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diff --git a/42991-8.txt b/42991-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index b765a94..0000000 --- a/42991-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,14341 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's Castes and Tribes of Southern India, by Edgar Thurston - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: Castes and Tribes of Southern India - Vol. 1 of 7 - -Author: Edgar Thurston - -Contributor: K. Rangachari - -Release Date: June 21, 2013 [EBook #42991] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA *** - - - - -Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project -Gutenberg. - - - - - - - - - CASTES AND TRIBES - OF - SOUTHERN INDIA - - By - - EDGAR THURSTON, C.I.E., - - Superintendent, Madras Government Museum; Correspondant Étranger, - Société d'Anthropologie de Paris; Socio Corrispondante, Societa, - Romana di Anthropologia. - - Assisted by - - K. Rangachari, M.A., - of the Madras Government Museum. - - - - Volume I--A and B - - Government Press, Madras - - 1909. - - - - - - - -PREFACE. - - -In 1894, equipped with a set of anthropometric instruments -obtained on loan from the Asiatic Society of Bengal, I commenced an -investigation of the tribes of the Nilgiri hills, the Todas, Kotas, -and Badagas, bringing down on myself the unofficial criticism that -"anthropological research at high altitudes is eminently indicated -when the thermometer registers 100° in Madras." From this modest -beginning have resulted:--(1) investigation of various classes which -inhabit the city of Madras; (2) periodical tours to various parts -of the Madras Presidency, with a view to the study of the more -important tribes and classes; (3) the publication of Bulletins, -wherein the results of my work are embodied; (4) the establishment -of an anthropological laboratory; (5) a collection of photographs of -Native types; (6) a series of lantern slides for lecture purposes; -(7) a collection of phonograph records of tribal songs and music. - -The scheme for a systematic and detailed ethnographic survey of the -whole of India received the formal sanction of the Government of -India in 1901. A Superintendent of Ethnography was appointed for each -Presidency or Province, to carry out the work of the survey in addition -to his other duties. The other duty, in my particular case--the -direction of a large local museum--happily made an excellent blend with -the survey operations, as the work of collection for the ethnological -section went on simultaneously with that of investigation. The survey -was financed for a period of five (afterwards extended to eight) years, -and an annual allotment of Rs. 5,000 provided for each Presidency and -Province. This included Rs. 2,000 for approved notes on monographs, -and replies to the stereotyped series of questions. The replies -to these questions were not, I am bound to admit, always entirely -satisfactory, as they broke down both in accuracy and detail. I may, -as an illustration, cite the following description of making fire -by friction. "They know how to make fire, i.e., by friction of wood -as well as stone, etc. They take a triangular cut of stone, and one -flat oblong size flat. They hit one another with the maintenance of -cocoanut fibre or copper, then fire sets immediately, and also by -rubbing the two barks frequently with each other they make fire." - -I gladly place on record my hearty appreciation of the services -rendered by Mr. K. Rangachari in the preparation of the present -volumes. During my temporary absence in Europe, he was placed -in charge of the survey, and he has been throughout invaluable in -obtaining information concerning manners and customs, as interpreter -and photographer, and in taking phonograph records. - -For information relating to the tribes and castes of Cochin -and Travancore, I gratefully acknowledge my indebtedness to -Messrs. L. K. Anantha Krishna Aiyer and N. Subramani Aiyer, the -Superintendents of Ethnography for their respective States. The notes -relating to the Cochin State have been independently published at -the Ernakulam Press, Cochin. - -In the scheme for the Ethnographic Survey, it was laid down that -the Superintendents should supplement the information obtained from -representative men and by their own enquiries by "researches into the -considerable mass of information which lies buried in official reports, -in the journals of learned Societies, and in various books." Of this -injunction full advantage has been taken, as will be evident from -the abundant crop of references in foot-notes. - -It is impossible to express my thanks individually to the very large -number of correspondents, European and Indian, who have generously -assisted me in my work. I may, however, refer to the immense aid -which I have received from the District Manuals edited by Mr. (now -Sir) H. A. Stuart, I.C.S., and the District Gazetteers, which have -been quite recently issued under the editorship of Mr. W. Francis, -I.C.S., Mr. F. R. Hemingway, I.C.S., and Mr. F. B. Evans, I.C.S. - -My thanks are further due to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, to whom I am -indebted for much information acquired when he was engaged in the -preparation of the District Gazetteers, and for revising the proof -sheets. - -For some of the photographs of Badagas, Kurumbas, and Todas, I am -indebted to Mr. A. T. W. Penn of Ootacamund. - -I may add that the anthropometric data are all the result of -measurements taken by myself, in order to eliminate the varying error -resulting from the employment of a plurality of observers. - - -E. T. - - - - - - - -INTRODUCTION. - - -The vast tract of country, over which my investigations in connection -with the ethnographic survey of South India have extended, is commonly -known as the Madras Presidency, and officially as the Presidency -of Fort St. George and its Dependencies. Included therein were the -small feudatory States of Pudukottai, Banganapalle, and Sandur, and -the larger Native States of Travancore and Cochin. The area of the -British territory and Feudatory States, as returned at the census, -1901, was 143,221 square miles, and the population 38,623,066. The -area and population of the Native States of Travancore and Cochin, -as recorded at the same census, were as follows:-- - - - Area. Population. - Sq. Miles. - Travancore 7,091 2,952,157 - Cochin 1,361 512,025 - - -Briefly, the task which was set me in 1901 was to record the 'manners -and customs' and physical characters of more than 300 castes and -tribes, representing more than 40,000,000 individuals, and spread -over an area exceeding 150,000 square miles. - -The Native State of Mysore, which is surrounded by the Madras -Presidency on all sides, except on part of the west, where the -Bombay Presidency forms the boundary, was excluded from my beat -ethnographically, but included for the purpose of anthropometry. As, -however, nearly all the castes and tribes which inhabit the Mysore -State are common to it and the Madras Presidency, I have given here -and there some information relating thereto. - -It was clearly impossible for myself and my assistant, in our travels, -to do more than carry out personal investigations over a small portion -of the vast area indicated above, which provides ample scope for -research by many trained explorers. And I would that more men, like my -friends Dr. Rivers and Mr. Lapicque, who have recently studied Man in -Southern India from an anthropological and physiological point of view, -would come out on a visit, and study some of the more important castes -and tribes in detail. I can promise them every facility for carrying -out their work under the most favourable conditions for research, -if not of climate. And we can provide them with anything from 112° -in the shade to the sweet half English air of the Nilgiri and other -hill-ranges. - -Routine work at head-quarters unhappily keeps me a close prisoner in -the office chair for nine months in the year. But I have endeavoured to -snatch three months on circuit in camp, during which the dual functions -of the survey--the collection of ethnographic and anthropometric -data--were carried out in the peaceful isolation of the jungle, -in villages, and in mofussil (up-country) towns. These wandering -expeditions have afforded ample evidence that delay in carrying -through the scheme for the survey would have been fatal. For, as in -the Pacific and other regions, so in India, civilisation is bringing -about a radical change in indigenous manners and customs, and mode -of life. It has, in this connection, been well said that "there will -be plenty of money and people available for anthropological research, -when there are no more aborigines. And it behoves our museums to waste -no time in completing their anthropological collections." Tribes -which, only a few years ago, were living in a wild state, clad in -a cool and simple garb of forest leaves, buried away in the depths -of the jungle, and living, like pigs and bears, on roots, honey, -and other forest produce, have now come under the domesticating, -and sometimes detrimental influence of contact with Europeans, with a -resulting modification of their conditions of life, morality, and even -language. The Paniyans of the Wynaad, and the Irulas of the Nilgiris, -now work regularly for wages on planters' estates, and I have seen -a Toda boy studying for the third standard instead of tending the -buffaloes of his mand. A Toda lassie curling her ringlets with the -assistance of a cheap German looking-glass; a Toda man smeared with -Hindu sect marks, and praying for male offspring at a Hindu shrine; -the abandonment of leafy garments in favour of imported cotton -piece-goods; the employment of kerosine tins in lieu of thatch; -the decline of the national turban in favour of the less becoming -pork-pie cap or knitted nightcap of gaudy hue; the