiated -into the mysteries of the Dasari priesthood. But, though they call -themselves Dasaris, the Gangeddulu have no marital or other connection -with the Dasaris. In addition to training and exhibiting the performing -bulls and cultivating land, the Gangeddulu officiate as Dasaris in -the month of Peratasi (September-October). Their principal insignia of -office are the chank shell, which is blown to announce their arrival, -and the iron lamp (called Garudasthambha), which is kept burning, and -is said to represent Venkatesa, the presiding deity at Tirupati. As -Dasaris, little is expected of them, except offering fruits to the god, -and assisting at funerals. Several proverbs, of which the following -are examples, are current concerning this aspect of their life:-- - -The mistake of a Dasari is excused with an apology. - -The songs of a Dasari are known only to the god, i.e., they are -unintelligible and unreal. - -For the song of a Dasari alms are the payment, i.e., that is all the -song is worth. - -Sing again what you have sung, oh! Dasari with dirty teeth. - -When a beggar was asked whether he was a Dasari or a Jangam, he -replied that it depends on the next village. This in reference to -his being a time-server. - -A Gangeddu mendicant is, like his bulls, picturesquely attired. He -is very punctilious about having his sect-mark on the forehead, -invariably wears a turban, and his body is clothed in a long white -cloth robe. When going about with the performing bulls, the Gangeddulu -generally travel in pairs, one carrying a drum, and the other a -bell-metal gong. One of them holds in one hand the nose-rope of the -bull, and in the other the whip. The bulls are dressed up in a patch -work quilt with two eye-holes in it. Of names which are given to the -animals, Rama and Lakshmana are very popular. The tameness of the -bulls is referred to in the proverb "As mild as a Gangeddu." - -The Perumal Madukkarans, or Perumal Erudukkarans, both of which -names indicate those who lead bulls about, are found chiefly in -the Chingleput, North and South Arcot districts. "Every now and -then," Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri writes, [134] "throughout Madras, -a man dressed up as a buffoon is to be seen leading about a bull, as -fantastically got up as himself with cowries (Cypræa arabica shells) -and rags of many colours, from door to door. The bull is called in -Tamil Perumal erudu, and in Telugu Ganga eddu, the former meaning -Vishnu's bull and the latter Ganga's bull. The origin of the first is -given in a legend, but that of the last is not clear. The conductors -of these bulls are neatherds of high caste, called Pu Idaiyan, i.e., -flower neatherds (see Idaiyan), and come from villages in the North -and South Arcot districts. They are a simple and ignorant set, -who firmly believe that their occupation arises out of a command -from the great god Venkatachalapati, the lord of the Venkatachala -near Tirupaddi (Tirupati) in the North Arcot district. Their legend -is as follows. Among the habitual gifts to the Venkatachala temple -at Tirupaddi were all the freaks of nature of the neighbourhood as -exhibited in cattle, such as two-tailed cows, five-legged bulls, -four-horned calves, and so on. The Pu Idaiyans, whose original -duty was to string flowers for the temple, were set to graze these -abortions. Now to graze cows is an honour, but to tend such creatures -as these the Pu Idaiyans regarded as a sin. So they prayed to -Venkatachalapati to show them how they could purge it away. On this, -the god gave them a bull called after himself the Perumal bull and -said: 'My sons, if you take as much care of this bull as you would -of your own children, and lead it from house to house, begging its -food, your sin will be washed away.' Ever since then they have been -purging themselves of their original sin. The process is this. The bull -leader takes it from house to house, and puts it questions, and the -animal shakes its head in reply. This is proof positive that it can -reason. The fact is the animal is bought when young for a small sum, -and brought up to its profession. Long practice has made its purchasers -experts in selecting the animals that will suit them. After purchase -the training commences, which consists in pinching the animal's ears -whenever it is given bran, and it soon learns to shake its head at -the sight of bran. I need hardly say that a handful of bran is ready -in its conductor's hands when the questions are put to it. It is also -taught to butt at any person that speaks angrily to it. As regards the -offerings made to these people, one-sixth goes to feeding the bulls, -and the remaining five-sixths to the conductors. They look upon it as -'good work', but the village boys and girls think it the greatest fun -in the world to watch its performances, and the advent of a Vishnu's -bull is hailed by the youngsters with the greatest delight." - -Gangimakkalu.--Gangimakkalu, or Gangaputra, meaning children or -sons of Ganga, the goddess of water, is the name of a sub-division -of Kabbera. The allied Gangavamsamu, or people of Ganga, is a name -for Jalaris. - -Ganiga or Gandla.--The name Ganiga is derived from the Telugu -ganuga, meaning an oil-mill. The Ganigas are said [135] to be "the -oil pressers of the Canarese people, corresponding to the Telugu -Gandla and the Tamil Vaniyan. This caste is sub-divided into three -sections, none of whom eat together or intermarry. These sections are -the Hegganigas, who yoke two oxen to a stone oil-mill; Kirganigas, -who make oil in wooden mills; and Ontiyeddu Ganigas, who yoke only -one animal to the mill. They are collectively known as Jotipans or -Jotinagarams (people of the city of light). In addition to pressing -oil, they also make palm-leaf umbrellas, cultivate land, and work as -labourers. They employ Brahmans to perform their ceremonies. Their -guru is the head of the Vyasaraya mutt at Anegundi. Early marriage is -practiced. Widow remarriage is not allowed. They eat fish, mutton, -and fowls, but do not drink liquor. Chetti is their title." In -the Madras Census Report, 1891, it is stated that the guru of the -Ganigas is the head of the mutt at Sringeri, and that they employ -Havig Brahmans for their ceremonies. Sringeri is the name of a Smarta -(Saivite) mutt or religious institution at several places, such as -Tanjore and Kumbakonam; and there is a town of this name in Mysore, -from which the mutt derives its name. - -Concerning the Ganigas of the Mysore Province, -Mr. V. N. Narasimmiyengar writes as follows. [136] "The account locally -obtained connects this caste with the Nagartas, as forming the leading -communities of the left-hand faction, in opposition to the Lingayats -and other castes composing the right-hand faction. Caste supremacy is -ever associated in India with preternatural mythology. If the average -Brahman traces his nobility literally to the face of Brahma, according -to the Vedic Purusha Sukta, every other castelet claims a patent of -superiority in a similar miraculous origin. The Ganigas allege that -they immigrated from the north at a time beyond living memory. A -Mysore noble, named Mallaraje Ars, established and first peopled the -pete (market town) of Bangalore, when the Ganigas first came there, -followed by the Nagartas, who are said to have been co-emigrants -with the Ganigas. Mallaraj made Sattis and Yajamans (headmen) of -the principal members of the two castes, and exempted them from the -house-tax. The Ganigas are both Vaishnavites and Saivites. Their -guru is known as Dharmasivacharsvami in the Madras Presidency, and -certain gotras (family names) are said to be common to the Ganigas -and Nagartas, but they never eat together or intermarry. The Ganigas -claim the peculiar privilege of following the Vishnu image or car -processions, throughout the province, with flags exhibiting the figures -of Hanuman and Garuda, and torches. These insignia are alleged to -have been aboriginally given to an ancestor, named Siriyala Satti, -by Rama, as a reward for a valuable gem presented by him. The Ganigas -call themselves Dharmasivachar Vaisyas like the Nagartas, and the feud -between them used often to culminate in much bitter unpleasantness. The -order includes a small division of the linga-wearing oilmongers, -known as Sajjana (good men), whose population is a small fraction of -the community. The Sajjanas, however, hold no social intercourse of -any kind with the other sub-divisions." - -The Ganigas of Sandur, in the little Maratha State of that name, -returned Yenne (oil) and Kallu (stone) as sub-divisions. The average -cephalic index of these Ganigas was very high, being 80.5 as against -77.6 for the Ganigas of Mysore city. - -"The oil-mill of the Ganigas is," Mr. W. Francis writes, [137] "a sort -of large wooden mortar, usually formed out of the heart of a tamarind -tree, and firmly imbedded in the ground. A wooden cylinder, shod with -iron, fits roughly into the cavity. A cross beam is lashed to this -in such a way that one end is close to the ground, and to this a pair -of bullocks or buffaloes are fastened. By an arrangement of pullies, -the pressure of the cylinder can be increased at pleasure. As the -bullocks go round the trough, the seeds are crushed by the action of -the cylinder, so that the expressed oil falls to the bottom, while -the residuum, as oil-cake, adheres to the side of the mortar." - -The following note refers to the Onteddu (single bullock) Ganigas, -who claim superiority over those who employ two bullocks in working -their oil-mills. The former belong to the right-hand, and the latter -to the left-hand faction. Among them are various sub-divisions, -of which the Deva and Onteddu may intermarry, while the Kasi, Teli -(gingelly: Sesamum), and Chandanapu are endogamous. Like other Telugu -castes they have gotras, some of which are interesting, as there are -certain prohibitions connected with them. For example, members of -the Badranollu and Balanollu gotras may not cut the tree Erythroxylon -monogynum. In like manner, members of the Viranollu and Viththanollu -gotras are forbidden to cut Feronia elephantum, and those of the -Vedanollu gotra to cut Nyctanthes arbor-tristis. Members of certain -other gotras do not cultivate turmeric, sugarcane, or the millet -(Panicum miliare). - -The Onteddu Ganigas are Saivites, and disciples of Lingayat Brahmans -(Aradhyas). Some, however, wear the sacred thread, and others bear -on the forehead the red streak of the Vaishnavites. In some places, -their special deity is Chaudeswara, who is the god of some of the -weaving classes. In the Kistna district they claim Mallikarjunasvami -as their deity. - -Their primary occupation is oil-pressing, but some are traders in -cotton, oil-seeds, etc., or cultivators. In some localities, the -animal which works the oil-mill is not blindfolded, while it is in -others, because, it is said, it would otherwise fall down after a few -revolutions. Crushing gingelly oil is, according to the Shastras, a -sinful act, but condoned inasmuch as Devatas use this oil for lamps, -and men in temples. For the removal of the oil-cake, or turning the -seeds in the mill, the left hand only is used. Burning the tongue -with a piece of gold, as a means of purification after some offence -has been committed, is a common practice. - -The marriage rites conform, for the most part, to the Telugu type. But, -while the wrist thread is being tied on, common salt is held in the -hand. A dagger (baku) is then given to the bridegroom, who keeps it -with him till the conclusion of the ceremonies. On the wedding day, -the bridegroom wears the sacred thread. The tali is not an ordinary -bottu, but a thread composed of 101 thin strings, which is removed on -the last day, and replaced by a bottu. On the third day, the bride and -bridegroom worship a jammi tree (Prosopis spicigera), and the latter, -removing his sacred thread, throws it on the tree. Five young men, -called Bala Dasulu, also worship the tree, and, if they are wearing -the sacred thread, throw it thereon. The dead are as a rule buried, in -a sitting posture if the deceased was an orthodox Saivite. If a young -man dies a bachelor, the corpse is married to an arka plant (Calotropis -gigantea), and decorated with a wreath made of the flowers thereof. The -final death ceremonies are performed on the eleventh day. Food is -offered to crows and the soul of the dead person, who is represented -by a wooden post dressed with his clothes. The bangles of a widow are -broken near the post, which is finally thrown into a tank or stream. - -Ganiga further occurs as an occupational name for Lingayat oil-vendors, -and for Mogers who are employed as oil-pressers. - -Ganta.--Ganta or Gantla, meaning a bell, has been recorded as an -exogamous sept of Kamma and Balija. Gantelavaru, or men of the bell, -is given by Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri [138] as the family name of one -section of the Donga (thieving) Dasaris, and of the Kabberas, who are -said to join the ranks of this criminal class. Gantugazula occurs, -in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of Koracha. In -the Vizagapatam Manual, the Tiragati Gantlavallu are described as -repairing hand-mills, catching antelopes, and selling their skins. - -Ganti (a hole pierced in the ear-lobe).--An exogamous sept of Gudala. - -Garadi.--Garadi or Garadiga is the name of a class of mendicants -in the Telugu country and Mysore who are snake-charmers, practice -sleight of hand, and perform various juggling and mountebank tricks. - -Garappa (dry land).--A synonym of Challa Yanadi. - -Gatti.--A small caste of cultivators, found chiefly near Kumbla -and Someswara in the Kasaragod taluk of South Canara. Other names -for the caste are Poladava and Holadava, both signifying men of the -field. Like the Bants, they follow the aliya santana law of inheritance -(in the female line), have exogamous septs or balis, and, on the day -of the final death ceremonies, construct car-like structures, if the -deceased was an important personage in the community. The Bants and -Gattis interdine, but do not intermarry. The headman of the Gattis -is called Gurikara. The God of the Someswara temple is regarded as -the caste deity, and every family has to pay an annual fee of four -annas to this temple. Failure to do so would entail excommunication. - -Gattu (bank or mound).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Gaud.--A title of Sadar. - -Gauda.--The Gaudas or Gaudos are a large caste of Canarese cultivators -and cattle-breeders. "Gauda and Gaudo," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [139] -"are really two distinct castes, the former being Canarese and the -latter Uriya. Each name is, however, spelt both ways. The two names -are, I presume, etymologically the same. The ordinary derivation is -from the Sanskrit go, a cow, but Dr. Gustav Oppert contends [140] -that the root of Gauda is a Dravidian word meaning a mountain. Among -the Canarese, and to a less extent among the Uriyas also, the -word is used in an honorific sense, a custom which is difficult -to account for if Dr. Oppert's philology is correct." "Gaudas," -Mr. Stuart writes further, [141] "also called Halvaklumakkalu -(children of the milk class), are very numerously represented in -the South Canara district. They have a somewhat elaborate system -of caste government. In every village there are two headmen, the -Grama Gauda and the Vattu or Gattu Gauda. For every group of eight -or nine villages there is another head called the Magane Gauda, -and for every nine Maganes there is a yet higher authority called the -Kattemaneyava. The caste is divided into eighteen baris or balis, which -are of the usual exogamous character. The names of some of these are as -follows: Bangara (gold), Nandara, Malara (a bundle of glass bangles, -as carried about for sale), Salu, Hemmana (pride or conceit), Kabru, -Goli (Portulaca oleracea, a pot-herb), Basruvogaru (basru, belly), -Balasanna, and Karmannaya. Marriage is usually adult, and sexual -license before marriage with a member of the caste is tolerated, -though nominally condemned. The dhare form of marriage (see Bant) -is used, but the bridal pair hold in their joined hands five betel -leaves, one areca nut and four annas, and, after the water has been -poured, the bridegroom ties a tali to the neck of the bride. Divorce -is permitted freely, and divorced wives and widows can marry again. A -widow with children, however, should marry only her late husband's -elder brother. If she marries any one else, the members of her former -husband's family will not even drink water that has been touched -by her. They burn their dead. On the third day, the ashes are made -into the form of a man, which is cut in two, buried, and a mound -made over it. In the house two planks are placed on the ground, and -covered with a cloth. On one of these, a vessel containing milk is -placed, and on the other a lamp, rice, cocoanut, pumpkin, etc., are -deposited. The agnates and some boys go round the plank three times, -and afterwards go to the mound, taking with them the various articles -in a cloth. Three plantain leaves are spread in front of the mound, -and cooked food, etc., placed thereon. Four posts are set up round -the mound, and cloths stretched over them, and placed round the -sides. On the sixteenth day, sixteen plantain leaves are placed in -a row, and one leaf is laid apart. Cakes, cooked fowl's flesh, toddy -and arrack (liquor) are placed on the leaves in small leaf-cups. The -assembled agnates then say "We have done everything as we should do, -and so our ancestors who have died must take the man who is now dead -to their regions. I put the leaf which is apart in the same row with -the sixteen leaves." - -"Once a year, in the month of Mituna (June-July), the Gaudas perform -a ceremony for the propitiation of all deceased ancestors. They have -a special preference for Venkataramaswami, to whom they make money -offerings once a year in September. They employ Brahmins to give them -sacred water when they are under pollution, but they do not seek their -services for ordinary ceremonies. They are, for the most part, farmers, -but some few are labourers. The latter receive three or four seers of -paddy a day as wages. Their house language is Tulu in some places, and -Canarese in others, but all follow the ordinary system of inheritance, -and not the custom of descent through females. Their title is Gauda." - -As bearing on the superstitious beliefs of the people of South -Canara, the following case, which was tried before the Sessions -Judge in 1908, may be cited. A young Gauda girl became pregnant by -her brother-in-law. After three days' labour, the child was born. The -accused, who was the mother of the girl, was the midwife. Finding the -delivery very difficult, she sent for a person named Korapulu to come -and help her. The child was, as they thought, still-born. On its head -was a red protuberance like a ball; round each of its forearms were -two or three red bands; the eyes and ears were fixed very high in the -head; and the eyes, nose, and mouth were abnormally large. Korapulu -and the girl's younger sister at once carried the mother out of the -out-house lest the devil child should do her harm or kill her. The -accused called for a man named Isuf Saiba, who was standing in the yard -outside. He came in, and she asked him to call some of the neighbours, -to decide what to do. The child, she said, was a devil child, and must -be cut and killed, lest it should devour its mother. While they were -looking at the child, it began to move and roll its eyes about, and -turn on the ground. It is a belief of the villagers that such a devil -child, when born and brought in contact with the air, rapidly grows, -and causes great trouble, usually killing the mother, and sometimes -killing all the inmates of the house. The accused told Isuf Saiba to -cover the child with a vessel, which he did. Then there was a sound -from inside the vessel, either of the child moving or making some -sound with its mouth. The accused then put her hand under the vessel, -dragged the child half way out, and then, while Isuf Saiba pressed -the edge of the earthenware vessel on the abdomen of the child, -the accused took a knife, and cut the body in half. When the body -was cut in two, there was no blood, but a mossy green liquid, or a -black liquid, oozed out. The accused got two areca leaves, and put -one piece of the child on one, and one on the other, and told Isuf -Saiba to get a spade, and come and bury them. So they went out into -the jungle close to the house, and Isuf Saiba dug two holes about -half a yard deep, one on one hillock, and one on another. In these -two holes the two pieces of the child were separately buried. The -object of this was to prevent the two pieces joining together again, -in which case the united devil child would have come out of the grave, -and gone to kill its mother. The birth and death of this devil child -were not kept secret, but were known throughout the village. - -Gauda or Gaudu further occurs as a title of Idiga, Kuruba, and -Vakkaliga, an exogamous sept and gotra of Kuruba and Kurni, and a -sub-division of Golla. - -Gaudi.--It is recorded, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, that a -Maleru (temple servant) woman, who cohabits with one of a lower class -than her own, is degraded into a Gaudi. - -Gaudo.--The Gaudos are described, in the Madras Census Reports, 1891 -and 1901, as "the great pastoral caste of the Ganjam Oriyas. Like those -of all the cowherd classes, its members say that they are descended -from the Yadava tribe, in which Krishna was born (cf. Idaiyan). The -majority of the Gaudos in the northern districts are now cultivators, -but there is evidence that the keeping and breeding of cattle is -their traditional occupation. The most important sub-division is -Sollokhondia; many of them are herdsmen and milk-sellers. Fourteen -sub-divisions have been reported. They are Apoto, Behara, Bolodiya, -Dongayato, Dumalo, Gopopuriya, Kolata, Komiriya, Kusilya, Ladia, -Madhurapurya, Mogotho, Pattilia, and Sollokhondia." In the Census -Report, 1871, it is noted that "there are many Gowdus of high social -standing, who have gotten unto themselves much wealth in cattle. These -men own, in many instances, large herds of buffaloes, which, being -reared in the boundless pastures of the hills, are much prized by -the cartmen of the low country for draught purposes." - -Of the sub-division noted above, Behara is apparently a title -only. Bolodiya is the name of a section of the Tellis, who -use pack-bullocks (bolodi, a bull) for carrying grain about the -country. Pattilia must be a mistake for Pachilia. The sections among -the Gaudos which are recognised by all castes in the Ganjam district -are Sollokhondia, Bhatta, Gopopuriya, Madhurapuriya, Mogotho, -Apoto, and Pachilia. These, with the exception of Gopopuriya and -Madhurapuriya, seem to be endogamous sub-divisions. The Bhatta Gaudos -go by the name of Gopopuriya in some places and Madhurapuriya in -others, both these names being connected with the legendary history -of the origin of the caste. The Apoto and Bhatta Gaudos are sometimes -employed as palanquin-bearers. The Mogotho Gaudos, who live on the -hills, are regarded as an inferior section, because they do not abstain -from eating fowls. The Sollokhondia section is regarded as superior, -and consequently all Oriya castes, Brahman and non-Brahman, will accept -water at the hands of members thereof. An orthodox Oriya non-Brahman, -and all Oriya Brahmans, will not receive water from Telugu or Tamil -Brahmans, whom they call Komma Brahmans, Komma being a corrupt form -of karma, i.e., Brahmans who are strict in the observance of the -various karmas (ceremonial rites). - -The Sollokhondia Gaudos are agriculturists, rear cattle and sheep, -and sometimes earn a living by driving carts. They have gotras, -among which the most common are Moiro (peacock), Nagasiro (cobra), -and Kochimo (tortoise). Their caste council is presided over by a -hereditary headman called Mahankudo, who is assisted by a Bhollobaya, -Desiya, and Khorsodha or Dhondia. The Khorsodha is the caste servant, -and the Desiya eats with a delinquent who is received back into the -fold after he has been tried by the council. The Sollokhondias are for -the most part Paramarthos, i.e., followers of the Chaitanya form of -Vaishnavism. They show a partiality for the worship of Jagannathaswami, -and various Takuranis (village deities) are also reverenced. Bairagis -are the caste priests. - -The marriage prohibitions among the Sollokhondias are those which hold -good among many Oriya castes, but marriage with the maternal uncle's -daughter (menarikam) is sometimes practiced. On the evening preceding -the marriage day (bibha), after a feast, the bride and bridegroom's -parties go to a temple, taking with them all the articles which are -to be used in connection with the marriage ceremonial. On their way -back, seven married girls, carrying seven vessels, go to seven houses, -and beg water, which is used by the bridal couple for their baths on -the following day. Either on the day before the wedding day, or on -the bibha day, the bridegroom is shaved, and the bride's nails are -pared. Sometimes a little of the hair of her forehead is also cut -off. The marriage rites do not materially differ from those of the -Bhondaris (q.v.). - -The dead, excepting young children, are burnt. The eldest son carries a -pot of fire to the burning ground. On the day following cremation, the -mourners revisit the spot, and, after the fire has been extinguished, -make an image of a man with the ashes on the spot where the corpse -was burnt. To this image food is offered. Seven small flags, made -of cloths dyed with turmeric, are stuck into the shoulders, abdomen, -legs, and head of the image. A fragment of calcined bone is carried -away, put into a lump of cow-dung, and kept near the house of the -deceased, or near a tank (pond). On the ninth day after death, -towards evening, a bamboo, split or spliced into four at one end, -is set up in the ground outside the house beneath the projecting -roof, and on it a pot filled with water is placed. On the spot where -the deceased breathed his last, a lamp is kept. A hole is made in -the bottom of the pot, and, after food has been offered to the dead -man, the pot is thrown into a tank. On the tenth day, a ceremony is -performed on a tank bund (embankment). The piece of bone, which has -been preserved, is removed from its cow-dung case, and food, fruits, -etc., are offered to it, and thrown into the tank. The bone is taken -home, and buried near the house, food being offered to it until the -twelfth day. On the eleventh day, all the agnates bathe, and are -touched with ghi (clarified butter) as a sign of purification. Sradh -(memorial service) is performed once a year on Sankaranthi (Pongal) -day. Food, in the form of balls, is placed on leaves in the backyard, -and offered to the ancestors. Some food is also thrown up into the air. - -All sections of the Gaudos have adopted infant marriage. If a girl -fails to secure a husband before she attains puberty, she has to -go through a form of marriage called dharma bibha, in which the -bridegroom is, among the Sollokhondias, represented by an old man, -preferably the girl's grandfather, and among the other sections by -a sahada or shadi tree (Streblus asper) or an arrow (khando). - -Like various other Oriya castes, the Gaudos worship the goddess Lakshmi -on Thursdays in the month of November, which are called Lakshmi -varam, or Lakshmi's day. The goddess is represented by a basket -filled with grain, whereon some place a hair ball, which has been -vomited by a cow. The ball is called gaya panghula, and is usually -one or two inches in diameter. The owner of a cow which has vomited -such a ball regards it as a propitious augury for the prosperity of -his family. A feast is held on the day on which the ball is vomited, -and, after the ball has been worshipped, it is carefully wrapped up, -and kept in a box, in which it remains till it is required for further -worship. Some people believe that the ball continues to grow year -by year, and regard this as a very good sign. Bulls are said not to -vomit the balls, and only very few cows do so. - -Gauliar.--A synonym for Lingayat Gollas, or Kannadiyans. - -Gaundala.--A synonym of Gamalla. - -Gauri.--A division of Okkiliyan, named after Gauri, Siva's consort. The -equivalent Gaura occurs among the Komatis, and Gauriga among the -Medaras. One division of the Kabberas is called Gaurimakkalu, or sons -of Gauri. - -Gautama.--A Brahmanical gotra adopted by Bhatrazus, Khatris, and -Kondaiyamkottai Maravans. Gautama was a sage, and the husband of -Ahalya, who was seduced by Indra. - -Gavala (cowry shell: Cypræa arabica).--An exogamous sept of Madiga. A -cotton thread string, with cowries strung on it, is one of the insignia -of a Madiga Matangi. - -Gavalla.--A synonym for Gamalla. - -Gavara.--It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "this -caste is practically confined to the Vizagapatam district, and they -have been classed as cultivators on the strength of a statement to -that effect in the District Manual. Gavara is, however, an important -sub-division of Komatis (traders), and these Gavaras are probably in -reality Gavara Komatis. These are so called after Gauri, the patron -deity of this caste." - -For the following note I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. A -tradition is current that the Gavaras originally lived at Vengi, the -ancient capital of the Eastern Chalukyan kings, the ruins of which -are near Ellore in the Godavari district. The king was desirous of -seeing one of their women, who was gosha (in seclusion), but to this -they would not consent. Under orders from the king, their houses were -set on fire. Some of them bolted themselves in, and perished bravely, -while others locked up their women in big boxes, and escaped with them -to the coast. They immediately set sail, and landed at Pudimadaka -in the Anakapalli taluk. Thence they marched as far as Kondakirla, -near which they founded the village of Wadapalli or Wodapalli, meaning -the village of the people who came in boats. They then built another -village called Gavarla Anakapalli. They received an invitation from -king Payaka Rao, the founder of Anakapalli, and, moving northwards, -established themselves at what is now known as Gavarapeta in the town -of Anakapalli. They began the foundation of the village auspiciously -by consecrating and planting the sandra karra (Acacia sundra), which -is not affected by 'white-ants,' instead of the pala karra (Mimusops -hexandra), which is generally used for this purpose. Consequently, -Anakapalli has always flourished. - -The Gavaras speak Telugu, and, like other Telugu castes, have various -exogamous septs or intiperulu. - -Girls are married either before or after puberty. The custom of -menarikam, by which a man marries his maternal uncle's daughter, -is in force, and it is said that he may also marry his sister's -daughter. The remarriage of widows is permitted, and a woman who has -had seven husbands is known as Beththamma, and is much respected. - -Some Gavaras are Vaishnavites, and others Saivites, but difference in -religion is no bar to intermarriage. Both sections worship the village -deities, to whom animal sacrifices are offered. The Vaishnavites show -special reverence to Jagganathaswami of Orissa, whose shrine is visited -by some, while others take vows in the name of this god. On the day -on which the car festival is celebrated at Puri, local car festivals -are held in Gavara villages, and women carry out the performance -of their vows. A woman, for example, who is under a vow, in order -that she may be cured of illness or bear children, takes a big pot -of water, and, placing it on her head, dances frantically before the -god, through whose influence the water, which rises out of the pot, -falls back into it, instead of being spilt. - -The Vaishnavites are burnt, and the Saivites buried in a sitting -posture. The usual chinna (little) and pedda rozu (big day) death -ceremonies are performed. - -Men wear a gold bangle on the left wrist, and another on the right -arm. Women wear a silver bangle on the right wrist, and a bracelet of -real or imitation coral, which is first worn at the time of marriage, -on the left wrist. They throw the end of their body-cloth over the -left shoulder. They do not, like women of other non-Brahman castes -in the Vizagapatam district, smoke cigars. - -The original occupation of the caste is said to have been trading, -and this may account for the number of exogamous septs which are -named after Settis (traders). At the present day, the Gavaras -are agriculturists, and they have the reputation of being very -hard-working, and among the best agriculturists in the Vizagapatam -district. The women travel long distances in order to sell vegetables, -milk, curds, and other produce. - -The caste titles are Anna, Ayya, and occasionally Nayudu. - -Gaya (cow).--An exogamous sept of Kondra. - -Gayinta.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small -caste of hill cultivators, speaking Oriya and Telugu. The name is -said to be derived from gayinti, an iron digging implement. Gayinta -is reported to be the same as Gaintia, a name of Enetis or Entamaras. - -Gazula.--Gazula or Gazul (glass bangle) has been recorded as a -sub-division of Balija, Kapu, and Toreya. The Gazula Balijas make -glass bangles. The Toreyas have a tradition that they originated from -the bangles of Machyagandhi, the daughter of a fisherman on the Jumna, -who was married to king Shantanu of Hastinapur. - -Gedala (buffaloes).--A sept of Bonthuk Savara. - -Geddam (beard).--An exogamous sept of Boya and Padma Sale. - -Gejjala (bells tied to the legs while dancing).--An exogamous sept -of Balija and Korava. - -Gejjegara.--A sub-caste of the Canarese Panchalas. They are described, -in the Mysore Census Report, 1891, as makers of small round bells -(gungru), which are used for decorating the head or neck of bullocks, -and tied by dancing-girls round their ankles when dancing. - -Genneru (sweet-scented oleander).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Gentoo.--Gentoo or Jentu, as returned at times of census, is -stated to be a general term applied to Balijas and Telugu speaking -Sudras generally. The word is said by Yule and Burnell [142] to be -"a corruption of the Portuguese Gentio, a gentile or heathen, which -they applied to the Hindus in contradistinction to the Moros or Moors, -i.e., Mahomedans. The reason why the term became specifically applied -to the Telugu people is probably because, when the Portuguese arrived, -the Telugu monarchy of Vijayanagar was dominant over a great part of -the peninsula." In a letter written from prison to Sir Philip Francis, -Rajah Nuncomar referred to the fact that "among the English gentry, -Armenians, Moores and Gentoos, few there is who is not against -me." Gentoo still survives as a caste name in the Madras Quarterly -Civil List (1906). - -Ghair-i-Mahdi.--The name, meaning without Mahdi, of a sect of -Muhammadans, who affirm that the Imam Mahdi has come and gone, while -orthodox Muhammadans hold that he is yet to come. - -Ghasi.--See Haddi. - -Ghontoro.--A small caste of Oriyas, who manufacture brass and -bell-metal rings and bangles for the hill people. The name is derived -from ghonto, a bell-metal plate. - -Gidda (vulture).--A sept of Poroja. - -Gikkili (rattle).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Giri Razu.--A contraction of Puragiri Razu or Puragiri Kshatriya, -by which names some Perikes style themselves. - -Goa.--A sub-division of Kudubis, who are said to have emigrated from -Goa to South Canara. - -Go Brahman.--A name given to Brahmans by Kammalans, who style -themselves Visva Brahmans. - -Godagula.--The Godagulas are recorded, in the Madras Census Report, -1901, as being the same as the Gudalas, who are a Telugu caste of -basket-makers. According to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, to whom I am -indebted for the following note, they are a distinct caste, speaking -Oriya, and sometimes calling themselves Odde (Oriya) Medara. Like the -Medaras, they work in split bamboo, and make sundry articles which are -not made by other castes who work in this medium. Unlike the Gudalas, -they are a polluting class, and have the following legend to account -for their social degradation. God told them to make winnows and -other articles for divine worship. This, they did, and, after they -had delivered them, they attended a marriage feast, at which they eat -flesh and drank liquor. On their return, God called on them to vomit -the food which they had partaken of, and they accordingly brought up -the meat and drink, whereon God cursed them, saying "Begone, you have -eaten forbidden food." They craved for forgiveness, but were told in -future to earn their living as bamboo-workers. The custom of menarikam, -according to which a man should marry his maternal uncle's daughter, -is so rigidly enforced that, if the uncle refuses to give his daughter -in marriage, the man has a right to carry her off, and then pay a fine, -the amount of which is fixed by the caste council. A portion thereof -is given to the girl's parents, and the remainder spent on a caste -feast. If the maternal uncle has no daughter, a man may, according to -the eduru (or reversed) menarikam custom, marry his paternal aunt's -daughter. Six months before the marriage ceremony takes place, the -pasupu (turmeric) ceremony is performed. The bridegroom's family pay -six rupees to the bride's family, to provide the girl with turmeric, -wherewith she adorns herself. On the day fixed for the wedding, -the parents of the bridegroom go with a few of the elders to the -bride's house, and couple the request to take away the girl with -payment of nine rupees and a new cloth. Of the money thus given, -eight rupees go to the bride's parents, and the remainder to the -caste. The bride is conducted to the home of the bridegroom, who -meets her at the pandal (booth) erected in front of his house. They -are bathed with turmeric water, and sacred threads are put on their -shoulders by the Kula Maistri who officiates as priest. The couple -then play with seven cowry (Cyproea arabica) shells, and, if the -shells fall with the slit downwards, the bride is said to have won; -otherwise the bridegroom is the winner. This is followed by the mudu -akula homam, or sacrifice of three leaves. A new pot, containing a -lighted wick, is placed before the couple. On it are thrown leaves -of the rayi aku (Ficus religiosa), marri aku (Ficus Bengalensis), -and juvvi aku (Ficus Tsiela). The Kula Maistri of the bridegroom's -party spreads out his right hand over the mouth of the pot. On it the -bride places her hand. The bridegroom then places his hand on hers, -and the Kula Maistri of the bride's village puts his hand on that -of the bridegroom. The elders then call out in a loud voice "Know, -caste people of Vaddadi Madugula; know, caste people of Kimedi; know, -caste people of Gunupuram and Godairi; know, caste people of all the -twelve countries, that this man and woman have become husband and wife, -and that the elders have ratified the ceremony." The contracting couple -then throw rice over each other. On the morning of the following day, -the saragatha ceremony is performed. The bridegroom's party repair -to the bank of the local stream, where they are met by the caste -people, who are presented with betel, a cheroot, and a pot of jaggery -(crude sugar) water as cool drink. The sacred threads worn by the -bride and bridegroom are removed at the conclusion of the marriage -ceremonies. The remarriage of widows is permitted, and a younger -brother may marry the widow of an elder brother, or vice versâ. Divorce -is also allowed, and a divorcée may remarry. Her new husband has to -pay a sum of money, a portion of which goes to the first husband, -while the remainder is devoted to a caste feast. The dead are burnt, -and the chinna rozu (little day) death ceremony is observed. - -Goda-jati (wall people).--A sub-division of Kammas. The name has -reference to a deadly struggle at Gandikota, in which some escaped -by hiding behind a wall. - -Goda-poose (wall polishing).--An exogamous sept of Tsakala. - -Godari.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as Telugu -leather-workers in Ganjam and Vizagapatam. They are stated, in the -Vizagapatam Manual, to make and sell slippers in that district. Godari -is, I gather, a synonym of Madiga, and not a separate caste. - -Goddali (spade or axe).--An exogamous sept of Odde and Panta Reddi. - -Godomalia (belonging to, or a group of forts).--A sub-division of -Bhondari, the members of which act as barbers to Rajahs who reside -in forts. - -Golaka.--Recorded in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a name meaning -bastard, and clubbed with the Moilis, or temple servants in South -Canara descended from dancing-girls. In the Mysore Census Report, -1901, it is defined as a term applied to the children of Brahmans by -Malerus, or temple servants. - -Goli (Portulaca oleracea: a pot-herb).--An exogamous sept of Gauda. - -Golkonda.--A sub-division of Tsakala. - -Golla.--"The Gollas," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [143] "are the great -pastoral caste of the Telugu people. The traditions of the caste -give a descent from the god Krishna, whose sportings with the milk -maids play a prominent part in Hindu mythology. The hereditary -occupation of the Gollas is tending sheep and cattle, and selling -milk, but many of them have now acquired lands and are engaged -in farming, and some are in Government service. They are quiet, -inoffensive, and comparatively honest. In the time of the Nabobs, -this last characteristic secured to them the privilege of guarding -and carrying treasure, and one sub-division, Bokhasa Gollas, owes its -origin to this service. Even now those who are employed in packing -and lifting bags of money in the district treasuries are called -Gollas, though they belong to other castes. As a fact they do hold -a respectable position, and, though poor, are not looked down upon, -for they tend the sacred cow. Sometimes they assert a claim to be -regarded as representatives of the Go-Vaisya division. Their title -is Mandadi, but it is not commonly used." Mr. Stuart writes further -[144] that "the social status of the Gollas is fairly high, for they -are allowed to mix freely with the Kapu, Kamma, and Balija castes, -and the Brahmans will take buttermilk from their hands. They employ -Satanis as their priests. In their ceremonies there is not much -difference between them and the Kapus. The name Golla is generally -supposed to be a shortened form of Sanskrit Gopala" (protector of -cows). The Gollas also call themselves Konanulu, or Konarlu, and, -like the Tamil Idaiyans, sometimes have the title Konar. Other titles -in common use are Anna, Ayya, and occasionally Nayudu. - -In the Manual of the Kurnool district, it is stated that the Gollas -"keep sheep, and sell milk and ghi (clarified butter). They eat and -mess with the Balijas, and other high caste Sudras; but, unlike their -brethren of the south, in the matter of street processions, they are -classed with goldsmiths, or the left-hand section. When any one is -reduced to poverty, the others give him each a sheep, and restore his -flock. They occasionally dedicate their girls to Venkatesa as Basavis" -(prostitutes). - -It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district, that "in -the country round Madgole, legends are still recounted of a line of -local Golla chieftains, who gave their name to Golgonda, and built -the forts, of which traces still survive in those parts". Each Telugu -New Year's day, it is stated, Gollas come across from Godavari, and go -round the Golla villages, reciting the names of the progenitors of the -fallen line, and exhibiting paintings illustrative of their overthrow. - -"At Vajragada (diamond fort) are the ruins of a very large fortress, -and local tradition gives the names of seven forts, by which it was -once defended. These are said to have been constructed by the Golla -kings. A tale is told of their having kidnapped a daughter of the -ruler of Madgole, and held out here against his attacks for months, -until they were betrayed by a woman of their own caste, who showed -the enemy how to cut off their water-supply. They then slew their -womenkind, says the story, dashed out against the besiegers, and fell -to a man, fighting to the last." - -Concerning the Gollas of Mysore, I gather [145] that "there are -two main divisions in this caste, viz., Uru (village) and Kadu -(forest). The two neither intermarry, nor eat together. A section of -the Gollas, by guarding treasure while on transit, have earned the -name of Dhanapala. In fact, one of the menial offices in Government -treasuries at the present day is that of Golla. The caste worships -Krishna, who was born in this caste. The Kadu Gollas are said to have -originally immigrated from Northern India, and are still a nomadic -tribe, living in thatched huts outside the villages. Some of their -social customs are akin to those of the Kadu Kurubas. It is said -that, on the occurrence of a childbirth, the mother with the babe -remains unattended in a small shed outside the village from seven -to thirty days, when she is taken back to her home. In the event -of her illness, none of the caste will attend on her, but a Nayak -(Beda) woman is engaged to do so. Marriages among them are likewise -performed in a temporary shed erected outside the village, and the -attendant festivities continue for five days, when the marriage -couple are brought into the village. The Golla is allowed to marry -as many wives as he likes, and puberty is no bar to marriage. They -eat flesh, and drink spirituous liquors. The wife cannot be divorced -except for adultery. Their females do not wear the bodice (ravike) -usually put on by the women of the country. Nor do they, in their -widowhood, remove or break the glass bangles worn at the wrists, as is -done in other castes. But widows are not allowed to remarry. Only 98 -persons have returned gotras, the chief being Yadava, Karadi, Atreya, -and Amswasa. The first two are really sub-sects, while Atreya is the -name of a Brahmin Rishi." Yadava, or descendant of King Yadu, from -whom Krishna was descended, also occurs as a synonym for Idaiyan, -the great Tamil shepherd class. - -Concerning the Adivi, or forest Gollas, Mr. F. Fawcett writes -as follows. [146] "The people of every house in the village let -loose a sheep, to wander whither it will, as a sort of perpetual -scapegoat. When a woman feels the first pains of labour, she is turned -out of the village into a little leaf or mat hut about two hundred -yards away. In this hut she must bring forth her offspring unaided, -unless a midwife can be called in to be with her before the child is -born. For ninety days the woman lives in the hut by herself. If any one -touches her, he or she is, like the woman, outcasted, and turned out -of the village for three months. The woman's husband generally makes -a little hut about fifty yards from her, and watches over her; but he -may not go near her on pain of being outcasted for three months. Food -is placed on the ground near the woman's hut, and she takes it. On -the fourth day after parturition, a woman of the village goes to her, -and pours water on her, but she must not come in contact with her. On -the fifth day, the village people clear of stones and thorny bushes a -little bit of ground about ten yards on the village side of the hut, -and to this place the woman removes her hut. No one can do it for her, -or help her. On the ninth, fifteenth, and thirtieth days, she removes -the hut in the same way nearer to the village, and, again, once in -each of the two following months. On the ninetieth day, the headman -of the village calls the woman to come out of the hut. The dhobi -(washerman) then washes her clothes. She puts on clean clothes, and -the headman takes her to the temple of their tutelary deity Junjappa, -where the caste pujari breaks cocoanuts, and then accompanies her -to her house, where a purificatory ceremony is performed. Junjappa, -it is said, takes good care of the mother and child, so that death -is said to be unknown." - -It is stated [147] that, in the Chitaldrug district of Mysore, -"the wife of the eldest son in every family is not permitted to clean -herself with water after obeying the calls of nature. It is an article -of their belief that their flocks will otherwise not prosper." - -Writing in the early part of the last century about the Gollas, -Buchanan informs us that "this caste has a particular duty, -the transporting of money, both belonging to the public and -to individuals. It is said that they may be safely intrusted with -any sum; for, each man carrying a certain value, they travel in -bodies numerous in proportion to the sum put under their charge; -and they consider themselves bound in honour to die in defence of -their trust. Of course, they defend themselves vigorously, and are -all armed; so that robbers never venture to attack them. They have -hereditary chiefs called Gotugaru, who with the usual council settle -all disputes, and punish all transgressions against the rules of -caste. The most flagrant is the embezzlement of money entrusted to -their care. On this crime being proved against any of the caste, the -Gotugaru applies to Amildar, or civil magistrate, and having obtained -his leave, immediately causes the delinquent to be shot. Smaller -offences are atoned for by the guilty person giving an entertainment." - -The Golla caste has many sub-divisions, of which the following are -examples:-- - - - Erra or Yerra (red). Said to be the descendants of a Brahman by - a Golla woman. - - Ala or Mekala, who tend sheep and goats. - - Puja or Puni. - - Gangeddu, who exhibit performing bulls. - - Gauda, who, in Vizagapatam, visit the western part of the district - during the summer months, and settle outside the villages. They - tend their herds, and sell milk and curds to the villagers. - - Karna. - - Pakanati. - - Racha (royal). - - Peddeti. Mostly beggars, and considered low in the social scale, - though when questioned concerning themselves they say they are - Yerra Gollas. - - -At the census, 1901, the following were returned as sub-castes of -the Gollas:-- - -Dayyalakulam (wrestlers), Perike Muggalu or Mushti Golla (beggars and -exorcists), Podapotula (who beg from Gollas), Gavadi, and Vadugayan, -a Tamil synonym for Gollas in Tinnevelly. Another Tamil synonym for -Golla is Bokhisha Vadugar (treasury northerners). Golla has been given -as a sub-division of Dasaris and Chakkiliyans, and Golla Woddar (Odde) -as a synonym of a thief class in the Telugu country. In a village -near Dummagudem in the Godavari district, the Rev. J. Cain writes, -[148] are "a few families of Basava Gollalu. I find they are really -Kois, whose grandfathers had a quarrel with, and separated from, their -neighbours. Some of the present members of the families are anxious -to be re-admitted to the society and privileges of the neighbouring -Kois. The word Basava is commonly said to be derived from bhasha, -a language, and the Gollas of this class are said to have been so -called in consequence of their speaking a different language from -the rest of the Gollas." - -Like many other Telugu castes, the Gollas have exogamous septs or -intiperu, and gotras. As examples of the former, the following may -be quoted:-- - - - Agni, fire. - Avula, cows. - Chinthala, tamarind. - Chevvula, ears. - Gundala, stones. - Gurram, horse. - Gorrela, sheep. - Gorantla, henna (Lawsonia alba). - Kokala, woman's cloth. - Katari, dagger. - Mugi, dumb. - Nakkala, jackal. - Saddikudu, cold rice or food. - Sevala, service. - Ullipoyala, onions. - Vankayala, brinjal (Solanum melongena). - - -Some of these sept names occur among other classes, as follows:-- - - - Avula, Balijas, Kapus, and Yerukalas. - Chinthala, Devangas, Komatis, Malas, and Madigas. - Gorantla, Padma Sales. - Gorrela, Kammas, Kapus. - Gurram, Malas, Padma Sales, and Togatas. - Nakkala, Kattu Marathis, and Yanadis. - - -Those who belong to the Raghindala (Ficus religiosa) gotra are not -allowed to use the leaves of the sacred fig or pipal tree as plates -for their food. Members of the Palavili gotra never construct palavili, -or small booths, inside the house for the purpose of worship. Those who -belong to the Akshathayya gotra are said to avoid rice coloured with -turmeric or other powder (akshantalu). Members of the Kommi, Jammi, -and Mushti gotras avoid using the kommi tree, Prosopis spicigera, -and Strychnos Nux-vomica respectively. - -Of the various sub-divisions, the Puja Gollas claim superiority over -the others. Their origin is traced to Simhadri Raju, who is supposed -to have been a descendant of Yayathi Raja of the Mahabaratha. Yayathi -had six sons, the last of whom had a son named Kariyavala, whose -descendants were as follows:-- - - - Penubothi (his son), - | - Avula Amurthammayya, - | - Kalugothi Ganganna, - | - Oli Raju, - | - Simhadri Raju. - | - +------------+-------+------+-------------+ - | | | | - Peddi Erunuka Noranoka Poli - Raju. Raju. Raju. Raju. - - -The Gollas are believed to be descended from the four last kings. - -According to another legend, there were five brothers, named Poli Raju, -Erranoku Raju, Katama Raju, Peddi Raju, and Errayya Raju, who lived -at Yellamanchili, which, as well as Sarvasiddhi, they built. The -Rajas of Nellore advanced against them, and killed them, with all -their sheep, in battle. On this, Janagamayya, the son of Peddi Raju, -who escaped the general slaughter, made up his mind to go to Kasi -(Benares), and offer oblations to his dead father and uncles. This -he did, and the gods were so pleased with him that they transported -him in the air to his native place. He was followed by three persons, -viz., (1) Kulagentadu, whose descendants now recite the names of the -progenitors of the caste; (2) Podapottu (or juggler), whose descendants -carry metal bells, sing, and produce snakes by magic; (3) Thevasiyadu, -whose descendants paint the events which led to the destruction of -the Golla royalty on large cloths, and exhibit them to the Gollas -once a year. At the time when Janagamayya was translated to heaven, -they asked him how they were to earn their living, and he advised them -to perform the duties indicated, and beg from the caste. Even at the -present day, their descendants go round the country once a year, after -the Telugu New Year's day, and collect their dues from Golla villages. - -By religion the Gollas are both Vallamulu (Vaishnavites) and -Striramanthulu (Saivites), between whom marriage is permissible. They -belong to the group of castes who take part in the worship of -Ankamma. A special feature of their worship is that they place in -a bamboo or rattan box three or four long whip-like ropes made of -cotton or Agave fibre, along with swords, sandals and idols. The -ropes are called Virathadlu, or heroes' ropes. The contents of the -box are set beneath a booth made of split bamboo (palavili), and -decorated with mango leaves, and flowers. There also is placed a pot -containing several smaller pots, cowry shells, metal and earthenware -sandals, and the image of a bull called bolli-avu (bull idol). When -not required for the purpose of worship, the idols are hung up in a -room, which may not be entered by any one under pollution. - -Some Karna Gollas earn their living by selling poultry, or by going -about the country carrying on their head a small box containing idols -and Virathadlu. Placing this at the end of a street, they do puja -(worship) before it, and walk up and down with a rope, with which -they flagellate themselves. As they carry the gods (Devarlu) about, -these people are called Devara vallu. - -As the Gollas belong to the left-hand section, the Pedda Golla, -or headman, has only a Madiga as his assistant. - -At the marriages of Mutrachas, Madigas, and some other classes, a -form of worship called Virala puja is performed with the object of -propitiating heroes or ancestors (viralu). A kindred ceremony, called -Ganga puja, is carried out by the Gollas, the expenses of which amount -to about a hundred rupees. This Ganga worship lasts over three days, -during which nine patterns, called muggu, are drawn on the floor in -five colours, and represent dhamarapadmam (lotus flower), palavili -(booth), sulalu (tridents), sesha panpu (serpent's play?), alugula -simhasanam (throne of Sakti), Viradu perantalu (hero and his wife), -Ranivasam (Rani's palace), bonala (food), and Ganga. The last is -a female figure, and probably represents Ganga, the goddess of -water, though one of the Golla ancestors was named Gangi Raju. The -patterns must be drawn by Madigas or Malas. Three Pambalas, or Madigas -skilled in this work, and in reciting the stories of various gods and -goddesses, commence their work on the afternoon of the third day, -and use white powder (rice flour), and powders coloured yellow -(turmeric), red (turmeric and chunam), green (leaves of Cassia -auriculata), and black (charred rice husk). On an occasion when my -assistant was present, the designs were drawn on the floor of the -courtyard of the house, which was roofed over. During the preparation -of the designs, people were excluded from the yard, as some ill-luck, -especially an attack of fever, would befall more particularly boys -and those of feeble mind, if they caught sight of the muggu before -the drishti thiyadam, or ceremony for removing the evil eye has been -performed. Near the head of the figure of Ganga, when completed, was -placed an old bamboo box, regarded as a god, containing idols, ropes, -betel, flowers, and small swords. Close to the box, and on the right -side of the figure, an earthen tray, containing a lighted wick fed -with ghi (clarified butter) was set. On the left side were deposited -a kalasam (brass vessel) representing Siva, a row of chembus (vessels) -called bonalu (food vessels), and a small empty box tied up in a cloth -dyed with turmeric, and called Brammayya. Between these articles and -the figure, a sword was laid. Several heaps of food were piled up -on the figure, and masses of rice placed near the head and feet. In -addition, a conical mass of food was heaped up on the right side of -the figure, and cakes were stuck into it. All round this were placed -smaller conical piles of food, into which broomsticks decorated with -betel leaves were thrust. Masses of food, scooped out and converted -into lamps, were arranged in various places, and betel leaves and nuts -scattered all over the figure. Towards the feet were set a chembu -filled with water, a lump of food coloured red, and incense. The -preparations concluded, three Gollas stood near the feet of the figure, -and took hold of the red food, over which water had been sprinkled, -the incense and a fowl. The food and incense were then waved in front -of the figure, and the fowl, after it had been smoked by the incense, -and waved over the figure, had its neck wrung. This was followed by the -breaking of a cocoanut, and offering fruits and other things. The three -men then fell prostrate on the ground before the figure, and saluted -the goddess. One of them, an old man, tied little bells round his legs, -and stood mute for a time. Gradually he began to perspire, and those -present exclaimed that he was about to be possessed by the spirit -of an ancestor. Taking up a sword, he began to cut himself with it, -especially in the back, and then kept striking himself with the blunt -edge. The sword was wrested from him, and placed on the figure. The -old man then went several times round the muggu, shaking and twisting -his body into various grotesque attitudes. While this was going on, -the bridegroom appeared on the scene, and seated himself near the -feet of the figure. Throwing off his turban and upper cloth, he fell -on the floor, and proceeded to kick his legs about, and eventually, -becoming calmer, commenced to cry. Being asked his name, he replied -that he was Kariyavala Raju. Further questions were put to him, to -which he made no response, but continued crying. Incense and lights -were then carried round the image, and the old man announced that the -marriage would be auspicious, and blessed the bride and bridegroom -and the assembled Gollas. The ceremony concluded with the burning of -camphor. The big mass of food was eaten by Puni Gollas. - -It is stated in the Manual of the Nellore district that, when a Golla -bridegroom sets out for the house of his mother-in-law, he is seized -on the way by his companions, who will not release him until he has -paid a piece of gold. - -The custom of illatom, or application of a son-in-law, obtains among -the Gollas, as among the Kapus and some other Telugu-classes. [149] - -In connection with the death ceremonies, it may be noted that the -corpse, when it is being washed, is made to rest on a mortar, and -two pestles are placed by its side, and a lighted lamp near the head. - -There is a proverb to the effect that a Golla will not scruple to -water the milk which he sells to his own father. Another proverb -refers to the corrupt manner in which he speaks his mother-tongue. - -The insigne of the caste at Conjeeveram is a silver churning -stick. [150] - -Gollari (monkey).