abandonment of -indigenous vegetable dyes in favour of tinned anilin and alizarin dyes; -the replacement of the indigenous peasant jewellery by imported beads -and imitation jewellery made in Europe--these are a few examples of -change resulting from Western and other influences. - -The practice of human sacrifice, or Meriah rite, has been abolished -within the memory of men still living, and replaced by the equally -efficacious slaughter of a buffalo or sheep. And I have notes on a -substituted ceremony, in which a sacrificial sheep is shaved so as -to produce a crude representation of a human being, a Hindu sect mark -painted on its forehead, a turban stuck on its head, and a cloth around -its body. The picturesque, but barbaric ceremony of hook-swinging -is now regarded with disfavour by Government, and, some time ago, -I witnessed a tame substitute for the original ceremony, in which, -instead of a human being with strong iron hooks driven through the -small of his back, a little wooden figure, dressed up in turban and -body cloth, and carrying a shield and sabre, was hoisted on high and -swung round. - -In carrying out the anthropometric portion of the survey, it was -unfortunately impossible to disguise the fact that I am a Government -official, and very considerable difficulties were encountered owing -to the wickedness of the people, and their timidity and fear of -increased taxation, plague inoculation, and transportation. The -Paniyan women of the Wynaad believed that I was going to have the -finest specimens among them stuffed for the Madras Museum. An Irula -man, on the Nilgiri hills, who was wanted by the police for some mild -crime of ancient date, came to be measured, but absolutely refused to -submit to the operation on the plea that the height-measuring standard -was the gallows. The similarity of the word Boyan to Boer was once -fatal to my work. For, at the time of my visit to the Oddes, who have -Boyan as their title, the South African war was just over, and they -were afraid that I was going to get them transported, to replace the -Boers who had been exterminated. Being afraid, too, of my evil eye, -they refused to fire a new kiln of bricks for the club chambers at -Coimbatore until I had taken my departure. During a long tour through -the Mysore province, the Natives mistook me for a recruiting sergeant -bent on seizing them for employment in South Africa, and fled before my -approach from town to town. The little spot, which I am in the habit -of making with Aspinall's white paint to indicate the position of the -fronto-nasal suture and bi-orbital breadth, was supposed to possess -vesicant properties, and to blister into a number on the forehead, -which would serve as a means of future identification for the purpose -of kidnapping. The record of head, chest, and foot measurements, -was viewed with marked suspicion, on the ground that I was an army -tailor, measuring for sepoy's clothing. The untimely death of a -Native outside a town, at which I was halting, was attributed to my -evil eye. Villages were denuded of all save senile men, women, and -infants. The vendors of food-stuffs in one bazar, finding business -slack owing to the flight of their customers, raised their prices, -and a missionary complained that the price of butter had gone up. My -arrival at one important town was coincident with a great annual temple -festival, whereat there were not sufficient coolies left to drag the -temple car in procession. So I had perforce to move on, and leave the -Brahman heads unmeasured. The head official of another town, when he -came to take leave of me, apologised for the scrubby appearance of his -chin, as the local barber had fled. One man, who had volunteered to -be tested with Lovibond's tintometer, was suddenly seized with fear -in the midst of the experiment, and, throwing his body-cloth at my -feet, ran for all he was worth, and disappeared. An elderly Municipal -servant wept bitterly when undergoing the process of measurement, -and a woman bade farewell to her husband, as she thought for ever, -as he entered the threshold of my impromptu laboratory. The goniometer -for estimating the facial angle is specially hated, as it goes into the -mouth of castes both high and low, and has to be taken to a tank (pond) -after each application. The members of a certain caste insisted on -being measured before 4 P.M., so that they might have time to remove, -by ceremonial ablution, the pollution from my touch before sunset. - -Such are a few of the unhappy results, which attend the progress of -a Government anthropologist. I may, when in camp, so far as measuring -operations are concerned, draw a perfect and absolute blank for several -days in succession, or a gang of fifty or even more representatives -of different castes may turn up at the same time, all in a hurry to -depart as soon as they have been sufficiently amused by the phonograph, -American series of pseudoptics (illusions), and hand dynamometer, -which always accompany me on my travels as an attractive bait. When -this occurs, it is manifestly impossible to record all the major, or -any of the minor measurements, which are prescribed in 'Anthropological -Notes and Queries,' and elsewhere. And I have to rest unwillingly -content with a bare record of those measurements, which experience -has taught me are the most important from a comparative point of view -within my area, viz., stature, height and breadth of nose, and length -and breadth of head, from which the nasal and cephalic indices can -be calculated. I refer to the practical difficulties, in explanation -of a record which is admittedly meagre, but wholly unavoidable, -in spite of the possession of a good deal of patience and a liberal -supply of cheroots, and current coins, which are often regarded with -suspicion as sealing a contract, like the King's shilling. I have even -known a man get rid of the coin presented to him, by offering it, -with flowers and a cocoanut, to the village goddess at her shrine, -and present her with another coin as a peace-offering, to get rid of -the pollution created by my money. - -The manifold views, which have been brought forward as to the origin -and place in nature of the indigenous population of Southern India, -are scattered so widely in books, manuals, and reports, that it -will be convenient if I bring together the evidence derived from -sundry sources. - -The original name for the Dravidian family, it may be noted, was -Tamulic, but the term Dravidian was substituted by Bishop Caldwell, -in order that the designation Tamil might be reserved for the language -of that name. Dravida is the adjectival form of Dravida, the Sanskrit -name for the people occupying the south of the Indian Peninsula -(the Deccan of some European writers). [1] - -According to Haeckel, [2] three of the twelve species of -man--the Dravidas (Deccans; Sinhalese), Nubians, and Mediterranese -(Caucasians, Basque, Semites, Indo-Germanic tribes)--"agree in several -characteristics, which seem to establish a close relationship between -them, and to distinguish them from the remaining species. The chief -of these characteristics is the strong development of the beard -which, in all other species, is either entirely wanting, or but -very scanty. The hair of their heads is in most cases more or less -curly. Other characteristics also seem to favour our classing them -in one main group of curly-haired men (Euplocomi); at present the -primæval species, Homo Dravida, is only represented by the Deccan -tribes in the southern part of Hindustan, and by the neighbouring -inhabitants of the mountains on the north-east of Ceylon. But, -in earlier times, this race seems to have occupied the whole of -Hindustan, and to have spread even further. It shows, on the one hand, -traits of relationship to the Australians and Malays; on the other -to the Mongols and Mediterranese. Their skin is either of a light or -dark brown colour; in some tribes, of a yellowish brown. The hair of -their heads is, as in Mediterranese, more or less curled; never quite -smooth, like that of the Euthycomi, nor actually woolly, like that of -the Ulotrichi. The strong development of the beard is also like that -of the Mediterranese. Their forehead is generally high, their nose -prominent and narrow, their lips slightly protruding. Their language -is now very much mixed with Indo-Germanic elements, but seems to have -been originally derived from a very primæval language." - -In the chapter devoted to 'Migration and Distribution of Organisms,' -Haeckel, in referring to the continual changing of the distribution -of land and water on the surface of the earth, says: "The Indian -Ocean formed a continent, which extended from the Sunda Islands -along the southern coast of Asia to the east coast of Africa. This -large continent of former times Sclater has called Lemuria, from -the monkey-like animals which inhabited it, and it is at the same -time of great importance from being the probable cradle of the human -race. The important proof which Wallace has furnished by the help of -chronological facts, that the present Malayan Archipelago consists -in reality of two completely different divisions, is particularly -interesting. The western division, the Indo-Malayan Archipelago, -comprising the large islands of Borneo, Java, and Sumatra, was formerly -connected by Malacca with the Asiatic continent, and probably also -with the Lemurian continent, and probably also with the Lemurian -continent just mentioned. The eastern division, on the other hand, -the Austro-Malayan Archipelago, comprising Celebes, the Moluccas, -New Guinea, Solomon's Islands, etc., was formerly directly connected -with Australia." - -An important ethnographic fact, and one which is significant, is that -the description of tree-climbing by the Dyaks of Borneo, as given by -Wallace, [3] might have been written on the Anaimalai hills of Southern -India, and would apply equally well in every detail to the Kadirs who -inhabit those hills. [4] An interesting custom, which prevails among -the Kadirs and Mala Vedans of Travancore, and among them alone, so far -as I know, in the Indian Peninsula, is that of chipping all or some of -the incisor teeth into the form of a sharp pointed, but not serrated, -cone. The operation is said to be performed, among the Kadirs, with -a chisel or bill-hook and file, on boys at the age of eighteen, and -girls at the age of ten or thereabouts. It is noted by Skeat and -Blagden [5] that the Jakuns of the Malay Peninsula are accustomed -to file their teeth to a point. Mr. Crawford tells us further that, -in the Malay Archipelago, the practice of filing and blackening the -teeth is a necessary prelude to marriage, the common way of expressing -the fact that a girl has arrived at puberty being that she had her -teeth filed. In an article [6] entitled "Die Zauberbilderschriften -der Negrito in Malaka," Dr. K. T. Preuss describes in detail the -designs on the bamboo combs, etc., of the Negritos of Malacca, -and compares them with the strikingly similar designs on the bamboo -combs worn by the Kadirs of Southern India. He works out in detail -the theory that the design is not, as I called it [7] an ornamental -geometric pattern, but consists of a series of hieroglyphics. It is -noted by Skeat and Blagden [8] that "the Semang women wore in their -hair a remarkable kind of comb, which appears to be worn entirely -as a charm against diseases. These combs were almost invariably -made of bamboo, and were decorated with an infinity of designs, -no two of which ever entirely agreed. It was said that each disease -had its appropriate pattern. Similar combs are worn by the Pangan, -the Semang and Sakai of Perak, and most of the mixed (Semang-Sakai) -tribes." I am informed by Mr. Vincent that, as far as he knows, the -Kadir combs are not looked on as charms, and the markings thereon -have no mystic significance. A Kadir man should always make a comb, -and present it to his wife just before marriage or at the conclusion -of the marriage ceremony, and the young men vie with each other as -to who can make the nicest comb. Sometimes they represent strange -articles on the combs. Mr. Vincent has, for example, seen a comb with -a very good imitation of the face of a clock scratched on it. - -In discussing the racial affinities of the Sakais, Skeat and Blagden -write [8] that "an alternative theory comes to us on the high authority -of Virchow, who puts it forward, however, in a somewhat tentative -manner. It consists in regarding the Sakai as an outlying branch of -a racial group formed by the Vedda (of Ceylon), Tamil, Kurumba, and -Australian races.... Of these the height is variable, but, in all four -of the races compared, it is certainly greater than that of the Negrito -races. The skin colour, again, it is true, varies to a remarkable -degree, but the general hair character appears to be uniformly long, -black and wavy, and the skull-index, on the other hand, appears to -indicate consistently a dolichocephalic or long-shaped head." Speaking -of the Sakais, the same authorities state that "in evidence of their -striking resemblance to the Veddas, it is perhaps worth remarking -that one of the brothers Sarasin who had lived among the Veddas and -knew them very well, when shown a photograph of a typical Sakai, at -first supposed it to be a photograph of a Vedda." For myself, when I -first saw the photographs of Sakais published by Skeat and Blagden, -it was difficult to realise that I was not looking at pictures of -Kadirs, Paniyans, Kurumbas, or other jungle folk of Southern India. - -It may be noted en passant, that emigration takes place at the present -day from the southern parts of the Madras Presidency to the Straits -Settlements. The following statement shows the number of passengers -that proceeded thither during 1906:-- - - - Madras-- Total. - South Arcot Porto Novo 2,555 - Cuddalore 583 - Pondicherry 55 - Tanjore Negapatam 238 - and - Nagore 45,453 - Karikal 3,422 - - -"The name Kling (or Keling) is applied, in the Malay countries, to -the people of Continental India who trade thither, or are settled in -those regions, and to the descendants of settlers. The Malay use of -the word is, as a rule, restricted to Tamils. The name is a form of -Kalinga, a very ancient name for the region known as the Northern -Circars, i.e., the Telugu coast of the Bay of Bengal." [9] It is -recorded by Dr. N. Anandale that the phrase Orang Kling Islam (i.e., -a Muhammadan from the Madras coast) occurs in Patani Malay. He further -informs us [10] that among the Labbai Muhammadans of the Madura coast, -there are "certain men who make a livelihood by shooting pigeons with -blow-guns. According to my Labbai informants, the 'guns' are purchased -by them in Singapore from Bugis traders. There is still a considerable -trade, although diminished, between Kilakarai and the ports of Burma -and the Straits Settlements. It is carried on entirely by Muhammadans -in native sailing vessels, and a large proportion of the Musalmans of -Kilakarai have visited Penang and Singapore. It is not difficult to -find among them men who can speak Straits Malay. The local name for -the blow-gun is senguttan, and is derived in popular etymology from -the Tamil sen (above) and kutu (to stab). I have little doubt that -it is really a corruption of the Malay name of the weapon sumpitan." - -On the evidence of the very close affinities between the plants and -animals in Africa and India at a very remote period, Mr. R. D. Oldham -concludes that there was once a continuous stretch of dry land -connecting South Africa and India. "In some deposits," he writes, [11] -"found resting upon the Karoo beds on the coast of Natal, 22 out of -35 species of Mollusca and Echinodermata collected and specifically -identified, are identical with forms found in the cretaceous beds -of Southern India, the majority being Trichinopoly species. From the -cretaceous rocks of Madagascar, six species of cretaceous fossils were -examined by Mr. R. B. Newton in 1899, of which three are also found -in the Ariyalur group (Southern India). The South African beds are -clearly coast or shallow water deposits, like those of India. The -great similarity of forms certainly suggests continuity of coast -line between the two regions, and thus supports the view that the -land connection between South Africa and India, already shown to have -existed in both the lower and upper Gondwána periods, was continued -into cretaceous times." - -By Huxley [12] the races of mankind are divided into two primary -divisions, the Ulotrichi with crisp or woolly hair (Negros; Negritos), -and the Leiotrichi with smooth hair; and the Dravidians are included -in the Australoid group of the Leiotrichi "with dark skin, hair -and eyes, wavy black hair, and eminently long, prognathous skulls, -with well-developed brow ridges, who are found in Australia and in -the Deccan." There is, in the collection of the Royal College of -Surgeons' Museum, an exceedingly interesting "Hindu" skull from -Southern India, conspicuously dolichocephalic, and with highly -developed superciliary ridges. Some of the recorded measurements of -this skull are as follows:-- - - - Length 19.6 cm. - Breadth 13.2 cm. - Cephalic index 67.3 - Nasal height 4.8 cm. - Nasal breadth 2.5 cm. - Nasal index 52.1 cm. - - -Another "Hindu" skull, in the collection of the Madras Museum, -with similar marked development of the superciliary ridges, has the -following measurements:-- - - - Length 18.4 cm. - Breadth 13.8 cm. - Cephalic index 75 - Nasal height 4.9 cm. - Nasal breadth 2.1 cm. - Nasal index 42.8 - - -I am unable to subscribe to the prognathism of the Dravidian -tribes of Southern India, or of the jungle people, though aberrant -examples thereof are contained in the collection of skulls at -the Madras Museum, e.g., the skull of a Tamil man (caste unknown) -who died a few years ago in Madras (Pl. I-a). The average facial -angle of various castes and tribes which I have examined ranged -between 67° and 70°, and the inhabitants of Southern India may be -classified as orthognathous. Some of the large earthenware urns -excavated by Mr. A. Rea, of the Archæological Department, at the -"prehistoric" burial site at Aditanallur in the Tinnevelly district, -[13] contained human bones, and skulls in a more or less perfect -condition. Two of these skulls, preserved at the Madras Museum, -are conspicuously prognathous (Pl. I-b). Concerning this burial -site M. L. Lapieque writes as follows. [14] "J'ai rapporté un -specimen des urnes funéraires, avec une collection assez complète du -mobilier funéraire. J'ai rapporté aussi un crâne en assez bon état, -et parfaitement déterminable. Il est hyperdolichocéphale, et s'accorde -avec la série que le service d'archéologie de Madras a déja réunie. Je -pense que la race d'Adichanallour appartient aux Proto-Dravidiens." The -measurements of six of the most perfect skulls from Aditanallur in -the Madras Museum collection give the following results:-- - - - Cephalic Cephalic Cephalic - length, breadth, index. - cm. cm. - - 18.8 12.4 66. - 19.1 12.7 66.5 - 18.3 12.4 67.8 - 18. 12.2 67.8 - 18. 