--An exogamous sept of Gadaba. - -Gomma.--Recorded by the Rev. J. Cain as the name for Koyis who live -near the banks of the Godavari river. Villages on the banks thereof -are called gommu ullu. - -Gonapala (old plough).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Gondaliga.--The Gondaligas are described, in the Mysore Census Report, -1901, as being mendicants "of Mahratta origin like the Budabudikes, -and may perhaps be a sub-division of them. They are worshippers of -Durgi. Their occupation, as the name indicates, is to perform gondala, -or a kind of torch-light dance, usually performed in honour of Amba -Bhavani, especially after marriages in Desastha Brahman's houses, -or at other times in fulfilment of any vow." - -Gone (a sack).--An exogamous sept of Maala. The Gone Perikes have been -summed up as being a Telugu caste of gunny-bag weavers, corresponding -to the Janappans of the Tamil country. Gunny-bag is the popular and -trading name for the coarse sacking and sacks made from jute fibre, -which are extensively used in Indian trade. [151] Gone is further an -occupational sub-division of Komati. - -The Gonigas of Mysore are described, in the Census Report, 1901, -as sack-weavers and makers of gunny-bags, agriculturists, and grain -porters at Bangalore; and it is noted that the abnormal fall of 66 -per cent. in the number of the caste was due to their being confounded -with Ganigas. - -Gonjakari.--A title of Haddi. - -Gonji (Glycosmis penlaphylla).--An exogamous sept of Mala. - -Gopalam (alms given to beggars).--An exogamous sept of Togata. - -Gopalan (those who tend cattle).--A synonym of Idaiyan. - -Gopopuriya.--A sub-division of Gaudo. - -Gorantla (Lawsonia alba: henna).--An exogamous sept of Golla and -Padma Sale. The leaves of this plant are widely used by Natives as -an article of toilet for staining the nails, and by Muhammadans for -dyeing the hair red. - -Gorava.--A synonym of Kuruba. - -Goravaru.--A class of Canarese mendicants. - -Gore.--Recorded, at times of census, as a synonym of Lambadi. Gora -means trader or shop-keeper, and trading Lambadis may have assumed -the name. - -Gorige (Cyamopsis psoralioides).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Gorrela (sheep).--An exogamous sept of Golla, Kamma, and Kapu. Konda -gorri (hill sheep) occurs as an exogamous sept of Jatapu. - -Gosangi.--A synonym for Madiga, recorded as Kosangi, in the Madras -Census Report, 1901. The Gosangulu are described in the Vizagapatam -Manual (1869), as "beggars who style themselves descendants of -Jambavanta, the bear into which Brahma transformed himself, to -assist Rama in destroying Ravana. The Gosangis are considered to be -illegitimate descendants of Madigas, and a curious thing about them -is that their women dress up like men, and sing songs when begging. As -mendicants they are attached to the Madigas." - -Gosayi or Goswami.--The Gosayis are immigrant religious mendicants -from Northern and Western India. I gather from the Mysore Census -Reports that "they mostly belong to the Dandi sub-division. The Gosayi -is no caste; commonly any devotee is called a Gosayi, whether he -lives a life of celibacy or not; whether he roams about the country -collecting alms, or resides in a house like the rest of the people; -whether he leads an idle existence, or employs himself in trade. The -mark, however, that distinguishes all who bear this name is that -they are devoted to a religious life. Some besmear their bodies -with ashes, wear their hair dishevelled and uncombed, and in some -instances coiled round the head like a snake or rope. They roam -about the country in every direction, visiting especially spots -of reputed sanctity, and as a class are the pests of society and -incorrigible rogues. Some of them can read, and a few may be learned; -but for the most part they are stolidly ignorant. Most of them wear -a yellowish cloth, by which they make themselves conspicuous. The -Gosayis, although by profession belonging to the religious class, -apply themselves nevertheless to commerce and trade. As merchants, -bankers and tradesmen, they hold a very respectable position. They -never marry. One of the chief peculiarities of this caste is that -Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, and Sudras, the two former especially, -may, if they choose, become Gosayis; but if they do so, and unite -with the members of this fraternity in eating and drinking, holding -full and free intercourse with them, they are cut off for ever from -their own tribes. It is this circumstance which constitutes Gosayis -a distinct and legitimate caste, and not merely a religious order. At -death a horrible custom is observed. A cocoanut is broken on the head -of the deceased by a person specially appointed for the purpose, until -it is smashed to pieces. The body is then wrapped in a reddish cloth, -and thrown into the Ganges. A partial explanation of this practice is -furnished in Southern India. The final aim of Hindu religious life is -Nirvana or Moksham in the next life, and this can only be attained by -those holy men, whose life escapes, after smashing the skull, through -the sushumna nadi, a nerve so called, and supposed to pervade the -crown of the head. The dying or dead Sanyasi is considered to have -led such a holy life as to have expired in the orthodox manner, and -the fiction is kept up by breaking the skull post mortem, in mimicry -of the guarantee of his passage to eternal bliss. Accordingly, the -dead body of a Brahman Sanyasi in Southern India undergoes the same -process and is buried, but never burned or thrown into the river." - -A few Gosayis, at the Mysore census, returned gotras, of which the -chief were Achuta and Daridra (poverty-stricken). In the Madras -Census Report, 1901, Mandula (medicine man) and Bavaji are returned -as a sub-division and synonym of Gosayi. The name Guse or Gusei is -applied to Oriya Brahmans owing to their right of acting as gurus or -family priests. - -Gosu (pride).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Goundan.--It is noted, in the Salem Manual, that "some of the -agricultural classes habitually append the title Goundan as a sort -of caste nomenclature after their names, but the word applies, -par excellence, to the head of the village, or Ur Goundan as he is -called." As examples of castes which take Goundan as their title, -the Pallis, Okkiliyans, and Vellalas may be cited. A planter, or -other, when hailing a Malayali of the Shevaroy hills, always calls -him Goundan. - -Goyi (lizard: Varanus).--An exogamous sept of Bottada. - -Gramani.--The title of some Shanans, and of the headman of the -Khatris. In Malabar, the name gramam (a village) is applied to a -Brahmanical colony, or collection of houses, as the equivalent of -the agraharam of the Tamil country. [152] - -Gudala.--The Gudalas are a Telugu caste of basket-makers in Vizagapatam -and Ganjam. The name is derived from guda, a basket for baling -water. For the following note I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana -Rao. The original occupation of the caste is said to have been the -collection of medicinal herbs and roots for native doctors and sick -persons, which is still carried on by some Gudalas at Saluru town. The -principal occupations, however, are the manufacture of bamboo baskets, -and fishing in fresh water. - -Like other Telugu castes, the Gudalas have exogamous septs or -intiperulu, e.g., korra (Setaria italica), paththi (cotton), nakka -(jackal) and ganti (hole pierced in the ear-lobe). The custom of -menarikam, whereby a man should marry his maternal uncle's daughter, -is practiced. Marriage generally takes place before a girl reaches -puberty. A Brahman officiates at weddings. The bride-price (voli) -consists of a new cloth for the bride, and seven rupees for her -parents, which are taken by the bridegroom's party to the bride's -house, together with some oil and turmeric for the bridal bath, and -the sathamanam (marriage badge). A feast is held, and the sathamanam -is tied on the bride's neck. The newly married pair are conducted -to the house of the bridegroom, where a further feast takes place, -after which they return to the bride's home, where they remain for -three days. Widows are permitted to remarry thrice, and the voli on -each successive occasion is Rs. 3, Rs. 2, and Rs. 2-8-0. When a widow -is remarried, the sathamanam is tied on her neck near a mortar. - -The members of the caste reverence a deity called Ekkaladevata, -who is said to have been left behind at their original home. The -dead are cremated, and the chinna rozu (little day) death ceremony -is observed. On the third day, cooked rice is thrown over the spot -where the corpse was burnt. - -Gudavandlu.--Recorded, in the Nellore Manual, as Vaishnavites, -who earn their livelihood by begging. The name means basket people, -and probably refers to Satanis, who carry a basket (guda) when begging. - -Gudi (temple).--A sub-division of Okkiliyan, an exogamous sept of Jogi, -and a name for temple Dasaris, to distinguish them from the Donga or -thieving Dasaris. - -Gudigara.--In the South Canara Manual, the Gudigaras are summed up as -follows. "They are a Canarese caste of wood-carvers and painters. They -are Hindus of the Saivite sect, and wear the sacred thread. Shivalli -Brahmans officiate as their priests. Some follow the aliya santana -mode of inheritance (in the female line), others the ordinary -law. They must marry within the caste, but not within the same gotra -or family. Infant marriage is not compulsory, and they have the dhare -form of marriage. Among those who follow the aliya santana law, both -widows and divorced women may marry again, but this is not permitted -among the other sections. The dead are either cremated or buried, -the former being the preferential mode. The use of alcoholic liquor, -and fish and flesh is permitted. Their ordinary title is Setti." - -"The Gudigars, or sandal-wood carvers," Mr. D'Cruz writes, [153] -"are reported to have come originally from Goa, their migration -to Mysore and Canara having been occasioned by the attempts of the -early Portuguese invaders to convert them to Christianity. The fact -that their original language is Konkani corroborates their reputed -Konkanese origin. They say that the derivation of the word Gudigara -is from gudi, a temple, and that they were so called because they -were, in their own country, employed as carvers and painters in the -ornamentation of temples. Another derivation is from the Sanskrit -kuttaka (a carver). They assert that their fellow castemen are -still employed in turning, painting, and other decorative arts at -Goa. Like the Chitrakaras (ornamenters or decorative artists), they -claim to be Kshatriyas, and tradition has it that, to escape the -wrath of Parasu Rama in the sixth incarnation of Vishnu, who vowed -to destroy all Kshatriyas, they adopted the profession of carvers -and car-builders. They are also expert ivory-carvers, and it has been -suggested that they may be distantly connected with the Kondikars, or -ivory-carvers of Bengal. The art of sandalwood carving is confined -to a few families in the Sorab and Sagar taluks of the Shimoga -district, in the north-west corner of the province. There are two -or three families in Sagar, and about six in Sorab, which contribute -in all about thirty-five artisans employed in the craft. The art is -also practiced by their relations, who found a domicile in Hanavar, -Kumpta, Sirsi, Siddapur, Biligi, and Banavasi in the North Canara -district. But the work of the latter is said to be by no means so fine -as that executed by the artisans of Sorab and Sagar. The artisans -of North Canara, however, excel in pith-work of the most exquisite -beauty. They usually make basingas, i.e., special forehead ornaments, -richly inlaid with pearls, and worn on the occasion of marriage. The -delicate tools used by the wood-carvers are made from European umbrella -spokes, ramrods, and country steel. The main stimulus, which the art -receives from time to time at the present day, is from orders from the -Government, corporate public bodies, or Maharajas, for address boxes, -cabinets, and other articles specially ordered for presentations, -or for the various fine-art exhibition, for which high prices are -paid." In conversation with the workmen from Sorab and Sagar for work -in the palace which is being built for H. H. the Maharaja of Mysore, -it was elicited that there are some Gudigars, who, from want of a due -taste for the art, never acquire it, but are engaged in carpentry and -turning. Others, having acquired land, are engaged in cultivation, -and fast losing all touch with the art. At Udipi in South Canara, -some Gudigars make for sale large wooden buffaloes and human figures, -which are presented as votive offerings at the Iswara temple at -Hiriadkap. They also make wooden dolls and painted clay figures. - -The following extracts from Mr. L. Rice's 'Mysore Gazetteer' may be -appropriately quoted. "The designs with which the Gudigars entirely -cover the boxes, desks, and other articles made, are of an extremely -involved and elaborate pattern, consisting for the most part of -intricate interlacing foliage and scroll-work, completely enveloping -medallions containing the representation of some Hindu deity or subject -of mythology, and here and there relieved by the introduction of animal -forms. The details, though in themselves often highly incongruous, -are grouped and blended with a skill that seems to be instinctive in -the East, and form an exceedingly rich and appropriate ornamentation, -decidedly oriental in style, which leaves not the smallest portion -of the surface of the wood untouched. The material is hard, and the -minuteness of the work demands the utmost care and patience. Hence -the carving of a desk or cabinet involves a labour of many months, -and the artists are said to lose their eyesight at a comparatively -early age. European designs they imitate to perfection." And again: -"The articles of the Gudigar's manufacture chiefly in demand are -boxes, caskets and cabinets. These are completely covered with minute -and delicate scroll-work, interspersed with figures from the Hindu -Pantheon, the general effect of the profuse detail being extremely -rich. The carving of Sorab is considered superior to that of Bombay -or Canton, and, being a very tedious process requiring great care, is -expensive. The Gudigars will imitate admirably any designs that may be -furnished them. Boards for album-covers, plates from Jorrock's hunt, -and cabinets surrounded with figures, have thus been produced for -European gentlemen with great success." A gold medal was awarded to -the Gudigars at the Delhi Durbar Exhibition, 1903, for a magnificent -sandal-wood casket (now in the Madras Museum), ornamented with panels -representing hunting scenes. - -When a marriage is contemplated, the parents of the couple, in the -absence of horoscopes, go to a temple, and receive from the priest some -flowers which have been used for worship. These are counted, and, if -their number is even, the match is arranged, and an exchange of betel -leaves and nuts takes place. On the wedding day, the bridegroom goes, -accompanied by his party, to the house of the bride, taking with him -a new cloth, a female jacket, and a string of black beads with a small -gold ornament. They are met en route by the bride's party. Each party -has a tray containing rice, a cocoanut, and a looking-glass. The -females of one party place kunkuma (red powder) on the foreheads -of those of the other party, and sprinkle rice over each other. At -the entrance to the marriage pandal (booth), the bride's brother -pours water at the feet of the bridegroom, and her father leads -him into the pandal. The new cloth, and other articles, are taken -inside the house, and the mother or sister of the bridegroom, with -the permission of the headman, ties the necklet of black beads on the -bride's neck. Her maternal uncle takes her up in his arms, and carries -her to the pandal. Thither the bridegroom is conducted by the bride's -brother. A cloth is held as a screen between the contracting couple, -who place garlands of flowers round each other's necks. The screen is -then removed. A small vessel, containing milk and water, and decorated -with mango leaves, is placed in front of them, and the bride's mother, -taking hold of the right hand of the bride, places it in the right -hand of the bridegroom. The officiating Brahman places a betel leaf -and cocoanut on the bride's hand, and her parents pour water from a -vessel thereon. The Brahman then ties the kankanams (wrist-threads) -on the wrists of the contracting couple, and kindles the sacred fire -(homam). The guests present them with money, and lights are waved -before them by elderly females. The bridegroom, taking the bride by -hand, leads her into the house, where they sit on a mat, and drink -milk out of the same vessel. A bed is made ready, and they sit on it, -while the bride gives betel to the bridegroom. On the second day, -lights are waved, in the morning and evening, in front of them. On -the third day, some red-coloured water is placed in a vessel, into -which a ring, an areca nut, and rice are dropped. The couple search -for the ring, and, when it has been found, the bridegroom puts it on -the finger of the bride. They then bathe, and try to catch fish in -a cloth. After the bath, the wrist-threads are removed. - -Gudisa (hut).--An exogamous sept of Boya and Kapu. - -Gudiya.--The Gudiyas are the sweet-meat sellers of the Oriya -country. They rank high in the social scale, and some sections of -Oriya Brahmans will accept drinking water at their hands. Sweet-meats -prepared by them are purchased for marriage feasts by all castes, -including Brahmans. The caste name is derived from gudo (jaggery). The -caste is divided into two sections, one of which is engaged in selling -sweet-meats and crude sugar, and the other in agriculture. The former -are called Gudiyas, and the latter Kolata, Holodia, or Bolasi Gudiyas -in different localities. The headman of the caste is called Sasumallo, -under whom are assistant officers, called Behara and Bhollobaya. In -their ceremonial observances on the occasion of marriage, death, etc., -the Gudiyas closely follow the Gaudos. They profess the Paramartho -or Chaitanya form of Vaishnavism, and also worship Takuranis (village -deities). - -The Gudiyas are as particular as Brahmans in connection with the -wearing of sect marks, and ceremonial ablution. Cloths worn during the -act of attending to the calls of nature are considered to be polluted, -so they carry about with them a special cloth, which is donned for -the moment, and then removed. Like the Gudiyas, Oriya Brahmans always -carry with them a small cloth for this purpose. - -The titles of the Gudiyas are Behara, Sahu, and Sasumallo. In the -Madras Census Report, 1901, the caste name is given as Godiya. - -Gudugudupandi.--A Tamil synonym for Budubudukala. - -Guha Vellala.--The name assumed by some Sembadavans with a view -to connecting themselves with Guha (or Kuha), who rowed the boat -of Rama to Ceylon, and, as Vellalas, gaining a rise in the social -scale. Maravans also claim descent from Guha. - -Gujarati.--A territorial name, meaning people from Gujarat, some -of whom have settled in the south where they carry on business -as prosperous traders. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Gujjar -is returned as a synonym. At a public meeting held in Madras, in -1906, to concert measures for establishing a pinjrapole (hospital -for animals) it was resolved that early steps should be taken to -collect public subscriptions from the Hindu community generally, -and in particular from the Nattukottai Chettis, Gujaratis, and other -mercantile classes. The mover of the resolution observed that Gujaratis -were most anxious, on religious grounds, to save all animals from pain, -and it was a religious belief with them that it was sinful to live in -a town where there was no pinjrapole. A pinjrapole is properly a cage -(pinjra) for the sacred bull (pola) released in the name of Siva. [154] -It is noted by Mr. Drummond [155] that every marriage and mercantile -transaction among the Gujaratis is taxed with a contribution ostensibly -for the pinjrapole. In 1901, a proposal was set on foot to establish -a Gujarati library and reading-room in Madras, to commemorate the -silver jubilee of the administration of the Gaekwar of Baroda. - -Gulimi (pickaxe).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Gullu (Solanum ferox).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Gulti.--A section of Boya, members of which are to be found in Choolay, -Madras City. - -Gummadi (Cucurbita maxima).--An exogamous sept of Tsakalas, who will -not cultivate the plant, or eat the pumpkin thereof. - -Guna.--Guna or Guni is a sub-division of Velama. The name is derived -from the large pot (guna), which dyers use. - -Guna Tsakala (hunchbacked washerman).--Said to be a derisive name -given to Velamas by Balijas. - -Gundala (stones).--An exogamous sept of Golla. - -Gundam (pit).--An exogamous sept of Chenchu. - -Gundu (cannon-ball).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Guni.--Guni is the name of Oriya dancing-girls and prostitutes. It -is derived from the Sanskrit guna, meaning qualifications or skill, -in reference to their possession of qualification for, and skill -acquired by training when young in enchanting by music, dancing, etc. - -Gunta (well).--A sub-division of Boyas, found in the Anantapur -district, the members of which are employed in digging wells. - -Guntaka (harrow).--An exogamous sept of Kapu. - -Guntala (pond).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Gupta.--A Vaisya title assumed by some Muttans (trading caste) of -Malabar, and Tamil Pallis. - -Guri.--Recorded, in the Vizagapatam Manual, as a caste of Paiks or -fighting men. Gurikala (marksman) occurs, in the Madras Census Report, -1901, as a sub-division of Patra. - -Gurram (horse).--An exogamous sept of Chenchu, Golla, Mala, Padma Sale, -and Togata. The Gurram Togatas will not ride on horseback. Kudire, -also meaning horse, occurs as a gotra or exogamous sept of Kurni -and Vakkaliga. - -Gurukkal.--For the following note on the Gurukkals or Kurukkals of -Travancore, I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. The Kurukkals -are priests of castes, whose religious rites are not presided over -by Ilayatus. They are probably of Tamil origin. Males are often -called Nainar and females Nachchiyar, which are the usual titles -of the Tamil Kurukkals also. In the Keralolpatti the caste men are -described as Chilampantis, who are the adiyars or hereditary servants -of Padmanabhaswami in Trivandrum. They seem to have been once known -also as Madamutalis or headmen of matts, and Tevara Pandarams, -or Pandarams who assisted the Brahman priest in the performance -of religious rites in the Maharaja's palace. It is said that the -Kurukkals originally belonged to the great Vaisya branch of Manu's -fourfold system of caste, and migrated from the Pandyan country, and -became the dependants of the Kupakkara family of Pottis in Trivandrum, -whose influence, both religious and secular, was of no mean order in -mediæval times. These Pottis gave them permission to perform all the -priestly services of the Ambalavasi families, who lived to the south -of Quilon. It would appear from the Keralolpatti and other records -that they had the kazhakam or sweeping and other services at the inner -entrance of Sri Padmanabha's temple till the time of Umayamma Rani in -the eighth century of the Malabar era. As, however, during her reign, -a Kurukkal in league with the Kupakkara Potti handed over the letter -of invitation, entrusted to him as messenger, for the annual utsavam -to the Tarnallur Nambudiripad, the chief ecclesiastical functionary of -the temple, much later than was required, the Kurukkal was dismissed -from the temple service, and ever afterwards the Kurukkals had no -kazhakam right there. There are some temples, where Kurukkals are the -recognised priests, and they are freely admitted for kazhakam service -in most South Travancore temples. To the north of Quilon, however, the -Variyars and Pushpakans enjoy this right in preference to others. Some -Kurukkals kept gymnasia in former times, and trained young men in -military exercises. At the present day, a few are agriculturists. - -The Kurukkals are generally not so fair in complexion as other -sections of the Ambalavasis. Their houses are known as bhavanams -or vidus. They are strict vegetarians, and prohibited from drinking -spirituous liquor. The females (Kurukkattis) try to imitate Nambutiri -Brahmans in their dress and ornaments. The arasilattali, which closely -resembles the cherutali, is worn round the neck, and the chuttu in -the ears. The mukkutti, but not the gnattu, is worn in the nose. The -minnu or marriage ornament is worn after the tali-kettu until the death -of the tali-tier. The females are tattooed on the forehead and hands, -but this practice is going out of fashion. The sect marks of women are -the same as those of the Nambutiris. The Kurukkals are Smartas. The -Tiruvonam asterism in the month of Avani (August-September) furnishes -an important festive occasion. - -The Kurukkals are under the spiritual control of certain men in their -own caste called Vadhyars. They are believed to have been originally -appointed by the Kuppakkara Pottis, of whom they still take counsel. - -The Kurukkals observe both the tali-kettu kalyanam and sambandham. The -male members of the caste contract alliances either within the caste, -or with Marans, or the Vatti class of Nayars. Women receive cloths -either from Brahmans or men of their own caste. The maternal uncle's -or paternal aunt's daughter is regarded as the most proper wife for -a man. The tali-kettu ceremony is celebrated when a girl is seven, -nine or eleven years old. The date for its celebration is fixed by her -father and maternal uncle in consultation with the astrologer. As many -youths are then selected from among the families of the inangans or -relations as there are girls to be married, the choice being decided -by the agreement of the horoscopes of the couple. The erection of -the first pillar of the marriage pandal (booth) is, as among other -Hindu castes, an occasion for festivity. The ceremony generally -lasts over few days, but may be curtailed. On the wedding day, the -bridegroom wears a sword and palmyra leaf, and goes in procession to -the house of the bride. After the tali has been tied, the couple are -looked on as being impure, and the pollution is removed by bathing, -and the pouring of water, consecrated by the hymns of Vadhyars, over -their heads. For the sambandham, which invariably takes place after a -girl has reached puberty, the relations of the future husband visit -her home, and, if they are satisfied as to the desirability of the -match, inform her guardians of the date on which they will demand the -horoscope. When it is received on the appointed day, the astrologer -is consulted, and, if he is favourably inclined, a day is fixed for -the sambandham ceremony. The girl is led forward by her maternal -aunt, who sits among those who have assembled, and formally receives -cloths. Cloths are also presented to the maternal uncle. Divorce is -common, and effected with the consent of the Vadhyar. Inheritance is in -the female line (marumakkathayam). It is believed that, at the time of -their migration to Travancore, the Kurukkals wore their tuft of hair -(kudumi) behind, and followed the makkathayam system of inheritance -(in the male line). A change is said to have been effected in both -these customs by the Kupakkara Potti in the years 1752 and 1777 of -the Malabar era. - -The Kurukkals observe most of the religious ceremonies of the -Brahmans. No recitation of hymns accompanies the rites of namakarana -and annaprasana. The chaula and upanayana are performed between the -ninth and twelfth years of age. On the previous day, the family priest -celebrates the purificatory rite, and ties a consecrated thread round -the right wrist of the boy. The tonsure takes place on the second day, -and on the third day the boy is invested with the sacred thread, and -the Gayatri hymn recited. On the fourth day, the Brahmacharya rite -is closed with a ceremony corresponding to the Samavartana. When a -girl reaches puberty, some near female relation invites the women of -the village, who visit the house, bringing sweetmeats with them. The -girl bathes, and reappears in public on the fifth day. Only the -pulikudi or drinking tamarind juice, is celebrated, as among the -Nayars, during the first pregnancy. The sanchayana, or collection -of bones after the cremation of a corpse, is observed on the third, -fifth, or seventh day after death. Death pollution lasts for eleven -days. Tekketus are built in memory of deceased ancestors. These are -small masonry structures built over graves, in which a lighted lamp -is placed, and at which worship is performed on anniversary and other -important occasions (See Brahman.) - -Gutob.--A sub-division of Gadaba. - -Gutta Koyi.--Recorded by the Rev. J. Cain as a name for hill Koyis. - -Guvvala (doves).--An exogamous sept of Boya and Mutracha. - - - - - - - -H - - -Haddi.--The Haddis are a low class of Oriyas, corresponding to -the Telugu Malas and Madigas, and the Tamil Paraiyans. It has been -suggested that the name is derived from haddi, a latrine, or hada, -bones, as members of the caste collect all sorts of bones, and trade in -them. The Haddis play on drums for all Oriya castes, except Khondras, -Tiyoros, Tulabinas, and Sanis. They consider the Khondras as a very -low class, and will not purchase boiled rice sold in the bazaar, -if it has been touched by them. Castes lower than the Haddis are the -Khondras and Jaggalis of whom the latter are Telugu Madigas, who have -settled in the southern part of Ganjam, and learnt the Oriya language. - -The Haddis may be divided into Haddis proper, Rellis, and Chachadis, -which are endogamous divisions. The Haddis proper never do sweeping -or scavenging work, which are, in some places, done by Rellis. The -Relli scavengers are often called Bhatta or Karuva Haddis. The -Haddis proper go by various names, e.g., Sudha Haddi, Godomalia -Haddi, etc., in different localities. The Haddis work as coolies and -field labourers, and the selling of fruits, such as mango, tamarind, -Zizyphus Jujuba, etc., is a favourite occupation. In some places, the -selling of dried fish is a monopoly of the Rellis. Sometimes Haddis, -especially the Karuva Haddis, sell human or yak hair for the purpose -of female toilette. The Haddis have numerous septs or bamsams, one -of which, hathi (elephant) is of special interest, because members -of this sept, when they see the foot-prints of an elephant, take some -dust from the spot, and make a mark on the forehead with it. They also -draw the figure of an elephant, and worship it when they perform sradh -(memorial service for the dead) and other ceremonies. - -There are, among the Haddi communities, two caste officers entitled -Behara and Nayako, and difficult questions which arise are settled -at a meeting of the officers of several villages. It is said that -sometimes, if a member of the caste is known to have committed an -offence, the officers select some members of the caste from his -village to attend the meeting, and borrow money from them. This is -spent on drink, and, after the meeting, the amount is recovered from -the offender. If he does not plead guilty at once, a quarrel ensues, -and more money is borrowed, so as to increase the debt. In addition -to the Behara and Nayako, there are, in some places, other officials -called Adhikari or Chowdri, or Bodoporicha and Bhollobhaya. The caste -title is Nayako. Members of higher castes are sometimes, especially if -they have committed adultery with Haddi women, received into the caste. - -Girls are married after puberty. Though contrary to the usual Oriya -custom, the practice of menarikam, or marriage with the maternal -uncle's daughter, is permitted. When the marriage of a young man -is contemplated, his father, accompanied by members of his caste, -proceeds to the home of the intended bride. If her parents are -in favour of the match, a small space is cleared in front of the -house, and cow-dung water smeared over it. On this spot the young -man's party deposit a pot of toddy, over which women throw Zizyphus -Jujuba leaves and rice, crying at the same time Ulu-ula. The village -officials, and a few respected members of the caste, assemble in -the house, and, after the engagement has been announced, indulge -in a drink. On an auspicious day, the bridegroom's party go to the -home of the bride, and place, on a new cloth spread on the floor, the -bride-price (usually twenty rupees), and seven betel leaves, myrabolams -(Terminalia fruits), areca nuts, and cakes. Two or three of the nuts -are then removed from the cloth, cut up, and distributed among the -leading men. After the wedding day has been fixed, an adjournment -is made to the toddy shop. In some cases, the marriage ceremony is -very simple, the bride being conducted to the home of the bridegroom, -where a feast is held. In the more elaborate form of ceremonial, the -contracting couple are seated on a dais, and the Behara or Nayako, -who officiates as priest, makes fire (homam) before them, which he -feeds with twigs of Zizyphus Jujuba and Eugenia Jambolana. Mokuttos -(forehead chaplets) and wrist-threads are tied on the couple, and their -hands are connected by the priest by means of a turmeric-dyed thread, -and then disconnected by an unmarried girl. The bride's brother arrives -on the scene, dressed up as a woman, and strikes the bridegroom. This -is called solabidha, and is practiced by many Oriya castes. The ends -of the cloths of the bride and bridegroom are tied together, and they -are conducted inside the house, the mother-in-law throwing Zizyphus -leaves and rice over them. - -Like other Oriya castes, the Haddis observe pollution for seven days -on the occasion of the first menstrual period. On the first day, the -girl is seated, and, after she has been smeared with oil and turmeric -paste, seven women throw Zizyphus leaves and rice over her. She is -kept either in a corner of the house, or in a separate hut, and has -by her a piece of iron and a grinding-stone wrapped up in a cloth. If -available, twigs of Strychnos Nux-vomica are placed in a corner. Within -the room or hut, a small framework, made of broom-sticks and pieces of -palmyra palm leaf, or a bow, is placed, and worshipped daily. If the -girl is engaged to be married, her future father-in-law is expected -to give her a new cloth on the seventh day. - -The Haddis are worshippers of various Takuranis (village deities), -e.g., Kalumuki, Sathabavuni, and Baidaro. Cremation of the dead is more -common than burial. Food is offered to the deceased on the day after -death, and also on the tenth and eleventh days. Some Haddis proceed, -on the tenth day, to the spot where the corpse was cremated or buried, -and, after making an effigy on the ground, offer food. Towards night, -they proceed to some distance from the house, and place food and fruits -on a cloth spread on the ground. They then call the dead man by his -name, and eagerly wait till some insect settles on the cloth. As soon -as this happens, the cloth is folded up, carried home, and shaken over -the floor close to the spot where the household gods are kept, so that -the insect falls on sand spread on the floor. A light is then placed -on the sanded floor, and covered with a new pot. After some time, -the pot is removed, and the sand examined for any marks which may be -left on it. This ceremony seems to correspond to the jola jola handi -(pierced pot) ceremony of other castes (see Bhondari). - -"The Rellis," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [156] "are a caste of -gardeners and labourers, found chiefly in the districts of Ganjam -and Vizagapatam. In Telugu the word relli or rellis means grass, -but whether there is any connection between this and the caste name -I cannot say. They generally live at the foot of the hills, and sell -vegetables, mostly of hill production." - -For the following note on the Rellis of Vizagapatam, I am indebted -to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The Rellis are also known as Sachchari, and -they further call themselves Sapiri. The caste recognises the custom -of menarikam, by which a man marries his maternal uncle's daughter. A -girl is usually married after puberty. The bride-price is paid sometime -before the day fixed for the marriage. On that day, the bride goes, -with her parents, to the house of the bridegroom. The caste deities -Odda Polamma (commonly known as Sapiri Daivam) and Kanaka Durgalamma -are invoked by the elders, and a pig and sheep are sacrificed to -them. A string of black beads is tied by the bridegroom round the -bride's neck, and a feast is held, at which the sacrificed animals -are eaten, and much liquor is imbibed. On the following morning, -a new cloth, kunkumam (red powder), and a few pieces of turmeric -are placed in a small basket or winnow, and carried in procession, -to the accompaniment of music, through the streets by the bride, -with whom is the bridegroom. The ceremony is repeated on the third -day, when the marriage festivities come to an end. In a note on the -Rellis of Ganjam, Mr. S. P. Rice writes [157] that "the bridegroom, -with the permission of the Village Magistrate, marches straight into -the bride's house, and ties a wedding necklace round her neck. A -gift of seven and a half rupees and a pig to the castemen, and of -five rupees to the bride's father, completes this very primitive -ceremony." Widows are allowed to remarry, but the string of beads is -not tied round the neck. The caste deities are usually represented by -crude wooden dolls, and an annual festival in their honour, with the -sacrifice of pigs and sheep, is held in March. The dead are usually -buried, and, as a rule, pollution is not observed. Some Rellis have, -however, begun to observe the chinnarozu (little day) death ceremony, -which corresponds to the chinnadinamu ceremony of the Telugus. The -main occupation of the caste is gardening, and selling fruits and -vegetables. The famine of 1875-76 reduced a large number of Rellis -to the verge of starvation, and they took to scavenging as a means -of earning a living. At the present day, the gardeners look down on -the scavengers, but a prosperous scavenger can be admitted into their -society by paying a sum of money, or giving a feast. Pollution attaches -only to the scavengers, and not to the gardening section. In the -Census Report, 1901, the Pakais or sweepers in the Godavari district, -who have, it is said, gone thither from Vizagapatam, are returned as -a sub-caste of Relli. The usual title of the Rellis is Gadu. - -The Haddis who inhabit the southern part of Ganjam are known as Ghasis -by other castes, especially Telugu people, though they call themselves -Haddis. The name Ghasi has reference to the occupation of cutting -grass, especially for horses. The occupational title of grass-cutter -is said by Yule and Burnell [158] to be "probably a corruption -representing the Hindustani ghaskoda or ghaskata, the digger or cutter -of grass, the title of a servant employed to collect grass for horses, -one such being usually attached to each horse, besides the syce or -horsekeeper (groom). In the north, the grass-cutter is a man; in the -south the office is filled by the horsekeeper's wife." It is noted in -'Letters from Madras' [159] that "every horse has a man and a maid -to himself; the maid cuts grass for him; and every dog has a boy. I -inquired whether the cat had any servants, but I found he was allowed -to wait upon himself." In addition to collecting and selling grass, -the Ghasis are employed at scavenging work. Outsiders, even Jaggalis -(Madigas), Paidis, and Panos, are admitted into the Ghasi community. - -The headman of the Ghasis is called Bissoyi, and he is assisted by -a Behara and Gonjari. The Gonjari is the caste servant, one of whose -duties is said to be the application of a tamarind switch to the back -of delinquents. - -Various exogamous septs or bamsams occur among the Ghasis, of which -naga (cobra), asvo (horse), chintala (tamarind), and liari (parched -rice) may be noted. Adult marriage is the rule. The betrothal -ceremony, at which the kanyo mulo, or bride-price, is paid, is the -occasion of a feast, at which pork must be served, and the Bissoyi -of the future bride's village ties a konti (gold or silver bead) -on her neck. The marriage ceremonial corresponds in the main with -that of the Haddis elsewhere, but has been to some extent modified by -the Telugu environment. The custom, referred to by Mr. S. P. Rice, -of suspending an earthen pot filled with water from the marriage -booth is a very general one, and not peculiar to the Ghasis. It is -an imitation of a custom observed by the higher Oriya castes. The -striking of the bridegroom on the back by the bride's brother is the -solabidha of other castes, and the mock anger (rusyano) in which the -latter goes away corresponds to the alagi povadam of Telugu castes. - -At the first menstrual ceremony of a Ghasi girl, she sits in a space -enclosed by four arrows, round which a thread is passed seven times. - -The name Odiya Toti (Oriya scavenger) occurs as a Tamil synonym for -Haddis employed as scavengers in Municipalities in the Tamil country. - -Hajam.--The Hindustani name for a barber, and used as a general -professional title by barbers of various classes. It is noted, in -the Census Reports, that only fifteen out of more than two thousand -individuals returned as Hajam were Muhammadans, and that, in South -Canara, Hajams are Konkani Kelasis, and of Marathi descent. - -Halaba.--See Pentiya. - -Halavakki.--A Canarese synonym for Budubudukala. - -Halepaik.--The Halepaiks are Canarese toddy-drawers, who are found in -the northern taluks of the South Canara district. The name is commonly -derived from hale, old, and paika, a soldier, and it is said that -they were formerly employed as soldiers. There is a legend that one -of their ancestors became commander of the Vijayanagar army, was made -ruler of a State, and given a village named Halepaikas as a jaghir -(hereditary assignment of land). Some Halepaiks say that they belong -to the Tengina (cocoanut palm) section, because they are engaged in -tapping that palm for toddy. - -There is intermarriage between the Canarese-speaking Halepaiks and -the Tulu-speaking Billava toddy-drawers, and, in some places, the -Billavas also call themselves Halepaiks. The Halepaiks have exogamous -septs or balis, which run in the female line. As examples of these, -the following may be noted:-- - -Chendi (Cerbera Odollum), Honne (Calophyllum inophyllum), Tolar (wolf), -Devana (god) and Ganga. It is recorded [160] of the Halepaiks of the -Canara district in the Bombay Presidency that "each exogamous section, -known as a bali (literally a creeper), is named after some animal or -tree, which is held sacred by the members of the same. This animal, -tree or flower, etc., seems to have been once considered the common -ancestor of the members of the bali, and to the present day it is both -worshipped by them, and held sacred in the sense that they will not -injure it. Thus the members of the nagbali, named apparently after -the nagchampa flower, will not wear this flower in their hair, as -this would involve injury to the plant. The Kadavebali will not kill -the sambhar (deer: kadave), from which they take their name." The -Halepaiks of South Canara seem to attach no such importance to the -sept names. Some, however, avoid eating a fish called Srinivasa, -because they fancy that the streaks on the body have a resemblance -to the Vaishnavite sectarian mark (namam). - -All the Halepaiks of the Kundapur taluk profess to be Vaishnavites, and -have become the disciples of a Vaishnava Brahman settled in the village -of Sankarappakodlu near Wondse in that taluk. Though Venkataramana is -regarded as their chief deity, they worship Baiderkulu, Panjurli, -and other bhuthas (devils). The Pujaris (priests) avoid eating -new grain, new areca nuts, new sugarcane, cucumbers and pumpkins, -until a feast, called kaidha puja, has been held. This is usually -celebrated in November-December, and consists in offering food, etc., -to Baiderkulu. Somebody gets possessed by the bhutha, and pierces -his abdomen with an arrow. - -In their caste organisation, marriage and death ceremonies, the -Halepaiks closely follow the Billavas. They do not, however, construct -a car for the final death ceremonies. As they are Vaishnavites, -after purification from death pollution by their own caste barber, -a Vaishnavite mendicant, called Dassaya, is called in, and purifies -them by sprinkling holy water and putting the namam on their foreheads. - -There are said to be some differences between the Halepaiks and -Billavas in the method of carrying out the process of drawing -toddy. For example, the Halepaiks generally grasp the knife with -the fingers directed upwards and the thumb to the right, while the -Billavas hold the knife with the fingers directed downwards and the -thumb to the left. For crushing the flower-buds within the spathe -of the palm, Billavas generally use a stone, and the Halepaiks a -bone. There is a belief that, if the spathe is beaten with the bone -of a buffalo which has been killed by a tiger, the yield of toddy -will, if the bone has not touched the ground, be greater than if an -ordinary bone is used. The Billavas generally carry a long gourd, -and the Halepaiks a pot, for collecting the toddy in. - -Halige (plank).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Hallikara (village man).--Recorded, in the Mysore Census Report, -1901, as a division of Vakkaliga. - -Halu (milk).--An exogamous sept of Holeya and Kurni, a sub-division of -Kuruba, and a name for Vakkaligas who keep cattle and sell milk. Halu -mata (milk caste) has been given as a synonym for Kuruba. In the -Mysore Census Report, 1901, Halu Vakkal-Makkalu, or children of the -milk caste, occurs as a synonym for Halu Vakkaliga, and, in the South -Canara Manual, Halvaklumakkalu is given as a synonym for Gauda. The -Madigas call the intoxicant toddy halu. (See Pal.) - -Hanbali.--A sect of Muhammadans, who are followers of the Imam Abu -'Abdi 'llah Ahmad Ibn Hanbal, the founder of the fourth orthodox sect -of the Sunnis, who was born at Baghdad A.H. 164 (A.D. 780). "His fame -began to spread just at the time when disputes ran highest concerning -the nature of the Qur'an, which some held to have existed from -eternity, whilst others maintained it to be created. Unfortunately -for Ibn Hanbal, the Khalifah-at-Muttasim was of the latter opinion, -to which this doctor refusing to subscribe, he was imprisoned, and -severely scourged by the Khalifah's order." [161] - -Handa.