12.8 77.1 - 16.8 13.1 78. - - -The following extracts from my notes show that the hyperdolichocephalic -type survives in the dolichocephalic inhabitants of the Tamil country -at the present day:-- - - - Class Number Cephalic index below 70. - examined. - - Palli 40 64.4; 66.9; 67; 68.2; 68.9; 69.6. - Paraiyan 40 64.8; 69.2; 69.3; 69.5. - Vellala 40 67.9; 69.6. - - -By Flower and Lydekker, [15] a white division of man, called the -Caucasian or Eurafrican, is made to include Huxley's Xanthochroi -(blonde type) and Melanochroi (black hair and eyes, and skin of -almost all shades from white to black). The Melanochroi are said to -"comprise the greater majority of the inhabitants of Southern Europe, -North Africa, and South-west Asia, and consist mainly of the Aryan, -Semitic, and Hamitic families. The Dravidians of India, the Veddahs -of Ceylon, and probably the Ainus of Japan, and the Maoutze of China, -also belong to this race, which may have contributed something to -the mixed character of some tribes of Indo-China and the Polynesian -islands, and have given at least the characters of the hair to the -otherwise Negroid inhabitants of Australia. In Southern India they -are largely mixed with a Negrito element, and, in Africa, where -their habitat becomes coterminous with that of the Negroes, numerous -cross-races have sprung up between them all along the frontier line." - -In describing the "Hindu type," Topinard [16] divides the population of -the Indian peninsula into three strata, viz., the Black, Mongolian, and -the Aryan. "The remnants of the first," he says, "are at the present -time shut up in the mountains of Central India under the name of Bhils, -Mahairs, Ghonds, and Khonds; and in the south under that of Yenadis, -Kurumbas, etc. Its primitive characters, apart from its black colour -and low stature, are difficult to discover, but it is to be noticed -that travellers do not speak of woolly hair in India. [17] The second -has spread over the plateaux of Central India by two lines of way, -one to the north-east, the other to the north-west. The remnants of the -first invasion are seen in the Dravidian or Tamil tribes, and those of -the second in the Jhats. The third more recent, and more important as -to quality than as to number, was the Aryan." In speaking further of -the Australian type, characterised by a combination of smooth hair -with Negroid features, Topinard states that "it is clear that the -Australians might very well be the result of the cross between one -race with smooth hair from some other place, and a really Negro and -autochthonous race. The opinions held by Huxley are in harmony with -this hypothesis. He says the Australians are identical with the ancient -inhabitants of the Deccan. The features of the present blacks in India, -and the characters which the Dravidian and Australian languages have -in common, tend to assimilate them. The existence of the boomerang -in the two countries, and some remnants of caste in Australia, help -to support the opinion." - -Of the so-called boomerangs of Southern India, the Madras Museum -possesses three (two ivory, one wooden) from the Tanjore armoury -(Pl. II). Concerning them, the Dewan of Pudukkottai writes to me as -follows. "The valari or valai tadi (bent stick) is a short weapon, -generally made of some hard-grained wood. It is also sometimes made -of iron. It is crescent-shaped, one end being heavier than the other, -and the outer end is sharpened. Men trained in the use of the weapon -hold it by the lighter end, whirl it a few times over their shoulders -to give it impetus, and then hurl it with great force against the -object aimed at. It is said that there were experts in the art of -throwing the valari, who could at one stroke despatch small game, -and even man. No such experts are now forthcoming in the Pudukkottai -State, though the instrument is reported to be occasionally used in -hunting hares, jungle fowl, etc. Its days, however, must be counted as -past. Tradition states that the instrument played a considerable part -in the Poligar wars of the last century. But it now reposes peacefully -in the households of the descendants of the rude Kallan and Maravan -warriors, preserved as a sacred relic of a chivalric past, along -with other old family weapons in their puja (worship) room, brought -out and scraped and cleaned on occasions like the Ayudha puja day -(when worship is paid to weapons and implements of industry), and -restored to its place of rest immediately afterwards." At a Kallan -marriage, the bride and bridegroom go to the house of the latter, -where boomerangs are exchanged, and a feast is held. This custom -appears to be fast becoming a tradition. But there is a common saying -still current "Send the valai tadi, and bring the bride." [18] - -It is pointed out by Topinard, [19] as a somewhat important piece of -evidence, that, in the West, about Madagascar and the point of Aden in -Africa, there are black tribes with smooth hair, or, at all events, -large numbers of individuals who have it, mingled particularly among -the Somalis and the Gallas, in the region where M. Broca has an idea -that some dark, and not Negro, race, now extinct, once existed. At -the meeting of the British Association, 1898, Mr. W. Crooke gave -expression to the view that the Dravidians represent an emigration from -the African continent, and discounted the theory that the Aryans drove -the aboriginal inhabitants into the jungles with the suggestion that -the Aryan invasion was more social than racial, viz., that what India -borrowed from the Aryans was manners and customs. According to this -view, it must have been reforming aborigines who gained the ascendancy -in India, rather than new-comers; and those of the aborigines who -clung to their old ways got left behind in the struggle for existence. - -In an article devoted to the Australians, Professor R. Semon writes -as follows. "We must, without hesitation, presume that the ancestors -of the Australians stood, at the time of their immigration to the -continent, on a lower rung of culture than their living representatives -of to-day. Whence, and in what manner, the immigration took place, -it is difficult to determine. In the neighbouring quarter of the globe -there lives no race, which is closely related to the Australians. Their -nearest neighbours, the Papuans of New Guinea, the Malays of the Sunda -Islands, and the Macris of New Zealand, stand in no close relationship -to them. On the other hand, we find further away, among the Dravidian -aborigines of India, types which remind us forcibly of the Australians -in their anthropological characters. In drawing attention to the -resemblance of the hill-tribes of the Deccan to the Australians, -Huxley says: 'An ordinary cooly, such as one can see among the -sailors of any newly-arrived East India vessel, would, if stripped, -pass very well for an Australian, although the skull and lower jaw -are generally less coarse.' Huxley here goes a little too far in his -accentuation of the similarity of type. We are, however, undoubtedly -confronted with a number of characters--skull formation, features, -wavy curled hair--in common between the Australians and Dravidians, -which gain in importance from the fact that, by the researches -of Norris, Bleek, and Caldwell, a number of points of resemblance -between the Australian and Dravidian languages have been discovered, -and this despite the fact that the homes of the two races are so far -apart, and that a number of races are wedged in between them, whose -languages have no relationship whatever to either the Dravidian or -Australian. There is much that speaks in favour of the view that the -Australians and Dravidians sprang from a common main branch of the -human race. According to the laborious researches of Paul and Fritz -Sarasin, the Veddas of Ceylon, whom one might call pre-Dravidians, -would represent an off-shoot from this main stem. When they branched -off, they stood on a very low rung of development, and seem to have -made hardly any progress worth mentioning." - -In dealing with the Australian problem, Mr. A. H. Keane [20] refers to -the time when Australia formed almost continuous land with the African -continent, and to its accessibility on the north and north-west -to primitive migration both from India and Papuasia. "That such -migrations," he writes, "took place, scarcely admits of a doubt, -and the Rev. John Mathew [21] concludes that the continent was -first occupied by a homogeneous branch of the Papuan race either -from New Guinea or Malaysia, and that these first arrivals, to be -regarded as true aborigines, passed into Tasmania, which at that time -probably formed continuous land with Australia. Thus the now extinct -Tasmanians would represent the primitive type, which, in Australia, -became modified, but not effaced, by crossing with later immigrants, -chiefly from India. These are identified, as they have been by -other ethnologists, with the Dravidians, and the writer remarks that -'although the Australians are still in a state of savagery, and the -Dravidians of India have been for many ages a people civilized in -a great measure, and possessed of literature, the two peoples are -affiliated by deeply-marked characteristics in their social system as -shown by the boomerang, which, unless locally evolved, must have been -introduced from India.' But the variations in the physical characters -of the natives appear to be too great to be accounted for by a single -graft; hence Malays also are introduced from the Eastern Archipelago, -which would explain both the straight hair in many districts, and a -number of pure Malay words in several of the native languages." Dealing -later with the ethnical relations of the Dravidas, Mr. Keane says that -"although they preceded the Aryan-speaking Hindus, they are not the -true aborigines of the Deccan, for they were themselves preceded by -dark peoples, probably of aberrant Negrite type." - -In the 'Manual of Administration of the Madras Presidency,' -Dr. C. Macleane writes as follows. "The history proper of the south -of India may be held to begin with the Hindu dynasties formed by a -more or less intimate admixture of the Aryan and Dravidian systems of -government. But, prior to that, three stages of historical knowledge -are recognisable; first, as to such aboriginal period as there may -have been prior to the Dravidian; secondly, as to the period when -the Aryans had begun to impose their religion and customs upon the -Dravidians, but the time indicated by the early dynasties had not yet -been reached. Geology and natural history alike make it certain that, -at a time within the bounds of human knowledge, Southern India did not -form part of Asia. A large southern continent, of which this country -once formed part, has ever been assumed as necessary to account -for the different circumstances. The Sanscrit Pooranic writers, -the Ceylon Boodhists, and the local traditions of the west coast, -all indicate a great disturbance of the point of the Peninsula and -Ceylon within recent times. [22] Investigations in relation to race -show it to be by no means impossible that Southern India was once -the passage-ground, by which the ancient progenitors of Northern and -Mediterranean races proceeded to the parts of the globe which they now -inhabit. In this part of the world, as in others, antiquarian remains -show the existence of peoples who used successively implements of -unwrought stone, of wrought stone, and of metal fashioned in the -most primitive manner. [23] These tribes have also left cairns and -stone circles indicating burial places. It has been usual to set -these down as earlier than Dravidian. But the hill Coorumbar of the -Palmanair plateau, who are only a detached portion of the oldest -known Tamulian population, erect dolmens to this day. The sepulchral -urns of Tinnevelly may be earlier than Dravidian, or they may be -Dravidian.... The evidence of the grammatical structure of language is -to be relied on as a clearly distinctive mark of a population, but, -from this point of view, it appears that there are more signs of the -great lapse of time than of previous populations. The grammar of the -South of India is exclusively Dravidian, and bears no trace of ever -having been anything else. The hill, forest, and Pariah tribes use the -Dravidian forms of grammar and inflection.... The Dravidians, a very -primeval race, take a by no means low place in the conjectural history -of humanity. They have affinities with the Australian aborigines, -which would probably connect their earliest origin with that -people." Adopting a novel classification, Dr. Macleane, in assuming -that there are no living representatives in Southern India of any -race of a wholly pre-Dravidian character, sub-divides the Dravidians -into pre-Tamulian and Tamulian, to designate two branches of the same -family, one older or less civilised than the other. - -The importance, which has been attached by many authorities to the -theory of the connection between the Dravidians and Australians, -is made very clear from the passages in their writings, which I -have quoted. Before leaving this subject, I may appropriately cite -as an important witness Sir William Turner, who has studied the -Dravidians and Australians from the standpoint of craniology. [24] -"Many ethnologists of great eminence," he writes, "have regarded the -aborigines of Australia as closely associated with the Dravidians of -India. Some also consider the Dravidians to be a branch of the great -Caucasian stock, and affiliated therefore to Europeans. If these two -hypotheses are to be regarded as sound, a relationship between the -aboriginal Australians and the European would be established through -the Dravidian people of India. The affinities between the Dravidians -and Australians have been based upon the employment of certain words -by both people, apparently derived from common roots; by the use of -the boomerang, similar to the well-known Australian weapon, by some -Dravidian tribes; by the Indian peninsula having possibly had in a -previous geologic epoch a land connection with the Austro-Malayan -Archipelago, and by certain correspondences in the physical type -of the two people. Both Dravidians and Australians have dark skins -approximating to black; dark eyes; black hair, either straight, -wavy or curly, but not woolly or frizzly; thick lips; low nose with -wide nostrils; usually short stature, though the Australians are -somewhat taller than the Dravidians. When the skulls are compared -with each other, whilst they correspond in some particulars, they -differ in others. In both races, the general form and proportions are -dolichocephalic, but in the Australians the crania are absolutely -longer than in the Dravidians, owing in part to the prominence of -the glabella. The Australian skull is heavier, and the outer table -is coarser and rougher than in the Dravidian; the forehead also is -much more receding; the sagittal region is frequently ridged, and the -slope outwards to the parietal eminence is steeper. The Australians -in the norma facialis have the glabella and supra-orbital ridges -much more projecting; the nasion more depressed; the jaws heavier; -the upper jaw usually prognathous, sometimes remarkably so." Of twelve -Dravidian skulls measured by Sir William Turner, in seven the jaw was -orthognathous, in four, in the lower term of the mesognathous series; -one specimen only was prognathic. The customary type of jaw, therefore, -was orthognathic. [25] The conclusion at which Sir William Turner -arrives is that "by a careful comparison of Australian and Dravidian -crania, there ought not to be much difficulty in distinguishing one -from the other. The comparative study of the characters of the two -series of crania has not led me to the conclusion that they can be -adduced in support of the theory of the unity of the two people." - -The Dravidians of Southern India are divided by Sir Herbert Risley -[26] into two main groups, the Scytho-Dravidian and the Dravidian, -which he sums up as follows:-- - -"The Scytho-Dravidian type of Western India, comprising the Maratha -Braahmans, the Kunbis and the Coorgs; probably formed by a mixture of -Scythian and Dravidian elements, the former predominating in the higher -groups, the latter in the lower. The head is broad; complexion fair; -hair on face rather scanty; stature medium; nose moderately fine, -and not conspicuously long. - -"The Dravidian type extending from Ceylon to the valley of the Ganges, -and pervading the whole of Madras, Hyderabad, the Central Provinces, -most of Central India, and Chutia Nagpur. Its most characteristic -representatives are the Paniyans of the South Indian Hills and the -Santals of Chutia Nagpur. Probably the original type of the population -of India, now modified to a varying extent by the admixture of Aryan, -Scythian, and Mongoloid elements. In typical specimens, the stature -is short or below mean; the complexion very dark, approaching black; -hair plentiful with an occasional tendency to curl; eyes dark; head -long; nose very broad, sometimes depressed at the root, but not so -as to make the face appear flat." - -It is, it will be noted, observed by Risley that the head of the -Scytho-Dravidian is broad, and that of the Dravidian long. Writing some -years ago concerning the Dravidian head with reference to a statement -in Taylor's "Origin of the Aryans," [27] that "the Todas are fully -dolichocephalic, differing in this respect from the Dravidians, who -are brachycephalic," I published [28] certain statistics based on the -measurements of a number of subjects in the southern districts of the -Madras Presidency. These figures showed that "the average cephalic -index of 639 members of 19 different castes and tribes was 74.1; -and that, in only 19 out of the 639 individuals, did the index exceed -80. So far then from the Dravidian being separated from the Todas by -reason of their higher cephalic index, this index is, in the Todas, -actually higher than in some of the Dravidian peoples." Accustomed as -I was, in my wanderings among the Tamil and Malayalam folk, to deal -with heads in which the dolichocephalic or sub-dolichocephalic type -preponderates, I was amazed to find, in the course of an expedition -in the Bellary district (in the Canarese area), that the question -of the type of the Dravidian head was not nearly so simple and -straightforward as I had imagined. My records of head measurements -now include a very large series taken in the plains in the Tulu, -Canarese, Telugu, Malayalam, and Tamil areas, and the measurements -of a few Maratha (non-Dravidian) classes settled in the Canarese -country. In the following tabular statement, I have brought together, -for the purpose of comparison, the records of the head-measurements -of representative classes in each of these areas:-- - - -======================================================================== - | |Number | Cephalic Index |Number - | |of |=========================|of times - Class | Language |subjects|Average|Maximum,|Minimum,|index - | |examined| | cm. | cm. |was 80 - | | | | | |or above -==============+=============+========+=======+========+========+======== -Sukun Sale | Marathi | 30 | 82.2 | 90.0 | 73.9 | 21 -Suka Sale | Do. | 30 | 81.8 | 88.2 | 76.1 | 22 -Vakkaliga | Canarese | 50 | 81.7 | 93.8 | 72.5 | 27 -Billava | Tulu | 50 | 80.1 | 91.5 | 71.0 | 27 -Rangari | Marathi | 30 | 79.8 | 92.2 | 70.7 | 14 -Agasa | Canarese | 40 | 78.5 | 85.7 | 73.2 | 13 -Bant | Tulu | 40 | 78.0 | 91.2 | 70.8 | 12 -Kapu | Telugu | 49 | 78.0 | 87.6 | 71.6 | 16 -Tota Balija | Do. | 39 | 78.0 | 86.0 | 73.3 | 10 -Boya | Do. | 50 | 77.9 | 89.2 | 70.5 | 14 -Dasa Banajiga | Canarese | 40 | 77.8 | 86.2 | 72.0 | 11 -Ganiga | Do. | 50 | 77.6 | 85.9 | 70.5 | 11 -Golla | Telugu | 60 | 77.5 | 89.3 | 70.1 | 9 -Kuruba | Canarese | 50 | 77.3 | 83.9 | 69.6 | 10 -Bestha | Telugu | 60 | 77.1 | 85.1 | 70.5 | 9 -Pallan | Tamil | 50 | 75.9 | 87.0 | 70.1 | 6 -Mukkuvan | Malayalam | 40 | 75.1 | 83.5 | 68.6 | 2 -Nayar | Do. | 40 | 74.4 | 81.9 | 70.0 | 1 -Vellala | Tamil | 40 | 74.1 | 81.1 | 67.9 | 2 -Agamudaiyan | Do. | 40 | 74.0 | 80.9 | 66.7 | 1 -Paraiyan | Do. | 40 | 73.6 | 78.3 | 64.8 | -Palli | Do. | 40 | 73.0 | 80.0 | 64.4 | 1 -Tiyan | Malayalam | 40 | 73.0 | 78.9 | 68.6 | -======================================================================== - - -The difference in the character of the cranium is further brought out -by the following tables, in which the details of