--A title of Canarese Kumbaras. - -Handichikka.--The Handichikkas are stated [162] to be "also generally -known as Handi Jogis. This caste is traced to the Pakanati sub-section -of the Jogis, which name it bore some five generations back when the -traditional calling was buffalo-breeding. But, as they subsequently -degenerated to pig-rearing, they came to be known as Handi Jogi or -Handichikka, handi being the Canarese for pig. - -Hanifi.--A sect of Muhammadans, named after Abu Hanifah Anhufman, -the great Sunni Imam and jurisconsult, and the founder of the Hanifi -sect, who was born A.H. 80 (A.D. 700). - -Hanuman.--Hanuman, or Hanumanta, the monkey god, has been recorded -as a sept of Domb, and gotra of Medara. - -Hari Shetti.--A name for Konkani-speaking Vanis (traders). - -Haruvar.--A sub-division of the Badagas of the Nilgiri hills. - -Hasala.--Concerning the Hasalas or Hasulas, Mr. Lewis Rice writes that -"this tribe resembles the Soliga (or Sholagas). They are met with along -the ghâts on the north-western frontier of Mysore. They are a short, -thick-set race, very dark in colour, and with curled hair. Their chief -employment is felling timber, but they sometimes work in areca nut -gardens and gather wild cardamoms, pepper, etc. They speak a dialect -of Canarese." - -In the Mysore Census Report, 1891, it is stated that "the Hasalaru -and Maleru are confined to the wild regions of the Western Malnad. In -the caste generation, they are said to rank above the Halepaikas, -but above the Holeyas and Madigas. They are a diminutive but muscular -race, with curly hair and dolichocephalous head. Their mother-tongue -is Tulu. Their numbers are so insignificantly small as not to be -separately defined. They are immigrants from South Canara, and lead a -life little elevated above that of primordial barbarism. They live in -small isolated huts, which are, however, in the case of the Hasalas, -provided not only with the usual principal entrance, through which -one has to crawl in, but also with a half-concealed hole in the rear, -a kind of postern, through which the shy inmates steal out into -the jungle at the merest suspicion of danger, or the approach of a -stranger. They collect the wild jungle produce, such as cardamoms, -etc., for their customary employers, whose agrestic slaves they have -virtually become. Their huts are annually or periodically shifted from -place to place, usually the most inaccessible and thickest parts of -the wilderness. They are said to be very partial to toddy and arrack -(alcoholic liquor). It is expected that these savages smuggle across -the frontier large quantities of wild pepper and cardamoms from the -ghat forests of the province. Their marriage customs are characterised -by the utmost simplicity, and the part played therein by the astrologer -is not very edifying. Their religion does not seem to transcend devil -worship. They bury the dead. A very curious obsequial custom prevails -among the Hasalas. When any one among them dies, somebody's devil is -credited with the mishap, and the astrologer is consulted to ascertain -its identity. The latter throws cowries (shells of Cyproea moneta) -for divination, and mentions some neighbour as the owner of the devil -thief. Thereupon, the spirit of the dead is redeemed by the heir or -relative by means of a pig, fowl, or other guerdon. The spirit is -then considered released, and is thence forward domiciled in a pot, -which is supplied periodically with water and nourishment. This may -be looked upon as the elementary germ of the posthumous care-taking, -which finds articulation under the name of sradh in multifarious forms, -accompanied more or less with much display in the more civilised -sections of the Hindu community. The Hasalaru are confined to -Tirthahalli and Mudigere." - -It is further recorded in the Mysore Census Report, 1891, that "in most -of the purely Malnad or hilly taluks, each vargdar, or proprietor of -landed estate, owns a set of servants styled Huttalu or Huttu-alu and -Mannalu or Mannu-alu. The former is the hereditary servitor of the -family, born in servitude, and performing agricultural work for the -landholder from father to son. The Mannalu is a serf attached to the -soil, and changes hands with it. They are usually of the Holaya class, -but, in some places, the Hasalar race have been entertained." (See -Holeya.) - -Concerning the Hasalaru, Mr. H. V. Nanjundayya writes to me that -"their marriages take place at night, a pujari of their caste ties -the tali, a golden disc, round the bride's neck. Being influenced by -the surrounding castes, they have taken of late to the practice of -inviting the astrologer to be present. In the social scale they are a -little superior to Madigas and Holeyas, and, like them, live outside -the village, but they do not eat beef. Their approach is considered -to defile a Brahman, and they do not enter the houses of non-Brahmans -such as Vakkaligas and Kurubas. They have their own caste barbers -and washermen, and have separate wells to draw water from." - -Hasbe.--Hasbe or Hasubu, meaning a double pony pack-sack, has been -recorded as an exogamous sept of Holeya and Vakkaliga. - -Hastham (hand).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Hatagar.--A sub-division of Devangas, who are also called Kodekal -Hatagaru. - -Hathi (elephant).--A sept of the Oriya Haddis. When members of this -sept see the foot-prints of an elephant, they take some dust from -the spot, and make a mark on the forehead with it. They also draw -the figure of an elephant, and worship it, when they perform sradh -(memorial service for the dead) and other ceremonies. - -Hathinentu Manayavaru (eighteen house).--A sub-division of Devanga. - -Hatti (hut or hamlet).--An exogamous sept of Kappilliyan and Kuruba. - -Hattikankana (cotton wrist-thread).--A sub-division of Kurubas, -who tie a cotton thread round the wrist at the marriage ceremony. - -Heggade.--The Heggades are summed up, in the Madras Census -Report, 1901, as being a class of Canarese cultivators and -cattle-breeders. Concerning the Heggades of South Canara, -Mr. H. A. Stuart writes [163] that they "are classified as -shepherds, but the present occupation of the majority of them is -cultivation. Their social position is said to be somewhat inferior to -that of the Bants. They employ Brahmins as their priests. In their -ceremonies, the rich follow closely the Brahminical customs. On the -second day of their marriage, a pretence of stealing a jewel from -the person of the bride is made. The bridegroom makes away with the -jewel before dawn, and in the evening the bride's party proceeds to -the house where the bridegroom is to be found. The owner of the house -is told that a theft has occurred in the bride's house and is asked -whether the thief has taken shelter in his house. A negative answer -is given, but the bride's party conducts a regular search. In the -meanwhile a boy is dressed to represent the bridegroom. The searching -party mistake this boy for the bridegroom, arrest him, and produce -him before the audience as the culprit. This disguised bridegroom, -who is proclaimed to be the thief, throws his mask at the bride, -when it is found to the amusement of all present that he is not the -bridegroom. The bride's party then, confessing their inability to find -the bridegroom, request the owner of the house to produce him. He is -then produced, and conducted in procession to the bride's house." - -Some Bants who use the title Heggade wear the sacred thread, follow -the hereditary profession of temple functionaries, and are keepers -of the demon shrines which are dotted all over South Canara. - -Of the Heggades who have settled in the Coorg country, the -Rev. G. Richter states [164] that "they conform, in superstitions and -festivals, to Coorg custom, but are excluded from the community of the -Coorgs, in whose presence they are allowed to sit only on the floor, -whilst the former occupy a chair, or, if they are seated on a mat, -the Heggades must not touch it." In the Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer, -Heggade is defined by Mr. L. Rice as the headman of a village, the -head of the village police, to whom, in some parts of the Province, -rent-free lands are assigned for his support. - -Heggade is sometimes used as a caste name by Kurubas, and occurs as -an exogamous sept of Stanikas. - -Hegganiga.--A sub-division of Ganigas, who use two oxen for their -oil-pressing mills. - -Helava.--Helava, meaning lame person, is the name of a class of -mendicants, who, in Bellary, Mysore, and other localities, are the -custodians of village histories. They generally arrive at the villages -mounted on a bullock, and with their legs concealed by woollen -blankets. They go from house to house, giving the history of the -different families, the names of heroes who died in war, and so forth. - -Hijra (eunuchs).--See Khoja. - -Hire (big).--A sub-division of Kurni. - -Hittu (flour).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Holadava.--A synonym of Gatti. - -Holeya.--The bulk of the Holeyas are, in the Madras Presidency, found -in South Canara, but there are a considerable number in Coimbatore and -on the Nilgiris (working on cinchona, tea, and coffee estates). In the -Manual of the South Canara district it is noted that "Holeyas are the -field labourers, and former agrestic serfs of South Canara, Pulayan -being the Malayalam and Paraiyan the Tamil form of the same word. The -name is derived by Brahmins from hole, pollution, and by others from -hola, land or soil, in recognition of the fact that, as in the case of -the Paraiyan, there are customs remaining which seem to indicate that -the Holeyas were once masters of the land; but, whatever the derivation -may be, it is no doubt the same as that of Paraiyan and Pulayan. The -Holeyas are divided into many sub-divisions, but the most important -are Mari, Mera, and Mundala or Bakuda. The Mera Holeyas are the most -numerous, and they follow the ordinary law of inheritance through -males, as far as that can be said to be possible with a class of people -who have absolutely nothing to inherit. Of course, demon propitiation -(bhuta worship) is practically the exclusive idea of the Holeyas, -and every one of the above sub-divisions has four or five demons to -which fowls, beaten rice, cocoanuts and toddy, are offered monthly -and annually. The Holeyas have, like other classes of South Canara, a -number of balis (exogamous septs), and persons of the same bali cannot -intermarry. Though the marriage tie is as loose as is usual among the -depressed and low castes of Southern India, their marriage ceremony is -somewhat elaborate. The bridegroom's party goes to the bride's house -on a fixed day with rice, betel leaf and a few areca nuts, and waits -the whole night outside the bride's hut, the bridegroom being seated -on a mat specially made by the bride. On the next morning the bride -is made to sit opposite the bridegroom, with a winnowing fan between -them filled with betel leaf, etc. Meanwhile the men and women present -throw rice over the heads of the couple. The bride then accompanies -the bridegroom to his hut, carrying the mat with her. On the last day -the couple take the mat to a river or tank where fish may be found, -dip the mat into the water, and catch some fish, which they let go -after kissing them. A grand feast completes the marriage. Divorce is -easy, and widow marriage is freely practiced. Holeyas will eat flesh -including beef, and have no caste scruples regarding the consumption -of spirituous liquor. Both men and women wear a small cap made of -the leaf of the areca palm." The Holeyas who were interviewed by us -all said that they do not go through the ceremony of catching fish, -which is performed by Shivalli Brahmans and Akkasales. - -"All Tulu Brahmin chronicles," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes [165] "agree -in ascribing the creation of Malabar and Canara, or Kerala, Tuluva, -and Haiga to Parasu Rama, who reclaimed from the sea as much land as -he could cover by hurling his battle-axe from the top of the Western -Ghauts. A modified form of the tradition states that Parasu Rama -gave the newly reclaimed land to Naga and Machi Brahmins, who were -not true Brahmins, and were turned out or destroyed by fishermen and -Holeyas, who held the country till the Tulu Brahmins were introduced -by Mayur Varma (of the Kadamba dynasty). All traditions unite in -attributing the introduction of the Tulu Brahmins of the present day -to Mayur Varma, but they vary in details connected with the manner -in which they obtained a firm footing in the land. One account says -that Habashika, chief of the Koragas, drove out Mayur Varma, but was -in turn expelled by Mayur Varma's son, or son-in-law, Lokaditya of -Gokarnam, who brought Brahmins from Ahi-Kshetra, and settled them in -thirty-two villages. Another makes Mayur Varma himself the invader -of the country, which till then had remained in the possession of the -Holeyas and fishermen who had turned out Parasu Rama's Brahmins. Mayur -Varma and the Brahmins whom he had brought from Ahi-Kshetra were again -driven out by Nanda, a Holeya chief, whose son Chandra Sayana had, -however, learned respect for Brahmins from his mother, who had been a -dancing-girl in a temple. His admiration for them became so great that -he not only brought back the Brahmins, but actually made over all his -authority to them, and reduced his people to the position of slaves. A -third account makes Chandra Sayana, not a son of a Holeya king, -but a descendant of Mayur Varma and a conqueror of the Holeya king." - -In Coorg, the Rev. G. Richter writes, [166] "the Holeyas are found in -the Coorg houses all over the country, and do all the menial work for -the Coorgs, by whom, though theoretically freemen under the British -Government, they were held as gleboe adscripti in a state of abject -servitude until lately, when, with the advent of European planters, -the slave question was freely discussed, and the 'domestic institution' -practically abolished. The Holeyas dress indifferently, are of dirty -habits, and eat whatever they can get, beef included. Their worship -is addressed to Eiyappa Devaru and Chamundi, or Kali goddess once -every month; and once every year they sacrifice a hog or a fowl." - -Of the Holeyas of the Mysore province, the following account is given -in the Mysore Census Reports, 1891 and 1901. "The Holeyas number -502,493 persons, being 10.53 per cent. of the total population. They -constitute, as their name implies, the back-bone of cultivation in the -country. Hola is the Kanarese name for a dry-crop field, and Holeya -means the man of such field. The caste has numerous sub-divisions, -among which are Kannada, Gangadikara, Maggada (loom), and Morasu. The -Holeyas are chiefly employed as labourers in connection with -agriculture, and manufacture with hand-looms various kinds of coarse -cloth or home-spun, which are worn extensively by the poorer classes, -notwithstanding that they are being fast supplanted by foreign cheap -fabrics. In some parts of the Mysore district, considerable numbers -of the Holeyas are specially engaged in betel-vine gardening. As -labourers they are employed in innumerable pursuits, in which manual -labour preponderates. The Aleman sub-division furnishes recruits -as Barr sepoys. It may not be amiss to quote here some interesting -facts denoting the measure of material well-being achieved by, -and the religious recognition accorded to the outcastes at certain -first-class shrines in Mysore. At Melkote in the Mysore district, -the outcastes, i.e., the Holeyas and Madigs, are said to have been -granted by the great Visishtadvaita reformer, Ramanujacharya, the -privilege of entering the Vishnu temple up to the sanctum sanctorum, -along with Brahmans and others, to perform worship there for three days -during the annual car procession. The following anecdote, recorded by -Buchanan, [167] supplies the raison d'être for the concession, which -is said to have also been earned by their forebears having guarded the -sacred murti or idol. On Ramanujacharya going to Melkota to perform -his devotions at that celebrated shrine, he was informed that the -place had been attacked by the Turk King of Delhi, who had carried -away the idol. The Brahman immediately set out for that capital, and -on arrival found that the King had made a present of the image to his -daughter, for it is said to be very handsome, and she asked for it -as a plaything. All day the princess played with the image, and at -night the god assumed his own beautiful form, and enjoyed her bed, -for Krishna is addicted to such forms of adventures. Ramanujacharya, -by virtue of certain mantras, obtained possession of the image, -and wished to carry it off. He asked the Brahmans to assist him, -but they refused; on which the Holeyas volunteered, provided the -right of entering the temple was granted to them. Ramanujacharya -accepted their proposal, and the Holeyas, having posted themselves -between Delhi and Melkota, the image of the god was carried down in -twenty-four hours. The service also won for the outcastes the envied -title of Tiru-kulam or the sacred race. In 1799, however, when the -Dewan (prime minister) Purnaiya visited the holy place, the right of -the outcastes to enter the temple was stopped at the dhvaja stambham, -the consecrated monolithic column, from which point alone can they -now obtain a view of the god. On the day of the car procession, the -Tiru-kulam people, men, women and children, shave their heads and -bathe with the higher castes in the kalyani or large reservoir, and -carry on their head small earthen vessels filled with rice and oil, -and enter the temple as far as the flagstaff referred to above, where -they deliver their offerings, which are appropriated by the Dasayyas, -who resort simultaneously as pilgrims to the shrine. Besides the -privilege of entering the temple, the Tiru-kula Holeyas and Madigs -have the right to drag the car, for which service they are requited by -getting from the temple two hundred seers of ragi (grain), a quantity -of jaggery (crude sugar), and few bits of the dyed cloth used for -decorating the pandal (shed) which is erected for the procession. At -the close of the procession, the representatives of the aforesaid -classes receive each a flower garland at the hands of the Sthanik or -chief worshipper, who manages to drop a garland synchronously into -each plate held by the recipients, so as to avoid any suspicion of -undue preference. In return for these privileges, the members of the -Tiru-kulam used to render gratuitous services such as sweeping the -streets round the temple daily, and in the night patrolling the whole -place with drums during the continuance of the annual procession, -etc. But these services are said to have become much abridged and -nearly obsolete under the recent police and municipal régime. The -privilege of entering the temple during the annual car procession -is enjoyed also by the outcastes in the Vishnu temple at Belur in -the Hassan district. It is, however, significant that in both the -shrines, as soon as the car festival is over, i.e., on the 10th day, -the concession ceases, and the temples are ceremonially purified. - -"In the pre-survey period, the Holeya or Madig Kulvadi, in the maidan -or eastern division, was so closely identified with the soil that his -oath, accompanied by certain formalities and awe-inspiring solemnities, -was considered to give the coup de grâce to long existing and vexatious -boundary disputes. He had a potential voice in the internal economy -of the village, and was often the fidus Achates of the patel (village -official). In the malnad, however, the Holeya had degenerated into the -agrestic slave, and till a few decades ago under the British rule, -not only as regards his property, but also with regard to his body, -he was not his own master. The vargdar or landholder owned him as -a hereditary slave. The genius of British rule has emancipated him, -and his enfranchisement has been emphasized by the allurements of the -coffee industry with its free labour and higher wages. It is, however, -said that the improvement so far of the status of the outcastes in -the malnad has not been an unmixed good, inasmuch as it is likewise -a measure of the decadence of the supari (betel) gardens. Be that as -it may, the Holeya in the far west of the province still continues -in many respects the bondsman of the local landholder of influence; -and some of the social customs now prevailing among the Holeyas there, -as described hereunder, fully bear out this fact. - -"In most of the purely malnad or hilly taluks, each vargdar, or -proprietor of landed estate, owns a set of servants called Huttalu -or Huttu-Alu and Mannalu or Mannu-Alu. The former is the hereditary -servitor of the family, born in servitude, and performing agricultural -work for the landholder from father to son. The Mannalu is a serf -attached to the soil, and changes with it. These are usually of the -Holeya class, but in some places men of the Hasalar race have been -entertained. To some estates or vargs only Huttu-alus are attached, -while Mannu-alus work on others. Notwithstanding the measure of -personal freedom enjoyed by all men at the present time, and the -unification of the land tenures in the province under the revenue -survey and settlement, the traditions of birth, immemorial custom, -ignorance, and never-to-be-paid-off loads of debt, tend to preserve -in greater or less integrity the conditions of semi-slavery under -which these agrestic slaves live. It is locally considered the acme -of unwisdom to loosen the immemorial relations between capital and -labour, especially in the remote backwoods, in which free labour -does not exist, and the rich supari cultivation whereof would be -ruined otherwise. In order furthermore to rivet the ties which bind -these hereditary labourers to the soil, it is alleged that the local -capitalists have improvised a kind of Gretna Green marriage among -them. A legal marriage of the orthodox type contains the risk of a -female servant being lost to the family in case the husband happened -not to be a Huttalu or Mannalu. So, in order to obviate the possible -loss, a custom prevails according to which a female Huttalu or -Mannalu is espoused in what is locally known as the manikattu form, -which is neither more nor less than licensed concubinage. She may -be given up after a time, subject to a small fine to the caste, and -anybody else may then espouse her on like conditions. Not only does -she then remain in the family, but her children will also become the -landlord's servants. These people are paid with a daily supply of -paddy or cooked food, and a yearly present of clothing and blankets -(kamblis). On special occasions, and at car feasts, they receive in -addition small money allowances. - -"In rural circles, in which the Holeyas and Madigs are kept at arm's -length by the Bramanical bodies, and are not allowed to approach -the sacerdotal classes beyond a fixed limit, the outcastes maintain -a strict semi-religious rule, whereby no Brahman can enter the -Holeya's quarters without necessitating a purification thereof. They -believe that the direst calamities will befall them and theirs if -otherwise. The ultraconservative spirit of Hindu priestcraft casts -into the far distance the realization of the hope that the lower -castes will become socially equal even with the classes usually termed -Sudras. But the time is looming in the near distance, in which they -will be on a level in temporal prosperity with the social organisms -above them. Unlike the land tenures said to prevail in Chingleput -or Madras, the Mysore system fully permits the Holeyas and Madigs -to hold land in their own right, and as sub-tenants they are to be -found almost everywhere. The highest amount of land assessment paid -by a single Holeya is Rs. 279 in the Bangalore district, and the -lowest six pies in the Kolar and Mysore districts. The quota paid by -the outcastes towards the land revenue of the country aggregates no -less than three lakhs of rupees, more than two-thirds being paid by -the Holeyas, and the remainder by the Madigs. These facts speak for -themselves, and afford a reliable index to the comparative well-being -of these people. Instances may also be readily quoted, in which -individual Holeyas, etc., have risen to be money-lenders, and enjoy -comparative affluence. Coffee cultivation and allied industries have -thrown much good fortune into their lap. Here and there they have also -established bhajane or prayer houses, in which theistic prayers and -psalms are recited by periodical congregation. A beginning has been -made towards placing the facilities of education within easy reach -of these depressed classes." - -In connection with the Holeyas of South Canara, it is recorded [168] -that "the ordinary agricultural labourers of this district are Holeyas -or Pariahs of two classes, known as Mulada Holeyas and Salada Holeyas, -the former being the old hereditary serfs attached to Muli wargs -(estates), and the latter labourers bound to their masters' service by -being in debt to them. Nowadays, however, there is a little difference -between the two classes. Neither are much given to changing masters, -and, though a Mulada Holeya is no longer a slave, he is usually as much -in debt as a Salada Holeya, and can only change when his new master -takes the debt over. To these labourers cash payments are unknown, -except occasionally in the case of Salada Holeyas, where there is a -nominal annual payment to be set off against interest on the debt. In -other cases interest is foregone, one or other of the perquisites -being sometimes docked as an equivalent. The grain wage consists of -rice or paddy (unhusked rice), and the local seer is, on the average, -as nearly as possible one of 80 tolas. The daily rice payments to men, -women, and children vary as follows:-- - - - Men from 1 seer to 2 seers. - Women from 2/3 seer to 2 seers. - Children from 3/8 seer to 1 seer. - - -"In addition to the daily wages, and the midday meal of boiled rice -which is given in almost all parts, there are annual perquisites or -privileges. Except on the coast of the Mangalore taluk and in the -Coondapoor taluk, every Holeya is allowed rent free from 1/8 to 1/3 -acre of land, and one or two cocoanut or palmyra trees, with sometimes -a jack or mango tree in addition. The money-value of the produce of -this little allotment is variously estimated at from 1 to 5 rupees -per annum. Throughout the whole district, cloths are given every -year to each labourer, the money value being estimated at 1 rupee per -adult, and 6 annas for a child. It is also customary to give a cumbly -(blanket) in the neighbourhood of the ghauts, where the damp and cold -render a warm covering necessary. On three or four important festivals, -presents of rice and other eatables, oil and salt are given to each -labourer, or, in some cases, to each family. The average value of these -may be taken at 1 rupee per labourer, or Rs. 4 per family. Presents -are also made on the occasion of a birth, marriage, or funeral, the -value of which varies very much in individual cases. Whole families -of Holeyas are attached to the farms, but, when their master does not -require their services, he expects them to go and work elsewhere in -places where such work is to be got. In the interior, outside work is -not to be had at many seasons, and the master has to pay them even if -there is not much for them to do, but, one way or another, he usually -manages to keep them pretty well employed all the year round." - -In a note on the Kulwadis, Kulvadis or Chalavadis of the Hassan -district in Mysore, Captain J. S. F. Mackenzie writes [169] that -"every village has its Holigiri--as the quarter inhabited by the -Holiars is called--outside the village boundary hedge. This, I thought, -was because they are considered an impure race, whose touch carries -defilement with it. Such is the reason generally given by the Brahman, -who refuses to receive anything directly from the hands of a Holiar, -and yet the Brahmans consider great luck will wait upon them if they -can manage to pass through the Holigiri without being molested. To this -the Holiars have a strong objection, and, should a Brahman attempt -to enter their quarters, they turn out in a body and slipper him, -in former times it is said to death. Members of the other castes may -come as far as the door, but they must not enter the house, for that -would bring the Holiar bad luck. If, by chance, a person happens to -get in, the owner takes care to tear the intruder's cloth, tie up -some salt in one corner of it, and turn him out. This is supposed -to neutralize all the good luck which might have accrued to the -trespasser, and avert any evil which might have befallen the owner of -the house. All the thousand-and-one castes, whose members find a home -in the village, unhesitatingly admit that the Kulwadi is de jure the -rightful owner of the village. He who was is still, in a limited sense, -'lord of the village manor.' If there is a dispute as to the village -boundaries, the Kulwadi is the only one competent to take the oath as -to how the boundary ought to run. The old custom for settling such -disputes was as follows. The Kulwadi, carrying on his head a ball -made of the village earth, in the centre of which is placed some -water, passes along the boundary. If he has kept the proper line, -everything goes well; but should he, by accident, even go beyond -his own proper boundary, then the ball of earth, of its own accord, -goes to pieces, the Kulwadi dies within fifteen days, and his house -becomes a ruin. Such is the popular belief. Again, the skins of all -animals dying within the village boundaries are the property of the -Kulwadi, and a good income he makes from this source. To this day a -village boundary dispute is often decided by this one fact. If the -Kulwadis agree, the other inhabitants of the villages can say no -more. When--in our forefathers' days, as the natives say--a village -was first established, a stone called 'karu kallu' is set up. To this -stone the Patel once a year makes an offering. The Kulwadi, after the -ceremony is over, is entitled to carry off the rice, etc., offered. In -cases where there is no Patel, the Kulwadi goes through the yearly -ceremony. But what I think proves strongly that the Holia was the -first to take possession of the soil is that the Kulwadi receives, -and is entitled to receive, from the friends of any person who dies -in the village, a certain fee or as my informant forcibly put it, -'They buy from him the ground for the dead.' This fee is still called -in Canarese nela haga, from nela earth, and haga, a coin worth 1 -anna 2 pies. In Munzerabad the Kulwadi does not receive this fee -from those ryots who are related to the headman. Here the Kulwadi -occupies a higher position. He has, in fact, been adopted into the -Patel's family, for, on a death occurring in such family, the Kulwadi -goes into mourning by shaving his head. He always receives from the -friends the clothes the deceased wore, and a brass basin. The Kulwadi, -however, owns a superior in the matter of burial fees. He pays yearly -a fowl, one hana (4 annas 8 pies), and a handful of rice to the agent -of the Sudgadu Siddha, or lord of the burning ground (q.v.)." - -A Kulwadi, whom I came across, was carrying a brass ladle bearing the -figure of a couchant bull (Basava) and a lingam under a many-headed -cobra canopy. This ladle is carried round, and filled with rice, money, -and betel, on the occasion of marriages in those castes, of which the -insignia are engraved on the handle. These insignia were as follows:-- - - - Weavers--Shuttle and brush. - Bestha--Fish. - Uppara--Spade and basket for collecting salt. - Korama--Baskets and knife for splitting canes and bamboos. - Idiga--Knife, and apparatus for climbing palm-trees. - Hajam--Barber's scissors, razor, and sharpening stone. - Ganiga--Oil-press. - Madavali--Washerman's pot, fire-place, mallet, and stone. - Kumbara--Potter's wheel, pots, and mallet. - Vakkaliga--Plough. - Chetti--Scales and basket. - Kuruba--Sheep-shears. - - -A small whistle, called kola-singanatha, made of gold, silver, or -copper, is tied round the neck of some Holeyas, Vakkaligas, Besthas, -Agasas and Kurubas, by means of threads of sheep's wool intertwined -sixteen times. All these castes are supposed to belong to the family -of the God Bhaira, in whose name the whistle is tied by a Bairagi at -Chunchingiri near Nagamangala. It is usually tied in fulfilment of -a vow taken by the parents, and the ceremony costs from a hundred to -two hundred rupees. Until the vow is fulfilled, the person concerned -cannot marry. At the ceremony, the Bairagi bores a hole in the right -ear-lobe of the celebrant with a needle called diksha churi, and from -the wound ten drops of blood fall to the ground (cf. Jogi Purusha). He -is then bathed before the whistle is tied round his neck. As the result -of wearing the whistle, the man attains to the rank of a priest in -his caste, and is entitled to receive alms and meals on festive and -ceremonial occasions. He blows his whistle, which emits a thin squeak, -before partaking of food, or performing his daily worship. - -It is noted in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, that the marriage of the -Holeyas is "nothing but a feast, at which the bridegroom ties the bottu -(marriage badge) round the bride's neck. The wife cannot be divorced -except for adultery. Widows are prohibited from remarrying, but the -caste winks at a widow's living with a man." In an account given to -me of marriage among the Gangadikara Holeyas, I was told that, if a -girl reaches puberty without being married, she may live with any man -whom she likes within the caste. If he pays later on the bride price -of twelve rupees, the marriage ceremonies take place, and the issue -becomes legitimate. On the first day of these ceremonies, the bride -is taken to the house of her husband-elect. The parties of the bride -and bridegroom go, accompanied by music, to a river or tank, each with -four new earthen pots, rice, betel, and other things. The pots, which -are decorated with flowers of the areca palm, are filled with water, -and set apart in the houses of the contracting couple. This ceremonial -is known as bringing the god. At night the wrist-threads (kankanam), -made of black and white wool, with turmeric root and iron ring tied -on them, are placed round the wrists of the bride and bridegroom. On -the following day, cotton thread is passed round the necks of three -brass vessels, and also round the head of the bridegroom, who sits -before the vessels with hands folded, and betel leaves stuck between -his fingers. Married women anoint him with oil and turmeric, and he -is bathed. He is then made to stand beneath a tree, and a twig of the -jambu (Eugenia Jambolana) tree is tied to the milk-post. A similar -ceremony is performed by the bride. The bridegroom is conducted to -the marriage booth, and he and the bride exchange garlands and put -gingelly (Sesamum) and jirige (cummin) on each other's heads. The -bottu is passed round to be blessed, and tied by the bridegroom on -the bride's neck. This is followed by the pouring of milk over the -hands of the contracting couple. On the third day, the wrist-threads -are removed, and the pots thrown away. - -The Holeyas have a large number of exogamous septs, of which the -following are examples:-- - - - Ane, elephant. Hasubu, pack-sack. - Male, garland. Malige, jasmine. - Nerali, Eugenia Jambolana. Tene, Setaria italica. - Hutta, ant-hill. Chatri, umbrella. - Halu, milk. Mola, hare. - Kavane, sling. Jenu, honey. - - -It is recorded in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, that "351 out of -the entire population of 577,166 have returned gotras, the names -thereof being Harichandra, Kali, Yekke, and Karadi. In thus doing, -it is evident that they are learning to venerate themselves, like -others in admittedly higher grades of society." - -Some Holeya families are called Hale Makkalu, or old children of the -Gangadikara Vakkaligas, and have to do certain services for the latter, -such as carrying the sandals of the bridegroom, acting as messenger -in conveying news from place to place, carrying fire before corpses -to the burning-ground, and watching over the burning body. It is said -that, in the performance of these duties, the exogamous septs of the -Holeya and Vakkaliga must coincide. - -In the Census Report, 1901, Balagai, Bakuda, Begara or Byagara, -Kusa (or Uppara) Maila, and Ranivaya (belonging to a queen) are -recorded as sub-sects of the Holeyas. Of these, Balagai is a synonym, -indicating that the Holeyas belong to the right-hand section. The -Bakudas are said to resent the application of that name to them, and -call themselves Aipattukuladavaru, or the people of fifty families, -presumably from the fact that they are divided into fifty balis or -families. These balis are said to be named after deceased female -ancestors. Begara or Byagara is a synonym, applied to the Holeyas -by Kanarese Lingayats. Maila means dirt, and probably refers to the -washerman section, just as Mailari (washerman) occurs among the Malas. - -The Tulu-speaking Holeyas must not be confounded with the -Canarese-speaking Holeyas. In South Canara, Holeya is a general name -applied to the polluting classes, Nalkes, Koragas, and the three -divisions of Holeyas proper, which differ widely from each other in -some respects. These divisions are-- - - - (1) Bakuda or Mundala--A stranger, asking a woman if her husband - is at home, is expected to refer to him as her Bakuda, and - not as her Mundala. - (2) Mera or Mugayaru, which is also called Kaipuda. - (3) Mari or Marimanisaru. - - -Of these, the first two sections abstain from beef, and consequently -consider themselves superior to the Mari section. - -The Bakudas follow the aliya santana law of succession (in the female -line), and, if a man leaves any property, it goes to his nephew. They -will not touch dead cows or calves, or remove the placenta when a -cow calves. Nor will they touch leather, especially in the form of -shoes. They will not carry cots on which rice sheaves are thrashed, -chairs, etc., which have four legs, but, when ordered to do so, either -break off one leg, or add an extra leg by tying a stick to the cot -or chair. The women always wear their cloth in one piece, and are -not allowed, like other Holeyas, to have it made of two pieces. The -Bakudas will not eat food prepared or touched by Bilimaggas, Jadas, -Paravas or Nalkes. The headman is called Mukhari. The office is -hereditary, and, in some places, is, as with the Guttinaya of the -Bants, connected with his house-site. This being fixed, he should -remain at that house, or his appointment will lapse, except with the -general consent of the community to his retaining it. In some places, -the Mukhari has two assistants, called Jammana and Bondari, of whom -the latter has to distribute toddy at assemblies of the caste. On all -ceremonial occasions, the Mukhari has to be treated with great respect, -and even an individual who gets possessed by the bhutha (devil) -has to touch him with his kadasale (sword). In cases of adultery, -a purificatory ceremony, called gudi suddha, is performed. The erring -woman's relations construct seven small huts, through which she has to -pass, and they are burned down. The fact of this purificatory ceremony -taking place is usually proclaimed by the Bondari, and the saying is -that 280 people should assemble. They sprinkle water brought from a -temple or sthana (devil shrine) and cow's urine over the woman just -before she passes through the huts. A small quantity of hair from her -head, a few hairs from the eyelids, and nails from her fingers are -thrown into the huts. In some places, the delinquent has to drink a -considerable quantity of salt-water and cow-dung water. - -Her relatives have to pay a small money fine to the village deity. The -ordeal of passing through huts is also practiced by the Koragas of -South Canara. "The suggestion," Mr. R. E. Enthoven writes, "seems -to be a rapid representation of seven existences, the outcaste -regaining his (or her) status after seven generations have passed -without further transgression. The parallel suggested is the law of -Manu that seven generations are necessary to efface a lapse from the -law of endogamous marriage." - -The special bhuthas of the Bakudas are Kodababbu and Kamberlu (or -Kangilu), but Jumadi, Panjurli, and Tanimaniya are also occasionally -worshipped. For the propitiation of Kodababbu, Nalkes are engaged -to put on the disguise of this bhutha, whereas Bakudas themselves -dress up for the propitiation of Kamberlu in cocoanut leaves tied -round the head and waist. Thus disguised, they go about the streets -periodically, collecting alms from door to door. Kamberlu is supposed -to cause small-pox, cholera, and other epidemic diseases. - -On the day fixed for the betrothal ceremony, among the Bakudas, a -few people assemble at the home of the bride-elect, and the Mukharis -of both parties exchange betel or beat the palms of their hands, -and proclaim that all quarrels must cease, and the marriage is -to be celebrated. Toddy is distributed among those assembled. The -bride's party visit the parents of the bridegroom, and receive then -or subsequently a white cloth, four rupees, and three bundles of -rice. On the wedding day, those who are present seat themselves in -front of the house where the ceremony is to take place, and are given -betel to chew. A new mat is spread, and the bride and bridegroom -stand thereon. If there is a Kodababbu sthana in the vicinity, the -jewels belonging thereto are worn by the bridegroom, who also wears -a red cap, which is usually kept in the sthana, and carries in his -hand the sword (kadasale) belonging thereto. The Mukhari or Jammana -asks if the five groups of people, from Barkur, Mangalore, Shivalli, -Chithpadi, Mudanidambur, and Udayavara, are present. Five men come -forward, and announce that this is so, and say "all relationship -involving prohibited degrees may snap, and cease to exist." A tray of -rice and a lamp are placed before the contracting couple, and those -present throw rice over their heads. All then go to the toddy shop, -and have a drink. They then return to the house and partake of a meal, -at which the bridegroom and his bestman (maternal uncle's son) are -seated apart. Cooked rice is heaped up on a leaf before the bridegroom, -and five piles of fish curry are placed thereon. First the bridegroom -eats a portion thereof, and the remainder is finished off by the -bestman. The bridal couple then stand once more on the mat, and the -Mukhari joins their hands, saying "No unlawful marriage should take -place. Prohibited relationship must be avoided." He sprinkles water -from culms of Cynodon Dactylon over the united hands. - -The body of a dead Bakuda is washed with hot water, in which mango -(Mangifera indica) bark is steeped. The dead are buried. The day for -the final death ceremonies (bojja) is usually fixed by the Mukhari -or Jammana. On that day, cooked food is offered to the deceased, and -all cry "muriyo, muriyo." The son, after being shaved, and with his -face veiled by a cloth, carries cooked rice on his head to a small -hut erected for the occasion. The food is set down, and all present -throw some of it into the hut. - -The Mera or Mugayar Holeyas, like the Bakudas, abstain from eating -beef, and refuse to touch leather in any form. They have no objection -to carrying four-legged articles. Though their mother tongue is Tulu, -they seem to follow the makkala santana law of inheritance (in the male -line). Their headman is entitled Kuruneru, and he has, as the badge -of office, a cane with a silver band. The office of headman passes to -the son instead of to the nephew. Marriage is called Badathana, and -the details of the ceremony are like those of the Mari Holeyas. The -dead are buried, and the final death ceremonies (bojja or savu) are -performed on the twelfth or sixteenth day. A feast is given to some -members of the community, and cooked food offered to the deceased at -the house and near the grave. - -The Mari or Marimanisaru Holeyas are sometimes called Karadhi -by the Bakudas. Like certain Malayalam castes, the Holeyas have -distinct names for their homes according to the section. Thus, -the huts of the Mari Holeyas are called kelu, and those of the -Mera Holeyas patta. The headmen among the Mari Holeyas are called -Mulia, Boltiyadi, and Kallali. The office of headman follows in -the female line of succession. In addition to various bhuthas, such -as Panjurli and Jumadi, the Mari Holeyas have two special bhuthas, -named Kattadhe and Kanadhe, whom they regard as their ancestors. At -times of festivals, these ancestors are supposed to descend on earth, -and make their presence known by taking possession of some member -of the community. Men who are liable to be so possessed are called -Dharipuneyi, and have the privilege of taking up the sword and bell -belonging to the bhuthasthana when under possession. - -Marriage among the Mari Holeyas is called porathavu. At the betrothal -ceremony, the headmen of the contracting parties exchange betel leaves -and areca nuts. The bride-price usually consists of two bundles of -rice and a bundle of paddy (unhusked rice). On the wedding day the -bridegroom and his party go to the home of the bride, taking with -them a basket containing five seers of rice, two metal bangles, one -or two cocoanuts, a comb, and a white woman's cloth, which are shown -to the headman of the bride's party. The two headmen order betel leaf -and areca nuts to be distributed among those assembled. After a meal, -a mat is spread in front of the hut, and the bride and bridegroom stand -thereon. The bridegroom has in his hand a sword, and the bride holds -some betel leaves and areca nuts. Rice is thrown over their heads, -and presents of money are given to them. The two headmen lift up the -hands of the contracting couple, and they are joined together. The -bride is lifted up so as to be a little higher than the bridegroom, -and is taken indoors. The bridegroom follows her, but is prevented -from entering by his brother-in-law, to whom he gives betel leaves -and areca nuts. He then makes a forcible entrance into the hut. - -When a Mari Holeya girl reaches puberty, she is expected to remain -within a hut for twelve days, at the end of which time the castemen -are invited to a feast. The girl is seated on a pattern drawn on the -floor. At the four corners thereof, vessels filled with water are -placed. The girl's mother holds over her head a plantain leaf, and -four women belonging to different balis (septs) pour water thereon -from the vessels. These women and the girl then sit down to a meal, -and eat off the same leaf. - -Among the Mari Holeyas, the dead are usually buried, and the final -death ceremonies are performed on the twelfth day. A pit is dug near -the grave, into which an image of the deceased, made of rice straw, -is put. The image is set on fire by his son or nephew. The ashes are -heaped up, and a rude hut is erected round them by fixing three sticks -in the ground, and covering them with a cloth. Food is offered on a -leaf, and the dead person is asked to eat it. - -The Kusa Holeyas speak Canarese. They object to carrying articles -with four legs, unless the legs are crossed. They do not eat beef, -and will not touch leather. They consider themselves to be superior -to the other sections of Holeyas, and use as an argument that their -caste name is Uppara, and not Holeya. Why they are called Uppara -is not clear, but some say that they are the same as the Upparas -(salt workers) of Mysore, who, in South Canara, have descended in -the social scale. The hereditary occupation of the Upparas is making -salt from salt earth (ku, earth). The headman of the Kusa Holeyas -is called Buddivant. As they are disciples of a Lingayat priest at -the mutt at Kudli in Mysore, they are Saivites. Every family has to -pay the priest a fee of eight annas on the occasion of his periodical -visitations. The bhuthas specially worshipped by the Kusa Holeyas are -Masti and Halemanedeyya, but Venkataramana of Tirupati is by some -regarded as their family deity. Marriage is both infant and adult, -and widows are permitted to remarry, if they have no children. - -At Tumkur, in the Mysore Province, I came across a settlement of people -called Tigala Holeya, who do not intermarry with other Holeyas, and -have no exogamous septs or house-names. Their cranial measurements -approach more nearly to those of the dolichocephalic Tamil Paraiyans -than those of the sub-brachycephalic Holeyas; and it is possible -that they are Tamil Paraiyans, who migrated, at some distant date, -to Mysore. - - - ==================+============+===========+========= - ---- | Cephalic | Cephalic | Cephalic - | length. | breadth. | index. - ------------------+------------+-----------+--------- - | cm. | cm. | - | | | - Tamil Paraiyan | 18.6 | 13.7 | 73.6 - Tigala Holeya | 18.5 | 13.9 | 75.1 - Holeya | 17.9 | 14.1 | 79.1 - ==================+============+===========+========= - - -Holodia Gudiya.--A name for the agricultural section of the Oriya -Gudiyas. - -Holuva (holo, plough).--A synonym of Pentiya, and the name of a -section of Oriya Brahmans, who plough the land. - -Hon.--Hon, Honnu, and Honne, meaning gold, have been recorded as -gotras or exogamous septs of Kurni, Odde, and Kuruba. - -Honne (Calophyllum inophyllum or Pterocarpus Marsupium).--An exogamous -sept of Halepaik and Moger. The Halepaiks sometimes call the sept -Sura Honne. - -Honnungara (gold ring).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Huli (tiger).--An exogamous sub-sept of Kappiliyan. - -Hullu (grass).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Hunise (tamarind).--An exogamous sub-sept of Kappiliyan. - -Hutta (ant-hill).--An exogamous sept of Gangadikara Holeya. - -Huvvina (flowers).--An exogamous sept of Odde and Vakkaliga. - - - - - - - -I - - -Ichcham (date-palm: Phoenix sylvestris).--Ichcham or Ichanjanar is -recorded, in the Tanjore Manual, as a section of Shanan. The equivalent -Ichang occurs as a tree or kothu of Kondaiyankottai Maravans. - -Idacheri.--An occupational name for a section of Nayars, who make -and sell dairy produce. The word corresponds to Idaiyan in the Tamil -country. - -Idaiyan.