the cephalic indices -of typical classes in the five linguistic areas under consideration -are recorded:-- - - -(a) Tulu. Billava. - -71 ** -72 ** -73 * -74 -75 -76 *** -77 ***** -78 ****** -79 ** -80 ** Average. -81 *** -82 ***** -83 ******** -84 **** -85 **** -86 * -87 -88 -89 -90 * -91 * - - -(b) Canarese. Vakkaliga. - -73 * -74 -75 ** -76 ***** -77 ** -78 ***** -79 ******* -80 ** -81 *** -82 *** Average. -83 *** -84 ** -85 *** -86 *** -87 ** -88 ** -89 * -90 -91 * -92 * -93 * -94 * - - -(c) Telugu. Kapu. - -72 * -73 ******* -74 ** -75 ** -76 ******* -77 ****** -78 * Average. -79 **** -80 **** -81 ******* -82 ** -83 *** -84 * -85 * -86 -87 -88 * - - -(d) Vellala. Tamil. - -68 * -69 -70 * -71 *** -72 ********** -73 ******* -74 ** Average. -75 ****** -76 *** -77 **** -78 -79 -80 ** -81 * - - -(e) Malayalam. Nayar. - -70 ** -71 ***** -72 ***** -73 ****** -74 * Average. -75 ****** -76 **** -77 **** -78 *** -79 ** -80 -81 -82 * - - -These tables not only bring out the difference in the cephalic index -of the classes selected as representative of the different areas, -but further show that there is a greater constancy in the Tamil and -Malayalam classes than in the Tulus, Canarese and Telugus. The number -of individuals clustering round the average is conspicuously greater -in the two former than in the three latter. I am not prepared to -hazard any new theory to account for the marked difference in the -type of cranium in the various areas under consideration, and must -content myself with the observation that, whatever may have been the -influence which has brought about the existing sub-brachycephalic or -mesaticephalic type in the northern areas, this influence has not -extended southward into the Tamil and Malayalam countries, where -Dravidian man remains dolicho- or sub-dolichocephalic. - -As an excellent example of constancy of type in the cephalic index, -I may cite, en passant, the following results of measurement of the -Todas, who inhabit the plateau of the Nilgiri hills:-- - - -69 ** -70 ******* -71 *********** -72 ******* -73 ************** Average. -74 ********************* -75 ********* -76 ****** -77 * -78 * -79 * -80 -81 * - - -I pass on to the consideration of the type of cranium among various -Brahman classes. In the following tables, the results of measurement -of representatives of Tulu, Canarese, Marathi, Tamil and Malayalam -Brahmans are recorded:-- - - -============================================================================= - | |Number | Cephalic Index |Number - | |of |==========================|of times - Class | Language |subjects| | | |index - | |examined|Average.|Maximum.|Minimum.|was 80 - | | | | | |or above -===============+================+========+========+========+========+======== -Shivalli | Tulu | 30 | 80.4 | 96.4 | 69.4 | 17 -Mandya | Canarese | 50 | 80.2 | 88.2 | 69.8 | 31 -Karnataka | Do. | 60 | 78.4 | 89.5 | 69.8 | 19 -Smarta | | | | | | - (Desastha) | Marathi [29] | 43 | 76.9 | 87.1 | 71 | 9 -Tamil | | | | | | - (Madras city)| Tamil | 40 | 76.5 | 84 | 69 | 3 -Nambutiri | Malayalam [30] | | 76.3 | | | -Pattar | Tamil [31] | 25 | 74.5 | 81.4 | 69.1 | 2 -============================================================================= - - -(a) Tulu. Shivalli. - -69 * -70 -71 -72 * -73 * -74 -75 -76 **** -77 -78 *** -79 *** -80 ** Average. -81 *** -82 **** -83 ** -84 ** -85 -86 * -87 -88 * -89 * -90 -91 -92 -93 -94 -95 -96 * - - -(b) Canarese. Karnataka Smarta. - -70 * -71 ** -72 ** -73 ** -74 ****** -75 *** -76 **** -77 ***** -78 ********** Average. -79 ** -80 ***** -81 **** -82 **** -83 ** -84 ** -85 * -86 * -87 * -88 ** -89 * - - -(c) Tamil. Madras City. - -69 * -70 ** -71 * -72 * -73 ** -74 *** -75 **** -76 **** Average. -77 ****** -78 ***** -79 ***** -80 ** -81 -82 ** -83 * -84 * - - -(d) Tamil. Pattar. - -69 ** -70 * -71 *** -72 ** -73 *** -74 Average. -75 **** -76 ***** -77 -78 * -79 ** -80 * -81 * - - -Taking the evidence of the figures, they demonstrate that, like the -other classes which have been analysed, the Brahmans have a higher -cephalic index, with a wider range, in the northern than in the -southern area. - -There is a tradition that the Shivalli Brahmans of the Tulu country -came from Ahikshetra. As only males migrated from their home, they -were compelled to take women from non-Brahman castes as wives. The -ranks are said to have been swelled by conversions from these castes -during the time of Sri Madhvacharya. The Shivalli Brahmans are said -to be referred to by the Bants as Mathumaglu or Mathmalu (bride) -in allusion to the fact of their wives being taken from the Bant -caste. Besides the Shivallis, there are other Tulu Brahmans, who -are said to be recent converts. The Matti Brahmans were formerly -considered low by the Shivallis, and were not allowed to sit in the -same line with the Shivallis at meal time. They were only permitted -to sit in a cross line, separated from the Shivallis, though in the -same room. This was because the Matti Brahmans were supposed to be -Mogers (fishing caste) raised to Brahmanism by one Vathiraja Swami, -a Sanyasi. Having become Brahmans, they could not carry on their -hereditary occupation, and, to enable them to earn a livelihood, -the Sanyasi gave them some brinjal (Solanum Melongena) seeds, and -advised them to cultivate the plant. From this fact, the variety of -brinjal, which is cultivated at Matti, is called Vathiraja gulla. At -the present day, the Matti Brahmans are on a par with the Shivalli -Brahmans, and have become disciples of the Sodhe mutt (religious -institution) at Udipi. In some of the popular accounts of Brahmans, -which have been reduced to writing, it is stated that, during the time -of Mayura Varma of the Kadamba dynasty, [32] some Andhra Brahmans were -brought into South Canara. As a sufficient number of Brahmans were -not available for the purpose of yagams (sacrifices), these Andhra -Brahmans selected a number of families from the non-Brahman caste, -made them Brahmans, and chose exogamous sept names for them. Of these -names, Manoli (Cephalandra Indica), Perala (Psidium Guyava), Kudire -(horse), and Ane (elephant) are examples. - -A character, with which I am very familiar, when measuring the heads -of all sorts and conditions of natives of Southern India, is the -absence of convexity of the segment formed by the posterior portion -of the united parietal bones. The result of this absence of convexity -is that the back of the head, instead of forming a curve gradually -increasing from the top of the head towards the occipital region, -as in the European skull figured in plate IIIa, forms a flattened -area of considerable length almost at right angles to the base of -the skull as in the "Hindu" skull represented in plate IIIb. This -character is shown in a marked degree in plate IV, which represents -a prosperous Linga Banajiga in the Canarese country. - -In discussing racial admixture, Quatrefages writes as follows. [33] -"Parfois on trouve encore quelques tribus qui ont conservé plus on -moins intacts tous les caractères de leur race. Les Coorumbas du Malwar -[Malabar] et du Coorg paraissent former un noyau plus considérable -encore, et avoir conservé dans les jungles de Wynaad une indépendence -à peu près complète, et tous leurs caractères ethnologiques." The -purity of blood and ethnological characters of various jungle tribes -are unhappily becoming lost as the result of contact metamorphosis from -the opening up of the jungles for planter's estates, and contact with -more civilised tribes and races, both brown and white. In illustration, -I may cite the Kanikars of Travancore, who till recently were in the -habit of sending all their women into the seclusion of the jungle on -the arrival of a stranger near their settlements. This is now seldom -done, and some Kanikars have in modern times settled in the vicinity -of towns, and become domesticated. The primitive short, dark-skinned -and platyrhine type, though surviving, has become changed, and many -leptorhine or mesorhine individuals above middle height are to be met -with. The following are the results of measurements of Kanikars in -the jungle, and at a village some miles from Trivandrum, the capital -of Travancore:-- - - - =========================================================== - | Stature cm. | Nasal Index. - ==============+=======================+==================== - | Av. | Max. | Min. | Av. | Max. | Min. - Jungle | 155.2 | 170.3 | 150.2 | 84.6 | 105 | 72.3 - Domesticated | 158.7 | 170.4 | 148 | 81.2 | 90.5 | 70.8 - =========================================================== - - -Some jungle Chenchus, who inhabit the Nallamalai hills in the -Kurnool district, still exhibit the primitive short stature and high -nasal index, which are characteristic of the unadulterated jungle -tribes. But there is a very conspicuous want of uniformity in their -physical characters, and many individuals are to be met with, above -middle height, or tall, with long narrow noses. A case is recorded, -in which a brick-maker married a Chenchu girl. And I was told of a -Boya man who had married into the tribe, and was living in a gudem -(Chenchu settlement). - - - ========================================================= - | Stature cm. | Nasal Index. - ==============+=====================+==================== - | Av. | Max.| Min. | Av. | Max. |Min. - | 162.5 | 175 | 149.6 | 81.9 | 95.7 | 68.1 - ========================================================= - - -By the dolichocephalic type of cranium which has persisted, and which -the Chenchus possess in common with various other jungle tribes, they -are still, as shown by the following table, at once differentiated -from the mesaticephalic dwellers in the plains near the foot of the -Nallamalais:-- - - - ================================================ - | | Number of - | Cephalic| times the - | Index. | index was - | | 80 or over. - ========================+=========+============= - 40 Chenchus | 74.3 | 1 - 60 Gollas | 77.5 | 9 - 50 Boyas | 77.9 | 14 - 39 Tota Balijas | 78.0 | 10 - 49 Kapus | 78.8 | 16 - 19 Upparas | 78.8 | 4 - 16 Mangalas | 78.8 | 7 - 17 Verukalas | 78.6 | 6 - 12 Medaras | 80.7 | 8 - ================================================ - - -In a note on the jungle tribes, M. Louis Lapicque, [34] who carried -out anthropometric observations in Southern India a few years ago, -writes as follows. "Dans les montagnes des Nilghirris et d'Anémalé, -situées au coeur de la contrée dravidienne, on a signalé depuis -longtemps des petits sauvages crépus, qu'on a même pensé pouvoir, sur -des documents insuffisants, identifier avec les negritos. En réalité, -it n'existe pas dans ces montagnes, ni probablement nulle part dans -l'Inde, un témoin de la race primitive comparable, comme pureté, -aux Andamanais ni même aux autres Negritos. Ce que l'on trouve là, -c'est simplement, mais c'est fort précieux, une population métisse -qui continue au delà du Paria la série générale de l'Inde. Au bord -de la forêt vierge ou dans les collines partiellement défrichées, -il y a des castes demi-Parias, demi-sauvages. La hiérachie sociale -les classe au-dessous du Paria: on peut même trouver des groupes ou le -facies nègre, nettement dessiné, est tout à fait prédominant. Ehbien, -dans ces groupes, les chevelures sont en général frisées, et on en -observe quelques-unes qu'on peut même appeler crépues. On a donc le -moyen de prolonger par l'imagination la série des castes indiennes -jusq'au type primitif qui était (nous n'avons plus qu'un pas à faire -pour le reconstruire), un Nègre.... Nous sommes arrives à reconstituer -les traits nègres d'un type disparu en prolongeant une série graduée -de métis. Par la même méthode nous pouvons déterminer théoriquement -la forme du crâne de ce type. Avec une assez grande certitude, je -crois pouvoir affirmer, après de nombreuses mesures systématiques, -que le nègre primitif de l'Inde était sousdolichocéphale avec un -indice voisin de 75 ou 76. Sa taille, plus difficile à préciser, car -les conditions de vie modifient ce caractère, devait être petite, plus -haute pourtant que celle des Andamanais. Quant au nom qu'il convient -de lui attribuer, la discussion des faits sociaux et linguistiques -sur lesquels est fondée la notion de dravidien permet d'établir que -ce nègre était antérieur aux dravidiens; il faut done l'appeller -Prédravidien, ou, si nous voulons lui donner un nom qui ne soit pas -relatif à une autre population, on peut l'appeler Nègre Paria." - -In support of M. Lapicque's statement that the primitive inhabitant -was dolichocephalic or sub-dolichocephalic, I may produce the evidence -of the cephalic indices of the various jungle tribes which I have -examined in the Tamil, Malayalam, and Telugu countries:-- - - - =================================================== - | Cephalic Index. - |==========+==========+========== - | Average. | Maximum. | Minimum. - ==================+==========+==========+========== - Kadir | 72.9 | 80.0 | 69.1 - Irula, Chingleput | 73.1 | 78.6 | 68.4 - Kanikar | 73.4 | 78.9 | 69.1 - Mala Vedan | 73.4 | 80.9 | 68.8 - Panaiyan | 74.0 | 81.1 | 69.4 - Chenchu | 74.3 | 80.5 | 64.3 - Sholaga | 74.9 | 79.3 | 67.8 - Paliyan | 75.7 | 79.1 | 72.9 - Irula, Nilgiris | 75.8 | 80.9 | 70.8 - Kurumba | 76.5 | 83.3 | 71.8 - =================================================== - - -It is worthy of note that Haeckel defines the nose of the Dravidian -as a prominent and narrow organ. For Risley has laid down [35] that, -in the Dravidian type, the nose is thick and broad, and the formula -expressing the proportionate dimension (nasal index) is higher -than in any known race, except the Negro; and that the typical -Dravidian, as represented by the Male Paharia, has a nose as broad -in proportion to its length as the Negro, while this feature in the -Aryan group can fairly bear comparison with the noses of sixty-eight -Parisians, measured by Topinard, which gave an average of 69.4. In -this connection, I may record the statistics relating to the nasal -indices of various South Indian jungle tribes:-- - - - ==================================================== - | Nasal Index. - |================================ - | Average. | Maximum. | Minimum. - ===================+==========+==========+========== - Paniyan | 95.1 | 108.6 | 72.9 - Kadir | 89.8 | 115.4 | 72.9 - Kurumba | 86.1 | 111.1 | 70.8 - Sholaga | 85.1 | 107.7 | 72.8 - Mala Vedan | 84.9 | 102.6 | 71.1 - Irula, Nilgiris | 84.9 | 100. | 72.3 - Kanikar | 84.6 | 105. | 72.3 - Chenchu | 81.9 | 95.7 | 68.1 - ==================================================== - - -In the following table, I have brought together, for the purpose of -comparison, the average stature and nasal index of various Dravidian -classes inhabiting the plains of the Telugu, Tamil, Canarese, and -Malayalam countries, and jungle tribes:-- - - - ====================================================== - | | Nasal | - |Linguistic area.| Index.| Stature. - ===================+================+=======+========= - Paniyan | Jungle tribe | 95.1 | 157.4 - Kadir | Do. | 89.8 | 157.7 - Kurumba | Do. | 86.1 | 157.9 - Sholaga | Do. | 85.1 | 159.3 - Irula, Nilgiris | Do. | 84.9 | 159.8 - Mala Vedan | Do. | 84.9 | 154.2 - Kanikar | Do. | 84.6 | 155.2 - Chenchu | Do. | 81.9 | 162.5 - Pallan | Tamil | 81.5 | 164.3 - Mukkuvan | Malayalam | 81. | 163.1 - Paraiyan | Tamil | 80. | 163.1 - Palli | Do. | 77.9 | 162.5 - Ganiga | Canarese | 76.1 | 165.8 - Bestha | Telugu | 75.9 | 165.7 - Tiyan | Malayalam | 75. | 163.7 - Kuruba | Canarese | 74.9 | 162.7 - Boya | Telugu | 74.4 | 163.9 - Tota Balija | Do. | 74.4 | 163.9 - Agasa | Canarese | 74.3 | 162.4 - Agamudaiyan | Tamil | 74.2 | 165.8 - Golla | Telugu | 74.1 | 163.8 - Vellala | Tamil | 73.1 | 162.4 - Vakkaliga | Canarese | 73. | 167.2 - Dasa Banajiga | Do. | 72.8 | 165.3 - Kapu | Telugu | 72.8 | 164.5 - Nayar | Malayalam | 71.1 | 165.2 - ====================================================== - - -This table demonstrates very clearly an unbroken series ranging from -the jungle men, short of stature and platyrhine, to the leptorhine -Nayars and other classes. - -In plate V are figured a series of triangles representing (natural -size) the maxima, minima, and average nasal indices of Brahmans of -Madras city (belonging to the poorer classes), Tamil Paraiyans, and -Paniyans. There is obviously far less connection between the Brahman -minimum and the Paraiyan maximum than between the Brahman and Paraiyan -maxima and the Paniyan average; and the frequent occurrence of high -nasal indices, resulting from short, broad noses, in many classes has -to be accounted for. Sir Alfred Lyall somewhere refers to the gradual -Brahmanising of the aboriginal non-Arayan, or casteless tribes. "They -pass," he writes, "into Brahmanists by a natural upward transition, -which leads them to adopt the religion of the castes immediately -above them in the social scale of the composite population, among -which they settle down; and we may reasonably guess that this process -has been working for centuries." In the Madras Census Report, 1891, -Mr. H. A. Stuart states that "it has often been asserted, and is -now the general belief, that the Brahmans of the South are not pure -Aryans, but are a mixed Aryan and Dravidian race. In the earliest -times, the caste division was much less rigid than now, and a person -of another caste could become a Brahman by attaining the Brahmanical -standard of knowledge, and assuming Brahmanical functions; and, when -we see the Nambudiri Brahmans, even at the present day, contracting -alliances, informal though they be, with the women of the country, -it is not difficult to believe that, on their first arrival, such -unions were even more common, and that the children born of them would -be recognised as Brahmans, though perhaps regarded as an inferior -class. However, those Brahmans, in whose veins mixed blood is supposed -to run, are even to this day regarded as lower in the social scale, -and are not allowed to mix freely with the pure Brahman community." - -Popular traditions allude to wholesale conversions of non-Brahmans -into Brahmans. According to such traditions, Rajas used to feed -very large numbers of Brahmans (a lakh of Brahmans) in expiation of -some sin, or to gain religious merit. To make up this large number, -non-Brahmans are said to have been made Brahmans at the bidding -of the Rajas. Here and there are found a few sections of Brahmans, -whom the more orthodox Brahmans do not recognise as such, though the -ordinary members of the community regard them as an inferior class -of Brahmans. As an instance may be cited the Marakas of the Mysore -Province. Though it is difficult to disprove the claim put forward -by these people, some demur to their being regarded as Brahmans. - -Between a Brahman of high culture, with fair complexion, and long, -narrow nose on the one hand, and a less highly civilised Brahman -with dark skin and short broad nose on the other, there is a vast -difference, which can only be reasonably explained on the assumption -of racial admixture; and it is no insult to the higher members of -the Brahman community to trace, in their more lowly brethren, the -result of crossing with a dark-skinned, and broad-nosed race of short -stature. Whether the jungle tribe are, as I believe, the microscopic -remnant of a pre-Dravidian people, or, as some hold, of Dravidians -driven by a conquering race to the seclusion of the jungles, it is -to the lasting influence of some such broad-nosed ancestor that the -high nasal index of many of the inhabitants of Southern India must, -it seems to me, be attributed. Viewed in the light of this remark, -the connection between the following mixed collection of individuals, -all of very dark colour, short of stature, and with nasal index -exceeding 90, calls for no explanation:-- - - - ======================================================== - | Stature. | Nasal | Nasal | Nasal - | |height. |breadth.