--The Idaiyans are the great pastoral or shepherd caste of the -Tamil country, but some are landowners, and a few are in Government -employ. Those whom I examined at Coimbatore were engaged as milkmen, -shepherds, cultivators, gardeners, cart-drivers, shopkeepers, -constables, family doctors, and mendicants. - -It is recorded in the Tanjore Manual that "the Rev. Mr. Pope says that -Ideir are so-called from idei, middle, being a kind of intermediate -link between the farmers and merchants." Mr. Nelson [170] considers -this derivation to be fanciful, and thinks that "perhaps they are so -called from originally inhabiting the lands which lay midway between -the hills and the arable lands, the jungly plains, suited for pasturage -[i.e., the middle land out of the five groups of land mentioned in -Tamil works, viz., Kurinji, Palai, Mullai, Marutam, Neytal]. [171] -The class consists of several clans, but they may be broadly divided -into two sections, the one more thoroughly organised, the other -retaining most of the essential characteristics of an aboriginal -race. The first section follow the Vaishnava sect, wear the namam, -and call themselves Yadavas. Those belonging to the second section -stick to their demon worship, and make no pretensions to a descent from -the Yadava race. They daub their foreheads with the sacred cow-dung -ashes, and are regarded, apparently from this circumstance alone, -to belong to the Saiva sect." - -In the Madras Census Report, 1871, it is noted that milkmen and -cowherds appear to hold a social position of some importance, -and even Brahmans do not disdain to drink milk or curds from their -hands. Further, the Census Superintendent, 1901, writes that "the -Idaiyans take a higher social position than they would otherwise do, -owing to the tradition that Krishna was brought up by their caste, and -to the fact that they are the only purveyors of milk, ghi (clarified -butter), etc., and so are indispensable to the community. All Brahmans, -except the most orthodox, will accordingly eat butter-milk and butter -brought by them. In some places they have the privilege of breaking -the butter-pot on the Gokulashtami, or Krishna's birthday, and get -a new cloth and some money for doing it. They will eat in the houses -of Vellalas, Pallis, and Nattamans." - -The Idaiyans claim that Timma Raja, the prime minister of Krishna -Deva Raya of Vijayanagar, who executed various works in the Chingleput -district, was an Idaiyan by caste. - -The Idaiyans have returned a large number of divisions, of which the -following may be noted:-- - -Kalkatti and Pasi. The women, contrary to the usual Tamil custom, -have black beads in their tali-string. The practice is apparently -due to the influence of Telugu Brahman purohits, as various Telugu -castes have glass beads along with the bottu (marriage badge). In -like manner, the married Pandamutti Palli women wear a necklace of -black beads. According to a legend, pasi is a pebble found in rivers, -from which beads are made. A giant came to kill Krishna when he was -playing with the shepherd boys on the banks of a river. He fought -the giant with these pebbles, and killed him. - -Pal, milk. Corresponds to the Halu (milk) division of the Canarese -Kuruba shepherd caste. - -Pendukkumekki, denoting those who are subservient to their women. A -man, on marriage, joins his wife's family, and he succeeds to the -property, not of his father, but of his father-in-law. - -Siviyan or Sivala. An occupational name, meaning palanquin-bearer. - -Sangukatti, or those who tie the conch or chank shell (Turbinella -rapa). It is narrated that Krishna wanted to marry Rukmani, whose -family insisted on marrying her to Sishupalan. When the wedding was -about to take place, Krishna carried off Rukmani, and placed a bangle -made of chank shell on her wrist. - -Samban, a name of Siva. Most members of this division put on the -sacred ashes as a sectarian mark. It is said that the Yadavas were in -the habit of making offerings to Devendra, but Krishna wanted them -to worship him. With the exception of a few Yadavas and Paraiyans -who were also employed in grazing cattle, all the shepherds refused -to do so. It is stated that "in ancient times, men of the Idaiyan -caste ranked only a little above Paraiyans, and that the Idaicheri, -or Idaiyan suburb, was always situated close to the Paraicheri, -or Paraiyan's suburb, in every properly constituted village." [172] - -Pudunattu or Puthukkanattar, meaning people of the new country. The -Idaiyans claim that, when Krishna settled in Kishkindha, he peopled -it with members of their caste. - -Perun (big) Tali, and Siru (small) Tali, indicating those whose -married women wear a large or small tali. - -Panjaram or Pancharamkatti. The name is derived from the peculiar -gold ornament called panjaram or pancharam shaped like a many-rayed -sun, and having three dots on it, which is worn by widows. It is -said that in this division "widow marriage is commonly practiced, -because Krishna used to place a similar ornament round the necks of -the Idaiyan widows of whom he became enamoured, to transform them -from widows into married women, to whom pleasure was not forbidden, -and that this sub-division is the result of these amours." [173] - -Maniyakkara. Derived from mani, a bell, such as is tied round the -necks of cattle, sheep and goats. - -Kalla. Most numerous in the area inhabited by the Kallan -caste. Possibly an offshoot of this caste, composed of those who -have taken to the occupation of shepherds. Like the Kallans, this -sub-division has exogamous septs or kilais, e.g., Deva (god), Vendhan -(king). - -Sholia. Territorial name denoting inhabitants of the Chola country. - -Anaikombu, or elephant tusk, which was the weapon used by Krishna -and the Yadavas to kill the giant Sakatasura. - -Karutthakadu, black cotton country. A sub-division found mostly in -Madura and Tinnevelly, where there is a considerable tract of black -cotton soil. - -The Perumal Madukkarans or Perumal Erudukkarans (see Gangeddu), who -travel about the country exhibiting performing bulls, are said to -belong to the Pu (flower) Idaiyan section of the Idaiyan caste. This -is so named because the primary occupation thereof was, and in some -places still is, making garlands for temples. - -In the Gazetteer of the Madura district, it is recorded that "Podunattu -(Pudunattu?) Idaiyans have a tradition that they originally belonged -to Tinnevelly, but fled to this district secretly one night in a body -in the time of Tirumala Nayakkan, because the local chief oppressed -them. Tirumala welcomed them, and put them under the care of the -Kallan headman Pinnai Devan, decreeing that, to ensure that this -gentleman and his successors faithfully observed the charge, they -should always be appointed by an Idaiyan. That condition is observed -to this day. In this sub-division a man has the same right to marry -his paternal aunt's daughter as is possessed by the Kallans. But, -if the woman's age is much greater than the boy's, she is usually -married instead to his cousin, or some one else on that side of the -family. A Brahman officiates at weddings, and the sacred fire is used, -but the bridegroom's sister ties the tali (marriage badge). Divorce -and the remarriage of widows are prohibited. The dead, except -infants, are burnt. Caste affairs are settled by a headman called -the Nattanmaikaran, who is assisted by an accountant and a peon. All -three are elected. The headman has the management of the caste fund, -which is utilised in the celebration of festivals on certain days in -some of the larger temples of the district. Among these Podunattus, -an uncommon rule of inheritance is in force. A woman who has no male -issue at the time of her husband's death has to return his property to -his brother, father, or maternal uncle, but is allotted maintenance, -the amount of which is fixed by a caste panchayat (council). Among the -Valasu and Pendukkumekki sub-divisions, another odd form of maintenance -subsists. A man's property descends to his sons-in-law, who live with -him, and not to his sons. The sons merely get maintenance until they -are married." - -In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Pondan or Pogandan is recorded as -a sub-caste of Idaiyans, who are palanquin-bearers to the Zamorin -of Calicut. In this connection, it is noted by Mr. K. Kannan Nayar -[174] that "among the Konar (cowherds) of Poondurai near Erode (in the -Coimbatore district), who, according to tradition, originally belonged -to the same tribe as the Gopas living in the southern part of Kerala, -and now forming a section of the Nayars, the former matrimonial -customs were exactly the same as those of the Nayars. They, too, -celebrated tali-kettu kalyanam, and, like the Nayars, did not make -it binding on the bride and bridegroom of the ceremony to live as -husband and wife. They have now, however, abandoned the custom, -and have made the tying of the tali the actual marriage ceremony." - -The typical panchayat (village council) system exists among the -Idaiyans, and the only distinguishing feature is the existence of a -headman, called Kithari or Kilari, whose business it is to look after -the sheep of the village, to arrange for penning them in the fields. In -some places the headman is called Ambalakkaran. In bygone days, -those who were convicted of adultery were tied to a post, and beaten. - -In some places, when a girl reaches puberty, her maternal uncle, or -his sons, build a hut with green cocoanut leaves, which she occupies -for sixteen days, when purificatory ceremonies are performed. - -The marriage ceremonies vary according to locality, and the following -details of one form therefore, as carried out at Coimbatore, may be -cited. When a marriage between two persons is contemplated, a red and -white flower, tied up in separate betel leaves, are thrown before the -idol at a temple. A little child is told to pick up one of the leaves, -and, if she selects the one containing the white flower, the omens are -considered auspicious, and the marriage will be arranged. On the day -of the betrothal, the future bridegroom's father and other relations -go to the girl's house with presents of a new cloth, fruits, and -ornaments. The bride price (pariyam) is paid, and betel exchanged. The -bridegroom-elect goes to the girl's cousins (maternal uncle's sons), -who have a right to marry her, and presents them with four annas and -betel. The acceptance of these is a sign that they consent to the -marriage. On the marriage day, the bridegroom plants the milk-post, -after it has been blessed by a Brahman purohit, and is shaved by a -barber. The bride and her female relations fetch some earth, and a -platform is made out of it in the marriage pandal (booth). The Brahman -makes fire (homam), and places a cowdung Pillayar (Ganesa) in the -pandal. The bride then husks some rice therein. The relations of the -bride and bridegroom fetch from the potter's house seven pots called -adukupanai, two large pots, called arasanipanai, and seven earthen -trays, and place them in front of the platform. The pots are filled -with water, and a small bit of gold is placed in each. The bridegroom -goes to a Pillayar shrine, and, on his return, the bride's brother -washes his feet, and puts rings on his second toes. The kankanams -(wrist-threads) are tied on the wrists of the contracting couple, -and the bridegroom takes his seat within the pandal, to which the -bride is carried in the arms of one of her maternal uncles, while -another carries a torch light placed on a mortar. The bride takes her -seat by the side of the bridegroom, and the light is set in front -of them. The tali is taken round to be blessed by those assembled, -and handed to the bridegroom, who ties it on the bride's neck. The -couple then put a little earth in each of the seven trays, and sow -therein nine kinds of grain. Two vessels, containing milk and whey, -are placed before them, and the relations pour a little thereof -over their heads. The right hand of the bridegroom is placed on the -left hand of the bride, and their hands are tied together by one of -the bride's maternal uncle's sons. The bride is then carried into -the house in the arms of an elder brother of the bridegroom. At the -threshold she is stopped by the maternal uncle's sons, who may beat -the man who is carrying her. The bridegroom pays them each four annas, -and he and the bride are allowed to enter the house. On the night of -the wedding day, they are shut up in a room. During the following -days the pots are worshipped. On the seventh day, the ends of the -cloths of the newly married couple are tied together, and they bathe -in turmeric water. The wrist-threads are removed, they rub oil over -each other's heads, and bathe in a tank. The bride serves food to the -bridegroom, and their relations eat off the same leaf, to indicate -the union between the two families. Into one of the large pots a gold -and silver ring, and into the other an iron style and piece of palm -leaf are dropped. The couple perform the pot-searching ceremony, -and whichever gets hold of the gold ring or style is regarded as -the more clever of the two. The bridegroom places his right foot, -and the bride her left foot on a grindstone, and they look at the -star Arundathi. The stone represents Ahalliya, the wife of the sage -Gautama, who was cursed by her husband for her misconduct with Indra, -and turned into a stone, whereas Arundathi was the wife of Vasishta and -a model of chastity. The newly married couple, by placing their feet -on the stone, indicate their intention of checking unchaste desires, -and by looking at Arundathi, of remaining faithful to each other. The -bride decorates a small grindstone with a cloth and ornaments, and -takes it round to all her relations who are present, and who bless -her with a hope that she will have many children. - -In the Marava country, a grown-up Idaiyan girl is sometimes married -to a boy of ten or twelve. Among some Idaiyans, it is customary for -the tali to be tied by the sister of the bridegroom, and not by the -bridegroom, who must not be present when it is done. - -It is said that, in some places, like the Gollas, when an Idaiyan -bridegroom sets out for the house of his bride, he is seized -by his companions, who will not release him till he has paid a -piece of gold. In the Madura Manual it is noted that "at an Idaiyan -wedding, on the third day, when the favourite amusement of sprinkling -turmeric-water over the guests is concluded, the whole party betake -themselves to the village tank (pond). A friend of the bridegroom -brings a hoe and a basket, and the young husband fills three baskets -with earth from the bottom of the tank, while the wife takes them -away, and throws the earth behind. They then say 'We have dug a ditch -for charity.' This practice may probably be explained by remembering -that, in arid districts, where the Idaiyans often tend their cattle, -the tank is of the greatest importance." - -It is said that the Siviyan and Pendukkumekki sub-divisions take low -rank, as the remarriage of widows is freely permitted among them. In -the Ramnad territory of the Madura district, the marriage of widows -is attributed to compulsion by a Zamindar. According to the story, -the Zamindar asked an Idaiyan whether he would marry a widow. The -reply was that widows are aruthukattadhavar, i.e., women who will -not tie the tali string again, after snapping it (on the husband's -decease). This was considered impertinent by the Zamindar, as marriage -of widows was common among the Maravars. To compel the Idaiyans to -resort to widow marriage, he took advantage of the ambiguity of the -word aruthukattadhavar, which would also mean those who do not tie -up in a bundle after cutting or reaping. At the time of the harvest -season, the Zamindar sent his servants to the Idaiyans with orders -that they were not to tie up the rice plants in sheaves. This led -to severe monetary loss, and the Idaiyans consented reluctantly to -widow remarriage. - -On the death of a married Idaiyan, at Coimbatore, the corpse is -placed in a seated posture. A measure of rice, a lighted lamp, and a -cocoanut are placed near it, and burning fire-wood is laid at the door -of the house. When the relations and friends have arrived, the body is -removed from the house, and placed in a pandal, supported behind by a -mortar. The male relations put on the sacred thread, and each brings -a pot of water from a tank. The widow rubs oil over the head of the -corpse, and some one, placing a little oil in the hands thereof, rubs -it over her head. On the way to the burning-ground, a barber carries -a fire-brand and a pot, and a washerman carries the mat, cloths, and -other articles used by the deceased. When the idukadu, a spot made to -represent the shrine of Arichandra who is in charge of the burial or -burning ground, is reached, the polluted articles are thrown away, -and the bier is placed on the ground. A Paraiyan makes a cross-mark -at the four corners of the bier, and the son, who is chief mourner, -places a small coin on three of the marks, leaving out the one at -the north-east corner. The Paraiyan takes these coins and tears a -bit of cloth from the winding-sheet, which is sent to the widow. At -the burning-ground, the relations place rice, water, and small coins -in the mouth of the corpse. The coins are the perquisite of the -Paraiyan. The son, who is clean-shaved, carries a pot of water on his -shoulder thrice round the pyre, and, at each turn, the barber makes a -hole in it with a chank shell, when the head is reached. Finally the -pot is broken near the head. The sacred threads are thrown by those -who wear them on the pyre, and the son sets fire to it, and goes away -without looking back. The widow meanwhile has broken her tali string, -and thrown it into a vessel of milk, which is set on the spot where the -deceased breathed his last. The son, on his return home after bathing, -steps across a pestle placed at the threshold. Arathi (wave offering) -is performed, and he worships a lighted lamp within the house. On -the following day, rice and Sesbania grandiflora are cooked, and -served to the relatives by the widow's brothers. Next day, milk, ghi -(clarified butter), curds, tender cocoanuts, nine kinds of grain, -water, and other articles required for worship, are taken to the -burning-ground. The smouldering ashes are extinguished with water, -and the fragments of the bones are collected, and placed on a leaf. A -miniature plough is made, and the spot on which the body was burned -is ploughed, and the nine kinds of grain are sown. On his return -home, a turban is placed on the head of the son who acted as chief -mourner by his maternal uncles. A new cloth is folded, and on it a -betel leaf is placed, which is worshipped for sixteen days. On the -sixteenth day, a Brahman makes a human figure with holy grass, which -has to be worshipped by the chief mourner not less than twenty-five -times, and he must bathe between each act of worship. The bones are -then carried in a new earthen pot, and floated on a stream. At night, -food is cooked, and, with a new cloth, worshipped. Rice is cooked at -the door. A cock is tied to a sacrificial post, called kazhukumaram, -set up outside the house, to which the rice is offered. One end -of a thread is tied to the post, and the other end to a new cloth, -which is worshipped inside the house. The thread is watched till it -shakes, and then broken. The door is closed, and the cock is stuck -on the pointed tip of the post, and killed. An empty car is carried -in procession through the streets, and alms are given to beggars. A -widow should remain gosha (in seclusion) for twelve months after her -husband's death. When a grown-up, but unmarried male or female dies, -a human figure, made out of holy grass, is married to the corpse, -and some of the marriage rites are performed. - -The Idaiyans are Vaishnavites, and the more civilised among them -are branded like Vaishnava Brahmans. Saturday is considered a holy -day. Their most important festival is Krishna Jayanti, or Sri Jayanti, -in honour of Krishna's birthday. They show special reverence for the -vessels used in dairy operations. - -The proverb that the sense of an Idaiyan is on the back of his neck, -for it was there that he received the blows, refers to "the story -of the shepherd entering the gate of his house with a crook placed -horizontally on his shoulders, and finding himself unable to get in, -and his being made able to do so by a couple of blows on his back, -and the removal of the crook at the same time. Another proverb is -that there is neither an Andi among Idaiyans, nor a Tadan among the -potters. The Andi is always a Saivite beggar, and, the Idaiyans being -always Vaishnavites, they can never have in their midst a beggar of -the Saivite sect, or vice versâ. Being extremely stupid, whenever -any dispute arises among them, they can never come to any definite -settlement, or, as the proverb says, the disputes between Idaiyans -are never easily settled. Keeping and rearing cattle, grazing and -milking them, and living thereby, are their allotted task in life, -and so they are never good agriculturists. This defect is alluded to -in the proverb that the field watered by the Idaiyan, or by a member -of the Palli caste, must ever remain a waste." [175] - -Other proverbs, quoted by the Rev. H. Jensen, [176] are as follows:-- - - - The shepherd can get some fool to serve him. - - Like a shepherd who would not give anything, but showed an ewe - big with young. - - The shepherd destroyed half, and the fool half. - - -In 1904, an elementary school for Idaiyans, called the Yadava school, -was established at Madura. - -The usual title of the Idaiyans is Konan or Kon meaning King, but, -in the Census Report, 1901, the titles Pillai and Kariyalan are also -recorded. In the Census Report, 1891, Idaiya is given as a sub-division -of Vakkaiga; and, in the Salem Manual, Idaiyan appears as a synonym -of Shanan. - -For the following note on the Idaiyans who have settled in Travancore, -I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. They consist of two -well-defined sections, namely, the Tamil-speaking Idaiyans, who are -but recent immigrants, and largely found in Tevala, Agastisvaram -and Shenkotta, and the Malayalam-speaking branch, who are early -settlers residing chiefly in Kartikapalli and other taluks of Central -Travancore. The Idaiyans are not largely found in Travancore, because -a branch of the indigenous Sudra community, the Idacheri Nayars, are -engaged in the same occupation. They are divided into two classes, -viz., Kangayan (shepherds) and Puvandans, who neither interdine nor -intermarry. The latter appear to be divided into four classes, Pasi, -Gopalan, Nambi, and Valayitayan. Puvandan is another form of the -word Pondan, which means a palanquin-bearer. It is well known that, -in the Tamil country, this was one of the duties of the Idaiyans, -as is evident from a sub-division called Sivi or Siviyar (palanquin) -existing among them. In the early settlement records of Travancore, -they are referred to as Sibis. Many fancy, though incorrectly, that -the word means one who collects flowers. As the Sibis were experts in -palanquin-bearing, they must have been brought from the Tamil country -to serve the mediæval Rajas. At the present day, besides pursuing their -traditional occupation, they also engage in agriculture and trade. The -position of the Puvandans in society is not low. They are entitled -to the services of the Brahman's washerman and barber, and they may -enter temples, and advance as far as the place to which Nayars go, -except in some parts of Central Travancore. They are flesh-eaters, and -the drinking of intoxicating liquor is not prohibited. On ceremonial -occasions, women wear the Tamil Idaiya dress, while at other times -they adopt the attire of Nayar women. Their ornaments are foreign, -and clearly indicate that they are a Tamil caste. The marriage badge -is called sankhu tali, and a small conch-shaped ornament forms its -most conspicuous feature. Besides the ordinary Hindu deities, they -worship Matam, Yakshi, and Maruta. At weddings, the Idaiyan bridegroom -holds a sword in his left hand, while he takes hold of the bride by -the right hand. Funeral ceremonies are supervised by a barber, who -officiates as priest. Corpses are either burnt or buried. Though they -appear to observe only eleven days' death pollution, they cannot enter -a temple until the expiry of sixteen days. An anniversary ceremony in -memory of the deceased is performed on the new-moon day in the month of -Karkatakam (July-August), and, on this day, most members of the caste -go to Varkalai to perform the rite. Many purely Tamil names are still -preserved in the caste, such as Tambi, Chami, Bhagavati, and Chattu. - -Idakottu (those who break).--An exogamous sept of Oddes, who, during -their work as navvies, break stones. - -Idangai (left-hand).--Recorded, at times of census, as a division -of Deva-dasis, who do service for castes belonging to the left-hand -section. - -Idiga.--The Telugu toddy-drawers, whose hereditary occupation is the -extraction of the juice of the date and palmyra palms, go by different -names in different localities. Those, for example, who live in the -Salem, North Arcot and Chingleput districts, are called Idigas or -Indras. In the Northern Circars and the Nellore district, they are -known as Gamallas or Gamandlas, and in the Cuddapah district as Asilis. - -It is recorded, in the North Arcot Manual, that "Idiga is one of the -toddy-drawing castes of the Telugu country, the name being derived -from Telugu idchu, to draw. The Idigas are supposed to be a branch -of the Balija tribe, separated on account of their occupation. They -are chiefly Vaishnavites, having Satanis as their priests. They are -divided into two classes, the Dandu (army) [177] Idigas and the Balija -Idigas, of whom the former used originally to distil arrack, but, -now that the manufacture is a monopoly, they usually sell it. The -Balija Idigas extract toddy, the juice of the palm tree. They differ -from the Shanans in some of their professional customs, for, while -the Tamilians in climbing tie their knives behind them, the Telugus -tie them on the right thigh. Tamilian drawers extract the juice from -palmyras and cocoanuts, but rarely from the date, and the Telugus from -the palmyras and dates, but never from cocoanuts. The chief object -of their worship is Yellamma, the deity who presides over toddy and -liquor. On every Sunday, the pots containing liquor are decorated -with flowers, saffron, etc., and offerings are made to them." - -In the Madras Census Report, 1901, it is stated that "it is said that -the Idigas are the descendants of Balijas from Rajahmundry in Godavari -district, and that their occupation separated them into a distinct -caste. They are divided into two endogamous sections called either -Dandu and Palli, or Patha (old) and Kotta (new). The headman of the -caste is called Gaudu. They employ Brahmans as purohits for their -ceremonies, and these Brahmans are received on terms of equality by -other Brahmans. They bury their dead, and observe pollution for twelve -days, during which they abstain from eating flesh. The consumption -of alcohol is strictly prohibited, and is severely punished by the -headman of the caste. They eat with all Balijas, except the Gazulu -section. Their titles are Aiya, Appa, and Gaudu." - -It is noted by Mr. F. Fawcett that "in the northern districts, among -the Telugu population, the toddy-drawers use a ladder about eight -or nine feet in length, which is placed against the tree, to avoid -climbing a third or fourth of it. While in the act of climbing up or -down, they make use of a wide band, which is passed round the body -at the small of the back, and round the tree. This band is easily -fastened with a toggle and eye. The back is protected by a piece of -thick soft leather. It gives great assistance in climbing, which it -makes easy. All over the southernmost portion of the peninsula, among -the Shanans and Tiyans, the ladder and waist-band are unknown. They -climb up and down with their hands and arms, using only a soft grummel -of coir (cocoanut fibre) to keep the feet near together." - -The Idigas claim to be descended from Vyasa, the traditional compiler -of the Mahabharata. In a note by Mr. F. R. Hemingway on the Idigas of -the Godavari district, they are said to worship a deity, to whom they -annually offer fowls on New Year's day, and make daily offerings of -a few drops of toddy from the first pot taken from the tree. In this -district they are commonly called Chetti. - -The insigne of the Idigas, as recorded at Conjeeveram, is a -ladder. [178] - -Idiya (pounder).--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as -a division of Konkani Sudras. The Idiyans prepare rice in a special -manner. Paddy is soaked in water, and roasted over a fire. While -hot, it is placed in a mortar, and pounded with a pestle. This rice -is called avil, which is said to be largely used as a delicacy in -Travancore, and to be employed in certain religious ceremonies. - -The Idiyans are stated to have left their native land near Cochin, -and settled in Travancore at the invitation of a former sovereign. On -arrival in the land of their adoption, they were given, free of tax, -cocoanut gardens and rice land. In return, they were required to -supply, free of charge, the palace of the Maharajah and the temple -of Sri Padmanabhaswami at Trivandrum with as much beaten rice (avil) -as might be required from time to time. - -Iga (fly).--An exogamous sept of Mutracha. The equivalent Igala occurs -as an exogamous sept of Yanadi. - -Ilai (leaf).--Ilai or Ele has been recorded as a sub-division of -Tigalas and Toreyas who cultivate the betel vine (Piper betle). Elai -Vaniyan occurs as a synonym of Senaikkudaiyans, who are betel leaf -sellers in Tinnevelly. - -Ilaiyattakudi.--A sub-division of Nattukottai Chetti. - -Ilakutiyan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-division of Nayar. - -Ilamagan.--The Ilamagans are described by Mr. Francis [179] as "a -cultivating caste found chiefly in the Zamindari taluk of Tiruppattur -in Madura. The word literally means a young man, but the young is -interpreted by other castes in the sense of inferior. One says that it -is made up of the sons of Vallamban females and Vellala males, another -that it is a mixture of outcasted Valaiyans, Kallans and Maravans, and -a third that it is descended from illegitimate children of the Vellalas -and Pallis. Like the Kallans and Valaiyans, the members of the caste -stretch the lobes of their ears, and leave their heads unshaven. The -caste is divided into two or three endogamous sections of territorial -origin. They do not employ Brahmans as purohits; their widows may marry -again; their dead are usually buried; and they will eat pork, mutton, -fowls, and fish. They are thus not high in the social scale, and are, -in fact, about on a par with the Kallans. The headmen of the caste are -called Ambalam." It is suggested, in the Census Report, 1891, that, -from the fact that Ilamagan appears as a sub-division of the Maravans, -it may perhaps be inferred that the two castes are closely allied. - -Ilampi.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-division of Nayar. - -Ilayatu.--See Elayad. - -Illa (of a house).--An exogamous sept of Yanadi. - -Illam.--Defined by Mr. Wigram [180] as meaning the house of an ordinary -Nambudri Brahman. It is recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, -1901, as a sub-division of Nayar. The name Illam Vellala has been -assumed by some Panikkans in the Tamil country, whose exogamous septs -are called Illam. In Travancore, Ilakkar or Illathu, meaning those -attached to Brahman houses, is said to be an occupational sub-division -of Nayars. Ilakkar further occurs as an exogamous sept of Mala Arayans, -known as the Three Thousand. - -Illuvellani.--The name, derived from illu, house, and vellani, those -who do not go out, of a sub-division of Kammas, whose wives are kept -gosha (in seclusion). - -Inaka Mukku Bhatrazu.--Beggars attached to Padma Sales. - -Inangan.--See Enangan. - -Ina Pulaya.--A sub-division of Pulayans of Travancore. - -Indla (house).--An exogamous sept of Chenchu and Mutracha. - -Indra.--See Idiga. - -Inichi (squirrel).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Inravar.--A Tamil form of Indra. - -Ippi (Bassia longifolia: mahua).--An exogamous sept of Panta -Reddi. Members of the Ippala gotra of the Besthas may not touch or -use the ippa (or ippi) tree. - -Iranderudhu (two bullocks).--A sub-division of Vaniyans, who use two -bullocks for their oil-mills. - -Irani (earthen vessel used at marriages).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Irani.--A territorial name, meaning Persian, of the Shiah section -of the Moghal tribe of Muhammadans. The Iranis or Beluchis are -described by Mr. Paupa Rao Naidu [181] as a troublesome nomad tribe -"committing crime all over India openly from the houses and shops -of villages and towns, mostly in broad daylight, with impunity, and -escaping punishment except in rare cases. Their ostensible profession -is merchandise, dealing in the following articles:--ponies, knives, -scissors, padlocks, false stones, false pearls, trinkets of several -kinds, toys, beads, quicksilver, and false coins of different kinds. - -Their camp generally consists of a few small tents, a few ponies, -pack saddles to secure their culinary utensils, their dirty clothes, -the leather or gunny bags containing their articles of merchandise; -a few fighting cocks, and cages of birds. They are very fond of cock -fighting, even on wagers of 10 to 50 rupees on each. They train these -cocks specially brought up to fight." For information concerning the -criminal methods of the Iranis, I would refer the reader to Mr. Paupa -Rao Naidu's account thereof. - -Iranyavarma.--The name of one of the early Pallava kings, returned -at times of census as a caste name by some wealthy Pallis, who also -gave themselves the title of Solakanar, or descendants of Chola Kings. - -Irattai Sekkan.--A sub-division of Vaniyans, who use two bullocks -for their oil-mills. - -Iraya.--A name for Cherumans, in Malabar, who are permitted to come -as far as the eaves (ira) of their employers' houses. - -Irchakkollan (timber sawyer).--A synonym, in Travancore, of Tacchan -(carpenter) Kammalan. - -Irkuli.--Irkuli or Irangolli Vellala, said to mean Vellalas who killed -dampness, is a name assumed by some Vannans. - -Irpina (comb).--An exogamous sept of Kamma. - -Irulas of the Nilgiris. In the Kotagiri bazaar, which is an excellent -hunting-ground for the anthropologist, may be seen gathered together -on market-day Kotas, Badagas, Kanarese, Irulas, Kurumbas, and an -occasional Toda from the Kodanad mand. A tribal photograph was taken -there, with the result that a deputation subsequently waited on me -with a petition to the effect that "We, the undersigned, beg to submit -that your honour made photos of us, and has paid us nothing. We, -therefore, beg you to do this common act of justice." The deputation -was made happy with a pourboire. - -In my hunt after Irulas, which ended in an attack of malarial -fever, it was necessary to invoke the assistance and proverbial -hospitality of various planters. On one occasion news reached me -that a gang of Irulas, collected for my benefit under a promise -of substantial remuneration, had arrived at a planter's bungalow, -whither I proceeded. The party included a man who had been "wanted" -for some time in connection with the shooting of an elephant on -forbidden ground. He, suspecting me of base designs, refused to be -measured, on the plea that he was afraid the height-measuring standard -was the gallows. Nor would he let me take his photograph, fearing -(though he had never heard of Bertillonage) lest it should be used -for the purpose of criminal identification. Unhappily a mischievous -rumour had been circulated that I had in my train a wizard Kurumba, -who would bewitch the Irulas, in order that I might abduct them -(for what purpose was not stated). - -As the Badagas are the fairest, so the Irulas are the darkest-skinned -of the Nilgiri tribes, on some of whom, as has been said, charcoal -would leave a white mark. The name Irula, in fact, means darkness or -blackness (irul), whether in reference to the dark jungles in which the -Irulas, who have not become domesticated by working as contractors or -coolies on planters' estates, dwell, or to the darkness of their skin, -is doubtful. Though the typical Irula is dark-skinned and platyrhine, -I have noted some who, as the result of contact metamorphosis, -possessed skins of markedly paler hue, and leptorhine noses. - -The language of the Irulas is a corrupt form of Tamil. In their -religion they are worshippers of Vishnu under the name of Rangasvami, -to whom they do puja (worship) at their own rude shrines, or at the -Hindu temple at Karaimadai, where Brahman priests officiate. "An -Irula pujari," Breeks writes, [182] "lives near the Irula temples, -and rings a bell when he performs puja to the gods. He wears the Vishnu -mark on his forehead. His office is hereditary, and he is remunerated -by offerings of fruit and milk from Irula worshippers. Each Irula -village pays about two annas to the pujari about May or June. They say -that there is a temple at Kallampalla in the Sattiyamangalam taluk, -north of Rangasvami's peak. This is a Siva temple, at which sheep -are sacrificed. The pujari wears the Siva mark. They don't know the -difference between Siva and Vishnu. At Kallampalla temple is a thatched -building, containing a stone called Mariamma, the well-known goddess -of small-pox, worshipped in this capacity by the Irulas. A sheep is -led to this temple, and those who offer the sacrifice sprinkle water -over it, and cut its throat. The pujari sits by, but takes no part -in the ceremony. The body is cut up, and distributed among the Irulas -present, including the pujari." - -In connection with the shrine on Rangasvami peak, the following note -is recorded in the Gazetteer of the Nilgiris. "It is the most sacred -hill on all the plateau. Hindu legend says that the god Rangasvami -used to live at Karaimadai on the plains between Mettupalaiyam and -Coimbatore, but quarrelled with his wife, and so came and lived here -alone. In proof of the story, two footprints on the rock not far -from Arakod village below the peak are pointed out. This, however, -is probably an invention designed to save the hill folk the toilsome -journey to Rangasvami's car festival at Karaimadai, which used once -to be considered incumbent upon them. In some places, the Badagas -and Kotas have gone even further, and established Rangasvami Bettus -of their own, handy for their own particular villages. On the real -Rangasvami peak are two rude walled enclosures sacred to the god -Ranga and his consort, and within these are votive offerings (chiefly -iron lamps and the notched sticks used as weighing machines), and two -stones to represent the deities. The hereditary pujari is an Irula, -and, on the day fixed by the Badagas for the annual feast, he arrives -from his hamlet near Nandipuram, bathes in a pool below the summit, -and marches to the top shouting 'Govinda! Govinda!' The cry is taken -up with wild enthusiasm by all those present, and the whole crowd, -which includes Badagas, Irulas, and Kurumbas, surrounds the enclosures, -while the Irula priest invokes the deities by blowing his conch and -beating his drum, and pours oblations over, and decorates with flowers, -the two stones which represent them. That night, two stone basins on -the summit are filled with ghee and lighted, and the glare is visible -for miles around. The ceremonies close with prayers for good rain and -fruitfulness among the flocks and herds, a wild dance by the Irula, -and the boiling (called pongal, the same word as pongal the Tamil -agricultural feast) of much rice in milk. About a mile from Arakod -is an overhanging rock called the kodai-kal or umbrella stone, under -which is found a whitish clay. This clay is used by the Irulas for -making the Vaishnava marks on their foreheads at this festival." - -The following account of an Irula temple festival is given by -Harkness. [183] "The hair of the men, as well as of the women and -children, was bound up in a fantastic manner with wreaths of plaited -straw. Their necks, ears, and ankles were decorated with ornaments -formed of the same material, and they carried little dried gourds, -in which nuts or small stones had been inserted. They rattled them as -they moved, and, with the rustling of their rural ornaments, gave a -sort of rhythm to their motion. The dance was performed in front of -a little thatched shed, which, we learnt, was their temple. When it -was concluded, they commenced a sacrifice to their deity, or rather -deities, of a he-goat and three cocks. This was done by cutting the -throats of the victims, and throwing them down at the feet of the idol, -the whole assembly at the same time prostrating themselves. Within the -temple there was a winnow, or fan, which they called Mahri--evidently -the emblem of Ceres; and at a short distance, in front of the former, -and some paces in advance one of the other, were two rude stones, -which they call, the one Moshani, the other Konadi Mari, but which -are subordinate to the fan occupying the interior of the temple." - -A village near a coffee estate, which I inspected, was, at the time -of my visit, in the possession of pariah dogs and nude children, -the elder children and adults being away at work. The village was -protected against nocturnal feline and other feral marauders by -a rude fence, and consisted of rows of single-storied huts, with -verandah in front, made of split bamboo and thatched, detached huts, -an abundance of fowl-houses, and cucurbitaceous plants twining up rough -stages. Surrounding the village were a dense grove of plantain trees, -castor-oil bushes, and cattle pens. - -When not engaged at work on estates or in the forest, the Irulas -cultivate, for their own consumption, ragi (Eleusine Coracana), -samai (Panicum miliare), tenai (Setaria italica), tovarai (Cajanus -indicus), maize, plantains, etc. They also cultivate limes, oranges, -jak fruit (Artocarpus integrifolia), etc. They, like the Kotas, will -not attend to cultivation on Saturday or Monday. At the season of -sowing, Badagas bring cocoanuts, plantains, milk and ghi (clarified -butter), and give them to the Irulas, who, after offering them before -their deity, return them to the Badagas. - -"The Irulas," a recent writer observes, "generally possess a small -plot of ground near their villages, which they assiduously cultivate -with grain, although they depend more upon the wages earned by -working on estates. Some of them are splendid cattle-men, that is, -in looking after the cattle possessed by some enterprising planter, -who would add the sale of dairy produce to the nowadays pitiable -profit of coffee planting. The Irula women are as useful as the men -in weeding, and all estate work. In fact, planters find both men and -women far more industrious and reliable than the Tamil coolies." - -"By the sale of the produce of the forests," Harkness writes, "such -as honey and bees wax, or the fruit of their gardens, the Irulas are -enabled to buy grain for their immediate sustenance, and for seed. But, -as they never pay any attention to the land after it is sown, or indeed -to its preparation further than by partially clearing it of the jungle, -and turning it up with the hoe; or, what is more common, scratching it -into furrows with a stick, and scattering the grain indiscriminately, -their crops are, of course, stunted and meagre. When the corn is ripe, -if at any distance from the village, the family to whom the patch or -field belongs will remove to it, and, constructing temporary dwellings, -remain there so long as the grain lasts. Each morning they pluck as -much as they think they may require for the use of that day, kindle -a fire upon the nearest large stone or fragment of rock, and, when it -is well heated, brush away the embers, and scatter the grain upon it, -which, soon becoming parched and dry, is readily reduced to meal, -which is made into cakes. The stone is now heated a second time, and -the cakes are put on it to bake. Or, where they have met with a stone -which has a little concavity, they will, after heating it, fill the -hollow with water, and, with the meal, form a sort of porridge. In this -way the whole family, their friends, and neighbours, will live till the -grain has been consumed. The whole period is one of merry-making. They -celebrate Mahri, and invite all who may be passing by to join in the -festivities. These families will, in return, be invited to live on -the fields of their neighbours. Many of them live for the remainder -of the year on a kind of yam, which grows wild, and is called Erula -root. To the use of this they accustom their children from infancy." - -Some Irulas now work for the Forest Department, which allows them -to live on the borders of the forest, granting them sites free, -and other concessions. Among the minor forest produce, which they -collect, are myrabolams, bees-wax, honey, vembadam bark (Ventilago -Madraspatana), avaram bark (Cassia auriculata), deer's horns, -tamarinds, gum, soapnuts, and sheekoy (Acacia concinna). The forests -have been divided into blocks, and a certain place within each block -has been selected for the forest depot. To this place the collecting -agents--mostly Sholagars and Irulas--bring the produce, and then it -is sorted, and paid for by special supervisors. [184] The collection -of honey is a dangerous occupation. A man, with a torch in his hand, -and a number of bamboo tubes suspended from his shoulders, descends -by means of ropes or creepers to the vicinity of the comb. The sight -of the torch drives away the bees, and he proceeds to fill the bamboos -with the comb, and then ascends to the top of the rock. [185] - -The Irulas will not (so they say) eat the flesh of buffaloes or cattle, -but will eat sheep and goat, field-rats, fowls, deer, pig (which they -shoot), hares (which they snare with skilfully made nets), jungle-fowl, -pigeons, and quail (which they knock over with stones). - -They informed Mr. Harkness that, "they have no marriage contract, the -sexes cohabiting almost indiscriminately; the option of remaining in -union, or of separating, resting principally with the female. Some -among them, the favourites of fortune, who can afford to spend -four or five rupees on festivities, will celebrate their union by -giving a feast to all their friends and neighbours; and, inviting -the Kurumbars to attend with their pipe and tabor, spend the night -in dance and merriment. This, however, is a rare occurrence." The -marriage ceremony, as described to me, is a very simple affair. A -feast is held, at which a sheep is killed, and the guests make a -present of a few annas to the bridegroom, who ties up the money in -a cloth, and, going to the bride's hut, conducts her to her future -home. Widows are permitted to marry again. - -When an Irula dies, two Kurumbas come to the village, and one shaves -the head of the other. The shorn man is fed, and presented with -a cloth, which he wraps round his head. This quaint ceremonial is -supposed, in some way, to bring good luck to the departed. Outside the -house of the deceased, in which the corpse is kept till the time of the -funeral, men and women dance to the music of the Irula band. The dead -are buried in a sitting posture, with the legs crossed tailorwise. Each -village has its own burial-ground. A circular pit is dug, from the -lower end of which a chamber is excavated, in which the corpse, clad -in its own clothes, jewelry, and a new cloth, is placed with a lamp -and grain. The pit is then filled in, and the position of the grave -marked by a stone. On the third day a sheep is said to be killed, -and a feast held. The following description of an annual ceremony -was given to me. A lamp and oil are purchased, and rice is cooked in -the village. They are then taken to the shrine at the burial-ground, -offered up on stones, on which some of the oil is poured, and puja -is done. At the shrine, a pujari, with three white marks on the -forehead, officiates. Like the Badaga Devadari, the Irula pujari at -times becomes inspired by the god. - -Writing concerning the Kurumbas and Irulas, Mr. Walhouse says [186] -that "after every death among them, they bring a long water-worn stone -(devva kotta kallu), and put it into one of the old cromlechs sprinkled -over the Nilgiri plateau. Some of the larger of these have been found -piled up to the cap-stone with such pebbles, which must have been the -work of generations. Occasionally, too, the tribes mentioned make -small cromlechs for burial purposes, and place the long water-worn -pebbles in them." - -The following sub-divisions of the tribe have been described to -me:--Poongkaru, Kudagar (people of Coorg), Kalkatti (those who tie -stone), Vellaka, Devala, and Koppilingam. Of these, the first five -are considered to be in the relation of brothers, so far as marriage -is concerned, and do not intermarry. Members of these five classes -must marry into the Koppilingam sub-division. At the census, 1901, -Kasuva or Kasuba was returned as a sub-caste. The word means workmen, -in allusion to the abandonment of jungle life in favour of working -on planters' estates, and elsewhere. - -It is recorded by Harkness that "during the winter, or while they -are wandering about the forests in search of food, driven by hunger, -the families or parties separate from one another. On these occasions -the women and young children are often left alone, and the mother, -having no longer any nourishment for her infant, anticipates its -final misery by burying it alive. The account here given was in every -instance corroborated, and in such a manner as to leave no doubt in -our minds of its correctness." - -The following notes are abstracted from my case-book. - -Man, æt. 30. Sometimes works on a coffee estate. At present engaged in -the cultivation of grains, pumpkins, jak-fruit, and plantains. Goes -to the bazaar at Mettupalaiyam to buy rice, salt, chillies, oil, -etc. Acquires agricultural implements from Kotas, to whom he pays -annual tribute in grains or money. Wears brass earrings obtained from -Kotas in exchange for vegetables and fruit. Wears turban and plain -loin-cloth, wrapped round body and reaching below the knees. Bag -containing tobacco and betel slung over shoulder. Skin very dark. - -Woman, æt. 30. Hair curly, tied in a bunch behind round a black cotton -swab. Wears a plain waist-cloth, and print body-cloth worn square -across breasts and reaching below the knees. Tattooed on forehead. A -mass of glass bead necklaces. Gold ornament in left nostril. Brass -ornament in lobe of each ear. Eight brass bangles on right wrist; -two brass and six glass bangles on left wrist. Five brass rings on -right first finger; four brass and one tin ring on right forefinger. - -Woman, æt. 25. Red cadjan (palm leaf) roll in dilated lobes of -ears. Brass and glass bead ornament in helix of right ear. Brass -ornament in left nostril. A number of bead necklets, one with young -cowry shells pendent, another consisting of a heavy roll of black -beads. The latter is very characteristic of Irula female adornment. One -steel bangle, eight brass bangles, and one chank-shell bangle on right -wrist; three lead, six glass bangles, and one glass bead bangle on -left wrist. One steel and one brass ring on left little finger. - -Woman, æt. 35. Wears loin-cloth only. Breasts fully exposed. Cap of -Badaga pattern on head. - -Girl, æt. 8. Lobe of each ear being dilated by a number of wooden -sticks like matches. - -Average stature 159.8 cm.; nasal index 85 (max. 100). - -Irulas of Chingleput, North and South Arcot. The Irulas, or Villiyans -(bowmen), who have settled in the town of Chingleput, about fifty miles -distant from Madras, have attained to a higher degree of civilisation -than the jungle Irulas of the Nilgiris, and are defined, in the -Census Report, 1901, as a semi-Brahmanised forest tribe, who speak -a corrupt Tamil. - -In a note on the Irulas, Mackenzie writes as follows. [187] "After -the Yuga Pralayam (deluge, or change from one Yuga to another) the -Villars or Irulans, Malayans, and Vedans, supposed to be descendants of -a Rishi under the influence of a malignant curse, were living in the -forests in a state of nature, though they have now taken to wearing -some kind of covering--males putting on skins, and females stitched -leaves. Roots, wild fruits, and honey constitute their dietary, and -cooked rice is always rejected, even when gratuitously offered. They -have no clear ideas about God, though they offer rice (wild variety) -to the goddess Kanniamma. The legend runs that a Rishi, Mala Rishi -by name, seeing that these people were much bothered by wild beasts, -took pity on them, and for a time lived with them. He mixed freely -with their women, and as the result, several children were born, -who were also molested by wild animals. To free them from these, the -Rishi advised them to do puja (worship) to Kanniamma. Several other -Rishis are also believed to have lived freely in their midst, and, -as a result, several new castes arose, among which were the Yanadis, -who have come into towns, take food from other castes, eat cooked -rice, and imitate the people amidst whom they happen to live." In -which respects the Irula is now following the example of the Yanadi. - -Many of the Chingleput Irulas are very dark-skinned, with narrow -chests, thin bodies, and flabby muscles, reminding me, in their -general aspect, of the Yanadis of Nellore. Clothing is, in the men, -reduced to a minimum--dhuti, and languti of dirty white cotton cloth, -or a narrow strip of gaudy Manchester piece-good. The hair is worn -long and ragged, or shaved, with kudimi, in imitation of the higher -classes. The moustache is slight, and the beard billy-goaty. Some of -the men are tattooed with a blue dot on the glabella, or vertical -mid-frontal line. For ornaments they have a stick in the helix, -or simple ornament in the ear-lobe. - -Their chief source of livelihood is husking paddy (rice), but they -also gather sticks for sale as firewood in return for pice, rice, and -sour fermented rice gruel, which is kept by the higher classes for -cattle. This gruel is also highly appreciated by the Yanadis. While -husking rice, they eat the bran, and, if not carefully watched, -will steal as much of the rice as they can manage to secrete about -themselves. As an addition to their plain dietary they catch field -(Jerboa) rats, which they dig out with long sticks, after they have -been asphyxiated with smoke blown into their tunnels through a small -hole in an earthen pot filled with dried leaves, which are set on -fire. When the nest is dug out, they find material for a meat and -vegetable curry in the dead rats, with the hoarded store of rice or -other grain. They feast on the bodies of winged white-ants (Termites), -which they search with torch-lights at the time of their seasonal -epidemic appearance. Some years ago a theft occurred in my house at -night, and it was proved by a plaster cast of a foot-print in the mud -produced by a nocturnal shower that one of my gardeners, who did not -live on the spot, had been on the prowl. The explanation was that he -had been collecting as a food-stuff the carcases of the winged ants, -which had that evening appeared in myriads. - -Some Irulas are herbalists, and are believed to have the powers -of curing certain diseases, snake-poisoning, and the bites of rats -and insects. - -Occasionally the Irulas collect the leaves of the banyan, Butea -frondosa, or lotus, for sale as food-platters, and they will eat -the refuse food left on the platters by Brahmans and other higher -classes. They freely enter the houses of Brahmans and non-Brahman -castes, and are not considered as carrying pollution. - -They have no fixed place of abode, which they often change. Some -live in low, palmyra-thatched huts of small dimensions; others under -a tree, in an open place, in ruined buildings, or the street pials -(verandah) of houses. Their domestic utensils consist of a few pots, -one or two winnows, scythes, a crow-bar, a piece of flint and steel for -making fire, and a dirty bag for tobacco and betel. In making fire, -an angular fragment of quartz is held against a small piece of pith, -and dexterously struck with an iron implement so that the spark falls -on the pith, which can be rapidly blown into a blaze. To keep the -children warm in the so-called cold season (with a minimum of 58° -to 60°), they put their babies near the fire in pits dug in the ground. - -For marital purposes they recognise tribal sub-divisions in a -very vague way. Marriage is not a very impressive ceremonial. The -bridegroom has to present new cloths to the bride, and his future -father- and mother-in-law. The cloth given to the last-named is called -the pal kuli (milk money) for having nursed the bride. Marriage is -celebrated on any day, except Saturday. A very modest banquet, in -proportion to their slender means, is held, and toddy provided, if -the state of the finances will run to it. Towards evening the bride -and bridegroom stand in front of the house, and the latter ties the -tali, which consists of a bead necklace with a round brass disc. In -the case of a marriage which took place during my visit, the bride -had been wearing her new bridal cloth for a month before the event. - -The Irulas worship periodically Kanniamma, their tribal deity, and -Mari, the general goddess of epidemic disease. The deity is represented -by five pots arranged in the form of a square, with a single pot in the -centre, filled with turmeric water. Close to these a lamp is lighted, -and raw rice, jaggery (crude sugar), rice flour, betel leaves and -areca nuts are offered before it. Mari is represented by a white rag -flag dyed with turmeric, hoisted on a bamboo in an open space near -their dwellings, to which fowls, sheep, and other cooked articles, -are offered. - -The dead are buried lying flat on the face, with the head to the -north, and the face turned towards the east. When the grave has been -half filled in, they throw into it a prickly-pear (Opuntia Dillenii) -shrub, and make a mound over it. Around this they place a row or two -of prickly-pear stems to keep off jackals. No monumental stone is -placed over the grave. - -By means of the following table a comparison can be readily made -between the stature and nasal index of the jungle Sholagas and Nilgiri -Irulas, and of the more civilised Irulas of Chingleput and Uralis -of Coimbatore:-- - - -===================+==========+============+============+============ - | Stature, |Nasal index,|Nasal index,|Nasal index, - | average. | average. | maximum. | minimum. --------------------+----------+------------+------------+------------ -Sholagas | 159.3 | 85·1 | 107·7 | 72·8 -Irulas, Nilgiris | 159·8 | 84·9 | 100 | 72·3 -Irulas, Chingleput | 159·9 | 80·3 | 90·5 | 70 -Uralis | 159·5 | 80·1 | 97·7 | 65·3 -===================+==========+============+============+============ - - -The table shows clearly that, while all the four tribes are of short -and uniform stature, the nasal index, both as regards average, -maximum and minimum, is higher in the Sholagas and Irulas of the -Nilgiri jungles than in the more domesticated Irulas of Chingleput -and Uralis. In brief, the two former, who have mingled less with -the outside world, retain the archaic type of platyrhine nose to -a greater extent than the two latter. The reduction of platyrhiny, -as the result of civilisation and emergence from the jungle to the -vicinity of towns, is still further brought out by the following -figures relating to the two classes of Irulas, and the Kanikars of -Travancore, who still live a jungle life, and those who have removed -to the outskirts of a populous town:-- - - - ===========================+=============================== - | Nasal index. - ---- |----------+----------+--------- - | Average. | Maximum. | Minimum. - ---------------------------+----------+----------+--------- - Irulas, jungle | 84.9 | 100 | 72.3 - Kanikars, jungle | 84.6 | 105 | 72.3 - Kanikars, domesticated | 81.2 | 90.5 | 70.8 - Irulas, domesticated | 80.3 | 90.5 | 70 - ===========================+==========+==========+========= - - -The Irulas of North Arcot are closely related to those of -Chingleput. Concerning them, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes as follows. [188] -"Many members of this forest tribe have taken to agriculture in -the neighbouring villages, but the majority still keep to the hills, -living upon roots and wild animals, and bartering forest produce for a -few rags or a small quantity of grain. When opportunity offers, they -indulge in cattle theft and robbery. They disclaim any connection -with the Yanadis, whom they hate. Their aversion is such that they -will not even allow a Yanadi to see them eating. They offer worship to -the Sapta Kannikais or seven virgins, whom they represent in the form -of an earthenware oil-lamp, which they often place under the bandari -(Dodonoea viscosa ?), which is regarded by them as sacred. These lamps -are made by ordinary village potters, who, however, are obliged to -knead the clay with their hands, and not with their feet. Sometimes -they place these representatives of their goddess in caves, but, -wherever they place them, no Pariah or Yanadi can be allowed to -approach. The chief occasion of worship, as with the Kurumbas and -Yanadis, is at the head-shaving ceremony of children. All children at -these times, who are less than ten years old, are collected, and the -maternal uncle of each cuts off one lock of hair, which is fastened to -a ragi (Ficus religiosa) bough. They rarely contract marriages, the -voluntary association of men and women being terminable at the will -of either. The more civilised, however, imitate the Hindu cultivating -castes by tying a gold bead, stuck on a thread, round the bride's -neck, but the marriage tie thus formed is easily broken. They always -bury their dead. Some Irulas are credited with supernatural powers, -and are applied to by low Sudras for advice. The ceremony is called -suthi or rangam. The medium affects to be possessed by the goddess, -and utters unmeaning sounds, being, they say, unconscious all the -while. A few of his companions pretend to understand with difficulty -the meaning of his words, and interpret them to the inquirer. The -Irulas never allow any sort of music during their ceremonies, -nor will they wear shoes, or cover their body with more than the -scantiest rag. Even in the coldest and dampest weather, they prefer -the warmth of a fire to that of a cumbly (blanket). They refuse even -to cover an infant with a cloth, but dig a small hollow in the ground, -and lay the newly-born babe in it upon a few leaves of the bandari." - -There are two classes of Irulas in the North Arcot district, of -which one lives in towns and villages, and the other leads a jungle -life. Among the latter, as found near Kuppam, there are two distinct -divisions, called Iswaran Vagaira and Dharmaraja. The former set up -a stone beneath a temporary hut, and worship it by offering cooked -rice and cocoanuts on unam (Lettsomia elliptica) leaves. The god -Dharmaraja is represented by a vessel instead of a stone, and the -offerings are placed in a basket. In the jungle section, a woman may -marry her deceased husband's brother. The dead are buried face upwards, -and three stones are set up over the grave. - -The Irulas of South Arcot, Mr. Francis writes, [189] "are chiefly -found about the Gingee hills, talk a corrupt Tamil, are very dark -skinned, have very curly hair, never shave their heads, and never -wear turbans or sandals. They dwell in scattered huts--never more than -two or three in one place--which are little, round, thatched hovels, -with a low doorway through which one can just crawl, built among -the fields. They subsist by watching crops, baling water from wells, -and, when times are hard, by crime of a mild kind. In Villupuram and -Tirukkoyilur taluks, and round Gingee, they commit burglaries in -a mild and unscientific manner if the season is bad, and they are -pressed by want, but, if the ground-nut crop is a good one, they -behave themselves. They are perhaps the poorest and most miserable -community in the district. Only one or two of them own any land, and -that is only dry land. They snare hares now and again, and collect -the honey of the wild bees by letting themselves down the face of -cliffs at night by ladders made of twisted creepers. Some of them are -prostitutes, and used to display their charms in a shameless manner -at the Chettipalaiyam market near Gingee, decked out in quantities of -cheap jewellery, and with their eyelids darkened in clumsy imitation of -their sisters of the same profession in other castes. There is little -ceremony at a wedding. The old men of the caste fix the auspicious -day, the bridegroom brings a few presents, a pandal (booth) is made, -a tali is tied, and there is a feast to the relations. The rites at -births and deaths are equally simple. The dead are usually buried, -lying face upwards, a stone and some thorns being placed over the -grave to keep off jackals. On the eleventh day after the death, the -eldest son ties a cloth round his head--a thing which is otherwise -never worn--and a little rice is coloured with saffron (turmeric) -and then thrown into water. This is called casting away the sin, and -ill-luck would befall the eldest son if the ceremony were omitted. The -Irulans pay homage to almost all the gramadevatas (village deities), -but probably the seven Kannimars are their favourite deities." - -As already indicated, the Irulas, like the Yerukalas, indulge in -soothsaying. The Yerukala fortune-teller goes about with her basket, -cowry shells, and rod, and will carry out the work of her profession -anywhere, at any time, and any number of times in a day. The Irula, on -the contrary, remains at his home, and will only tell fortunes close to -his hut, or near the hut where his gods are kept. In case of sickness, -people of all classes come to consult the Irula fortune-teller, -whose occupation is known as Kannimar varniththal. Taking up his -drum, he warms it over the fire, or exposes it to the heat of the -sun. When it is sufficiently dry to vibrate to his satisfaction, -Kannimar is worshipped by breaking a cocoanut, and burning camphor and -incense. Closing his eyes, the Irula beats the drum, and shakes his -head about, while his wife, who stands near him, sprinkles turmeric -water over him. After a few minutes, bells are tied to his right -wrist. In about a quarter of an hour he begins to shiver, and breaks -out in a profuse perspiration. This is a sure sign that he is possessed -by Kanniamman. His wife unties his kudumi (tuft of hair), the shaking -of the head becomes more violent, he breathes rapidly, and hisses like -a snake. His wife praises Kannimar. Gradually the man becomes calmer, -and addresses those around him as if he were the goddess, saying, -"Oh! children. I have come down on my car, which is decorated with -mango flowers, margosa and jasmine. You need fear nothing so long -as I exist, and you worship me. This country will be prosperous, -and the people will continue to be happy. Ere long my precious car, -immersed in the tank (pond) on the hill, will be taken out, and after -that the country will become more prosperous," and so on. Questions -are generally put to the inspired man, not directly, but through -his wife. Occasionally, even when no client has come to consult him, -the Irula will take up his drum towards dusk, and chant the praises -of Kannimar, sometimes for hours at a stretch, with a crowd of Irulas -collected round him. - -The name Shikari (hunter) is occasionally adopted as a synonym for -Irula. And, in South Arcot, some Irulas call themselves Ten (honey) -Vanniyans or Vana (forest) Pallis. - -Irula (darkness or night).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Irumpu (iron) Kollan.--A sub-division of Kollan. - -Irunul (two strings).--A division of Marans in Travancore, in which -the remarriage of widows is permitted. - -Iruvu (black ant).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Isan (god).--A title of Koliyan. - -Iswaran Vagaira.--A division of the Irulas of North Arcot. The name -denotes that they belong to the Iswara (Siva) section. - -Ite.--The Itevandlu are a class of Telugu jugglers and acrobats, who -"exhibit shows, such as wrestling, climbing high posts, rope-walking, -etc. The women, like Dommara females, act as common prostitutes." [190] - -Itattara.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-division of Nayar. - -Izhava.--The Izhavans or Ilavans, and Tiyans, are the Malayalam -toddy-drawing castes of Malabar, Cochin and Travancore. The etymology -of the name Izhavan is dealt with in the article on Tiyans. - -For the following note on the Izhavas of Travancore, I am, when not -otherwise recorded, indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. These people -are known as Izhavas in South and parts of Central Travancore, and -Chovas in parts of Central and North Travancore. They constitute -17 per cent. of the total population of the State. Izhava is said -to mean those belonging to Izham, a corruption of Simhalam, one -of the old names of Ceylon. Jaffna, in the north of that island, -appears to have been specially known by the name of Izham, and from -this place the Izhavas are believed to have originally proceeded to -Malabar. Chova is supposed to be a corruption of Sevaka, or servant. In -some old boat songs current in Malabar, it occurs in the less corrupt -form of Chevaka. According to a legend, a Pandyan princess named -Alli married Narasimha, a Rajah of the Carnatic. The royal couple -migrated to Ceylon, and there settled themselves as rulers. On the line -becoming extinct, however, their relatives and adherents returned to -the continent, where they were accorded only a very low position in -society. It is said that they were the ancestors of the Izhavas. In -support of this theory, it is urged that, in South Travancore, the -Izhavas are known by the title of Mudaliyar, which is also the surname -of a division of the Vellalas at Jaffna; that the Vattis and Mannans -call them Mudaliyars; and that the Pulayas have ever been known to -address them only as Muttatampurans. But it may be well supposed that -the title may have been conferred upon some families of the caste in -consideration of meritorious services on behalf of the State. One of -the chief occupations, in which the Izhavas first engaged themselves, -was undoubtedly the cultivation of palm trees. In the famous grant -of 824 A.D., it is distinctly mentioned that they had a headman of -their guild, and their duty was planting up waste lands. They had two -special privileges, known as the foot-rope right and ladder right, -which clearly explain the nature of their early occupation. The -Syrian Christians appear to have a tradition that the Izhavas were -invited to settle on the west coast at their suggestion. The Izhavas -are said to have brought to Kerala a variety each of the areca palm, -champak, and lime tree, to whose vernacular names the word Izham is -even to-day invariably prefixed. In the middle ages, they were largely -employed as soldiers by the rulers of Malabar. Titles and privileges -were distributed among these soldiers. Canter Visscher, writing about -the Rajah of Ambalapuzha in the middle of the eighteenth century, -[191] observes that "the Rajah of Porkkad has not many Nayars, in the -place of whom he is served by Chegos," and that "in times of civil war -or rebellion, the Chegos are bound to take up arms for their lawful -sovereign." The Panikkans of Ambanat house in the Ambalapuzha taluk -were the leaders of the Izhava force, and many powers and privileges -were conferred upon this family by the Chembakasseri (Ambalapuzha) -princes. Even so late as the days of Maharaja Rama Verma, who died -in 973 M.E., large numbers of Izhavas were employed as soldiers -of the State, if we may believe the account of Friar Bartolomeo, -[192] who is generally a very accurate writer. The South Travancore -Izhavas used to divide themselves into two parties on the occasion -of the Onam festival, and fight at Kaithamukku near Trivandrum. Any -young man who did not attend this camp of exercise had a piece of -wood tied as a wedding ornament round his neck, was led in procession -thrice round the village, and transported to the sea-coast. - -The Izhavas proper are divided into three sub-sections called -Pachchili, Pandi, and Malayalam. The Pachchilis live in the tract of -land called Pachchalur in the Neyyattinkara taluk between Tiruvellam -and Kovalam. They are only a handful in number. The Pandis are -largely found in Trivandrum and Chirayinkil. Most of them take the -title of Panikkan. The Malayala Izhavas are sub-divided into four -exogamous groups or illams, named Muttillam, Madampi or Pallichal, -Mayanatti, and Chozhi. Pallichal is a place in the Neyyattinkara -taluk, and Mayannat in Quilon. The members of the Chozhi illam are -believed to have been later settlers. There is another division of -these Izhavas called Patikramams, based on a more or less geographical -distinction. These are also four in number, and called Pallikkattara, -Palattara, Irunkulamgara, and Tenganad, their social precedence being -in this order. Pallikkattara is in Chirayinkil, Palattara in Quilon, -Irunkulamgara in Trivandrum, and Tenganad in Neyyattinkara. The -Palattara section is the most orthodox, and rigorously preserves its -endogamous character, though some of the titular dignitaries among -the Chovas of Central Travancore have found it possible to contract -alliances with them. The divisions of the Illam and Patikkramam are -absent among the Chovas. Among these, however, there is a division -into Sthani or Melkudi, Tanikudi, and Kizhkudi, the first denoting -the titular head, the second the ordinary class, and the third -those under communal degradation. Among the last are included the -toddy-drawing families, Vaduvans, and Nadis. Vaduvans are the slaves of -the Izhavas, and, in ancient days, could be regularly bought and sold -by them. Nadis live in Kartikapalli and some other parts of Central -Travancore. They are people who have been outcasted from the community -for various offences by the headmen, and cannot enter the kitchen of -the ordinary Izhavas. They are served for ceremonial purposes not by -the regular priests of the Izhavas, but by a distinct outcaste sect -like themselves, known as Nadikuruppus. The Izhavattis, who are the -priests of the caste, form a distinct sect with special manners and -customs. Channan, a corruption of the Tamil word, Chanror or chiefmen, -is the most important of the titles of the Izhavas. This title was -conferred upon distinguished members of the caste as a family honour -by some of the ancient sovereigns of the country. Panikkan comes next -in rank, and is derived from pani, work. Tantan, from danda meaning -punishment or control, is a popular title in some parts. Asan, from -Acharya, a teacher, is extremely common. The recipients of this honour -were instructors in gymnastics and military exercises to Nayar and -Izhava soldiers in bygone times, and even now ruins of old kalaris -or exercise grounds attached to their houses are discernible in many -places. Some Izhavas in South Travancore appear to be honoured with -the title of Mudaliyar. Many families were invested with similar -honours by the ancient ruling houses of Ambalapuzha, Kayenkulam, -and Jayasimhanad (Quilon). Even now, some titles are conferred by the -Rajah of Idappalli. The wives of these dignitaries are respectively -known as Channatti, Panikkatti, etc. - -The houses of the Izhavas resemble those of the Nayars in form. Each -house is a group of buildings, the most substantial of which, known as -the arappura, stands in the centre. On the left side is the vadakkettu -or woman's apartment, including the kitchen. There is a court-yard -in front of the arappura, and a little building called kizhakkettu -enclosing it on the eastern side. Houses invariably face the east. The -main entrance stands a little to the south of the kizhakkettu, to the -south of which again is the tozhuttu or cow-shed. These buildings, of -course, are found only in rich houses, the poor satisfying themselves -with an arappura, a vatakketu, and a tozhuttu. A tekketu is to be seen -to the south of the arappura in some cases. This is erected mainly -to perpetuate the memory of some deceased member of the family known -for learning, piety, or bravery. A pitha or seat, a conch, a cane, -and a small bag containing ashes, are secured within. It is kept -scrupulously free from pollution, and worship is offered on fixed days -to the ancestors. The tekketu is enclosed on all the three sides, -except the east. This description of houses in South Travancore, -as far as Trivandrum, applies also to buildings erected to the north -as far as Quilon, though tekketus are not so largely found as in the -south. In some parts here, the southern room of the main buildings is -consecrated to the memory of ancestors. In Central Travancore there -are big kalaris to the south of the arappura in most of the ancient -houses, and antique weapons and images of tutelary divinities are -carefully preserved therein. - -In dress and ornament, the Izhavas closely resemble the Nayars. The -tattu form of dress is not prevalent among Izhava women. In the wearing -of the cloth, the left side comes inside instead of the right in the -case of South Travancore Izhava women, though this rule is not without -its exceptions. In South Travancore, the ornaments of women differ -considerably from those of the north. Here they wear the pampadam or -Tamil Sudra women's ear ornament, and adorn the wrists with a pair -of silver bangles. The nose ornaments mukkuthi and gnattu have only -recently begun to be worn, and are not very popular in Central and -North Travancore. This is a point in which Izhavas may be said to -differ from the South Travancore Nayar matrons. The ear ornament -of elderly Izhava women in North Travancore is of an antique type -called atukkam-samkhu-chakkravum. Women in the rural parts wear a -curious neck ornament called anti-minnu. Of late, all ornaments of -Nayar women are being worn by fashionable Izhava females. But Izhava -and Nayar women can be distinguished by the tie of the hair lock, -the Izhava women usually bringing it to the centre of the forehead, -while the Nayars place it on one side, generally the left. Tattooing -was once prevalent in South Travancore, but is gradually losing -favour. It was never in vogue in North Travancore. - -The Izhavas eat both fish and flesh. Rabbits, deer, pigs, sheep, -porcupines, fowls, doves, guinea-fowls, peacocks, and owls are -believed to make popular dishes. The sweetmeat called ariyunta, -and the curry known as mutirakkary, are peculiar to the Izhavas, -and prepared best by them. - -The most important occupation of the Izhavas till recently was -the cultivation of palm trees, and the preparation of toddy and -arrack. Barbosa, writing in the sixteenth century, states that "their -principal employment is to till the palm trees, and gather their -fruits; and to carry everything for hire from one point to another, -because they are not in the habit of transporting them with beasts -of burden, as there are none; and they hew stone, and gain their -livelihood by all kinds of labour. Some of them bear the use of arms, -and fight in the wars when it is necessary. They carry a staff in -their hand of a fathom's length as a sign of their lineage." With the -progress of culture and enlightenment, the occupation of extracting -liquor from the cocoanut palm has ceased to be looked upon with favour, -and such families as are now given to that pursuit have come to be -regarded as a low division of the Chovas. In some parts of Travancore, -the latter do not even enjoy the privilege of commensality with the -other Izhavas. Agriculture is a prominent profession, and there are -several wealthy and influential landlords in the community. There -is also a fair percentage of agricultural labourers. A preliminary -rite, called pozhutana sowing, is performed by farmers, who throw -three handfuls of rice seed on a clay image representing Ganesa, -and pray that their fields may yield a good harvest. Before the time -of reaping, on an auspicious morning, a few sheaves are brought, -and hung up in some prominent place in the house. This ceremony is -known as nira, and is common to all Hindu castes. At the end of it, -the inmates of the house partake of puttari or new rice. - -There are a few other customary rites observed by agriculturists, -viz.:-- - -(1) Metiyittu-varuka, or throwing the grains of the first sheaf -upon another, and covering it with its straw, this being afterwards -appropriated by the chief agricultural labourer present. - -(2) Koytu-pitichcha-katta-kotukkuka, or handing over the first sheaves -of grain fastened together with Strychnos Nux-vomica leaves to the -owner of the field, who is obliged to preserve them till the next -harvest season. - -(3) Kotuti, or offering of oblations of a few grains dipped in toddy -to the spirits of agricultural fields, the Pulaya priest crying aloud -'Poli, va, poli, va,' meaning literally May good harvest come. - -As manufacturers, the Izhavas occupy a position in Travancore. They -produce several kinds of cloth, for local consumption in the main, -and make mats, tiles, and ropes, with remarkable skill. They are -also the chief lemon-grass oil distillers of Travancore. In the -professions of medicine and astrology, the Izhavas have largely engaged -themselves. While it must be confessed that many of them are utter -strangers to culture, there are several who have received a sound -education, especially in Sanskrit. On the whole, the Izhavas may be -said to be one of the most industrious and prosperous communities on -the west coast. - -The Izhavas form a pious and orthodox Hindu caste. Though they -cannot enter the inner court-yard of temples, they attend there in -considerable numbers, and make their pious offerings. Over several -temples the Travancore Izhavas have a joint right with the Nayars. In -illustration, the shrines of Saktikulamgara in Karunagappali, and -Chettikulangara in Mavelikara, may be mentioned. Over these and other -temples, the rights that have been enjoyed from time immemorial by -certain Izhava families are respected even at the present day. In -most places, the Izhavas have their own temples, with a member of -their own or the Izhavatti caste as priest. As no provision had been -made in them for daily worship, there was no necessity in early times -for the regular employment of priests. The deity usually worshipped -was Bhadrakali, who was believed to help them in their military -undertakings. The offerings made to her involved animal sacrifices. The -temples are generally low thatched buildings with a front porch, an -enclosure wall, and a grove of trees. There are many instances, in -which the enclosure wall is absent. The Bhadrakali cult is gradually -losing favour under the teaching of a Vedantic scholar and religious -reformer named Nanan Asan. In many Central and South Travancore -shrines, images of Subramania have been set up at his instance, -and daily worship is offered by bachelor priests appointed by the -castemen. An association for the social, material, and religious -amelioration of the community, called Narayana Dharma Paripalana -Yogam, has been started. Its head-quarters is at Aruvippuram in the -Nayyatinkara taluk. Every morning, the sun is specially worshipped -by the cultured class. In ancient times, the adoration of Anchu -Tampurakkal or the five deities, now identified with the Pandavas -of the Mahabharata, prevailed among these people. This worship is -found among the Pulayas also. At Mayyanad in Quilon, there is still -an Izhava temple dedicated to these five lords. Women visit shrines on -all Mondays and Fridays, with a view to worshipping Gauri, the consort -of Siva. Male Izhavas devote the first and last days of a month, as -also that on which the star of their nativity falls, to religious -worship. The Izhavas of Central Travancore pay homage to a spirit -called Kayalil Daivam, or the deity of backwaters. When a village -becomes infected with small-pox or cholera, offerings are made to -the Bhadrakali shrine in that locality. The most important offering -goes by the name of Kalam Vaikkuka, or pot placing. A woman of the -house of the local Panikkan or chief member fasts, and, bearing a -pot containing five nalis (a small measure) of paddy (unhusked rice), -proceeds to all the other Izhava houses in the village, accompanied -by musical instruments. One woman from every house marches to the -shrine with her offering of paddy and a chuckram (nearly half an -anna). The priest receives the offerings, converts the paddy into -rice, and, depositing a portion of it in each of the pots, hands them -back to the votaries on the morning of the next day. Another ceremony -performed on such occasions is called Desakuruti, when women fast, and, -taking all the food-stuffs necessary, proceed to the temple. After the -sacrifice of a goat and fowls by the priest, they make an offering of -the food to the deity before dinner. Tukkam, or suspension, is another -propitiatory ceremony. A religious observance, known as Mamachchirappu, -finds favour with the Izhavas of Central Travancore in the month of -Vrischikam (November-December). Every Izhava bathes in the evening, -addresses the deities by their names for about an hour, and then -makes an offering of tender cocoanuts, fruits, and fried grain. This -takes place according to the convenience of each family from twelve -to forty-one days. - -In connection with the tukkam ceremony, Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna -Aiyar writes as follows. [193] "There are two kinds of hook-swinging, -namely Garuda (Brahmini kite) and thoni (boat) tukkam. The ceremony -is performed in fulfilment of a vow, to obtain some favour of the -deity Kali, before whose presence it is carried out. The performer -of the ceremony should bathe early in the morning, and be in a state -of preparation either for a year or for forty-one days by worshipping -the deity Bhagavati. He must strictly abstain from meat, all kinds of -intoxicating liquors, and association with women. During the morning -hours, the performer dresses himself in a garment tucked into the -waist-band, rubs his body with oil, and is shampooed particularly on -the back, a portion of the flesh in the middle of which is stretched -for the insertion of a hook. He is also taught by his instructor to -perform various feats called payitta. This he continues till the -festival, when he has to swing in fulfilment of the vow. In kite -swinging, a kind of car, resting on two axles provided with four -wheels, is employed. On it, there is a horizontal beam resting on -two vertical supports. A strong rope tied to a ring attached to the -beam is connected with the hook which passes through the flesh of the -back. Over the beam there is a kutaram (tent), which is tastefully -decorated. Inside it, two or three persons can swing at a time. There -is a different arrangement in some places. Instead of the beam and -the supports, there is a small pole, on which rests a horizontal beam -provided with a metallic ring at one end. The beam acts as a lever, so -that one end of it can be either raised or lowered, so as to give some -rest to the swinger. The rope tied to the ring is connected with the -hook and the waist-band. For boat swinging, the same kind of vehicle, -without wheels, is in use. For kite swinging, the performer has his -face painted green. He has to put on artificial lips and wings in -imitation of those of the kite, and wears long locks of hair like those -of an actor in a Kathakali. As he swings, the car is taken three, five, -seven, nine, or eleven times round the temple. In boat swinging, the -car is likewise carried round the temple, with the swinger performing -his feats, as in the case of kite swinging, to the accompaniment of -music. He has to put on the same kind of dress, except the lips and -wings. In pillayeduthutukkam, or swinging with a child in fulfilment -of a vow, the child is taken to the temple by his parents, who pay -to the temple authorities thirty-four chuckrams in Travancore, and -sixty-four puthans [194] in Cochin. The child is then handed over to -the swinger, who carries the child as he swings. These performances -are sometimes made at the expense of the temple, but more generally of -persons who make the outlay in fulfilment of a vow. In the latter case, -it costs as much as Rs. 150 for the kite swinger, but only Rs. 30 for -the boat swinger. During the festival, they are fed in the temple, -owing to their being in a state of vow. It is the Nayars, Kammalars, -Kuruppans, and Izhavas, who perform the swinging in fulfilment of a -vow. In the fight between the goddess Kali and the demon Darika, the -latter was completely defeated, and the former, biting him on the back, -drank his blood to gratify her feelings of animosity. Hook-swinging -symbolises this incident, and the bloodshed by the insertion of the -hook through the flesh is intended as an offering to the goddess." - -Of the hook-swinging ceremony as performed a few years ago at the -Kollangadu temple in Travancore, an excellent account is given by -the Rev. T. Knowles, [195] from which the following précis has been -compiled. In front of the temple was a booth containing the image of -the goddess Bhadrakali, a cruel deity, who is supposed to delight in -blood. At a little distance was the car. The bottom part of this was -very much like a lorry used when transporting large logs of timber -by means of elephants. There were four solid wheels of thick timber, -with a frame work, like a railway waggon on a small scale. To this -were attached two thick cable ropes. Joined to the sides of the car -were two upright posts, about 15 feet high, strengthened with stays -and cross-pieces. On the top was a piece of thick timber with a hole -in it, and the bottom rounded, which fitted into a cross-piece, -and allowed the long beam on which the men were swung to move up -or down. This beam was 35 or 40 feet long, and about 9 inches in -diameter. It was placed through the hole in the piece of timber -on the top of the upright frame, and balanced in the middle like a -huge see-saw. At one end of the hole was a covered canopy, and at -the other long ropes were fastened, which trailed on the ground. The -whole arrangement of the car was such that, by lowering one end of the -long beam to the ground, and fastening a man to it, and then pulling -down the other end by the ropes, the man could be raised into the -air to a height of some 40 feet or more. The whole car could then be -dragged by the thick cable ropes round the temple. While the subject -was being prepared for swinging, a mat was stretched above his head, -partly to do him honour, partly to protect him from the sun. His -head and neck were richly ornamented, and below he was bedecked with -peacock's feathers, and clad in a loin-cloth, which would bear some, -if not all the weight of his body. Amid the firing of mortars, beating -of tom-toms, the screeching of flutes, and the shouts of the crowd, -the canopied end of the long beam was lowered, and the devotee, lying -prone on the ground, was fastened to the beam by means of ropes passing -under his arms and around his chest. To some of the ropes, hooks were -fastened. The priests took hold of the fleshy part of the man's back, -squeezed up the flesh, and put some four hooks at least through it. A -rudely fashioned sword and shield were then given to the man, and he -was swung up into the air, waving the sword and shield, and making -convulsive movements. Slowly the people dragged the car round the -temple, a distance not quite as far as round St. Paul's cathedral. Some -of the men were suspended while the car was dragged round three or -four times. The next devotee was fastened in the same way to the beam, -but, instead of a sword and shield, the priests gave him an infant in -his arms, and devotee and infant were swung up in the air, and the car -dragged round the temple as before. Some children were brought forward, -whose parents had made vows about them. The little ones were made to -prostrate themselves before the image of Kali. Then the fleshy parts -of their sides were pinched up, and some wires put through. This done, -the wires were placed in the hands of the relatives, and the children -were led round and round the temple, as though in leading strings. It -is on record that, when the devotee has been specially zealous, the -whole machine has been moved to a considerable distance while he was -suspended from it, to the admiration of the gaping multitudes." - -In connection with the religion of the Ilavars, the Rev. S. Mateer -writes as follows. [196] "Demon worship, especially that of Bhadrakali, -a female demon described as a mixture of mischief and cruelty, is -the customary cultus of the caste, with sacrifices and offerings and -devil-dancing like the Shanars. Shastavu and Virabhadran are also -venerated, and the ghosts of ancestors. Groves of trees stand near -the temples, and serpent images are common, these creatures being -accounted favourites of Kali. They carry their superstitions and fear -of the demons into every department and incident of life. In some -temples and ceremonies, as at Paroor, Sarkarei, etc., they closely -associate with the Sudras. The Ilavar temples are generally low, -thatched buildings, with front porch, a good deal of wooden railing -and carving about them, an enclosure wall, and a grove or a few trees, -such as Ficus religiosa, Plumeria, and Bassia. At the Ilavar temple -near Chakki in the outskirts of Trevandrum, the goddess Bhadrakali -is represented as a female seated on an image, having two wings, -gilt and covered with serpents. Twice a year, fowls and sheep are -sacrificed by an Ilavan priest, and offerings of grain, fruit, -and flowers are presented. The side-piercing ceremony is also -performed here. A temple at Mangalattukonam, about ten miles south -of Trevandrum, at which I witnessed the celebration of the annual -festival on the day following Meena Bharani, in March or April, -may be taken as a fair example of the whole. In connection with -this temple may be seen a peculiar wooden pillar and small shrine -at the top, somewhat like a pigeon-house. This is called a tani -maram, and is a kind of altar, or residence, for the demon Madan, -resembling the temporary shrines on sticks or platforms erected by -the Pulayars. On it are carvings of many-headed serpents, etc., and -a projecting lamp for oil. For the festival, the ground around the -temple was cleared of weeds, the outhouses and sheds decorated with -flowers, and on the tani maram were placed two bunches of plantains, -at its foot a number of devil-dancing sticks. Close by were five or -six framework shrines, constructed of soft palm leaves and pith of -plantain tree, and ornamented with flowers. These were supposed to be -the residence of some minor powers, and in them were placed, towards -night, offerings of flowers, rice, plantains, cocoanuts, and blood. The -Ilavars who assemble for the festival wear the marks of Siva, a dot and -horizontal lines on the forehead, and three horizontal lines of yellow -turmeric on the chest. They begin to gather at the temple from noon, -and return home at night. The festival lasts for five days. Some of -the neighbouring Sudras and Shanars also attend, and some Pulayars, -who pay one chuckram for two shots of firework guns in fulfilment of -their vows. Offerings here are generally made in return for relief -from sickness or trouble of some kind. The pujari, or priest, is an -Ilavan, who receives donations of money, rice, etc. A kind of mild -hook-swinging ceremony is practised. On the occasion referred to, four -boys, about fifteen or sixteen years of age, were brought. They must -partly fast for five days previously on plain rice and vegetable curry, -and are induced to consent to the operation, partly by superstitious -fear, and partly by bribes. On the one hand they are threatened with -worse danger if they do not fulfil the vows made by their parents to -the devi (deity); on the other hand, if obedient, they receive presents -of fine clothes and money. Dressed in handsome cloths and turbans, -and adorned with gold bracelets and armlets, and garlands of flowers, -the poor boys are brought to present a little of their blood to the -sanguinary goddess. Three times they march round the temple; then -an iron is run through the muscles of each side, and small rattans -inserted through the wounds. Four men seize the ends of the canes, -and all go round in procession, with music and singing and clapping of -hands, five or seven times, according to their endurance, till quite -exhausted. The pujari now dresses in a red cloth, with tinsel border, -like a Brahman, takes the dancing-club in hand, and dances before the -demon. Cocks are sacrificed, water being first poured upon the head; -when the bird shakes itself, the head is cut off, and the blood poured -round the temple. Rice is boiled in one of the sheds in a new pot, and -taken home with the fowls by the people for a feast in the house. At -Mayanadu, the Bhagavathi of the small temple belonging to the Ilavars -is regarded as the sister of the one worshipped in the larger temple -used by the Sudras, and served by a Brahman priest; and the cars of the -latter are brought annually to the Ilavar's temple, and around it three -times before returning to their own temple. At the Ilavar's temple, -the same night, the women boil rice in new earthen pots, and the men -offer sheep and fowls in sacrifice. In further illustration of the -strange superstitious practices of this tribe, two more incidents may -be mentioned. An Ilavatti, whose child was unwell, went to consult an -astrologer, who informed her that the disease was caused by the spirit -of the child's deceased grandmother. For its removal he would perform -various incantations, for which he required the following, viz.:--water -from seven wells, dung from five cowsheds, a larva of the myrmeleon, -a crab, a frog, a green snake, a viral fish, parched rice, ada cake, -cocoanut, chilly, and green palm leaves. An Ilavan, who had for some -time been under Christian instruction, was led away by a brother, who -informed him that, if he built a small temple for the worship of Nina -Madan, and offered sacrifices, he should find a large copper vessel -full of gold coins hid underground, and under the charge of this -demon. The foolish man did so, but did not find a single cash. Now -the lying brother avers that the demon will not be satisfied unless -a human sacrifice is offered, which, of course, is impossible." - -The headmen of the Izhava caste are the Channans and Panikkans, -invested with these titles by the Sovereigns of this State who have -been already referred to. The limits of their jurisdiction were -generally fixed in the charters received from them by their rulers, -and even to-day their authority remains supreme in all social -matters. The priests, it may be noted, are only a minor class, -having no judicial functions. Chief among the offences against -the caste rules may be mentioned non-observance of pollution, -illicit connection, non-performance of the tali-kettu before the -age of puberty, non-employment of the village barber and washerman, -non-celebration of ceremonies in one's own village, and so on. The -headman comes to know of these through the agency of the village -barber or washerman, and also a class of secondary dignitaries known -as Kottilpattukar or Naluvitanmar. In every village, there are four -families, invested with this authority in olden times by the rulers of -the State on payment of fifty-nine fanams to the royal treasury. They -are believed to hold a fourth of the authority that pertains to the -chieftain of the village. If, on enquiry, an offence is proved, -a fine is imposed on the offender, which he is obliged to pay to -the local shrine. If the offence is grave, a feast has to be given -by him to the villagers. In cases of failure, the services of the -village priest and washerman, and also the barber, are refused, and -the culprit becomes ostracised from society. The headman has to be -paid a sum of ten chuckrams on all occasions of ceremonies, and the -Naluvitanmar four chuckrams each. There is a movement in favour of -educating the priests, and delegating some of the above powers to them. - -Three forms of inheritance may be said to prevail among the Izhavas -of Travancore, viz.: (1) makkathayam (inheritance from father to son) -in the extreme south; (2) marumakkatayam (through the female line) in -all taluks to the north of Quilon; (3) a mixture of the two between -Neyyatinkara and that taluk. According to the mixed mode, one's own -children are not left absolutely destitute, but some portion of -the property is given them for maintenance, in no case, however, -exceeding a half. In families observing the marumakkatayam law, -male and female heirs own equal rights. Partition, though possible -when all consent, rarely takes place in practice, the eldest male -member holding in his hands the management of the whole property. In -Quilon and other places, the widow and her children are privileged -to remain in her husband's house for full one year after his death, -and enjoy all the property belonging to him. - -On the subject of inheritance, the Rev. S. Mateer writes as -follows. "The nepotistic law of inheritance is, to a considerable -extent, followed by this caste. Those in the far south being -more closely connected with the Tamil people, their children -inherit. Amongst the Ilavars in Trevandrum district, a curious attempt -is made to unite both systems of inheritance, half the property -acquired by a man after his marriage, and during the lifetime of -his wife, going to the issue of such marriage, and half to the man's -nepotistic heirs. In a case decided by the Sadr Court, in 1872, the -daughter of an Ilavan claimed her share in the movable and immovable -property of her deceased father, and to have a sale made by him while -alive declared null and void to the extent of her share. As there was -another similar heir, the Court awarded the claimant a half share, and -to this extent the claim was invalidated. Their rules are thus stated -by G. Kerala Varman Tirumulpad:--'If one marries and gives cloth to -an Ilavatti (female), and has issue, of the property acquired by him -and her from the time of the union, one-tenth is deducted for the -husband's labour or individual profit; of the remainder, half goes -to the woman and her children, and half to the husband and his heirs -(anandaravans). The property which an Ilavan has inherited or earned -before his marriage devolves solely to his anandaravans, not to his -children. If an Ilavatti has continued to live with her husband, and -she has no issue, or her children die before obtaining any share of the -property, when the husband dies possessing property earned by both, -his heirs and she must mutually agree, or the castemen decide what -is fair for her support; and the husband's heir takes the remainder.'" - -The marriage of Izhava girls consists of two distinct rites, one -before they attain puberty called tali-kettu, and the other generally -after that period, but in some cases before, called sambandham. It is, -however, necessary that the girl must have her tali tied before some -one contracts sambandham with her. The tali-tier may be, but often -is not, as among the Nayars, the future husband of the girl. But, -even for him, the relation will not be complete without a formal -cloth presentation. The legitimate union for a person is with his -maternal uncle's or paternal aunt's daughter. Generally there is a -separate ceremony called Grihapravesam, or entrance into the house of -the bridegroom after sambandham. Widows may contract alliances with -other persons after the death of the first husband. In all cases, -the Izhava husband takes his wife home, and considers it infra dig. to -stay in the house of his father-in-law. - -The method of celebrating the tali-kettu differs in different -parts of Travancore. The following is the form popular in Central -Travancore. All the elderly members of the village assemble at the -house of the girl, and fix a pillar of jack (Artocarpus integrifolia) -wood at the south-east corner. On the Kaniyan (astrologer) being -three times loudly consulted as to the auspiciousness of the house he -gives an affirmative reply, and the guardian of the girl, receiving a -silver ring from the goldsmith, hands it over to the Vatti (priest), -who ties it on the wooden post. The carpenter, Kaniyan, and goldsmith -receive some little presents. The next item in the programme is the -preparation of the rice necessary for the marriage, and a quantity of -paddy (unhusked rice) is brought by the girl to the pandal ground, and -formally boiled in a pot. The pandal (booth) is generally erected on -the south side of the house. The chartu, or a chit from the Kaniyan, -certifying the auspiciousness of the match and the suitable date for -its formal adoption, is taken by the guardian and four Machchampis or -Inangans to the headman of the latter. These Machchampis are Izhavas -of the village, equal in status to the guardian of the girl. All -the preliminary arrangements are now over, and, on the day previous -to the marriage, the girl bathes, and, wearing the bleached cloths -supplied by the Mannan (washerman), worships the local deity, and -awaits the arrival of the bridegroom. In the evening, the wife of -the Vatti applies oil to her hair, and after a bath the rite known -as Kalati begins, as a preliminary to which a thread passing through -a silver ring is tied round her right wrist. Kalati is recitation of -various songs by the women of the village before the girl. This is -followed by Kanjiramala, or placing the girl before a line of carved -wooden images, and songs by the Vatti women. On the following day, the -girl is introduced, at the auspicious hour, within the katirmandapa or -raised platform decorated with sheaves of corn within the pandal. The -minnu or marriage ornament, prepared by the goldsmith, is handed -over to the priest, along with two cloths to be worn by the bride -and bridegroom. A string is made of thread taken from these cloths, -and the minnu attached to it. The mother-in-law of the bridegroom -now stands ready at the gate, and, on his arrival, places a garland -of flowers round his neck. The new cloths are then presented by -the Vatti and his wife to the bridegroom and bride respectively, -after some tender cocoanut leaves, emblematic of the established -occupation of the caste, are thrust into the bridegroom's waist by -the headman of the village. In former days, a sword took the place -of these leaves. The minnu is then tied round the neck of the bride, -and all parties, including the parent or guardian, give presents to -the bridegroom. The day's ceremony is then over, and the bridegroom -remains at the house of the bride. The string is removed from -the bride's wrist by the Vatti on the fourth day, and the couple -bathe. More than one girl may have the tali tied at the same time, -provided that there are separate bridegrooms for them. Only boys from -the families of Machchampis can become tali-tiers. - -The sambandham of North and Central Travancore differs from that -of South Travancore in some material respects. In the former, on -the appointed day, the bridegroom, who is a different person from -the tali-tier, accompanied by his relations and friends, arrives -at the bride's house, and the guardian of the former offers a sum -of money to the guardian of the latter. A suit of clothes, with ten -chuckrams or ten rasis (coins), is presented by the bridegroom to the -bride, who stands in a room within and receives it, being afterwards -dressed by his sister. The money goes by right to her mother, and is -known as Ammayippanam. Now comes the time for the departure of the -bride to her husband's house, when she receives from her guardian a -nut-cracker, lime-can, a dish filled with rice, and a mat. A red cloth -is thrown over her head, and a few members accompany the party for some -distance. In South Travancore, the bridegroom is accompanied, besides -others, by a companion, who asks in the midst of the assembly whether -they assent to the proposed alliance, and, on their favourable reply, -hands over a sum of money as an offering to the local shrine. Another -sum is given for the maintenance of the bride, and, in the presence of -the guardian, a suit of clothes is given to her by the bridegroom. The -wife is, as elsewhere, immediately taken to the husband's house. This -is called Kudivaippu, and corresponds to the Grahapravesam celebrated -by Brahmans. - -The following account of marriage among the Izhavas of Malabar is -given in the Gazetteer of that district. "A girl may be married before -puberty, but the consummation is not supposed to be effected till -after puberty, though the girl may live with her husband at once. If -the marriage is performed before puberty, the ceremony is apparently -combined with the tali-kettu kalyanam. The bride is fetched from the -devapura or family chapel with a silk veil over her head, and holding -a betel leaf in her right hand in front of her face. She stands in -the pandal on a plank, on which there is some rice. On her right -stand four enangans of the bridegroom, and on her left four of her -own. The elder of the bridegroom's enangans hands one of the bride's -enangans a bundle containing the tali, a mundu and pava (cloths), -some rice, betel leaves, and a coin called meymelkanam, which should -be of gold and worth at least one rupee. All these are provided by -the bridegroom. He next hands the tali to the bridegroom's sister, -who ties it. After this, all the enangans scatter rice and flowers -over the bride. In this caste, the claim of a man to the hand of his -paternal aunt's daughter is recognised in the ceremony called padikkal -tada (obstruction at the gate), which consists of a formal obstruction -offered by eleven neighbours to the bride's removal, when she is not -so related to her husband They are bought off by a fee of two fanams, -and a packet of betel leaf. The girl is then taken to the bridegroom's -house. If very young, she is chaperoned by a female relative. On the -fourth day there is a feast at the bridegroom's house called nalam -kalyanam and this concludes the ceremonies. Marriage after puberty -is called Pudamari. The ceremonial is the same, but there is no -padikkal tada." - -When an Izhava girl reaches puberty, the occasion is one for a four -days' religious ceremonial. On the first day, the Vatti priestess -anoints the girl with oil, and after a bath, dresses her in the cloth -supplied by the Mannatti (washerwoman). She is then laid on a broad -wooden plank, and is supposed not to go out until she bathes on the -fourth day. All the female relations of the family present her with -sweetmeats. On the seventh day, she is again taken to and from the -village tank (pond) with much éclat, and, on her return, she either -treads on cloths spread on the floor, or is carried by an elderly -woman. After this, she husks a quantity of paddy, and cooks the -rice obtained thence. If this ceremony takes place at the house of a -headman, the villagers present him with a vessel full of sugared rice. - -A two days' ceremonial, called Pulikudi in north Travancore, and -Vayattu Pongala in the south, which corresponds to the Pumsavana of -Brahmans, is observed at the seventh month of pregnancy. On the first -day, at twilight in the evening, the pregnant woman, preceded by the -priestess, proceeds to the foot of a tamarind tree on the southern -side of the compound. Arriving there, she receives a thread seven -yards in length, to which a silver ring is attached at one end, and, -by means of circumambulation, entwines the tree with the thread. If -the thread is by chance or inadvertence broken during this process, -the popular belief is that either the mother or the child will die -soon. Next day, the thread is unwound from the tree, and a handful of -tamarind leaves is given to the woman by her husband. On re-entering -the house, tamarind juice is poured through the hands of the husband -into those of the wife, who drinks it. The priestess then pours -a quantity of oil on the navel of the woman from a betel leaf, -and, from the manner in which it flows down, it is believed that -she is able to determine the sex of the unborn child. The woman -has to lean against a cutting of an ambazham (Spondias mangifera) -tree while she is drinking the juice, and this cutting has to be -planted in some part of the compound. If it does not grow properly, -the adversity of the progeny is considered to be sealed. The husband -is given a ring and other presents on this occasion. Women bathe on -the third, fifth, and nineteenth day after delivery, and wear the -mattu or changed cloth of the Mannatti, in order to be freed from -pollution. The name-giving ceremony of the child takes place on -the twenty-eighth day. It is decorated with a pair of iron anklets, -and a ribbon passed through a few pieces of iron is tied round its -waist. It is then held standing on a vessel filled with rice, and, -its left ear being closed, a name is muttered by its guardian into the -right ear. The first feeding ceremony is observed in the sixth month, -when the iron ornaments are removed, and replaced by silver and gold -ones. The ear-boring ceremony takes place at an auspicious hour on -some day before the child attains its seventh year. - -In former times, only the eldest male member of a family was cremated, -but no such restriction obtains at the present day. When a member -of the community dies, three handfuls of rice are placed in the -mouth of the corpse by the eldest heir after a bath, followed by -the sons, nephews, and grandsons of the deceased. Every relative -throws an unbleached cloth over the corpse, after which it is taken -to the burning-ground, where the pyre is lighted by the heir with -a consecrated torch handed to him by the priest. A wooden plank is -furnished by the carpenter, and an impression of the foot of the -deceased smeared with sandal paste is made on it. The name, and date -of the death of the deceased, are inscribed thereon, and it has to be -carefully preserved in the house of the heir. The record refreshes -his memory on occasions of sradh (memorial service), etc. When the -cremation is half completed, the contents of a tender cocoanut are -placed beside the head of the corpse as an offering, and prayers are -muttered. A pot full of water is then borne by the chief mourner on -his shoulder thrice round the corpse. As he does so, the priest pricks -the pot thrice with an iron instrument. Finally, the pot is broken -on the pyre, and the chief mourner returns home without turning back -and looking at the corpse. On the second day, an oblation of food -(pinda) is offered to the departed. The inmates of the house are fed -with conji (rice gruel) on this day by the relatives. The Sanchayana, -or collection of bones, takes place on the fifth day. Pollution lasts -for fifteen days in Central and North Travancore, but only for ten days -in the south. There are some rites, not observed necessarily by all -members of the caste, on the forty-first day, and at the end of the -first year. Persons who have died of contagious diseases, women who -die after conception or on delivery, and children under five years -of age, are buried. Pollution is observed only for nine days when -children die; and, in the case of men who die of contagious disease, -a special group of ceremonies is performed by the sorcerer. Those -who are under pollution, besides being forbidden to enter shrines -and other sanctuaries, may not read or write, or partake of liquor, -butter, milk, ghi, dhal, or jaggery. - - - - - - - -J - - -Jada.--Jada or Jandra, meaning great men, has been recorded as a -synonym of Devanga and Kurni. - -Jaggali.--The Jaggalis are defined, in the Manual of the Ganjam -district, as Uriya workers in leather in Ganjam. It is recorded, -in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that "the traditional occupation -of this caste was apparently leatherworking, but now it is engaged in -cultivation and miscellaneous labour. Its members speak both Oriya and -Telugu. They admit outcastes from other communities to their ranks on -payment of a small fee. Marriage is either infant or adult, and widows -and divorcées may remarry. Satanis are employed as priests. They eat -beef and pork, and drink alcohol. They bury their dead. In some places -they work as syces (grooms), and in others as firewood-sellers and -as labourers. Patro and Behara are their titles." It may, I think, -be accepted that the Jaggalis are Telugu Madigas, who have settled -in Ganjam, and learnt the Oriya language. It is suggested that the -name is derived from the Oriya jagiba, watching, as some are village -crop-watchers. - -Jaikonda (lizard).--A sept of Domb. - -Jain.--"Few," Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao writes, [197] "even among -educated persons, are aware of the existence of Jainas and Jaina -centres in Southern India. The Madras Presidency discloses vestiges -of Jaina dominion almost everywhere, and on many a roadside a stone -Tirthankara, standing or sitting cross-legged, is a common enough -sight. The present day interpretations of these images are the same all -over the Presidency. If the images are two, one represents a debtor -and the other a creditor, both having met on the road, and waiting -to get their accounts settled and cleared. If it is only one image, -it represents a debtor paying penalty for not having squared up his -accounts with his creditor." - -It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "out of a -total of 25,716 Jains, as many as 22,273 have returned both caste and -sub-division as Jain. The remainder have returned 22 sub-divisions, -of which some, such as Digambara and Swetambara, are sectarian rather -than caste divisions, but others like Marvadi, Osval, Vellalan, etc., -are distinct castes. And the returns also show that some Jains have -returned well-known castes as their main castes, for we have Jain -Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Gaudas, Vellalas, etc. The Jain Bants, however, -have all returned Jain as their main caste." At the Madras census, -1901, 27,431 Jains were returned. Though they are found in nearly -every district of the Madras Presidency, they occur in the largest -number in the following:-- - - - South Canara 9,582 - North Arcot 8,128 - South Arcot 5,896 - - -At the Mysore census, 1901, 13,578 Jains were returned. It is -recorded in the report that "the Digambaras and Swetambaras are the -two main divisions of the Jain faith. The root of the word Digambara -means space clad or sky clad, i.e., nude, while Swetambara means -clad in white. The Swetambaras are found more in Northern India, -and are represented but by a small number in Mysore. The Digambaras -are said to live absolutely separated from society, and from all -worldly ties. These are generally engaged in trade, selling mostly -brass and copper vessels, and are scattered all over the country, -the largest number of them being found in Shimoga, Mysore, and Hassan -districts. Sravana Belagola, in the Hassan district, is a chief seat -of the Jains of the province. Tirthankaras are the priests of the -Jain religion, and are also known as Pitambaras. The Jain Yatis or -clergy here belong to the Digambara sect, and cover themselves with -a yellow robe, and hence the name Pithambara." The Dasa Banajigas of -Mysore style themselves Jaina Kshatriya Ramanujas. - -In connection with the terms Digambara and Swetambara, it is noted -by Bühler [198] that "Digambara, that is those whose robe is the -atmosphere, owe their name to the circumstance that they regard -absolute nudity as the indispensable sign of holiness, though the -advance of civilization has compelled them to depart from the practice -of their theory. The Swetambara, that is they who are clothed in -white, do not claim this doctrine, but hold it as possible that the -holy ones who clothe themselves may also attain the highest goal. They -allow, however, that the founder of the Jaina religion and his first -disciples disdained to wear clothes." - -The most important Jain settlement in Southern India at the present day -is at Sravana Belagola in Mysore, where the Jains are employed in the -manufacture of metal vessels for domestic use. The town is situated at -the base of two hills, on the summit of one of which, the Indra Betta, -is the colossal statue of Gomatesvara, Gummatta, or Gomata Raya, [199] -concerning which Mr. L. Rice writes as follows. [200] "The image is -nude, and stands erect, facing the north. The figure has no support -above the thighs. Up to that point it is represented as surrounded by -ant-hills, from which emerge serpents. A climbing plant twines itself -round both legs and both arms, terminating at the upper part of the arm -in a cluster of fruit or berries. The pedestal on which the feet stand -is carved to represent an open lotus. The hair is in spiral ringlets, -flat to the head, as usual in Jain images, and the lobe of the ears -lengthened down with a large rectangular hole. The extreme height -of the figure may be stated at 57 feet, though higher estimates have -been given--60 feet 3 inches by Sir Arthur Wellesley (afterwards Duke -of Wellington), and 70 feet 3 inches by Buchanan." Of this figure, -Fergusson writes [201] that nothing grander or more imposing exists -anywhere out of Egypt, and even there no known statue surpasses it -in height, though, it must be confessed, they do excel it in the -perfection of art they exhibit." - -Other colossal statues of Gummata are situated on the summit -of hills outside the towns of Karkal and Venur or Yenur in South -Canara. Concerning the former, Dr. E. Hultzsch writes as follows. [202] -"It is a monolith consisting of the figure itself, of a slab against -which it leans, and which reaches up to the wrists, and of a round -pedestal which is sunk into a thousand-petalled lotus flower. The legs -and arms of the figure are entwined with vines (drâkshâ). On both sides -of the feet, a number of snakes are cut out of the slab against which -the image leans. Two inscriptions [203] on the sides of the same slab -state that this image of Bahubalin or Gummata Jinapati was set up by -a chief named Vîra-Pândya, the son of Bhairava, in A.D. 1431-32. An -inscription of the same chief is engraved on a graceful stone pillar -in front of the outer gateway. This pillar bears a seated figure of -Brahmadêva, a chief of Pattipombuchcha, the modern Humcha in Mysore, -who, like Vîra-Pândya, belonged to the family of Jinadatta, built -the Chaturmukha basti in A.D. 1586-87. As its name (chaturmukha, the -four-faced) implies, this temple has four doors, each of which opens -on three black stone figures of the three Tirthankaras Ari, Malli, -and Munisuvrata. Each of the figures has a golden aureole over the -head." According to a legend recorded by Mr. M. J. Walhouse, [204] -the Karkal statue, when finished, was raised on to a train of twenty -iron carts furnished with steel wheels, on each of which ten thousand -propitiatory cocoanuts were broken and covered with an infinity of -cotton. It was then drawn by legions of worshippers up an inclined -plane to the platform on the hill-top where it now stands. - -The legend of Kalkuda, who is said to have made the colossal statue -at "Belgula," is narrated at length by Mr. A. C. Burnell. [205] -Told briefly, the story is as follows. Kalkuda made a Gummata two -cubits higher than at Belur. Bairanasuda, King of Karkal, sent for -him to work in his kingdom. He made the Gummatasami. Although five -thousand people were collected together, they were not able to raise -the statue. Kalkuda put his left hand under it, and raised it, and set -it upright on a base. He then said to the king "Give me my pay, and the -present that you have to give to me. It is twelve years since I left -my house, and came here." But the king said "I will not let Kalkuda, -who has worked in my kingdom, work in another country," and cut off -his left hand and right leg. Kalkuda then went to Timmanajila, king -of Yenur, and made a Gummata two cubits higher than that at Karkal. - -In connection with the figure at Sravana Belagola, Fergusson suggests -[206] that the hill had a mass or tor standing on its summit, which -the Jains fashioned into a statue. - -The high priest of the Jain basti at Karkal in 1907 gave as his -name Lalitha Kirthi Bhattaraka Pattacharya Variya Jiyaswamigalu. His -full-dress consisted of a red and gold-embroidered Benares body-cloth, -red and gold turban, and, as a badge of office, a brush of peacock's -feathers mounted in a gold handle, carried in his hand. On ordinary -occasions, he carried a similar brush mounted in a silver handle. The -abhishekam ceremony is performed at Karkal at intervals of many -years. A scaffold is erected, and over the colossal statue are poured -water, milk, flowers, cocoanuts, sugar, jaggery, sugar-candy, gold -and silver flowers, fried rice, beans, gram, sandal paste, nine kinds -of precious stones, etc. - -Concerning the statue at Yenur, Mr. Walhouse writes [207] that "it -is lower than the Kârkala statue (41-1/2 feet), apparently by three -or four feet. It resembles its brother colossi in all essential -particulars, but has the special peculiarity of the cheeks being -dimpled with a deep grave smile. The salient characteristics of all -these colossi are the broad square shoulders, and the thickness and -remarkable length of the arms, the tips of the fingers, like Rob -Roy's, nearly reaching the knees. [One of Sir Thomas Munro's good -qualities was that, like Rama, his arms reached to his knees or, -in other words, he possessed the quality of an Ajanubahu, which is -the heritage of kings, or those who have blue blood in them.] Like -the others, this statue has the lotus enwreathing the legs and arms, -or, as Dr. Burnell suggests, it may be jungle creepers, typical of -wrapt meditation. [There is a legend that Bahubalin was so absorbed -in meditation in a forest that climbing plants grew over him.] A -triple-headed cobra rises up under each hand, and there are others -lower down." - -"The village of Mudabidure in the South Canara district," Dr. Hultzsch -writes, "is the seat of a Jaina high priest, who bears the title -Chârukirti-Panditâchârya-Svâmin. He resides in a matha, which is -known to contain a large library of Jaina manuscripts. There are -no less than sixteen Jaina temples (basti) at Mûdabidure. Several -of them are elaborate buildings with massive stone roofs, and are -surrounded by laterite enclosures. A special feature of this style -of architecture is a lofty monolithic column called mânastambha, -which is set up in front of seven of the bastis. In two of them -a flagstaff (dhvajastambha), which consists of wood covered with -copper, is placed between the mânastambha and the shrine. Six of -them are called Settarabasti, and accordingly must have been built -by Jaina merchants (Setti). The sixteen bastis are dedicated to the -following Tîrthankaras:--Chandranatha or Chandraprabha, Nêminâtha, -Pârsvanâtha, Âdinâtha, Mallinâtha, Padmaprabha, Anantanâtha, -Vardhamâna, and Sântinâtha. In two of these bastis are separate -shrines dedicated to all the Tîrthankaras, and in another basti the -shrines of two Yakshis. The largest and finest is the Hosabasti, i.e., -the new temple, which is dedicated to Chandranâtha, and was built in -A.D. 1429-30. It possesses a double enclosure, a very high mânastambha, -and a sculptured gateway. The uppermost storey of the temple consists -of wood-work. The temple is composed of the shrine (garbagriha), -and three rooms in front of it, viz., the Tîrthakaramandapa, the -Gaddigemandapa, and the Chitramandapa. In front of the last-mentioned -mandapa is a separate building called Bhairâdêvimandapa, which was -built in A.D. 1451-52. Round its base runs a band of sculptures, among -which the figure of a giraffe deserves to be noted. The idol in the -dark innermost shrine is said to consist of five metals (pancha-lôha), -among which silver predominates. The basti next in importance is the -Gurugalabasti, where two ancient talipot (srîtâlam) copies of the -Jaina Siddhânta are preserved in a box with three locks, the keys -of which are in charge of three different persons. The minor bastis -contain three rooms, viz., the Garbhagriha, the Tîrthakaramandapa, -and the Namaskâramandapa. One of the sights of Mûdabidire is the ruined -palace of the Chautar, a local chief who follows the Jaina creed, and -is in receipt of a pension from the Government. The principal objects -of interest at the palace are a few nicely-carved wooden pillars. Two -of them bear representations of the pancha-nârîturaga, i.e., the -horse composed of five women, and the nava-nârî-kunjara, i.e., the -elephant composed of nine women. These are fantastic animals, which are -formed by the bodies of a number of shepherdesses for the amusement -of their Lord Krishna. The Jains are divided into two classes, viz., -priests (indra) and laymen (srivaka). The former consider themselves as -Brâhmanas by caste. All the Jainas wear the sacred thread. The priests -dine with the laymen, but do not intermarry with them. The former -practice the makkalasantâna, i.e., the inheritance through sons, and -the latter aliya-santâna, i.e., the inheritance through nephews. The -Jainas are careful to avoid pollution from contact with outcastes, -who have to get out of their way in the road, as I noticed myself. A -Jaina marriage procession, which I saw passing, was accompanied by -Hindu dancing-girls. Near the western end of the street in which most -of the Jainas live, a curious spectacle presents itself. From a number -of high trees, thousands of flying foxes (fruit-bat, Pteropus medius) -are suspended. They have evidently selected the spot as a residence, -because they are aware that the Jainas, in pursuance of one of the -chief tenets of their religion, do not harm any animals. Following the -same street further west, the Jaina burial-ground is approached. It -contains a large ruined tank with laterite steps, and a number of -tombs of wealthy Jain merchants. These tombs are pyramidal structures -of several storeys, and are surmounted by a water-pot (kalasa) of -stone. Four of the tombs bear short epitaphs. The Jainas cremate -their dead, placing the corpse on a stone in order to avoid taking -the life of any stray insect during the process." - -In their ceremonials, e.g., marriage rites, the Jains of South Canara -closely follow the Bants. They are worshippers of bhuthas (devils), -and, in some houses, a room called padoli is set apart, in which -the bhutha is kept. When they make vows, animals are not killed, -but they offer metal images of fowls, goats, or pigs. - -Of the Jains of the North Arcot district, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes -[208] that "more than half of them are found in the Wandiwash taluk, -and the rest in Arcot and Polur. Their existence in this neighbourhood -is accounted for by the fact that a Jain dynasty reigned for many -years in Conjeeveram. They must at one time have been very numerous, as -their temples and sculptures are found in very many places, from which -they themselves have now disappeared. They have most of the Brahman -ceremonies, and wear the sacred thread, but look down upon Brahmans -as degenerate followers of an originally pure faith. For this reason -they object generally to accepting ghee (clarified butter) or jaggery -(crude sugar), etc., from any but those of their own caste. They are -defiled by entering a Pariah village, and have to purify themselves by -bathing and assuming a new thread. The usual caste affix is Nainar, -but a few, generally strangers from other districts, are called Rao, -Chetti, Das, or Mudaliyar. - -At Pillapalaiyam, a suburb of Conjeeveram in the Chingleput district, -is a Jain temple of considerable artistic beauty. It is noted by Sir -M. E. Grant Duff [209] that this is "left unfinished, as it would seem, -by the original builders, and adapted later to the Shivite worship. Now -it is abandoned by all its worshippers, but on its front stands the -census number 9-A--emblematic of the new order of things." - -Concerning the Jains of the South Arcot district, Mr. W. Francis -writes [210] that "there is no doubt that in ancient days the Jain -faith was powerful in this district. The Periya Puranam says that -there was once a Jain monastery and college at Pataliputra, the old -name for the modern Tirupapuliyur, and remains of Jain images and -sculptures are comparatively common in the district. The influence -of the religion doubtless waned in consequence of the great Saivite -revival, which took place in the early centuries of the present era, -and the Periya Puranam gives a story in connection therewith, which is -of local interest. It says that the Saivite poet-saint Appar was at one -time a student in the Jain college at Pataliputra, but was converted to -Saivism in consequence of the prayers of his sister, who was a devotee -of the deity in the temple at Tiruvadi near Panruti. The local king was -a Jain, and was at first enraged with Appar for his fervent support -of his new faith. But eventually he was himself induced by Appar to -become a Saivite, and he then turned the Paliputra monastery into -a temple to Siva, and ordered the extirpation of all Jains. Later -on there was a Jain revival, but this in its turn was followed by -another persecution of the adherents of that faith. The following -story connected with this latter occurs in one of the Mackenzie -Manuscripts, and is supported by existing tradition. In 1478 A.D., -the ruler of Gingee was one Venkatampettai, Venkatapati, [211] who -belonged to the comparatively low caste of the Kavarais. He asked the -local Brahmans to give him one of their daughters to wife. They said -that, if the Jains would do so, they would follow suit. Venkatapati -told the Jains of this answer, and asked for one of their girls as a -bride. They took counsel among themselves how they might avoid the -disgrace of connecting themselves by marriage with a man of such a -caste, and at last pretended to agree to the king's proposal, and -said that the daughter of a certain prominent Jain would be given -him. On the day fixed for the marriage, Venkatapati went in state to -the girl's house for the ceremony, but found it deserted and empty, -except for a bitch tied to one of the posts of the verandah. Furious -at the insult, he issued orders to behead all Jains. Some of the faith -were accordingly decapitated, others fled, others again were forced -to practice their rites secretly, and yet others became Saivites -to escape death. Not long afterwards, some of the king's officers -saw a Jain named Virasenacharya performing the rites peculiar to his -faith in a well in Velur near Tindivanam, and hauled him before their -master. The latter, however, had just had a child born to him, was -in a good temper, and let the accused go free; and Virasenacharya, -sobered by his narrow escape from death, resolved to become an -ascetic, went to Sravana Belgola, and there studied the holy books -of the Jain religion. Meanwhile another Jain of the Gingee country, -Gangayya Udaiyar of Tayanur in the Tindivanam taluk, had fled to the -protection of the Zamindar of Udaiyarpalaiyam in Trichinopoly, who -befriended him and gave him some land. Thus assured of protection, -he went to Sravana Belgola, fetched back Virasenacharya, and with -him made a tour through the Gingee country, to call upon the Jains -who remained there to return to their ancient faith. These people -had mostly become Saivites, taken off their sacred threads and put -holy ashes on their foreheads, and the name Nirpusi Vellalas, or -the Vellalas who put on holy ash, is still retained. The mission was -successful, and Jainism revived. Virasenacharya eventually died at -Velur, and there, it is said, is kept in a temple a metal image of -Parsvanatha, one of the twenty-four Tirthankaras, which he brought -from Sravana Belgola. The descendants of Gangayya Udaiyar still -live in Tayanur, and, in memory of the services of their ancestor -to the Jain cause, they are given the first betel and leaf on -festive occasions, and have a leading voice in the election of the -high-priest at Sittamur in the Tindivanam taluk. This high-priest, -who is called Mahadhipati, is elected by representatives from the -chief Jain villages. These are, in Tindivanam taluk, Sittamur itself, -Viranamur, Vilukkam, Peramandur, Alagramam, and the Velur and Tayanur -already mentioned. The high-priest has supreme authority over all Jains -south of Madras, but not over those in Mysore or South Canara, with -whom the South Arcot community have no relations. He travels round -in a palanquin with a suite of followers to the chief centres--his -expenses being paid by the communities he visits--settles caste -disputes, and fines, and excommunicates the erring. His control over -his people is still very real, and is in strong contrast to the waning -authority of many of the Hindu gurus. The Jain community now holds a -high position in Tindivanam taluk, and includes wealthy traders and -some of quite the most intelligent agriculturists there. The men use -the title of Nayinar or Udaiyar, but their relations in Kumbakonam -and elsewhere in that direction sometimes call themselves Chetti -or Mudaliyar. The women are great hands at weaving mats from the -leaves of the date-palm. The men, except that they wear the thread, -and paint on their foreheads a sect-mark which is like the ordinary -Vaishnavite mark, but square instead of semi-circular at the bottom, -and having a dot instead of a red streak in the middle, in general -appearance resemble Vellalas. They are usually clean shaved. The -women dress like Vellalas, and wear the same kind of tali (marriage -emblem) and other jewellery. The South Arcot Jains all belong to the -Digambara sect, and the images in their temples of the twenty-four -Tirthankaras are accordingly without clothing. These temples, the -chief of which are those at Tirunirankonrai [212] and Sittamur, are -not markedly different in external appearance from Hindu shrines, -but within these are images of some of the Tirthankaras, made of -stone or of painted clay, instead of representations of the Hindu -deities. The Jain rites of public worship much resemble those of the -Brahmans. There is the same bathing of the god with sacred oblations, -sandal, and so on; the same lighting and waving of lamps, and burning -of camphor; and the same breaking of cocoanuts, playing of music, -and reciting of sacred verses. These ceremonies are performed by -members of the Archaka or priest class. The daily private worship in -the houses is done by the laymen themselves before a small image of -one of the Tirthankaras, and daily ceremonies resembling those of the -Brahmans, such as the pronouncing of the sacred mantram at daybreak, -and the recital of forms of prayer thrice daily, are observed. The -Jains believe in the doctrine of re-births, and hold that the end of -all is Nirvana. They keep the Sivaratri and Dipavali feasts, but say -that they do so, not for the reasons which lead Hindus to revere these -dates, but because on them the first and the last of the twenty-four -Tirthankaras attained beatitude. Similarly they observe Pongal and -the Ayudha puja day. They adhere closely to the injunctions of their -faith prohibiting the taking of life, and, to guard themselves from -unwittingly infringing them, they do not eat or drink at night lest -they might thereby destroy small insects which had got unseen into -their food. For the same reason, they filter through a cloth all -milk or water which they use, eat only curds, ghee and oil which -they have made themselves with due precautions against the taking of -insect life, or known to have been similarly made by other Jains, -and even avoid the use of shell chunam (lime). The Vedakkarans -(shikari or hunting caste) trade on these scruples by catching -small birds, bringing them to Jain houses, and demanding money -to spare their lives. The Jains have four sub-divisions, namely, -the ordinary laymen, and three priestly classes. Of the latter, the -most numerous are the Archakas (or Vadyars). They do the worship in -the temples. An ordinary layman cannot become an Archaka; it is a -class apart. An Archaka can, however, rise to the next higher of the -priestly classes, and become what is called an Annam or Annuvriti, -a kind of monk who is allowed to marry, but has to live according -to certain special rules of conduct. These Annams can again rise -to the highest of the three classes, and become Nirvanis or Munis, -monks who lead a celibate life apart from the world. There is also a -sisterhood of nuns, called Aryanganais, who are sometimes maidens, and -sometimes women who have left their husbands, but must in either case -take a vow of chastity. The monks shave their heads, and dress in red; -the nuns similarly shave, but wear white. Both of them carry as marks -of their condition a brass vessel and a bunch of peacock's feathers, -with which latter they sweep clean any place on which they sit down, -lest any insect should be there. To both classes the other Jains make -namaskaram (respectful salutation) when they meet them, and both are -maintained at the cost of the rest of the community. The laymen among -the Jains will not intermarry, though they will dine with the Archakas, -and these latter consequently have the greatest trouble in procuring -brides for their sons, and often pay Rs. 200 or Rs. 300 to secure a -suitable match. Otherwise there are no marriage sub-divisions among the -community, all Jains south of Madras freely intermarrying. Marriage -takes place either before or after puberty. Widows are not allowed -to remarry, but are not required to shave their heads until they are -middle-aged. The dead are burnt, and the death pollution lasts for -twelve days, after which period purification is performed, and the -parties must go to the temple. Jains will not eat with Hindus. Their -domestic ceremonies, such as those of birth, marriage, death and so -on resemble generally those of the Brahmans. A curious difference -is that, though the girls never wear the thread, they are taught the -thread-wearing mantram, amid all the ceremonies usual in the case of -boys, when they are about eight years old." - -It is recorded, in the report on Epigraphy, 1906-1907, that at -Eyil in the South Arcot district the Jains asked the Collector for -permission to use the stones of the Siva temple for repairing their -own. The Collector called upon the Hindus to put the Siva temple in -order within a year, on pain of its being treated as an escheat. - -Near the town of Madura is a large isolated mass of naked rock, which -is known as Anaimalai (elephant hill). "The Madura Sthala Purana -says it is a petrified elephant. The Jains of Conjeeveram, says this -chronicle, tried to convert the Saivite people of Madura to the Jain -faith. Finding the task difficult, they had recourse to magic. They -dug a great pit ten miles long, performed a sacrifice thereon, and -thus caused a huge elephant to arise from it. This beast they sent -against Madura. It advanced towards the town, shaking the whole earth -at every step, with the Jains marching close behind it. But the Pandya -king invoked the aid of Siva, and the god arose and slew the elephant -with his arrow at the spot where it now lies petrified." [213] - -In connection with the long barren rock near Madura called Nagamalai -(snake hill), "local legends declare that it is the remains of a huge -serpent, brought into existence by the magic arts of the Jains, which -was only prevented by the grace of Siva from devouring the fervently -Saivite city it so nearly approaches." [214] Two miles south of Madura -is a small hill of rock named Pasumalai. "The name means cow hill, -and the legend in the Madura Sthala Purana says that the Jains, -being defeated in their attempt to destroy Madura by means of the -serpent which was turned into the Nagamalai, resorted to more magic, -and evolved a demon in the form of an enormous cow. They selected this -particular shape for their demon, because they thought that no one -would dare kill so sacred an animal. Siva, however, directed the bull -which is his vehicle to increase vastly in size, and go to meet the -cow. The cow, seeing him, died of love, and was turned into this hill." - -On the wall of the mantapam of the golden lotus tank (pothamarai) -of the Minakshi temple at Madura is a series of frescoes illustrating -the persecution of the Jains. For the following account thereof, I am -indebted to Mr. K. V. Subramania Aiyar. Sri Gnana Sammandha Swami, -who was an avatar or incarnation of Subramaniya, the son of Siva, -was the foremost of the sixty-three canonised saints of the Saivaite -religion, and a famous champion thereof. He was sent into the world -by Siva to put down the growing prevalence of the Jaina heresy, and -to re-establish the Saivite faith in Southern India. He entered on -the execution of his earthly mission at the age of three, when he was -suckled with the milk of spirituality by Parvati, Siva's consort. He -manifested himself first at the holy place Shiyali in the present -Tanjore district to a Brahman devotee named Sivapathabja Hirthaya -and his wife, who were afterwards reputed to be his parents. During -the next thirteen years, he composed about sixteen thousand thevaram -(psalms) in praise of the presiding deity at the various temples which -he visited, and performed miracles. Wherever he went, he preached the -Saiva philosophy, and made converts. At this time, a certain Koon -(hunch-back) Pandyan was ruling over the Madura country, where, -as elsewhere, Jainism had asserted its influence, and he and all -his subjects had become converts to the new faith. The queen and the -prime-minister, however, were secret adherents to the cult of Siva, -whose temple was deserted and closed. They secretly invited Sri Gnana -Sammandha to the capital, in the hope that he might help in extirpating -the followers of the obnoxious Jain religion. He accordingly arrived -with thousands of followers, and took up his abode in a mutt or -monastery on the north side of the Vaigai river. When the Jain priests, -who were eight thousand in number, found this out, they set fire to -his residence with a view to destroying him. His disciples, however, -extinguished the flames. The saint, resenting the complicity of the -king in the plot, willed that the fire should turn on him, and burn him -in the form of a virulent fever. All the endeavours of the Jain priests -to cure him with medicines and incantations failed. The queen and -the prime-minister impressed on the royal patient the virtues of the -Saiva saint, and procured his admission into the palace. When Sammandha -Swami offered to cure the king by simply throwing sacred ashes on him, -the Jain priests who were present contended that they must still be -given a chance. So it was mutually agreed between them that each -party should undertake to cure half the body of the patient. The -half allotted to Sammandha was at once cured, while the fever raged -with redoubled severity in the other half. The king accordingly -requested Sammandha to treat the rest of his body, and ordered the -Jaina priests to withdraw from his presence. The touch of Sammandha's -hand, when rubbing the sacred ashes over him, cured not only the -fever, but also the hunched back. The king now looked so graceful -that he was thenceforward called Sundara (beautiful) Pandyan. He was -re-converted to Saivism, the doors of the Siva temple were re-opened, -and the worship of Siva therein was restored. The Jain priests, not -satisfied with their discomfiture, offered to establish the merits of -their religion in other ways. They suggested that each party should -throw the cadjan (palm-leaf) books containing the doctrines of their -respective religions into a big fire, and that the party whose books -were burnt to ashes should be considered defeated. The saint acceding -to the proposal, the books were thrown into the fire, with the result -that those flung by Sammandha were uninjured, while no trace of the -Jain books remained. Still not satisfied, the Jains proposed that the -religious books of both parties should be cast into the flooded Vaigai -river, and that the party whose books travelled against the current -should be regarded as victorious. The Jains promised Sammandha that, -if they failed in this trial, they would become his slaves, and serve -him in any manner he pleased. But Sammandha replied: "We have already -got sixteen thousand disciples to serve us. You have profaned the name -of the supreme Siva, and committed sacrilege by your aversion to the -use of his emblems, such as sacred ashes and beads. So your punishment -should be commensurate with your vile deeds." Confident of success, -the Jains offered to be impaled on stakes if they lost. The trial took -place, and the books of the Saivites travelled up stream. Sammandha -then gave the Jains a chance of escape by embracing the Saiva faith, -to which some of them became converts. The number thereof was so great -that the available supply of sacred ashes was exhausted. Such of the -Jains as remained unconverted were impaled on stakes resembling a sula -or trident. It may be noted that, in the Mahabharata, Rishi Mandaviar -is said to have been impaled on a stake on a false charge of theft. And -Ramanuja, the Guru of the Vaishnavites, is also said to have impaled -heretics on stakes in the Mysore province. The events recorded in -the narrative of Sammandha and the Jains are gone through at five of -the twelve annual festivals at the Madura temple. On these occasions, -which are known as impaling festival days, an image representing a Jain -impaled on a stake is carried in procession. According to a tradition -the villages of Mela Kilavu and Kil Kilavu near Solavandan are so -named because the stakes (kilavu) planted for the destruction of the -Jains in the time of Tirugnana extended so far from the town of Madura. - -For details of the literature relating to the Jains, I would refer -the reader to A. Guérinot's 'Essai de Bibliographie Jaina,' Annales -du Musée Guimet, Paris, 1906. - -Jain Vaisya.--The name assumed by a small colony of "Banians," who -have settled in Native Cochin. They are said [215] to frequent the -kalli (stone) pagoda in the Kannuthnad taluk of North Travancore, -and believe that he who proceeds thither a sufficiently large number -of times obtains salvation. Of recent years, a figure of Brahma is -said to have sprung up of itself on the top of the rock, on which -the pagoda is situated. - -Jakkula.--Described [216] as an inferior class of prostitutes, mostly -of the Balija caste; and as wizards and a dancing and theatrical -caste. At Tenali, in the Kistna district, it was customary for each -family to give up one girl for prostitution. She was "married" to -any chance comer for one night with the usual ceremonies. Under the -influence of social reform, the members of the caste, in 1901, entered -into a written agreement to give up the practice. A family went back on -this, so the head of the caste prosecuted the family and the "husband" -for disposing of a minor for the purpose of prostitution. The records -state that it was resolved, in 1901, that they should not keep the -females as girls, but should marry them before they attain puberty. "As -the deeds of the said girls not only brought discredit on all of us, -but their association gives our married women also an opportunity -to contract bad habits, and, as all of our castemen thought it good -to give up henceforth the custom of leaving girls unmarried now in -vogue, all of us convened a public meeting in the Tenali village, -considered carefully the pros and cons, and entered into the agreement -herein mentioned. If any person among us fail to marry the girls in -the families before puberty, the managing members of the families -of the girls concerned should pay Rs. 500 to the three persons whom -we have selected as the headmen of our caste, as penalty for acting -in contravention of this agreement. If any person does not pay the -headmen of the caste the penalty, the headmen are authorised to -recover the amount through Court. We must abstain from taking meals, -living, or intermarriage with such of the families as do not now join -with us in this agreement, and continue to keep girls unmarried. We -must not take meals or intermarry with those that are now included in -this agreement, but who hereafter act in contravention of it. If any -of us act in contravention of the terms of the two last paragraphs, -we should pay a penalty of Rs. 50 to the headmen." - -Jalagadugu.--Defined, by Mr. C. P. Brown, [217] as "a caste of -gold-finders, who search for gold in drains, and in the sweepings -of goldsmiths' shops." A modest livelihood is also obtained, in -some places, by extracting gold from the bed of rivers or nullahs -(water-courses). The name is derived from jala, water, gadugu, -wash. The equivalent Jalakara is recorded, in the Bellary Gazetteer, -as a sub-division of Kabbera. - -In the city of Madras, gold-washers are to be found working in the -foul side drains in front of jewellers' shops. The Health Officer -to the Corporation informs me that he often chases them, and breaks -their pots for obstructing public drains in their hunt for pieces of -gold and other metals. - -For the following note on the gold-washers of Madras, I am indebted -to Dr. K. T. Mathew: "This industry is carried on in the city by the -Oddars, and was practically monopolised by them till a few years back, -when other castes, mostly of the lower orders, stepped in. The Oddars -now form a population of several thousands in the city, their chief -occupation being conservancy cooly work. The process of gold washing -is carried out by women at home, and by the aged and adults in their -spare hours. The ashes, sweepings, and refuse from the goldsmiths' -shops are collected on payment of a sum ranging from one rupee to ten -rupees per mensem, and are brought in baskets to a convenient place -alongside their huts, where they are stored for a variable time. The -drain silts from streets where there are a large number of jewellers' -shops are similarly collected, but, in this case, the only payment to -be made is a present to the Municipal peon. The materials so collected -are left undisturbed for a few days or several months, and this storing -away for a time is said to be necessary to facilitate the extraction of -the gold, as any immediate attempt to wash the stuff results in great -loss in the quantity obtained. From the heap as much as can be taken -on an ordinary spade is put into a boat-shaped tub open at one end, -placed close to the heap, and so arranged that the waste water from the -tub flows away from the heap behind, and collects in a shallow pool in -front. The water from the pool is collected in a small chatty (earthen -vessel), and poured over the heap in the tub, which is continually -stirred up with the other hand. All the lighter stuff in this way -flows out of the tub, and all the hard stones are every now and then -picked out and thrown away. This process goes on until about a couple -of handfuls of dark sand, etc., are left in the tub. To this a small -quantity of mercury is added, briskly rubbed for a minute or two, -and the process of washing goes on, considerable care being taken to -see that no particle of mercury escapes, until at last the mercury, -with a great many particles of metallic dust attached, is collected -in a small chatty--often a broken piece of a pot. The mercury, with -the metallic particles in it, is then well washed with clean water, -and put into a tiny bag formed of two layers of a piece of rag. The -mass is then gently pressed until all the mercury falls into a chatty -below, leaving a small flattened mass of dark substance in the bag, -which is carefully collected, and kept in another dry chatty. The -washing process is repeated until enough of the dark substance--about a -third of a teaspoonful--is collected. This substance is then mixed with -powdered common salt and brick-dust, put into a broken piece of a pot, -and covered with another piece. The whole is placed in a large earthen -vessel, with cow-dung cakes well packed above and below. A blazing -fire is soon produced, and kept up till the mass is melted. This mass -is carefully removed, and again melted with borax in a hole made in a -piece of good charcoal, by blowing through a reed or hollow bamboo, -until the gold separates from the mass. The fire is then suddenly -quenched, and the piece of gold is separated and removed." - -Jalari.--The Jalaris are Telugu fishermen, palanquin-bearers, and -cultivators in Ganjam and Vizagapatam. The name, Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao -writes, is derived from jala, a net. Some are fresh-water fishermen, -while others fish with a cast-net (visuru valalu) from the sea-shore, -or on the open sea. They bear the name Gangavamsamu, or people of -Ganga, in the same way that a division of the Kabbera fishing caste -is called Gangimakkalu. In caste organisation, ceremonial, etc., -the Jalaris coincide with the Milas. They are called Noliyas by the -Oriyas of Ganjam. They have house-names like other Telugus, and their -females do not wear brass bangles, as low-caste Oriya women do. - -The Jalaris have two endogamous divisions, called panrendu kotla -(twelve posts), and edu kotla (seven posts), in reference to the number -of posts for the booth. The former claim superiority over the latter, -on the ground that they are illegitimate Jalaris, or recently admitted -into the caste. - -Like other Telugu castes, the Jalaris have a caste council under -the control of a headman called Pilla. In imitation of the Oriyas, -they have created an assistant headman called Dolobehara, and they -have the usual caste servant. - -In their puberty, marriage and death ceremonies, they closely follow -the Vadas and Palles. The prohibitions regarding marriage are of the -Telugu form, but, like the Oriya castes, the Jalaris allow a widow to -marry her deceased husband's younger brother. The marriage ceremonies -last for three days. On the first day, the pandal (booth), with the -usual milk-post, is erected. For every marriage, representatives of -the four towns Peddapatnam, Vizagapatam, Bimlipatam, and Revalpatnam, -should be invited, and should be the first to receive pan-supari (betel -leaves and areca nuts) after the pandal has been set up. Peddapatnam -is the first to be called out, and the respect may be shown to any -person from that town. The representatives of the other towns must -belong to particular septs, as follows:-- - - - Vizagapatam Buguri sept. - Revalpatnam Jonna sept. - Bimlipatam Sundra sept. - - -The Jalaris are unable to explain the significance of this "counting -towns," as they call it. Possibly Peddapatnam was their original -home, from which particular septs emigrated to other towns. On the -second day of the marriage ceremonies, the tying of the sathamanam -(marriage badge) takes place. The bridegroom, after going in procession -through the streets, enters the house at which the marriage is to be -celebrated. At the entrance, the maternal uncle of the bride stands -holding in his crossed hands two vessels, one of which contains water, -and the other water with jaggery (crude sugar) dissolved in it. The -bridegroom is expected to take hold of the vessel containing the -sweetened water before he enters, and is fined if he fails to do -so. When the bridegroom approaches the pandal, some married women -hold a bamboo pole between him and the pandal, and a new earthen -pot is carried thrice round the pole. While this is being done, the -bride joins the bridegroom, and the couple enter the pandal beneath -a cloth held up to form a canopy in front thereof. This ceremonial -takes place towards evening, as the marriage badge is tied on the -bride's neck during the night. An interesting feature in connection -with the procession is that a pole called digametlu (shoulder-pole), -with two baskets tied to the ends, is carried. In one of the baskets -a number of sieves and small baskets are placed, and in the other -one or more cats. This digametlu is always referred to by the Vadas -when they are questioned as to the difference between their marriage -ceremonies and those of the Jalaris. Other castes laugh at this custom, -and it is consequently dying out. - -The Jalaris always marry young girls. One reason assigned for this -is "the income to married young girls" at the time of the marriage -ceremonies. Two or more married couples are invited to remain at the -house in which the marriage takes place, to help the bridal couple in -their toilette, and assist at the nalagu, evil eye waving, and other -rites. They are rewarded for their services with presents. Another -instance of infant marriage being the rule on account of pecuniary -gain is found among the Dikshitar Brahmans of Chidambaram. Only married -males have a voice in temple affairs, and receive a share of the temple -income. Consequently, boys are sometimes married when they are seven -or eight years old. At every Jalari marriage, meals must be given to -the castemen, a rupee to the representatives of the patnams, twelve -annas to the headman and his assistant, and three rupees to the Malas. - -Like other Telugu castes, the Jalaris have intiperus (septs), -which resemble those of the Vadas. Among them, Jonna and Buguri are -common. In their religious observances, the Jalaris closely follow -the Vadas. - -The Madras Museum possesses a collection of clay and wooden figures, -such as are worshipped by the fishing castes at Gopalpur, and other -places on the Ganjam coast. Concerning these, Mr. J. D'A. C. Reilly -writes to me as follows. The specimens represent the chief gods -worshipped by the fishermen. The Tahsildar of Berhampur got them -made by the potters and carpenters, who usually make such figures for -the Gopalpur fishermen. I have found fishermen's shrines at several -places. Separate families appear to have separate shrines, some -consisting of large chatties (earthen pots), occasionally ornamented, -and turned upside down, with an opening on one side. Others are made -of bricks and chunam (lime). All that I have seen had their opening -towards the sea. Two classes of figures are placed in these shrines, -viz., clay figures of gods, which are worshipped before fishing -expeditions, and when there is danger from a particular disease which -they prevent; and wooden figures of deceased relations, which are quite -as imaginative as the clay figures. Figures of gods and relations -are placed in the same family shrine. There are hundreds of gods to -choose from, and the selection appears to be a matter of family taste -and tradition. The figures which I have sent were made by a potter -at Venkatarayapalle, and painted by a carpenter at Uppulapatti, -both villages near Gopalpur. The Tahsildar tells me that, when he -was inspecting them at the Gopalpur traveller's bungalow, sixty or -seventy fishermen objected to their gods being taken away. He pacified -them by telling them that it was because the Government had heard of -their devotion to their gods that they wanted to have some of them -in Madras. The collection of clay figures includes the following:-- - -Bengali Babu.--Wears a hat, and rides on a black horse. He blesses -the fishermen, secures large hauls of fish for them, and guards them -against danger when out fishing. - -Samalamma.--Wears a red skirt and green coat and protects the fishermen -from fever. - -Rajamma, a female figure, with a sword in her right hand, riding on -a black elephant. She blesses barren women with children, and favours -her devotees with big catches when they go out fishing. - -Yerenamma, riding on a white horse, with a sword in her right hand. She -protects fishermen from drowning, and from being caught by big fish. - -Bhagirathamma, riding on an elephant, and having eight or twelve -hands. She helps fishermen when fishing at night, and protects them -against cholera, dysentery, and other intestinal disorders. - -Nukalamma.--Wears a red jacket and green skirt, and protects the -fishing community against small-pox. - -Orosondi Ammavaru.--Prevents the boats from being sunk or damaged. - -Bhagadevi.--Rides on a tiger, and protects the community from cholera. - -Veyyi Kannula Ammavaru, or the goddess of a thousand eyes, represented -by a pot pierced with holes, in which a gingelly (Sesamum) oil light -is burnt. She attends to the general welfare of the fisher folk. - -Jali (Acacia arabica).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Jalli.--Jalli, meaning palm tassels put round the neck and horns of -bulls, occurs as an exogamous sept of Jogi. The name occurs further -as a sub-division of Kevuto. - -Jambava.--A synonym of the Madigas, who claim descent from the rishi -Audi Jambavadu. - -Jambu (Eugenia Jambolana).--An exogamous sept of Odde. - -Jambuvar (a monkey king with a bear's face).--An exogamous sept of -Kondaiyamkottai Maravan. - -Jamkhanvala (carpet-maker).--An occupational name for Patnulkarans -and Patvegars. - -Jammi (Prosopis spicigera).--A gotra of Gollas, members of which may -not use the tree. It is further a gotra of Chembadis. Children of this -caste who are named after the caste god Gurappa or Gurunathadu are -taken, when they are five, seven, or nine years old, to a jammi tree, -and shaved after it has been worshipped with offerings of cooked food, -etc. The jammi or sami tree is regarded as sacred all over India. Some -orthodox Hindus, when they pass it, go round it, and salute it, -repeating a Sanskrit verse to the effect that "the sami tree removes -sins; it is the destroyer of enemies; it was the bearer of the bows -and arrows of Arjuna, and the sight of it was very welcome to Rama." - -Janappan.--The Janappans, Mr. W. Francis writes, [218] "were -originally a section of the Balijas, but they have now developed -into a distinct caste. They seem to have been called Janappan, -because they manufactured gunny-bags of hemp (janapa) fibre. In Tamil -they are called Saluppa Chettis, Saluppan being the Tamil form of -Janappan. Some of them have taken to calling themselves Desayis or -Desadhipatis (rulers of countries), and say they are Balijas. They -do not wear the sacred thread. The caste usually speaks Telugu, -but in Madura there is a section, the women of which speak Tamil, -and also are debarred from taking part in religious ceremonies, and, -therefore, apparently belonged originally to some other caste." - -In a note on the Janappans of the North Arcot district [219] -Mr. H. A. Stuart states that Janappan is "the name of a caste, -which engages in trade by hawking goods about the towns and -villages. Originally they were merely manufacturers of gunny-bags -out of hemp (janapa, Crotalaria juncea), and so obtained their -name. But they are now met with as Dasaris or religious beggars, -sweetmeat-sellers, and hawkers of English cloths and other goods. By -the time they have obtained to the last honourable profession, they -assume to be Balijas. Telugu is their vernacular, and Chetti their -usual caste name. According to their own tradition, they sprung from -a yagam (sacrificial rite) made by Brahma, and their remote ancestor -thus produced was, they say, asked by the merchants of the country -to invent some means for carrying about their wares. He obtained some -seeds from the ashes of Brahma's yagam, which he sowed, and the plant -which sprang up was the country hemp, which he manufactured into -a gunny-bag. The Janapa Chettis are enterprising men in their way, -and are much employed at the fairs at Gudiyattam and other places -as cattle-brokers." - -The Saluppans say that they have twenty-four gotras, which are divided -into groups of sixteen and eight. Marriage is forbidden between members -of the same group, but permitted between members of the sixteen and -eight gotras. Among the names of the gotras, are the following:-- - - - Vasava. Madalavan. - Vamme. Piligara. - Mummudi. Mukkanda. - Pilli Vankaravan. Vadiya. - Makkiduvan. Thonda. - Thallelan. Kola. - Gendagiri. - - -The Janappans of the Telugu country also say that they have only -twenty-four gotras. Some of these are totemistic in character. Thus, -members of the Kappala (frog) gotra owe their name to a tradition -that on one occasion, when some of the family were fishing, they -caught a haul of big frogs instead of fish. Consequently, members of -this gotra do not injure frogs. Members of the Thonda or Thonda Maha -Rishi gotra abstain from using the fruit or leaves of the thonda plant -(Cephalandra indica). The fruits of this plant are among the commonest -of native vegetables. In like manner, members of the Mukkanda sept may -not use the fruit of Momordica Charantia. Those of the Vamme gotra -abstain from eating the fish called bombadai, because, when some of -their ancestors went to fetch water in the marriage pot, they found -a number of this fish in the water collected in the pot. So, too, -in the Kola gotra, the eating of the fish called kolasi is forbidden. - -In their marriage customs, those who live in the Telugu country follow -the Telugu Puranic form, while those who have settled in the Tamil -country have adopted some of the marriage rites thereof. There are, -however, some points of interest in their marriage ceremonies. On the -day fixed for the betrothal, those assembled wait silently listening -for the chirping of a lizard, which is an auspicious sign. It is said -that the match is broken off, if the chirping is not heard. If the -omen proves auspicious, a small bundle of nine to twelve kinds of -pulses and grain is given by the bridegroom's father to the father -of the bride. This is preserved, and examined several days after the -marriage. If the grain and pulses are in good condition, it is a sign -that the newly married couple will have a prosperous career. - -There are both Saivites and Vaishnavites among these people, -and the former predominate in the southern districts. Most of the -Vaishnavites are disciples of Bhatrazus. The Bhatrazu priest goes round -periodically, collecting his fees. Those among the Saivites who are -religiously inclined are disciples of Pandarams of mutts (religious -institutions). Those who have settled in the Salem district seem to -consider Damayanti and Kamatchi as the caste deities. - -The manufacture of gunny-bags is still carried on by some members of -the caste, but they are mainly engaged in trade and agriculture. In -the city of Madras, the sale of various kinds of fruits is largely -in the hands of the Janappans. - -Sathu vandlu, meaning a company of merchants or travellers, occurs -as a synonym of Janappan. - -In the Mysore Census Report, 1901, Janappa is returned as a -sub-division of the Gonigas, who are sack-weavers, and makers of -gunny-bags. - -Jandayi (flag).--An exogamous sept of Yanadi. - -Janga (calf of the leg).--An exogamous sept of Mala. - -Jangal Jati.--A synonym, denoting jungle folk, of the Kurivikarans -or Kattu Marathis. - -Jangam.--It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that "strictly -speaking, a Jangam is a priest to the religious sect of Lingayats, -but the term is frequently loosely applied to any Lingayat, which -accounts for the large numbers under this head (102,121). Jangams -proper are said to be of two classes, Pattadikaris, who have a definite -head-quarters, and Charamurtis, who go from village to village, -preaching the principles of the Lingayat sect. Many Jangams are priests -to Sudras who are not Lingayats, others are merely religious beggars, -and others of them go in for trade." In the Census Report, 1891, it -is further recorded that "the full name is Jangama Lingayat, meaning -those who always worship a moveable lingam, in contradistinction -to the Sthavara (immoveable) lingam of the temples. Only two of -the sub-divisions returned are numerically important, Ganayata and -Sthavara. The sub-division Sthavara is curious, for a Sthavara Jangam -is a contradistinction in terms. This sub-division is found only in -the two northern districts, and it is possible that the Jangam caste, -as there found, is different from the ordinary Jangam, for, in the -Vizagapatam District Manual, the Jangams are said to be tailors." In -the Telugu country Lingayats are called Jangalu. - -The Ganta Jangams are so called, because they carry a metal bell -(ganta). - -The Jangams are thus referred to by Pietro della Valle. [220] -"At Ikkeri I saw certain Indian Friars, whom in their language they -call Giangama, and perhaps are the same with the sages seen by me -elsewhere; but they have wives, and go with their faces smeared with -ashes, yet not naked, but clad in certain extravagant habits, and a -kind of hood or cowl upon their heads of dyed linen of that colour -which is generally used amongst them, namely a reddish brick colour, -with many bracelets upon their arms and legs, filled with something -within that makes a jangling as they walk. I saw many persons come -to kiss their feet, and, whilst such persons were kissing them, and, -for more reverence, touching their feet with their foreheads, these -Giangamas stood firm with a seeming severity, and without taking -notice of it, as if they had been abstracted from the things of the -world." (See Lingayat.) - -Janjapul (sacred thread).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Janmi.--Janmi or Janmakaran means "proprietor" or "landlord"; the -person in whom the janman title rests. Janman denotes (1) birth, -birthright, proprietorship; (2) freehold property, which it was -considered disgraceful to alienate. Janmabhogam is the share in the -produce of the land, which is due to the Janmi." [221] In 1805-1806, -the Collector of Malabar obtained, for the purpose of carrying out -a scheme of assessment approved by Government, a return from all -proprietors of the seed, produce, etc., of all their fields. This -return is usually known as the Janmi pymaish of 981 M.E. (Malabar -era). [222] - -Writing to me concerning Malabar at the present day, a correspondent -states that "in almost every taluk we have jungle tribes, who call -themselves the men of Janmis. In the old days, when forests were sold, -the inhabitants were actually entered in the contract as part of -the effects, as, in former times, the landlord sold the adscripti -or ascripti glebæ with the land. Now that is not done. However, -the relationship exists to the following extent, according to what a -Tahsildar (native magistrate) tells me. The tribesmen roam about the -forests at will, and each year select a place, which has lain fallow -for five years or more for all kinds of cultivation. Sometimes they -inform the Janmis that they have done so, sometimes they do not. Then, -at harvest time, the Janmi, or his agent, goes up and takes his share -of the produce. They never try to deceive the Janmi. He is asked to -settle their disputes, but these are rare. They never go to law. The -Janmi can call on them for labour, and they give it willingly. If badly -treated, as they have been at times by encroaching plainsmen, they run -off to another forest, and serve another Janmi. At the Onam festival -they come with gifts for the Janmi, who stands them a feast. The -relation between the jungle folk and the Janmi shows the instinct -in a primitive people to have a lord. There seems to be no gain in -having a Janmi. His protection is not needed, and he is hardly ever -called in to interfere. If they refused to pay the Janmi his dues, -he would find it very hard to get them. Still they keep him." In the -middle of the last century, when planters first began to settle in -the Malabar Wynad, they purchased the land from the Janmis with the -Paniyans living on it, who were practically slaves of the landowners. - -The hereditary rights and perquisites claimed, in their villages, -by the astrologer, carpenter, goldsmith, washerman, barber, etc., -are called Cherujanmam. - -Janni.--The name of the caste priests of Jatapus. - -Japanese.--At the Mysore census, 1901, two Japanese were returned. They -were managers of the silk farm instituted on Japanese methods by -Mr. Tata of Bombay in the vicinity of Bangalore. - -Jat.--A few members of this North Indian class of Muhammadans, -engaged in trade, have been returned at times of census in Mysore. - -Jatapu.--The Jatapus are defined, in the Madras Census Report, -1901, as "a civilised section of the Khonds, who speak Khond on the -hills and Telugu on the plains, and are now practically a distinct -caste. They consider themselves superior to those Khonds who still -eat beef and snakes, and have taken to some of the ways of the castes -of the plains." - -For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The -name Jatapu is popularly believed to be an abbreviated form of Konda -Jatapu Doralu, or lords of the Khond caste. To this caste the old -chiefs of the Palkonda Zamindari are said to have belonged. It is -divided into a number of septs, such, for example, as:-- - - - Thorika or Thoyika, who revere the thorika kodi, a species of - wild fowl. - - Kadrika, who revere another species of fowl. - - Mamdangi, who revere the bull or cow. - - Addaku, who revere the addaku (Bauhinia racemosa), which is used - by low-country people for eating-platters. - - Konda Gorre, who revere a certain breed of sheep. - - Navalipitta, who revere the peacock. - - Arika, who revere the arika (Paspalum scrobiculatum). - - -Other septs, recorded in the Census Report, 1901, are Koalaka (arrow), -Kutraki (wild goat), and Vinka (white ant, Termes). - -Marriage is celebrated either before or after a girl reaches puberty. A -man may claim his paternal aunt's daughter as his wife. The marriage -ceremonies closely resemble those of the low-country Telugu type. The -bride-price, called voli, is a new cloth for the bride's mother, rice, -various kinds of grain, and liquor. The bride is conducted to the house -of the bridegroom, and a feast is held. On the following morning, -the kallagolla sambramam (toe-nail cutting) ceremony takes place, -and, later on, at an auspicious hour, the wrist threads (kankanam) are -tied on the wrists of the contracting couple, and their hands joined -together. They then bathe, and another feast is held. The remarriage -of widows is allowed, and a younger brother may marry the widow of -his elder brother. Divorce is permitted, and divorcées may remarry. - -The dead are usually buried, but those who die from snake-bite are -said to be burnt. Death pollution lasts for three days, during which -the caste occupation of cultivating is not carried on. An annual -ceremony is performed by each family in honour of the dead. A fowl -or goat is killed, a portion of the day's food collected in a plate, -and placed on the roof of the house. Once in twenty years or so, all -the castemen join together, and buy a pig or cow, which is sacrificed -in honour of the ancestors. - -The caste goddess is Jakara Devata, who is propitiated with sacrifices -of pigs, sheep, and buffaloes. When the crop is gathered in, the -first fruits are offered to her, and then partaken of. - -The caste headman is called Nayudu or Samanthi, and he is assisted -by the Janni, or caste priest, who officiates at ceremonials, and -summons council meetings. - -The caste titles are Dora, Naiko, and Samanto. - -Jatikirtulu.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a class -of beggars in the Cuddapah district. The name means those who praise -the caste, and may have reference to the Bhatrazus. - -Jati Pillai (children of the caste).--A general name for beggars, -who are attached to particular castes, from the members of which they -receive alms, and at whose ceremonies they take part by carrying -flags in processions, etc. It is their duty to uphold the dignity -of the caste by reciting the story of its origin, and singing its -praises. As examples of Jati Pillais, the following may be cited:-- - - - Mailari attached to Komatis. - Viramushti attached to Beri Chettis and Komatis. - Nokkan attached to Pallis. - Mastiga attached to Madigas. - - -It is recorded by Mr. M. Paupa Rao Naidu [223] that some Koravas, who -go by the name of Jatipalli Koravas, "are prevalent in the southern -districts of the Madras Presidency, moving always in gangs, and -giving much trouble. Their women tattoo in return for grain, money, -or cloths, and help their men in getting acquainted with the nature -and contents of the houses." - -Jaura.--The Jauras are a small Oriya caste, closely allied to the -Khoduras, the members of which manufacture lac (jau) bangles and -other articles. Lac, it may be noted, is largely used in India for -the manufacture of bangles, rings, beads, and other trinkets worn as -ornaments by women of the poorer classes. Dhippo (light) and mohiro -(peacock) occur as common exogamous septs among the Jauras, and are -objects of reverence. The Jauras are mainly Saivites, and Suramangala -and Bimmala are the caste deities. Titles used by members of the -caste are Danse, Sahu, Dhov, and Mahapatro. - -Javvadi (civet-cat).--An exogamous sept of Medara. - -Jelakuppa (a fish).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Jen (honey).--A sub-division of Kurumba. - -Jenna.--A title of Oriya castes, e.g., Bolasi and Kalinji. - -Jerribotula (centipedes).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Jetti.--A Telugu caste of professional wrestlers and gymnasts, who, in -the Telugu districts, shampoo and rub in ointments to cure nerve pains -and other disorders. In Tanjore, though living in a Tamil environment, -they speak Telugu. They wear the sacred thread, and consider themselves -to be of superior caste, never descending to any degrading work. During -the days of the Rajas of Tanjore, they were employed in guarding -the treasury and jewel rooms. But, since the death of the late Raja, -most of them have emigrated to Mysore and other Native States, a few -only remaining in Tanjore, and residing in the fort. - -The Jettis, in Mysore, are said [224] to have been sometimes employed -as executioners, and to have despatched their victim by a twist of -the neck. [225] Thus, in the last war against Tipu Sultan, General -Matthews had his head wrung from his body by the "tiger fangs of -the Jetties, a set of slaves trained up to gratify their master with -their infernal species of dexterity." [226] - -They are still considered skilful in setting dislocated joints. In -a note regarding them in the early part of the last century, Wilks -writes as follows. "These persons constitute a distinct caste, -trained from their infancy in daily exercises for the express purpose -of exhibitions; and perhaps the whole world does not produce more -perfect forms than those which are exhibited at these interesting -but cruel sports. The combatants, clad in a single garment of light -orange-coloured drawers extending half-way down the thigh, have -their right arm furnished with a weapon, which, for want of a more -appropriate term, we shall name a cæstus, although different from -the Roman instruments of that name. It is composed of buffalo horn, -fitted to the hand, and pointed with four knobs, resembling very -sharp knuckles, and corresponding to their situation, with a fifth -of greater prominence at the end nearest the little finger, and at -right angles with the other four. This instrument, properly placed, -would enable a man of ordinary strength to cleave open the head of his -adversary at a blow; but, the fingers being introduced through the -weapon, it is fastened across them at an equal distance between the -first and second lower joints, in a situation, it will be observed, -which does not admit of attempting a severe blow, without the risk -of dislocating the first joints of all the fingers. Thus armed, and -adorned with garlands of flowers, the successive pairs of combatants, -previously matched by the masters of the feast, are led into the -arena; their names and abodes are proclaimed; and, after making their -prostrations, first to the Raja seated on his ivory throne, and then -to the lattices behind which the ladies of the court are seated, they -proceed to the combat, first divesting themselves of the garlands, -and strewing the flowers gracefully over the arena. The combat is a -mixture of wrestling and boxing, if the latter may be so named. The -head is the exclusive object permitted to be struck. Before the end -of the contest, both of the combatants may frequently be observed -streaming with blood from the crown of the head down to the sand of -the arena. When victory seems to have declared itself, or the contest -is too severely maintained, the moderators in attendance on the Raja -make a signal for its cessation by throwing down turbans and robes, -to be presented to the combatants. The victor frequently goes off the -arena in four or five somersaults, to denote that he retires fresh -from the contest. The Jettis are divided into five classes, and the -ordinary price of victory is promotion to a higher class. There are -distinct rewards for the first class, and in their old age they are -promoted to be masters of the feast." - -In an account of sports held before Tipu Sultan at Seringapatam, -James Scurry, who was one of his prisoners, writes as follows. [227] -"The getiees would be sent for, who always approached with their -masters at their head, and, after prostration, and making their -grand salams, touching the ground each time, they would be paired, -one school against another. They had on their right hands the -wood-guamootie (wajramushti) of four steel talons, which were fixed -to each back joint of their fingers, and had a terrific appearance -when their fists were closed. Their heads were close shaved, their -bodies oiled, and they wore only a pair of short drawers. On being -matched, and the signal given from Tippu, they begin the combat, -always by throwing the flowers, which they wear round their necks, -in each other's faces; watching an opportunity of striking with the -right hand, on which they wore this mischievous weapon which never -failed lacerating the flesh, and drawing blood most copiously. Some -pairs would close instantly, and no matter which was under, for the -gripe was the whole; they were in general taught to suit their holds to -their opponent's body, with every part of which, as far as concerned -them, they were well acquainted. If one got a hold against which his -antagonist could not guard, he would be the conqueror; they would -frequently break each other's legs and arms; and, if anyway tardy, -Tippu had means of infusing spirit into them, for there were always -two stout fellows behind each, with instruments in their hands that -would soon put them to work. They were obliged to fight as long as -Tippu pleased, unless completely crippled, and, if they behaved well, -they were generally rewarded with a turban and shawl, the quality -being according to their merit." - -The Jettis of Mysore still have in their possession knuckle-dusters of -the type described above, and take part annually in matches during the -Dasara festival. A Jetti police constable, whom I saw at Channapatna, -had wrestled at Baroda, and at the court of Nepal, and narrated to me -with pride how a wrestler came from Madras to Bangalore, and challenged -any one to a match. A Jetti engaged to meet him in two matches for -Rs. 500 each, and, after going in for a short course of training, -walked round him in each encounter, and won the money easily. - -The Mysore Jettis are said to be called, in some places, Mushtigas. And -some are stated to use a jargon called Mallabasha. [228] - -Jetti further occurs as the name of an exogamous sept of the Kavarais. - -Jew.--It has been said by a recent writer that "there is hardly a -more curious, and in some respects one might almost say a more weird -sight than the Jew town, which lies beyond the British Settlement at -Cochin. Crossing over the lagoon from the beautiful little island of -Bolghotty, where the British Residency for the Cochin State nestles -in a bower of tropical vegetation, one lands amidst cocoanut trees, -opposite to one of the old palaces of the Cochin Rajahs, and, passing -through a native bazaar crowded with dark-skinned Malayalis, one -turns off abruptly into a long narrow street, where faces as white as -those of any northern European race, but Semitic in every feature, -transport one suddenly in mind to the Jewish quarter in Jerusalem, -or rather perhaps to some ghetto in a Polish city." - -In the preparation of the following note, I have been much indebted to -the Cochin Census Report, 1901, and to a series of articles published -by Mr. Elkan N. Adler in the Jewish Chronicle. [229] - -The circumstances under which, and the time when the Jews migrated to -the Malabar Coast, are wrapped in obscurity. They themselves are able -to give accounts of only isolated incidents, since whatever records -they had were lost at the destruction by the Portuguese of their -original settlement at Cranganur in 1565, and by the destruction at a -later period of such fragments as remained in their possession in the -struggle between the Portuguese and the Dutch, for the Portuguese, -suspecting that the Jews had helped the Dutch, plundered their -synagogue in Cochin. - -It is recorded by the Dutch Governor Moens [230] that "when Heer -van Goens besieged Cochin, the Jews were quite eager to provide the -troops of the Dutch Company with victuals, and to afford them all -the assistance they could, hoping that they would enjoy under this -Company the greatest possible civil and religious liberty; but, -when the above-mentioned troops were compelled to leave this coast -before the end of the good monsoon, without having been able to take -Cochin, the Portuguese did not fail to make the Jews feel the terrible -consequences of their revenge. For, no sooner had the Dutch retreated, -than a detachment of soldiers was sent to the Jewish quarters, which -were pillaged and set fire to, whilst the inhabitants fled to the -high-lands, and returned only after Cochin was taken by the Dutch. - -"The Jews, who still hold that the Malabar Israelites were in -possession of an old copy of the Sepher Thora, say that this copy, -and all other documents, got lost on the occasion when the Portuguese -destroyed the Jewish quarters, but this is not likely. For, whereas -they had time to save their most valuable property according to their -own testimony, and to take it to the mountains, they would not have -failed to take along with them these documents, which were to them -of inestimable value. For it is related that for a new copy of the -Pentateuch which at that time was in their synagogue they had so much -respect, and took such great care of it, that they even secured this -copy, and took it along, and (when they returned) carried it back -with great rejoicing, as it was done in olden times with the Ark of -the Covenant." - -Writing in the eighteenth century, Captain Hamilton states [231] that -the Jews "have a synagogue at Cochin, not far from the King's Palace, -in which are carefully kept their Records, engraven on copper plates -in Hebrew characters; and when any of the characters decay, they -are new cut, so that they can show their own History from the Reign -of Nebuchadnezzar to this present time. Myn Heer Van Reeda, about the -year 1695, had an Abstract of their History translated from the Hebrew -into low Dutch. They declare themselves to be of the Tribe of Manasseh, -a Part whereof was, by order of that haughty Conqueror Nebuchadnezzar, -carried to the easternmost Province of his large Empire, which, it -seems, reached as far as Cape Comerin, which journey 200,000 of them -travelled in three years from their setting out of Babylon." - -The elders of the White Jews of Cochin have in their possession a -charter on two copper plates in Vatteluttu character, "the original -character which once prevailed over nearly all the Tamil country -and south-west coast, but which has long ceased to be used in the -former place, and, in the latter, is now only known in a later form, -used for drawing up documents by Hindu Rajas." [232] Concerning this -copper-plate charter, Mr. Adler writes that "the white Jews say that -they have always held it; the black Jews contend that it was originally -theirs. The title-deed is quaint in many ways. It consists of three -strips of copper, one of which is blank, one etched on both sides, -and the third on one side only. The characters are made legible by -being rubbed with whitening. The copper plates have a round hole in -the corner, through which a string was passed to tie them together -under seal, but the seal is lost. They are now kept together by a -thin and narrow copper band, which just fits." - -Taking Dr. Gundert's [233] and Mr. Ellis' [234] translation of the -charter as guides, Mr. Burnell translates it as follows:-- [235] - -Svasti Sri.--The king of kings has ordered (This is) the act of grace -ordered by His Majesty Srî Pârkaran Iravi Vanmar [236] wielding the -sceptre and reigning in a hundred thousand places, (in) the year -(which is) the opposite to the second year, the thirty-sixth year, -(on) the day he designed to abide in Mûyirikkôdu. [237] We have -given to Isuppu Irabbân [238] Ansuvannam (as a principality), and -seventy-two proprietary rights (appertaining to the dignity of a -feudal lord) also tribute by reverence (?) and offerings, and the -profits of Ansuvannam, and day-lamps, and broad garments (as opposed -to the custom of Malabar), and palankins, and umbrellas, and large -drums, and trumpets, and small drums and garlands, and garlands across -streets, etc., and the like, and seventy-two free houses. Moreover, -we have granted by this document on copper that he shall not pay -the taxes paid by the houses of the city into the royal treasury, -and the (above-said) privileges to hold (them). To Isuppu Irabbân, -prince of Ansuvannam, and to his descendants, his sons and daughters, -and to his nephews, and to (the nephews) of his daughters in natural -succession, Ansuvannam (is) an hereditary estate, as long as the world -and moon exist. Srî. The charter is witnessed by various local chiefs. - -A somewhat different reading is given by Dr. G. Oppert [239] who -renders the translation as follows:-- - -"Hail and happiness! The King of Kings, His Holiness Srî Bhaskara Ravi -Varma, who wields the sceptre in many hundred thousand places, has made -this decree on the day that he was pleased to dwell in Muyirikodu in -the thirty-sixth year of his reign. We have granted unto Joseph Rabban -Anjavannan the [dignity of] Prince, with all the seventy-two rights -of ownership. He shall [enjoy] the revenues from female elephants -and riding animals, and the income of Anjavannan. He is entitled to -be honoured by lamps by day, and to use broad-cloth and sedan chairs, -and the umbrella and the drums of the north and trumpets, and little -drums, and gates, and garlands over the streets, and wreaths, and so -on. We have granted unto him the land tax and weight tax. Moreover, -we have by these copper tablets sanctioned that, when the houses -of the city have to pay taxes to the palace, he need not pay, and -he shall enjoy other privileges like unto these. To Joseph Rabban, -the prince of Anjavannam, and to his descendants, and to his sons and -daughters, and to the nephews and sons-in-law of his daughters, in -natural succession, so long as the world and moon exist, Anjuvannam -shall be his hereditary possession." It is suggested by Dr. Oppert -that Anjuvannam is identical with the fifth or foreign caste. - -Dr. E. Hultzsch, the latest authority on the subject of the copper -plates, gives the following translation: [240] "Hail! Prosperity! (The -following) gift (prasada) was graciously made by him who had assumed -the title 'King of Kings' (Kogon), His Majesty (tiruvadi) the King -(ko), the glorious Bhaskara Ravivarman, in the time during which (he) -was wielding the sceptre and ruling over many hundred thousands of -places, in the thirty-sixth year after the second year, on the day on -which (he) was pleased to stay at Muyirikkodu. We have given to Issuppu -Irappan (the village of) Anjuvannam, together with the seventy-two -proprietary rights (viz.), the tolls on female elephants and other -riding-animals, the revenue of Anjuvannam, a lamp in day-time, -a cloth spread (in front to walk on), a palanquin, a parasol, a -Vaduga (i.e., Telugu?) drum, a large trumpet, a gateway, an arch, -a canopy (in the shape) of an arch, a garland, and so forth. We have -remitted tolls and the tax on balances. Moreover, we have granted with -(these) copper-leaves that he need not pay (the dues) which the (other) -inhabitants of the city pay to the royal palace (koyil), and that (he) -may enjoy (the benefits) which (they) enjoy. To Issuppu Irappan of -Anjuvannam, to the male children and to the female children born of -him, to his nephews, and to the sons-in-law who have married (his) -daughters (we have given) Anjuvannam (as) an hereditary estate for -as long as the world and the moon shall exist. Hail! Thus do I know, -Govardhana-Martandan of Venadu. Thus do I know, Kodai Srikanthan of -Venapalinadu. Thus do I know, Manavepala-Manavyan of Eralanadu. Thus -do I know, Irayiram of Valluvanadu. Thus do I know, Kodai Ravi of -Nedumpuraiyurnadu. Thus do I know, Murkham Sattan, who holds the office -of sub-commander of the forces. The writing of the Under-Secretary -Van--Talaiseri--Gandan Kunrappolan." - -"The date of the inscription," Dr. Hultzsch adds, "was the -thirty-sixth year opposite to the second year. As I have shown on a -previous occasion, [241] the meaning of this mysterious phrase is -probably 'the thirty-sixth year (of the king's coronation, which -took place) after the second year (of the king's yauvarajya).' The -inscription records a grant which the king made to Issuppu Irappan, -i.e., Joseph Rabban. The occurrence of this Semitic name, combined -with the two facts that the plates are still with the Cochin Jews, -and that the latter possess a Hebrew translation of the document, -proves that the donee was a member of the ancient Jewish colony on -the western coast. The grant was made at Muriyikkodu. The Hebrew -translation identifies this place with Kodunnallur (Cranganore), -where the Jewish colonists resided, until the bad treatment which -they received at the hands of the Portuguese induced them to settle -near Cochin. The object of the grant was Anjuvannam. This word means -'the five castes,' and may have the designation of that quarter of -Cranganore, in which the five classes of Artisans--Ain-Kammalar, -as they are called in the smaller Kottayam grant--resided." - -In a note on the Kottayam plate of Vira Raghava, which is in the -possession of the Syrian Christians, Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya writes -as follows. [242] "Vira-Raghava conferred the title of Manigramam -on the merchant Iravikkorran. Similarly Anjuvannam was bestowed by -the Cochin plates on the Jew Joseph Rabban. The old Malayalam work -Payyanur Pattola, which Dr. Gundert considered the oldest specimen -of Malayalam composition, refers to Anjuvannam and Manigramam. The -context in which the two names occur in this work implies that they -were trading institutions. In the Kottayam plates of Sthanu Ravi, -both Anjuvannam and Manigramam are frequently mentioned. Both of them -were appointed along with the six hundred to be 'the protectors' of -the grant. They were 'to preserve the proceeds of the customs duty -as they were collected day by day,' and 'to receive the landlord's -portion of the rent on land. If any injustice be done to them, -they may withhold the customs and the tax on balances, and remedy -themselves the injury done to them. Should they themselves commit -a crime, they are themselves to have the investigation of it.' To -Anjuvannam and Manigramam was granted the freehold of the lands of -the town (of Kollam?). From these extracts, and from the reference in -the Payyanur Pattola, it appears that Anjuvannam and Manigramam were -semi-independent trading corporations. The epithet Setti (merchant) -given to Ravikkorran, the trade rights granted to him, and the sources -of revenue thrown open to him as head of Manigramam, confirm the view -that the latter was a trading corporation. There is nothing either -in the Cochin grant, or in the subjoined inscription to show that -Anjuvannam and Manigramam were, as believed by Dr. Gundert and others, -Jewish and Christian principalities, respectively. It was supposed by -Dr. Burnell that the plate of Vira-Raghava created the principality -of Manigramam, and the Cochin plates that of Anjuvannam, and that, -consequently, the existence of these two grants is presupposed -by the plates of Sthanu Ravi, which mention both Anjuvannam and -Manigramam very often. The Cochin plates did not create Anjuvannam, -but conferred the honours and privileges connected therewith to a Jew -named Joseph Rabban. Similarly, the rights and honours associated with -the other corporation, Manigramam, was bestowed at a later period on -Ravikkorran. Therefore, Anjuvannam and Manigramam must have existed -as institutions even before the earliest of these three copper-plates -was issued. It is just possible that Ravikkorran was a Christian by -religion. But his name and title give no clue in this direction, and -there is nothing Christian in the document, except its possession by -the present owners." - -It is recorded by Mr. Francis Day [243] that Governor Moens obtained -three different translations of the plates, and gave as the most -correct version one, in which the following words occur:--"We, Erawi, -Wanwara, Emperor of Malabar ... give this deed of rights to the good -Joseph Rabban, that he may use the five colours, spread his religion -among the five castes." Mr. Burnell, however, notes that Dr. Gundert -has ascertained beyond doubt that Anjuvannan (literally five colours) -does not mean some privilege, but is the name of a place. - -Concerning the copper-plates, Governor Moens writes thus. "The -following translation is by the Jewish merchant Ezechiel Rabby, who -was an earnest explorer of anything that had any connection with his -nation. After this I will give another translation, which I got from -our second interpreter Barend Deventer, who was assisted by an old -and literary inhabitant of Malabar; and lastly I will add a third -one, which I obtained from our first interpreter Simon of Tongeren, -assisted by a heathen scribe of Calicut, in order thus not to allow -the Jews to be the judges in their own affair, but rather to enable -the reader to judge for himself in this doubtful matter. The first -translation runs thus:-- - - - "By the help of God, who created the universe and appoints - the kings, and whom I honour, I, Erawi Wanwara, Emperor of - Malabar, grant in the 36th year of our happy reign at the court - of Moydiricotta--alias Cranganore--this Act of Privileges to - the Jew Josep Rabaan, viz., that he may make use of the five - colours, spread his religion among the five castes or dynasties, - fire salutes on all solemnities, ride on elephants and horses, - hold stately processions, make use of cries of honour, and in - the day-time of torches, different musical instruments, besides a - big drum; that he may walk on roads spread with white linen, hold - tournaments with sticks, and sit under a stately curtain. These - privileges we give to Josep Rabaan and to the 72 households, - provided that the others of this nation must obey the orders - of his and their descendants so long as the sun shall shine - on the earth. This Act is granted in the presence of the Kings - of Trevancore, Tekkenkore, Baddenkenkore, Calicoilan, Aringut, - Sammoryn, Palcatchery, and Colastry; written by the secretary - Calembi Kelapen in the year 3481 Kalijogam. - - "'The second translation differs in important statements from the - first, and would deserve more attention when neutral people of - Malabar could be found, who could testify to the credibility of - the same; but, notwithstanding the trouble I have taken to find - such persons, it has been hitherto in vain. The second translation - runs thus:-- - - "'In the quiet and happy time of our reign, we, Erawi Wanwara, - imitator of (successor to ?) the sceptres, which for many hundreds - of thousands of years have reigned in justice and righteousness, - the glorious footsteps of whom we follow, now in the second year - of our reign, being the 36th year of our residence in the town - of Moydiricotta, grant hereby, on the obtained good testimony - of the great experience of Joseph Rabaan, that the said person - is allowed to wear long dresses of five colours, that he may use - carriages together with their appurtenances, and fans which are - used by the nobility. He shall have precedence to the five castes, - be allowed to burn day-lamps, to walk on spread out linen, to make - use of palanquins, Payeng umbrellas, large bent trumpets, drums, - staff, and covered seats. We give him charge over the 72 families - and their temples, which are found both here and elsewhere, and - we renounce our rights on all taxes and duties on both houses. He - shall everywhere be allowed to have lodgings. All these privileges - and prerogatives, explained in this charter, we grant to Joseph - Rabaan head of the five castes, and to his heirs, sons, daughters, - children's children, the sons-in-law married to the daughters, - together with their descendants, as long as the sun and moon shall - shine; and we grant him also all power over the five castes, as - long as the names of their descendants shall last. Witnesses hereof - are the Head of the country of Wenaddo named Comaraten Matandden; - the head of the country of Wenaaodea named Codei Cheri-canden; - the Head of the country of Erala named Mana Bepalamaan; the Head - of the country Walonaddo named Trawaren Chaten; the Head of the - country Neduwalur named Codei Trawi; besides the first of the - lesser rulers of territories of the part of Cusupady Pawagan, - namely the heir of Murkom Chaten named Kelokandan; written by - the secretary named Gunawendda Wanasen Nayr, Kisapa Kelapa; - signed by the Emperor. - - "'The third translation runs as follows:-- - - "'In the name of the Most High God, who created the whole world - after His own pleasure, and maintains justice and righteousness, - I, Erwij Barman, raise my hands, and thank His Majesty for his - grace and blessing bestowed on my reign in Cranganore, when - residing in the fortress of Muricotta. I have granted for good - reasons to my minister Joseph Raban the following privileges; - that he may wear five coloured cloths, long dresses, and hang on - the shoulders certain cloths; that they may cheer together, make - use of drums and tambourines, burn lights during the day, spread - cloths on the roads, use palanquins, umbrellas, trumpet torches, - burning torches, sit under a throne (?), and act as Head of all - the Jews numbering seventy-two houses, who will have to pay him - the tolls and taxes of the country, no matter in what part of the - country they are living; these privileges I give to Joseph Raban - and his descendants, be they males or females, as long as any - one of them is alive, and the sun and moon shine on the earth; - for this reason I have the same engraved on a copper-plate as an - everlasting remembrance. Witnesses are the Kings of Travancore, - Berkenkore, Sammorin, Arangolla, Palcatchery, Collastry, and - Corambenaddo; written by the secretary Kellapen. - - -"'The aforesaid copper-plate is written in the old broken Northern -Tamil language, but with different kinds of characters, viz., Sanskrit -and Tamil, and is now read and translated by a heathen scribe named -Callutil Atsja, who was born at Calicut, and who, during the war, -fled from that place, and stays at present on the hills. - - - "'When these translations are compared with one another, it will - be observed at once that, in the first, the privileges are granted - to the Jew Joseph Rabban, and to the 72 Jewish families, whereas, - in the second, no trace is found of the word Jew; and Joseph - Rabban is, in the third, not called a Jew, but the minister of - the king, although he may be taken for a Jew from the context in - the course of the translation, for he is there appointed as Head - of all the other Jews to the number of 72 houses. It is equally - certain that the name of Rabaan is not exclusively proper to the - Jews only. Furthermore, the first and last translations grant - the above-mentioned privileges not only to Joseph Rabaan, but - also to the 72 Jewish families, whereas, according to the second - translation, the same are given to Joseph Rabaan, his family - and offspring only. The second translation, besides, does not at - all mention the freedom granted, and the consent to spread the - Jewish religion among the five castes. Thus, it is obvious that - these three translations do not agree, that the first and third - coincide more with each other than they do with the second; that, - for that reason, the first and last translations deserve more to - be believed than the second, which stands alone; but that this, - for that very reason, does not prove what it, properly speaking, - ought to prove, and, whereas I am not acquainted with the Malabar - language, I prefer to refrain from giving my opinion on the - subject. For hitherto I have been unable to come across, either - among the people of Malabar and Canara, or among the literary - priests and natives, any one who was clever enough to translate - these old characters for the fourth time, notwithstanding the - fact that I had sent a copy of these characters to the north and - south of Cochin, in order to have them deciphered. - - "'The witnesses who were present at the granting of this charter - differ also. The first and third translations, however, seem also - to concur more with each other than with the second one. But the - discrepancy of the second translation lies in this, that in it - not the personal names of the witnesses are recorded, but only - their offices or dignities, in which they officiated at that time; - whereas the mistake in the first and third translations consists - herein, that the witnesses are called kings, and more so of those - places by which names these places were called some time after and - subsequently when times had changed, and by which names they are - still known. The second translation, however, calls them merely - heads of the countries, in the same manner as they were known at - the time of the Emperor, when these heads were not as yet kings, - because these heads bore the title of king and ruler only after - the well-known division of the Malabar Empire into four chief - kingdoms, and several smaller kingdoms and principalities. It must - be admitted, however, that the head of the country of Cochin is, - in the first and third translations, not mentioned by that name, - although the kingdom of Cochin is in reality one of the four - chief kingdoms of Malabar. I add this here for elucidation, - in order that one should not wonder, when reading this charter, - that inferior heads of countries and districts of the Malabar - Empire could be called kings, because the Empire being at that - time not as yet divided, they were not kings. It seems, therefore, - to have been a free translation, of which the translators of the - first and third translations have made use, and which has been - pointed out in the second translation. - - "'The other statements of this charter, especially the authority - over the five castes, must be explained according to the - ancient times, customs, and habits of the people of Malabar, - and need not be taken into consideration here. Whether this - charter has in reality been granted to the Jews or not, it is - certain that not at any time has a Jew had great authority over - his co-religionists, and still less over the so-called five - castes. Moreover, the property of the Jews has never been free - from taxes, notwithstanding the fact that the kings to whom they - were subject appointed as a rule as heads of the Jews men of their - own nationality. They were known by the name of Moodiliars, who - had no other authority than to dispose of small civil disputes, - and to impose small fines of money. - - "'There is, however, a peculiarity, which deserves to be - mentioned. Although, in the charter, some privileges are granted, - which were also given to other people, yet to no one was it ever - permitted to fire three salutes at the break of day, or on the - day of a marriage feast of one who entered upon the marriage - state, without a previous request and special permission. This - was always reserved, even to the present day, to the kings of - Cochin only. Yet up to now it was always allowed to the Jews - without asking first. And it is known that the native kings do - not easily allow another to share in outward ceremonies, which - they reserve for themselves. If, therefore, the Jews would have - arrogated to themselves this privilege without high authority, - the kings of Cochin would put a stop to this privilege of this - nation, whose residences are situated next to the Cochin palace, - but for this reason, I suppose, dare not do so.'" - - -Various authorities have attempted to fix approximately the date -of the copper-plate charter. Mr. Burnell gives 700 A.D. as its -probable date. The Rev. G. Milne Rae, accepting the date as fixed -by Mr. Burnell, argues that the Jews must have received the grant a -few generations after the settlement, and draws the conclusion that -they might have settled in the country some time about the sixth -century A.D. Dr. J. Wilson, in a lecture [244] on the Beni-Israels -of Bombay, adopts the sixth century of the Christian era as the -probable date of the arrival of the Beni-Israels in Bombay, about -which time also, he is inclined to think, the Cochin Jews came to -India, for their first copper-plate charter seems to belong to this -period. There is no tradition among the Jews of Cochin that they -and the Beni-Israels emigrated to the shores of India from the same -spot or at the same time, and the absence of any social intercourse -between the Beni-Israels and the Cochin Jews seems to go against -this theory. In one of the translations of the charter obtained by -the Dutch Governor Moens, the following words appear: "Written by the -Secretary Calembi Kelapoor, in the year 3481 of the Kali-yuga (i.e., -379 A.D.)." This date does not appear, however, in the translations -of Gundert, Ellis, Burnell and Oppert. The charter was given in the -thirty-sixth year of the reign of the donor Bhaskara Ravi Varma. And, -as all, except the last of the foreign Viceroys of Kerala, are said to -have been elected for twelve years only, Cheruman Perumal, reputed to -be the last of Perumals, who under exceptional circumstances had his -term extended, according to Malabar tradition, to thirty-six years, -may be identical with Bhaskara Ravi Varma, who, Mr. Day says, reigned -till 378 A.D. Mr. C. M. Whish gives a still earlier date, for he -fixes 231 A.D. as the probable date of the grant. In connection with -the claim to the antiquity of the settlement of the Jews in Malabar, -it is set forth in the Cochin Census Report that they "are supposed -to have first come in contact with a Dravidian people as early as -the time of Solomon about B.C. 1000, for 'philology proves that the -precious cargoes of Solomon's merchant ships came from the ancient -coast of Malabar.' It is possible that such visits were frequent -enough in the years that followed. But the actual settlement of -the Jews on the Malabar coast might not have taken place until long -afterwards. Mr. Logan, in the Manual of Malabar, writes that 'the -Jews have traditions, which carry back their arrival on the coast -to the time of their escape from servitude under Cyrus in the sixth -century B.C.,' and the same fact is referred to by Sir W. Hunter -in his 'History of British India.' This eminent historian, in his -'Indian Empire' speaks of Jewish settlements in Malabar long before -the second century A.D. A Roman merchant ship, that sailed regularly -from Myos Hormuz on the Red Sea to Arabia, Ceylon, and Malabar, is -reported to have found a Jewish colony in Malabar in the second century -A.D. In regard to the settlement of the Jews in Malabar, Mr. Whish -observes that 'the Jews themselves say that Mar Thomas, the apostle, -arrived in India in the year of our Lord 52, and themselves, the Jews, -in the year 69.' In view of the commercial intercourse between the -Jews and the people of the Malabar coast long before the Christian -era, it seems highly probable that Christianity but followed in the -wake of Judaism. The above facts seem to justify the conclusion that -the Jews must have settled in Malabar at least as early as the first -century A.D." - -At Cochin the Jews enjoyed full privileges of citizenship, and were -able to preserve the best part of their religious and civil liberty, -and to remain here for centuries unseen, unknown, and unsearched -by their persecutors. But, in the sixteenth century, they fell -victims by turns to the oppression of fanatical Moors and over-zealous -Christians. "In 1524, the Mahomedans made an onslaught on the Cranganur -Jews, slew a great number, and drove out the rest to a village to the -east; but, when they attacked the Christians, the Nayars of the place -retaliated, and in turn drove all the Mahomedans out of Cranganur. The -Portuguese enlarged and strengthened their Cranganur fort, and -compelled the Jews finally to desert their ancient settlement of -Anjuvannam." Thus, with the appearance of a powerful Christian nation -on the scene, the Jews experienced the terrors of a new exile and a -new dispersion, the desolation of Cranganur being likened by them to -the desolation of Jerusalem in miniature. Some of them were driven to -villages adjoining their ruined principality, while others seem to have -taken shelter in Cochin and Ernakulam. "Cranganore," Mr. Adler writes, -"was captured by the Mahomedan Sheikh or Zamorin in 1524, and razed -to the ground. The Rajah Daniel seems to have previously sent his -brother David to Europe to negociate with the Pope and the Portuguese -for an offensive and defensive alliance against the Zamorin. Anyhow, -a mysterious stranger, who called himself David Rubbeni, appeared in -Rome in March, 1524, and, producing credentials from the Portuguese -authorities in India and Egypt, was received with much honour by -the Pope, King John of Portugal, and the Emperor Charles the Fifth -in turn. After some years he fell a victim to the inquisition, but -his failure and non-return to India are more easily explained by the -fact that he was too late, and that the State he represented was no -longer existent, than by the cheap assumption of all our historians, -including Graetz, that he was an impostor with a cock-and-bull -story. Whether the famous diary of David Rubbeni is genuine or -not is less certain. But I have elsewhere sought to re-establish -this long-discredited ambassador, and here limit myself to drawing -attention to his name, which seems to have been David Rabbani. To -this day David is one of the commonest names among the Cochin Jews, -as well as the B'nei Israel, and Rabbani is the name of the ruling -family under the copper grant. Its alteration into Rubeni was due to -sixteenth century interest in the lost ten tribes, and a consequent -desire of identifying the Royal family as sprung from Reuben, the -first-born of Israel. Reuben, too, is a favourite name among the -B'nei Israel. With the destruction of their capital, the Jews left -and migrated, though to no great distance. Within 20 miles south -of Cranganore are four other places, all on the Cochin back-water, -where the Black Jews still have synagogues. Parur, Chennan Mangalam, -and Mala have each one synagogue, Ernakulam has two, and Cochin three, -of which one belongs to the White Jews. The Parur Jews have also -the ruins of another synagogue marked by a Ner Tamid, which they say -existed 400 years ago, when there were eighteen Bote Midrash (schools) -and 500 Jewish houses. This tradition further confirms the importance -of Cranganore before 1524. With the advent of the Dutch, better times -ensued for the Jews. The Dutch were bitter foes of the Portuguese -and their inquisition, and friends of their enemies. Naturally the -Jews were on the side of the Dutch, and, as naturally, had to suffer -for their temerity. In 1662 the Dutch attacked the Ranee's palace -at Mattancheri and besieged the adjoining town of Cochin, but had -to retire before Portuguese reinforcements. The Portuguese therefore -burnt the synagogue adjoining the palace, because they suspected the -Jews, no doubt with justice, of having favoured the Dutch. In the -following year, however, 'the Dutch renewed their attack on Cochin, -this time with complete success. The port and town fell into their -hands, and with it fell the Portuguese power in India. By a series -of treaties, Cochin and Holland became close allies, and the Dutch -settlement became firmly established in Cochin.' The Dutch helped -the White Jews to rebuild their synagogue. The Dutch clock is still -the pride of Cochin Jewry." - -It is well known that the Cochin Jews are generally divided into two -classes, the White and the Black. Writing in the early part of the -eighteenth century, [245] Baldæus states that "in and about the City -of Cochin, lived formerly some Jews, who even now have a synagogue -allow'd them without the Fortifications; they are neither White -nor Brown, but quite black. The Portuguese Histories mention that -at a certain time certain blasphemous papers against our Saviour, -with some severe reflections against the Jesuit Gonsalvus Pereira -(who afterwards suffer'd Martyrdom at Monopatapa) being found in a -box set in the Great Church for the gathering of Alms; and the same -being supposed to be laid there by some European Jews, who now and then -used to resort thither privately, this gave occasion to introduce the -Inquisition into Goa." It is noted by the Rev. J. H. Lord [246] that -"Jacob Saphir, a Jewish traveller, who visited his co-religionists -in Cochin in recent years, having described some of the Jews resident -there as black, hastens to tone down his words, and adds, they are not -black like the raven, or as the Nubians, but only as the appearance -of copper. But Hagim Jacob Ha Cohen, another modern Jewish traveller, -chastizing the latter for calling them black at all, declares that -he will write of this class everywhere as the non-white, and never -anywhere (God forbid!) as the Black." The Black Jews claim to have -been the earliest settlers, while the White Jews came later. But -the latter assert that the former are pure natives converted to the -Jewish faith. These two difficult, yet important, issues of priority of -settlement and purity of race have divided antiquarians and historians -quite as much as they have estranged the two classes of Jews themselves -from one another. According to the Rev. C. Buchanan, [247] the White -Jews dwelling in Jews' town in Mattancheri are later settlers than -the Black Jews. They had only the Bible written on parchment, and of -modern appearance, in their synagogue, but he managed to get from the -Black Jews much older manuscripts written on parchment, goat's skin, -and cotton paper. He says that "it is only necessary to look at their -countenances to be satisfied that their ancestors must have arrived in -India many years before the White Jews. Their Hindu complexion, and -their very imperfect resemblance to the European Jews, indicate that -they had been detached from the parent stocks in Judea many ages before -the Jews in the West, and that there have been marriages with families -not Israelitish." The Rev. J. Hough observes [248] that the Black Jews -"appear so much like the natives of India, that it is difficult at -first sight to distinguish them from the Hindu. By a little closer -observation, however, the Jewish contour of their countenances cannot -be mistaken." In the lecture already referred to, Dr. Wilson states -that "their family names, such as David Castile (David the Castilian) -go to prove that they (the White Jews) are descended of the Jews -of Spain, probably of those driven from that country in the reign -of Ferdinand and Isabella, and of German and Egyptian Jews. The real -ancient Jews of Cochin are the Black Jews' descendants, we believe, of -Judea-Arabians and Indian proselytes. Some rather obscure references -to the Jews of Cochin and Quilon are made by Benjamin of Tudela, who -returned to Spain from his eastern voyage in 1173. He found no White -Jews in India. Speaking of those in the pepper country near Chulam -(Quilon), he says that all the cities and countries inhabited by -these people contain only about 100 Jews (members of the synagogue), -who are of black colour as well as the other inhabitants." Referring -to Jan Linschoten's 'Itinerary,' published in Holland in 1596, -Mr. Adler observes that "the Jews who interested our traveller were -the 'rich merchants and of the king of Cochin's nearest counsellers, -who are most white of colour like men of Europe, and have many fair -women. There are many of them that came of the country Palestine and -Jerusalem thither, and spoke over all the exchange verie perfect and -good Spanish.' This directly confirms the view that the White Jews -were new comers from foreign lands. Their knowledge of Spanish is -now quite a thing of the past, but it proves that they were Sephardim." - -In regard to the claim of the White Jews to being the only genuine -Jews, it may be of interest to record the opinion of a Jew, Rabbi -David D'Beth Hithel, who travelled in Cochin in 1832. He says -that "the White Jews say of them (the Black Jews) that they are -descendants of numerous slaves who were purchased and converted to -Judaism, set free and carefully instructed by a rich White Jew some -centuries ago. At his cost, they say, were all their old synagogues -erected. The Black Jews believe themselves to be the descendants of -the first captivity, who were brought to India, and did not return -with the Israelites who built the second temple. This account I am -inclined to believe correct. Though called Black Jews--they are of -somewhat darker complexion than the White Jews--yet they are not of -the colour of the natives of the country, or of persons descended -from Indian slaves." This passage bears reference to a tradition -current among the Black Jews that they are the descendants of the -Jews who were driven out of the land of Israel thirteen years before -the destruction of the first temple built by Solomon. They are said -to have first come to Calicut, whence they emigrated to Cranganur. - -"The White Jews," Mr. Adler writes, "claiming that they, and they -alone, are the true descendants of the aboriginal Jews of Cranganur, -retain the copper tablets in their possession, and boast that, -about the beginning of the seventeenth century, the Rajah of Cochin -invested the head of the Hallegua family with the hereditary title -of Mudaliar or Noble [and a wand with a silver knob as a sign of his -dignity], with the power of punishing certain crimes. The males of -that family still bear the title, but their feudal rights have been -abrogated. Nowadays the number of White Jews has dwindled to less than -200, so that it was easy to procure a list of all their names. From -the foreign origin of their surnames (Kindel, Ashkenazi, Mizrahi, -Koder, Roby, Sassoon), as well as for other reasons, it seems certain -that the White Jews are late comers, who did not settle in India till -after the destruction of Cranganur. They were traders, who came to -Cochin; they prospered under the rule of the Dutch, and built their -synagogue and quarter after the Black Jews were already established -there. Though, now, they hold themselves jealously aloof from the -Black Jews, they were at first quite intimate and friendly. The Indian -environment has had the opposite effect to that which England has had -upon our Ashkenazim and our no longer exclusive Sephardim. In India -caste is varna, which means colour, and their difference in colour has -produced caste distinctions among the Indian Jews. But, although the -White Jews are fair, some of them are certainly not quite white, nor -are the Black Jews quite black. Some of the 'Black' Jews are hardly -distinguishable from their 'White' brethren. Their customs, ritual, -and religious observances are the same. Their synagogues are so alike -that it needs some keenness of eyesight to detect that two pictures -are not of the identical building. The only great (?) difference -is that the White Jews have theirs tiled with rare old blue tiles, -over which newspaper correspondents wax eloquent. They say the tiles -are old Dutch, but really they are genuine Chinese [blue and white -Canton China], [249] whereby hangs a tale. The synagogue was built -nearly 200 years ago in a corner of the Rajah's palace-yard. At that -time, the Dutch were in possession of what is now British Cochin, and -they were the only people trading with China. The Rajah, through his -allies the Dutch, had imported a large quantity of the best China -tiles to pave his Darbar hall, but the Jews, says Mr. Thurston, -thought they would just do for the synagogue they were building, so -they told the Rajah that he could not possibly use them, inasmuch as -bullock's blood had been employed in their manufacture. His Highness, -much perturbed at the indignity to so sacred an animal, bade them -take the tiles away, and never let him see them again. Hence their -presence in the synagogue. The other synagogue has tiles also, but -they are of gleaming white." The synagogues, it may be added, are -square whitewashed buildings, surmounted by a bell-tower. It is said -that the Kadyabagan synagogue of the Black Jews is admitted by the -White Jews to be the oldest at present existing, having been built -in the 12th century. - -It is recorded by Governor Moens that "in the Jewish quarters -(situated) next to the palace of the king of Cochin at Cochin de Sima -there are two synagogues, viz., one for the White Jews, and the other -for the Black Jews. The latter have readers of their own tribe, who -hold the services, but, when a White Rabbi comes to their synagogue, -the honour of conducting the service must be given to him." - -"The dates," the Rev. J. H. Lord writes, "of the synagogues of the -Black Jews altogether antedate those of the White. Thus, the date -on the mural slab of the now disused and dilapidated Cochin Angadi -synagogue is A.D. 1344 = 563 years ago. That of the Kadavambagom -synagogue in Cochin is A.D. 1639, or = 268 years ago. That of the -Cochin Theckumbagom synagogue is A.D. 1586, or = 321 years ago; -while that of the synagogue of the White Jews is A.D. 1666 or = -241 years ago. Hence the institutions of the Black Jews are the -more ancient. The tomb-stone dates of the Black Jews are also far -more ancient than those of the White Jews. The earliest date of any -tomb-stone of the Black Jews is six hundred years old." - -It is further noted by the Rev. J. H. Lord that "the Black Jews -are still the ones who make use of the privileges granted in the -copper-plate charter. They still carry a silk umbrella, and lamps -lit at day-time, when proceeding to their synagogue on the 8th day -after birth of sons. They spread a cloth on the ground, and place -ornaments of leaves across the road on occasions when their brides -and bridegrooms go to get married, and use then cadanans (mortars -which are charged with gunpowder, and fired), and trumpets. After -the wedding is over, four silk sunshades, each supported on four -poles, are borne, with lamps burning in front, as the bridal party -goes home. The Black Jews say that the White Jews use none of these, -and never have done so. The White Jews aver that they were accustomed -formerly to use such privileges, but have discontinued them." - -There is record of disputes between the White and Black Jews for as -early a time as that of the Dutch settlement, or even earlier. Jealousy -and strife between the two sections on matters of intermarriage and -equal privileges seem to have existed even during the time of the -Portuguese. Canter Visscher, in his 'Letters from Malabar,' [250] -refers to these party feelings. "The blacks," he writes, "have a -dark coloured Rabbi, who must stand back if a white one enters, -and must resign to him the honour of performing the divine service -in the synagogue. On the other hand, when the black Rabbis enter the -synagogue of Whites, they must only be hearers. There has lately been -a great dispute between the two races; the Black wishing to compel the -White Jewesses to keep their heads uncovered, like their own women, -and trying to persuade the Rajah to enforce such a rule. The dispute -ended, however, with permission given to every one, both men and women, -to wear what they chose." - -More than once, Jewish Rabbis have been appealed to on the subject of -racial purity, and they have on all occasions upheld the claims of a -section of the Black Jews to being Jews, and the White Jews have as -often repudiated such decisions, and questioned their validity. The -weight of authority, and the evidence of local facts, seem to militate -against the contention of the White Jews that the Black Jews do -not belong to the Israelitish community, but are the descendants of -emancipated slaves and half castes. The White Jews appear to have -maintained the purity of their race by declining intermarriage with -the Black Jews. It must be admitted that, in the earlier centuries, -the original settlers purchased numerous slaves, who have since then -followed the religion of their masters. It is recorded by Stavorinus -[251] that "when these Jews purchase a slave, they immediately manumit -him; they circumcise him and receive him as their fellow Israelite, -and never treat him as a slave." It is noted by Canter Visscher [252] -that "the Jews make no objection to selling their slaves who are -not of their own religion to other nations, obliging them, however, -when sold, to abandon the use of the Jewish cap, which they had -before worn on their heads. But slaves, male or female, once fully -admitted into their religion by the performance of the customary -rites, can never be sold to a stranger." The Jews are said to have -had former fugitive connections with the women of these converts, -and brought into existence a mixed race of Dravidians and Semitics. It -would be uncharitable to infer from this that all the Black Jews are -the descendants of converted slaves or half-castes, as it would be -unreasonable to suppose that all of them are the descendants of the -original settlers. It is noted by Mr. Adler that "the Rev. J. H. Lord -quotes an interesting pronouncement on the racial purity of the -Black Jews of Malabar made by Haham Bashi of Jerusalem in 1892. The -Rabbi is said to have referred to the Maharikash (R. Jacob Castro, -of Alexandria), whose responsum in 1610 confirmed the 'Jichus' or the -'Mejuchasim' and decided likewise. He is even said to have allowed -one of his relatives to marry a Brown Jew! Nowadays, the White Jews -hold aloof from the larger community, black or brown, and profess to -be of another caste altogether. But one of the most intelligent of -their number, who took us round the synagogues, professed to think -such exclusiveness exaggerated and unfair, and admitted that their own -grandfathers had lived with Black Jewesses in a more or less binding -marital relation, and it is abundantly clear that, till recently, -the Black and White Jews were quite friendly, and the very fact of -the White Jews holding the title-deeds merely proves that they were -trusted by the true owners to keep them for safe custody, as they -were richer and possessed safes. In an article in the 'Revue des -Deux Mondes,' [253] Pierre Loti, writing of the Black Jews, says that -"le rabbin me fait d'ameres doléances sur la fierté des rivaux de la -rue proche, qui ne veulent jamais consentir à contracter marriage, -ni même à frayer avec ses paroissiens. Et, pour comble, me dit-il, -le grand rabbin de Jérusalem, à qui on avait adressé une plainte -collective, le priant d'intervenir, s'est contenté d'émettre, en -réponse, cette généralité plutôt offensante: Pour nicher ensemble, -il faut être des moineaux de même plumage." - -In recent years, a distinction appears to have grown up among the -Black Jews, so that they now want to be distinguished as Brown Jews -and Black Jews, the former claiming to be Meyookhasim or genuine -Jews. In this connection, Mr. Adler writes that "the Black Jews are -themselves divided into two classes, the Black Jews proper, who are -darker, and have no surnames, and the noble, who have family names -and legitimate descent, and claim to be the true descendants of the -Cranganur or Singili Jews." - -The White Jews are generally known by the name of Paradesis -(foreigners). This designation is found in some of the Sirkar (State) -accounts, and also in a few Theetoorams or Royal writs granted to -them. It is argued that they must have been so called at first to -distinguish them from the more ancient Israelites. The existence for -centuries of three small colonies of Black Jews at Chennamangalam and -Mala in the Cochin State, and Parur in Travancore, at a distance of -five or six miles from Cranganur, shows that they must have sought -refuge in those places on being hard pressed by the Moors and the -Portuguese. There are no White Jews in any of these stations, nor -can they point to any vested interests in the tracts about Cranganur, -the most ancient Jewish settlement in the State. - -The Jews wear a long tunic of rich colour, a waistcoat buttoned up -to the neck, and full white trousers. They go about wearing a skull -cap, and put on a turban when they go to the synagogue. The Black -Jews dress more or less like the native Mahomedans. Many of them -put on shirts, and have skull caps like the Jonaka Mappilas. They -generally wear coloured cloths. The Jews invariably use wooden -sandals. These, and their locks brought down in front of the ears, -distinguish them from other sections of the population. The Jewesses -always wear coloured cloths. Hebrew is still the liturgical language, -and is studied as a classic by a few, but the home language is -Malayalam. The White Jews celebrate their marriages on Sundays, -but the Black Jews still retain the ancient custom of celebrating -them on Tuesdays after sunset. Though polygamy is not prohibited, -monogamy is the rule. The males generally marry at the age of 20, -while the marriageable age for girls is 14 or 15. Marriages are -generally celebrated on a grand scale. The festivities continue for -seven days in the case of the White Jews, and for fifteen days among -the Black Jews, who still make use of some of the ancient privileges -granted by the charter of Cheraman Perumal. The Jews of all sections -have adopted a few Hindu customs. Thus, before going to the synagogue -for marriage, a tali (marriage badge) is tied round the bride's neck -by some near female relative of the bridegroom (generally his sister) -in imitation of the Hindu custom, amidst the joyful shouts (kurava) -of women. Divorce is not effected by a civil tribunal. Marriages are -dissolved by the making good the amount mentioned in the kethuba or -marriage document. In regard to their funerals, the corpse is washed, -but not anointed, and is deposited in the burial-ground, which is -called Beth Haim, the house of the living. - -Like their brethren in other parts of the world, the Cochin Jews -observe the Sabbath feasts and fasts blended intimately with their -religion, and practice the rite of circumcision on the eighth day, when -the child is also named. The Passover is celebrated by the distribution -of unleavened bread, but no kid is killed, nor is blood sprinkled upon -the door-post and lintel. The other feasts are the feast of Pentecost, -feast of Trumpets, and feast of Tabernacles. The day of atonement, -and the anniversary of the destruction of Jerusalem, are observed as -fasts. On the day of atonement, the Jews pray in the synagogue from -5 A.M. till 7 P.M. The Jewish fasts commence from 5 P.M. on the day -previous to the fast, and end at 7 P.M. next day. Their days begin -and end with sunset. The feast of Tabernacles is observed with more -pomp and ceremony than other feasts. A pandal, or temporary shed, -with a flat roof, covered over with plaited leaves of the cocoanut -palm, and decorated with festoons, is put up in the court-yard of, -or near every house, beneath which the inmates of the house assemble -and take their meals. On the last day of the feast, a large can -filled with oil is lit up in front of the synagogue. On that day, -the congregation assembles in the synagogue. Persons of both sexes -and of all ages meet in the house of prayer, which is gorgeously -decorated for the occasion. On this day, when the books are taken -outside the synagogue by the male congregation, the females, who are -seated in the gallery, come into the synagogue, and, when the books -are taken back, they return to their gallery. - -The genuine Jews are, as indicated, known as M'yukhasim (those of -lineage or aristocracy), while converts from the low castes are -called non-M'yukhasim. According to the opinion of Jewish Rabbis, -Tabila, or the holy Rabbinical bath, removes the social disabilities -of the latter. Those who have had recourse to this bath are free -to marry genuine Jews, but respect for caste, or racial prejudice, -has invariably stood in the way of such marriages being contracted. - -From a recent note (1907), I gather that "the Jews, realising that -higher and more advanced education is needed, have bestirred -themselves, and are earnestly endeavouring to establish an -institution which will bring their education up to the lower secondary -standard. The proposed school will be open to both the White and -Black Jews. In order to place the school on a good financial basis, -one of the leading Jews, Mr. S. Koder, approached the Anglo-Jewish -Association for aid, and that Society has readily agreed to provide -a sum of £150 a year for the upkeep of the school. Generous, however, -as this offer is, it is found that the amount is insufficient to cover -the expenditure; so the Jews are going to raise a public subscription -amongst themselves, and they also intend to apply to the Cochin Darbar -for a grant under the Educational Code." [254] - -I was present at the Convocation of the Madras University in 1903, -when the Chancellor conferred the degree of Bachelor of Arts on the -first Jew who had passed the examination. - -According to the Cochin Census, 1901, there were 180 White, and 957 -Black Jews. - -Jhodia.--A sub-division of Poroja. - -Jhoria.--A sub-division of Gaudo. - -Jilaga (pith).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Jilakara (cumin seeds: Cuminum cyminum). An exogamous sept of Balija -and Togata. - -Jinigar.--"There are," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [255] "a few members -of this caste, chiefly in the Chendragiri taluk, whose ordinary -occupation it now is to paint pictures. They were, however, once, it -is said, artificers, and the account given of them is as follows. They -were originally Razus from the Northern Circars, who, coming to the -Chendragiri Raja for employment, were set to watch members of the -Kammala caste who served the Raja, in order to prevent idleness -or fraud. After some time, the Kammalans finished an idol's car, -and, being inflated with pride, demanded to be allowed to sit in it -before the swami was himself placed there. For their arrogance they -were expelled, and the Razus, having by observation learnt something -of their craft, discharged their duties to the community. Under the -Nabobs they abandoned this walk of life, and took to saddlery, whence -came their name from jini a saddle, and now they are merely muchis." - -Mr. W. Francis informs us [256] that "in Bellary wood-carving is done -by Jinigaras, who have taught the art to some Muhammadans, who are -now often more skilful than their teachers. Two of them made a teak -doorway, carved in the Chalukyan style, which obtained a medal at the -Arts Exhibition at the Delhi Darbar, and is now in the Madras Museum." - -At Nandyal in the Kurnool district, I recently saw a Jinigar, who -makes "lacquer" (gesso) fans, trays, large circular table tops, etc., -and paintings of Hindu deities and mythological subjects. He made -a number of panels used in the dado of Lady Curzon's boudoir at the -circuit house, Delhi. A medal was awarded to him for his gesso ware -at the Delhi Exhibition, but it was, in colouring, inferior to that -of the collection which was sent to the Indo-Colonial Exhibition -in 1886. The "lacquer" ware of Kurnool has been said to be perhaps -the finest Indian gesso work produced anywhere. The work turned out -at Mandasa in Ganjam is much bolder, and suitable for decoration on -a large scale. A similar method of decoration was formerly largely -used in Saracenic architectural decoration of interiors in various -countries. The patterns of the Kurnool ware are floral, and in slight -relief, and the colours are very bright with much gilding. At Nossam, -in Ganjam, leather dishmats are painted with pictures of deities and -floral designs. Native circular playing-cards, and fans made of palmyra -leaves or paper and cloth "lacquered" and painted in brilliant colours, -are also made here. - -In the Nellore district, the Jiniga-vandlu make toys, pictures, and -models in paper and pith. At Trichinopoly, very elaborate and accurate -models of the great Hindu temples, artificial flowers, bullock coaches, -etc., are made of the pith of sola (Æschynomene aspera), which is also -used in the construction of sola topis (sun-hats). The Madras Museum -possesses a very quaint pith model of the Raja of Tanjore in darbar, -with performing wrestlers and Deva-dasis, made many years ago. - -Jinka.--(Indian gazelle, Gazella bennetti).--An exogamous sept of -Padma Sale. The equivalent Jinkala is a sept of Boya. - -Jira.--In the Bellary district, a Lingayat who sells flowers calls -himself a Jira, and his caste Jira kula. - -Jirige (cumin: Cuminum cyminum).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba, and -gotra of Kurni. - -Jivala (an insect).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Jogi.--The Jogis, who are a caste of Telugu mendicants, are summed -up by Mr. H. A. Stuart [257] as being "like the Dasaris, itinerant -jugglers and beggars. They are divided into those who sell beads, and -those who keep pigs. They are dexterous snake-charmers, and pretend -to a profound knowledge of charms and medicine. They are very filthy -in their habits. They have no restrictions regarding food, may eat -in the house of any Sudra, and allow widows to live in concubinage, -only exacting a small money penalty, and prohibiting her from washing -herself with turmeric-water." In addition to begging and pig-breeding, -the Jogis are employed in the cultivation of land, in the destruction -of pariah dogs, scavenging, robbery and dacoity. Some of the women, -called Killekyata, are professional tattooers. The Jogis wander about -the country, taking with them (sometimes on donkeys) the materials -for their rude huts. The packs of the donkeys are, Mr. F. S. Mullaly -informs us, [258] "used as receptacles for storing cloths obtained -in predatory excursions. Jogis encamp on the outskirts of villages, -usually on a plain or dry bed of a tank. Their huts or gudisays are -made of palmyra leaves (or sedge) plaited with five strands forming -an arch." The huts are completely open in front. - -In the Tamil country, the Jogis are called Dhoddiyan or Tottiyan -(q.v.), and those who are employed as scavengers are known as -Koravas or Oddans. The scavengers do not mix with the rest of the -community. Some Jogis assert that they have to live by begging in -consequence of a curse brought on them by Parvati, concerning whose -breasts one of their ancestors made some indiscreet remarks. They -consider themselves superior to Malas and Madigas, but an Oddan -(navvy caste) will not eat in the house of a Jogi. They are said to -eat crocodiles, field rats, and cats. There is a tradition that a Jogi -bridegroom, before tying the bottu (marriage badge) on his bride's -neck, had to tie it by means of a string dyed with turmeric round the -neck of a female cat. People sometimes object to the catching of cats -by Jogis for food, as the detachment of a single hair from the body -of a cat is considered a heinous offence. To overcome the objection, -the Jogi says that he wants the animal for a marriage ceremony. On -one occasion, I saw a Madiga carrying home a bag full of kittens, -which, he said, he was going to eat. - -The Jogi mendicants go about, clad in a dirty loin-cloth (often red -in colour) and a strip of cloth over the shoulders, with cobras, -pythons, or rat snakes in baskets, and carrying a bag slung over the -shoulder. The contents of one of these bags, which was examined, were -fruits of Mimusops hexandra and flower-spikes of Lippia nodiflora (used -for medicine), a snake-charming reed instrument, a piece of cuttle-fish -shell, porcupine quills (sold to goldsmiths for brushes), a cocoanut -shell containing a powder, narrikombu (spurious jackals' horns) such as -are also manufactured by Kuruvikarans, and two pieces of wood supposed -to be an antidote for snake-poisoning. The women go about the streets, -decorated with bangles and necklaces of beads, sharks' vertebræ, and -cowry shells, bawling out "Subbamma, Lachchamma," etc., and will not -move on till alms are given to them. They carry a capacious gourd, -which serves as a convenient receptacle for stolen articles. - -Like other Telugu castes, the Jogis have exogamous septs or intiperu, -of which the following are examples:-- - - - Vagiti, court-yard. - Uluvala, horse-gram. - Jalli, tassels of palmyra leaves put round the necks of bulls. - Vavati (relationship). - Gundra, round. - Bindhollu, brass water-pot. - Cheruku, sugar-cane. - Chappadi, insipid. - Boda Dasiri, bald-headed mendicant. - Gudi, temple. - - -At the Mysore census, 1901, Killekyata, Helava, Jangaliga, and Pakanati -were returned as being Jogis. A few individuals returned gotras, such -as Vrishabha, Kaverimatha, and Khedrumakula. At the Madras census, -Siddaru, and Pamula (snake) were returned as sub-castes. Pamula is -applied as a synonym for Jogi, inasmuch as snake-charming is one of -their occupations. - -The women of the caste are said to be depraved, and prostitution is -common. As a proof of chastity, the ordeal of drinking a potful of -cow-dung water or chilly-water has to be undergone. If a man, proved -guilty of adultery, pleads inability to pay the fine, he has to walk -a furlong with a mill-stone on his head. - -At the betrothal ceremony, a small sum of money and a pig are given -to the bride's party. The pig is killed, and a feast held, with much -consumption of liquor. Some of the features of the marriage ceremony -are worthy of notice. The kankanams, or threads which are tied by the -maternal uncles to the wrists of the bride and bridegroom, are made -of human hair, and to them are attached leaves of Alangium lamarckii -and Strychnos Nux-vomica. When the bridegroom and his party proceed to -the bride's hut for the ceremony of tying the bottu (marriage badge), -they are stopped by a rope or bamboo screen, which is held by the -relations of the bride and others. After a short struggle, money is -paid to the men who hold the rope or screen, and the ceremonial is -proceeded with. The rope is called vallepu thadu or relationship rope, -and is made to imply legitimate connection. The bottu, consisting of a -string of black beads, is tied round the bride's neck, the bride and -bridegroom sometimes sitting on a pestle and mortar. Rice is thrown -over them, and they are carried on the shoulders of their maternal -uncles beneath the marriage pandal (booth). As with the Oddes and -Upparavas, there is a saying that a Jogi widow may mount the marriage -dais (i.e., remarry) seven times. - -When a girl reaches puberty, she is put in a hut made by her brother -or husband, which is thatched with twigs of Eugenia Jambolana, margosa -(Melia Azadirachta), mango (Mangifera Indica), and Vitex Negundo. On -the last day of the pollution ceremony the girl's clothes and the -hut are burnt. - -The dead are always buried. The corpse is carried to the burial-place, -wrapped up in a cloth. Before it is lowered into the grave, all present -throw rice over the eyes, and a man of a different sept to the deceased -places four annas in the mouth. Within the grave the head is turned -on one side, and a cavity scooped out, in which various articles of -food are placed. Though the body is not burnt, fire is carried to the -grave by the son. Among the Jalli-vallu, a chicken and small quantity -of salt are placed in the armpit of the corpse. On the karmandhiram, -or day of the final death ceremonies, cooked rice, vegetables, fruit, -and arrack are offered to the deceased. A cloth is spread near the -grave, and the son, and other agnates, place food thereon, while -naming, one after the other, their deceased ancestors. The food is -eaten by Jogis of septs other than the Jalli-vallu, who throw it into -water. If septs other than the Jalli were to do this, they would be -fined. Those assembled proceed to a tank or river, and make an effigy -in mud, by the side of which an earthen lamp is placed. After the -offering of cooked rice, etc., the lamp and effigy are thrown into -the water. A man who is celebrating his wife's death-rites then has -his waist-thread cut by another widower while bathing. - -The Jogis worship Peddavadu, Malalamma, Gangamma, Ayyavaru, Rudramma, -and Madura Virudu. - -Some women wear, in addition to the marriage bottu, a special bottu -in honour of one of their gods. This is placed before the god and -worn by the eldest female of a family, passing on at her death to -the next eldest. - -As regards the criminal propensities of the Jogis, Mr. Mullaly writes -as follows. [259] "On an excursion being agreed upon by members of -a Joghi gang, others of the fraternity encamped in the vicinity are -consulted. In some isolated spot a nim tree (Melia Azadirachta) is -chosen as a meeting place. Here the preliminaries are settled, and -their god Perumal is invoked. They set out in bands of from twelve -to fifteen, armed with stout bamboo sticks. Scantily clad, and with -their heads muffled up, they await the arrival of the carts passing -their place of hiding. In twos and threes they attack the carts, which -are usually driven off the road, and not unfrequently upset, and the -travellers are made to give all they possess. The property is then -given to the headman of the gang for safe-keeping, and he secretes it -in the vicinity of his hut, and sets about the disposal of it. Their -receivers are to be found among the 'respectable' oil-mongers of 11 -villages in the vicinity of their encampments, while property not -disposed of locally is taken to Madras. Readmission to caste after -conviction, when imprisonment is involved, is an easy matter. A feed -and drink at the expense of the 'unfortunate,' generally defrayed from -the share of property which is kept by his more fortunate kinsfolk, -are all that is necessary, except the ceremony common to other classes -of having the tongue slightly burnt by a piece of hot gold. This is -always performed by the Jangam (headman) of the gang. The boys of the -class are employed by their elders in stealing grain stored at kalams -(threshing-floors), and, as opportunity offers, by slitting grain -bags loaded in carts." - -Jogi.--A sub-division of Kudubi. - -Jogi Gurukkal.--See Yogi Gurukkal. - -Jogi Purusha.--The Purushas or Jogi Purushas seem to have come into -existence in recent times, and to be divided into two distinct classes, -one of which has crystallised into a caste, while the other merely -follows a cult practiced by several other castes. Those in South -Canara, who speak Marathi and Tulu, say that they form a caste, -which will not admit members of other castes into its ranks. There -is a head mutt (religious institution) at Kadiri, with subordinate -mutts at Halori and Bhuvarasu, all in South Canara. The Jogi Purushas -are disciples of one or other of these mutts. Their special deity -is Bairava, but some regard Gorakshanath as their god. They are -initiated into the Bairava cult by their priest. They may lead either -a celibate or married life. The celibates should have a hole bored in -the middle of the ear, and wear therein a ring of rhinoceros horn or -china-clay. Those who wish to lead a married life need not have a hole -in the ear, but, at the time of their initiation, a piece of clay is -pressed over the spot where the hole should be. All Jogi Purushas who -have become the disciples of a guru (spiritual instructor) of their -cult ought to have a brass, copper, or silver pipe, called singanatha, -tied on a thread round the neck. Before taking their meals, they are -expected to pray to Bairava, and blow the pipe. - -The Jogi Purushas follow the Makkalakattu system of inheritance (in -the male line), and, for their marriage ceremonies, engage a Karadi -Brahman. The dead are buried in a sitting posture. The bojja, or final -death ceremony, is usually performed on the twelfth day, and a Brahman -priest officiates thereat. The ceremony consists in offering food to -the crows, making presents to Brahmans, and undergoing purificatory -rites for the removal of death pollution. If the deceased has been -initiated into the Bairava cult, puja (worship) must be done at the -grave every alternate day from the third day till the bojja day. - -Some Jogi Purushas are professional mendicants, while others work as -coolies, peons, etc. - -Jonagan.--Jonagan is given, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as the -name applied to "Musalman traders of partly Hindu parentage. The word -is from the Tamil Sonagan, which means Arabia, and is not strictly -the name of any Musalman tribe, but is a loose term applied by the -Tamils to Musalmans of mixed descent." In the Gazetteer of South -Arcot, Mr. Francis says that "the term Jonagan or Sonagan, meaning -a native of Sonagan or Arabia, is applied by Hindus to both Labbais -and Marakkayars, but it is usually held to have a contemptuous -flavour." According to another version, Jonagan is applied to -sea-fishermen and boatmen, and the more prosperous traders are called -Marakkayars. In a note on the Mappillas of Malabar, Mr. Padmanabha -Menon writes that "the Muhammadans generally go by the name of Jonaga -Mappillas. Jonaka is believed to stand for Yavanaka, i.e., Greek." - -Joti (light).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Jotinagara.--Jotinagara (people of the city of light) and Jotipana -are high sounding synonyms of the Canarese oil-pressing Ganigas, -who express illuminant oils from seeds. In like manner, the Tamil -oil-pressing Vaniyans are known as Jotinagarattar and Tiru-vilakku -Nagarattar (dwellers in the city of holy lamps). - -Juda Mappilla.--A name by which the Cochin Jews are known. - -Julaha.--A few members of this Muhammadan class of weavers have been -returned at times of census. - -Jungu (cock's-comb).--A gotra of Kurni. - - - - - - - -NOTES - - -[1] Yule and Burnell. Hobson-Jobson. - -[2] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[3] The bark of the avaram plant is one of the most valuable Indian -tanning agents. - -[4] Voyage to the East Indies, 1774 and 1781. - -[5] Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies. - -[6] Manual of the Tanjore district, 1883. - -[7] Manual of the Madura district. - -[8] Monograph of Tanning and Working in Leather, 1904. - -[9] Pratiloma, as opposed to an anuloma union, is the marriage of a -female of a higher caste with a man of a lower one. - -[10] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[11] Madras Census Report, 1871. - -[12] Madras Police Gazette, 1902. - -[13] I. No. 4. 1908, Vellore. - -[14] Criminal Tribes of India, No. III, 1907. - -[15] Criminal Classes in the Bombay Presidency. - -[16] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[17] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[18] Journal Asiatic Society, XXV, 1857. - -[19] Journey through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar. - -[20] Journal Royal Asiatic Society, VIII, 1846. - -[21] Fauna, British India, Mammalia. - -[22] Cassia auriculata. - -[23] Marriage chaplet worn on the forehead. - -[24] Wrist-threads dyed with turmeric. - -[25] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[26] Monograph, Eth. Survey of Cochin, No. 6, 1906. - -[27] Manual of Malabar. - -[28] Calcutta Review, 1900. - -[29] Madras Police Report, 1904. - -[30] Gazetteer of the Malabar district. - -[31] Malabar and its Folk, 1900. - -[32] Karunakara Menon, Madras Mus. Bull., V. 2, 1906. - -[33] Madras Mail, 1908. - -[34] S. Appadorai Iyer. - -[35] Calcutta Review, 1900. - -[36] One fanam = four annas eight pies. - -[37] Madras Mail, 1895. - -[38] Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879. - -[39] Native Life in Travancore. - -[40] A mulikka is the collective name for a present of five betel -leaves, one areca nut, and two tobacco leaves. - -[41] Gazetteer of the Trichinopoly district. - -[42] Rev. H. Jensen, Classified Collection of Tamil Proverbs, 1897. - -[43] Madras Mail, 1904. - -[44] Gazetteer of the Nilgiris. - -[45] Occasional Essays on Native South Indian Life. - -[46] The fruits of several species of Momordica are eaten by Natives. - -[47] Sidney Low. A Vision of India, 1906. - -[48] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[49] Gazetteer of the Anantapur district. - -[50] Manual of the Tanjore district. - -[51] Calcutta Review, 1905. - -[52] Madras Mail, 1901. - -[53] John Company, a corruption of Company Jehan, a title of the -English East India Company. - -[54] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[55] South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II, part 3, p. 259. - -[56] Journey from Madras through Mysore, Canara and Malabar, 1807. - -[57] Elliott. History of India. - -[58] Brahmanism and Hinduism. - -[59] Evolution of Hinduism, 1903. - -[60] J. T. Wheeler. Madras in the Olden Time. - -[61] Notes from a Diary, 1881--86. - -[62] J. Michaud. Histoire des Progrès et de la Chûlte de l'Empire de -Mysore, sons les Règnes d'Hyder-Aly et Tippoo Saib. - -[63] An Indian Olio. - -[64] Manual of the Bellary district. - -[65] Cyclopædia of India. - -[66] Journ. Anth. Soc., Bombay, Vol. II. - -[67] Journ. Anth. Soc., Bombay, 1891. - -[68] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[69] Gazetteer of the Godavari district. - -[70] See also collection of decisions on the law of succession, -maintenance, etc., applicable to dancing-girls and their -issues. C. Ramachendrier, Madras, 1892. - -[71] Indian Law Reports, Madras Series, XXIII, 1900. - -[72] Ibid., Vol. V, 1869-70. - -[73] Ibid., Vol. I, 1876-78. - -[74] Ibid., Vol. VI, 1883. - -[75] Ibid., Vol. I, 1876-78. - -[76] Ibid., Vol. I, 1876-78. - -[77] Ibid., Vol. XIX, 1896. - -[78] Ibid., Vol. XIII, 1890. - -[79] Ibid., Vol. XIV, 1891. - -[80] Ibid., Vol. XV, 1892. - -[81] Ganga Bai v. Anant. 13 Bom., 690. - -[82] Hindu Law and Usage. - -[83] Macnaghten, Digest. - -[84] Classified Collection of Tamil Proverbs, 1897. - -[85] J. S. F. Mackenzie. Ind. Ant., IV, 1875. - -[86] Madras Census Report, 1891; Manual of the South Canara district. - -[87] Breeks. Account of the Primitive Tribes and Monuments of the -Nilgiris. - -[88] Section III, Inhabitants. Madras Government Press, 1907. - -[89] Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, XV, Part I, 1883. - -[90] Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson. - -[91] Tropical Diseases. - -[92] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[93] Rev. H. Jensen. Classified Collection of Tamil Proverbs, 1897. - -[94] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[95] G. Bühler on the Indian Sect of the Jainas, 1903. - -[96] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[97] Man., 1901. - -[98] Jeypore, Breklum, 1901. - -[99] Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district. - -[100] Man., 1902. - -[101] Ibid. - -[102] Money-lender. - -[103] Madras Census Report, 1891; Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[104] Notes on the Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency. - -[105] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[106] M. Paupa Rao Naidu. History of Railway Thieves. 3rd Edition, -1904. - -[107] Calcutta Review, 1905. - -[108] Memoir of Sir Thomas Munro. - -[109] Manual of the North Arcot district; Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[110] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[111] Manual of the North Arcot district; Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[112] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[113] Malabar Law and Custom. - -[114] Malabar Quarterly Review, VII, 3, 1908. - -[115] Wigram. Malabar Law and Custom. - -[116] Monograph. Eth. Survey of Cochin, No. 9, 1906. - -[117] Yule and Burnell, 2nd ed., 1903. - -[118] Handbook of British India, 1854. - -[119] Cyclopædia of India. - -[120] Journ. Anth. Inst., XX, 1891. - -[121] Danvers. The Portuguese in India, 1894. - -[122] Manual Of Malabar. - -[123] See Madras Museum Bulletin, II, 2, Table XXVI, 1898. - -[124] Elephantiasis and allied disorders, Madras, 1891. - -[125] Veterinarian, June, 1879. - -[126] Endemic Skin and other Diseases of India. Fox and Farquhar. - -[127] Linguistic Survey of India IV, 1906. - -[128] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[129] Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district. - -[130] Madras Mail, 1907. - -[131] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[132] Manual of the Vizagapatam district. - -[133] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[134] Ind. Ant. XVIII, 1889. - -[135] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[136] Mysore Census Report, 1891. - -[137] Gazetteer of the Bellary district. - -[138] Calcutta Review, 1905. - -[139] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[140] Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsha. - -[141] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[142] Hobson-Jobson. - -[143] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[144] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[145] Mysore Census Report, 1901. - -[146] Journ. Anth. Soc., Bombay, 1, 1888. - -[147] Mysore Census Report, 1891. - -[148] Ind. Ant. VIII, 1879. - -[149] See C. Ramchendrier, Collection of decisions of High Courts -and the Privy Council applicable to dancing-girls, illatom, etc., -Madras, 1892. - -[150] J. S. F. Mackenzie, Ind. Ant., IV, 1875. - -[151] Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson. - -[152] Wigram. Malabar Law and Custom. - -[153] Thurston. Monograph on Wood-carving in Southern India. 1903. - -[154] Yule and Burnell. Hobson-Jobson. - -[155] Illustrations of the Guzarattee, Mahratlee, and English -languages, 1808. - -[156] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[157] Occasional Essays on Native South Indian Life. - -[158] Hobson-Jobson. - -[159] Letters from Madras. By a Lady. 1843. - -[160] Monograph, Eth. Survey of Bombay, 12, 1904. - -[161] T. P. Hughes., Dictionary of Islam. - -[162] Mysore Census Report, 1901. - -[163] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[164] Manual of Coorg. - -[165] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[166] Manual of Coorg. - -[167] Journey through Mysore, Canara and Malabar. - -[168] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[169] Ind. Ant. II, 1873. - -[170] Manual of the Madura district. - -[171] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[172] Manual of the Madura district. - -[173] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[174] Malabar Quart. Review, II, 1903. - -[175] Madras Mail, 1904. - -[176] Classified Collection of Tamil proverbs, 1897. - -[177] The Idigas are said to have been formerly employed as soldiers -under the Poligars. - -[178] J. S. F. Mackenzie, Ind. Ant., IV, 1875. - -[179] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[180] Malabar Law and Custom. - -[181] Criminal Tribes of India, No. III, Madras, 1907. - -[182] Primitive Tribes of the Nilgiris. - -[183] Description of a singular Aboriginal Race inhabiting the -Neilgherry Hills, 1832. - -[184] A. W. Lushington, Indian Forester, 1902. - -[185] Agricultural Ledger Series, 1904. - -[186] Ind. VI, 1877. - -[187] Oriental Manuscripts. - -[188] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[189] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[190] Manual of the Nellore district. - -[191] Letters from Malabar. - -[192] Voyage to the East Indies. Translation, 1800. - -[193] Monograph Ethnograph: Survey of Cochin, No. 10, Izhavas, 1905. - -[194] Chuckrams and puthans are coins. - -[195] Wide World Magazine, September 1899. - -[196] Native Life in Travancore, 1883. - -[197] Malabar Quart. Review, IV, 3, 1905. See also T. C. Rice. Jain -Settlements in Karnata. Ibid., III, 4, 1904. - -[198] On the Indian Sect of the Jainas. Translation by J. Burgess, -1903. - -[199] The earlier Tirthankaras are believed to have been of prodigious -proportions, and to have lived fabulously long lives, but the later -ones were of more ordinary stature and longevity. - -[200] Inscriptions at Sravana Belagola. Archæological Survey of -Mysore, 1889. - -[201] History of Indian and Eastern Architecture. - -[202] Annual Report on Epigraphy, Madras, 1900-1901. - -[203] The inscriptions on the three Jaina Colossi of Southern -India have been published by Dr. Hultzsch in Epigraphia Indica, -VII, 1902-1903. - -[204] Ind. Ant., V, 1876. - -[205] Ind. Ant., XXV, 220, sq., 1896. - -[206] Op. cit. - -[207] Loc. cit. - -[208] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[209] Notes from a Diary, 1881-86. - -[210] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[211] Local oral tradition gives his name as Dupala Kistnappa Nayak. - -[212] Also known as Jaina Tirupati. - -[213] Gazetteer of the Madura district. - -[214] Ibid. - -[215] N. Sunkuni Wariar. Ind. Ant., XXI, 1892. - -[216] Madras Census Report, 1901; Nellore Manual. - -[217] Telugu Dictionary. - -[218] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[219] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[220] Travels into East India and Arabia deserta, 1665. - -[221] Wigram, Malabar Law and Custom. - -[222] Logan, Manual of Malabar, which contains full details concerning -Janmis. - -[223] History of Korawars, Erukalas, or Kaikaries. Madras, 1905. - -[224] Rice, Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer. - -[225] Narrative Sketches of the Conquest of Mysore, 1800. - -[226] Wilks' Historical Sketches: Mysore, 1810-17. - -[227] The captivity, sufferings, and escape of James Scurry, 1824. - -[228] Manual of the Bellary district. - -[229] May 11th, June 1st and 29th, 1906. - -[230] For the translations from the Dutch I am indebted to the kindness -of the Rev. P. Grote. - -[231] A new account of the East Indies, 1744. - -[232] A. C. Burnell, Ind. Ant. III, 1874. - -[233] Madras Journ. Lit. Science, XIII, Part I. - -[234] Ibid., Part II. - -[235] Loc. cit. - -[236] Bhâskara-Ravi-Varmâ. - -[237] This is explained in the Hebrew version by Cranganore, and Muyiri -is, no doubt, the original of the Mouziris of Ptolemy and the Periplus -of the Red Sea. It is (according to local tradition) the part where the -Travancore lines end, opposite to Cranganore but across the back-water. - -[238] I.e., Yusuf Rabbân. - -[239] Ueber die Jüdischen Colonien in Indien. Kohut Memorial Volume, -Semitic Studies, Berlin, 1897. - -[240] Epigraphia Indica, III, 1894-95. - -[241] Ind. Ant., XX, 1891. - -[242] Epigraphia Indica, IV, 1896-97. - -[243] The Land of the Permauls, or Cochin, its past and its present, -1863. - -[244] Ind. Ant., III, 1874. - -[245] A Description of ye East India Coasts of Malabar and Coromandel, -1703. - -[246] The Jews in India and the Far East, 1907. - -[247] Christian Researches in India, 1840. - -[248] History of Christianity in India, I, 470-71, 1839. - -[249] J. Splinter Stavorinus. Voyages to the East Indies, 1774-78. - -[250] Edition by Major Heber Drury, 1862. Letter XVIII. - -[251] Op. cit. - -[252] Loc. cit. - -[253] July, 1902. - -[254] Madras Mail, 1907. - -[255] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[256] Gazetteer of the Bellary district. - -[257] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[258] Notes on Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency. - -[259] Op. cit. - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Castes and Tribes of Southern India, by -Edgar Thurston - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA *** - -***** This file should be named 42992-8.txt or 42992-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/2/9/9/42992/ - -Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project -Gutenberg. - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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