| Index. - ==================+==========+========+========+======== - | cm. | cm. | cm. | - Vakkaliga | 156 | 4.3 | 3.9 | 90.7 - Moger | 160 | 4.3 | 3.9 | 90.7 - Saiyad Muhammadan | 160 | 4.4 | 4 | 90.9 - Kammalan | 154.4 | 4.4 | 4 | 90.9 - Chakkiliyan | 156.8 | 4.4 | 4 | 90.9 - Vellala | 154.8 | 4.7 | 4.3 | 91.6 - Malaiyali | 158.8 | 4 | 3.7 | 92.5 - Konga Vellala | 157 | 4.1 | 3.8 | 92.7 - Pattar Brahman | 157.6 | 4.2 | 3.9 | 92.9 - Odde | 159.6 | 4.3 | 4 | 93 - Smarta Brahman | 159 | 4.1 | 3.9 | 95.1 - Palli | 157.8 | 4.1 | 3.9 | 95.1 - Pallan | 155.8 | 4.2 | 4.2 | 100 - Bestha | 156.8 | 4.3 | 4.3 | 100 - Mukkuvan | 150.8 | 4 | 4 | 100 - Agasa | 156.4 | 4.3 | 4.3 | 100 - Tamil Paraiyan | 160 | 4 | 4.2 | 105 - ======================================================== - - -I pass on to a brief consideration of the languages of Southern -India. According to Mr. G. A. Grierson [36] "the Dravidian family -comprises all the principal languages of Southern India. The name -Dravidian is a conventional one. It is derived from the Sanskrit -Dravida, a word which is again probably derived from an older -Dramila, Damila, and is identical with the name of Tamil. The name -Dravidian is, accordingly, identical with Tamulian, which name has -formerly been used by European writers as a common designation of the -languages in question. The word Dravida forms part of the denomination -Andhra-Dravida-bhasha, the language of the Andhras (i.e., Telugu), -and Dravidas (i.e., Tamilians), which Kumarila Bhatta (probably -7th Century A.D.) employed to denote the Dravidian family. In India -Dravida has been used in more than one sense. Thus the so-called five -Dravidas are Telugu, Kanarese, Marathi, Gujarati, and Tamil. In Europe, -on the other hand, Dravidian has long been the common denomination of -the whole family of languages to which Bishop Caldwell applied it in -his Comparative Grammar, and there is no reason for abandoning the -name which the founder of Dravidian philology applied to this group -of speeches." - -The five principal languages are Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam, Canarese, -and Oriya. Of these, Oriya belongs to the eastern group of the -Indo-Aryan family, and is spoken in Ganjam, and a portion of the -Vizagapatam district. The population speaking each of these languages, -as recorded at the census, 1901, was as follows:-- - - - Tamil 15,543,383 - Telugu 14,315,304 - Malayalam 2,854,145 - Oriya 1,809,336 - Canarese 1,530,688 - - -In the preparation of the following brief summary of the other -vernacular languages and dialects, I have indented mainly on the -Linguistic Survey of India, and the Madras Census Report, 1901. - -Savara.--The language of the Savaras of Ganjam and Vizagapatam. One -of the Munda languages. Concerning the Munda, linguistic family, -Mr. Grierson writes as follows. "The denomination Munda (adopted -by Max Müller) was not long allowed to stand unchallenged. Sir -George Campbell in 1866 proposed to call the family Kolarian. He -was of opinion that Kol had an older form Kolar, which he thought -to be identical with Kanarese Kallar, thieves. There is absolutely -no foundation for this supposition. Moreover, the name Kolarian is -objectionable, as seeming to suggest a connexion with Aryan which does -not exist. The principal home of the Munda languages at the present -day is the Chota Nagpur plateau. The Munda race is much more widely -spread than the Munda languages. It has already been remarked that -it is identical with the Dravidian race, which forms the bulk of the -population of Southern India." - -Gadaba.--Spoken by the Gadabas of Vizagapatam and Ganjam. One of the -Munda languages. - -Kond, Kandhi, or Kui.--The language of the Kondhs of Ganjam and -Vizagapatam. - -Gondi.--The language of the Gonds, a tribe which belongs to the -Central Provinces, but has overflowed into Ganjam and Vizagapatam. - -Gattu.--A dialect of Gondi, spoken by some of the Gonds in Vizagapatam. - -Koya or Koi.--A dialect of Gondi, spoken by the Koyis in the -Vizagapatam and Godavari districts. - -Poroja, Parja, or Parji.--A dialect of Gondi. - -Tulu.--The language largely spoken in South Canara (the ancient -Tuluva). It is described by Bishop Caldwell as one of the most highly -developed languages of the Dravidian family. - -Koraga.--Spoken by the Koragas of South Canara. It is thought by -Mr. H. A. Stuart [37] to be a dialect of Tulu. - -Bellera.--Spoken by the Belleras of South Canara, and regarded as a -dialect of Canarese or Tulu. - -Toda.--The language of the Todas of the Nilgiri hills, concerning -which Dr. W. H. R. Rivers writes as follows. [38] "Bernhard Schmid, -[39] who wrote in 1837, appears to have known more of the true Toda -language than any one who has written since, and he ascribes two-thirds -of the Toda vocabulary to Tamil, and was unable to trace the remaining -third to any other language. Caldwell [40] believed the language -of the Todas to be most closely allied to Tamil. According to Pope, -[41] the language was originally old Canarese with the addition of -a few Tamil forms, but he has included in his vocabulary words which -have probably been borrowed from the Badagas." - -Kota.--A mixture of Canarese and Tamil spoken by the Kotas of the -Nilgiri hills. - -Badaga.--The language of the Badagas of the Nilgiri hills. Said to -be an ancient form of Canarese. - -Irula.--Spoken by the Irulas of the Nilgiris, and said to be a dialect -of Tamil. According to Mr. Stuart, Kasuba or Kasuva is another dialect -of Tamil spoken by the sub-division of the Irulas which bears the -same name. - -Kurumba.--Spoken by the Kurumbas of the Nilgiri hills, Malabar, -and Mysore, and regarded as a dialect of Canarese. - -Konkani.--A dialect of Marathi, spoken almost entirely in the South -Canara district by Sarasvat and Konkani Brahmans and Roman Catholic -Christians. - -Marathi.--In the Tanjore district, the descendants of the former -Maratha Rajas of Tanjore speak this language. It is also spoken in -the Bellary district, which was formerly under Maratha dominion, -by various Maratha castes, and in the feudatory State of Sandur. - -Patnuli or Khatri.--A dialect of Gujarati, spoken by the Patnulkarans -who have settled for the most part in the town of Madura. They are -immigrants from Saurashtra in Gujarat, who are said to have come -south at the invitation of the Nayak kings of Madura. - -Lambadi.--The language of the nomad Lambadis, Brinjaris, or Sugalis. It -is described by Mr. W. Francis [42] as a patois "usually based on one -of the local vernaculars, and embroidered and diversified with thieves' -slang and expressions borrowed from the various localities in which -the tribe has sojourned. Cust thought that Lambadi was Semi-Dravidian, -but the point is not clear, and it has been classed as Indo-Aryan." - -Korava or Yerukala.--A dialect of Tamil spoken by the nomad caste -bearing these names. Like the Lambadis, they have a thieves' slang. - -Vadari.--Recorded as a vulgar Telugu dialect spoken by a wandering -tribe of quarrymen in the Bombay Presidency, the Berars, and -elsewhere. They are doubtless Oddes or Wudder navvies, who have -migrated from their home in the Telugu country. - - - - - -TABLE A. - -========================================================================== - | | | Length cm. | Breadth cm. | Index. |Index - |No.| Caste or |==============+==============+==============|80 and - | | Tribe. | Av.|Max.|Min.| Av.|Max.|Min.| Av.|Max.|Min.|over. -====+===+=============+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====== - | 40|Badaga, | | | | | | | | | | - | | Nilgiris |18.9|20.2|18. |13.6|14.5|12.8|71.7|77.5|66.1| 0 -M. | 18|Kanikar |18.8|19.5|18.2|13.6|14.2|13. |72.5|76.1|68.1| 0 -M. | 40|Mappilla, | | | | | | | | | | - | | Muhammadan |18.9|20. |18. |13.7|14.6|13. |72.8|78.5|68. | 0 -J. | 23|Kadir |18.4|19.4|17.2|13.4|13.8|12.5|72.9|80. |69. | 1 -M. | 40|Tiyan |18.9|20.3|17.8|13.7|14.9|12.6|73. |80.3|68.5| 1 -Tam.|40 |Palli |18.6|19.6|17.4|13.6|14.6|12.1|73. |80. |64.4| 1 -Tam.|40 |Irula |18.5|19.6|17. |13.5|14.4|12.8|73.1|78.6|68.4| 0 - |82 |Toda, | | | | | | | | | | - | | Nilgiris |19.4|20.4|18.2|14.2|15.2|13.3|73.3|81.3|68.7| 1 -J. |20 |Kaanikar |18.5|19.4|17.8|13.6|14.2|13. |73.4|78.9|69.1| 0 -Tam.|29 |Ambattan |18.6|19.2|18. |13.7|14.6|12.5|73.4|76.9|67.2| 0 -J. |25 |Mala Vedan |18.5|19.6|17.4|13.6|14.6|13. |73.4|80.9|68.8| 1 -Tam.|40 |Paraiyan |18.6|19.7|17. |13.7|14.5|13. |73.6|78.3|64.8| 0 -M. |25 |Cheruman |18.3|19.3|17.1|13.5|14.2|12.3|73.9|80.1|67.7| 1 -M. |25 |Paniyan |18.4|19.3|17.5|13.6|14.9|13. |74. |81.1|69.4| 1 -Tam.|40 |Agamudaiyan |18.8|20. |17.8|13.9|14.6|12.8|74. |80.9|66.7| 1 - |25 |Kota, | | | | | | | | | | - | | Nilgiris |19.2|20.2|18.3|14.2|15.1|13.4|74.1|79.1|69.9| 0 -Tam.|40 |Vellala |18.6|19.6|17.7|13.8|14.6|13.1|74.1|81.1|67.9| 2 -Tam.|20 |Smarta | | | | | | | | | | - | | Brahman |18. |19.2|17.8|14. |14.8|13. |74.2|80.4|67.8| 1 -Tam.|50 |Malaiyali |18.3|19.3|17. |13.6|14.4|12.8|74.3|82.8|61. | 2 -J. |40 |Chenchu |18.2|19.6|17.2|13.5|14.4|12.4|74.3|80.5|64.3| 1 -M. |40 |Nayar |18.7|19.8|17.4|13.9|15. |13.2|74.4|81.9|70.4| 1 -Tam.|25 |Pattar | | | | | | | | | | - | | Brahman |18.8|20.3|17.2|14. |15.1|13.1|74.5|81.4|69.1| 2 -Tam.|23 |Malasar |18.2|19.2|17.3|13.5|14.4|12.4|74.5|80. |70. | 1 -J. |57 |Urali |18.2|19.3|17.2|13.5|14.4|12.8|74.6|81.9|69.8| 1 -Tam.|50 |Chakkiliyan |18.6|19.8|17.6|13.9|15.2|13. |74.9|80.9|70.4| 1 -J. |20 |Sholaga |18.2|19.4|17.2|13.6|14.6|12.2|74.9|79.3|67.8| 0 -Tel.|30 |Madiga, | | | | | | | | | | - | | Adoni |18.6|20.2|17. |13.9|14.6|13. |75. |82.2|71.3| 2 -Tam.|40 |Kammalan |18.4|19.7|17.3|13.7|14.7|13.1|75. |81.5|68.4| 5 -M. |40 |Mukkuvan |19. |20.4|17.6|14.2|15.2|13.4|75.1|83.5|68.6| 2 -Tam.|40 |Sheik | | | | | | | | | | - | | Muhammadan |18.3|20. |16.7|13.8|14.5|12.8|75.6|81.6|71.5| 2 -C. |50 |Dayare | | | | | | | | | | - | | Muhammadan |18.5|19.7|17. |14. |15. |13. |75.6|83.3|68.5| 8 -Tam.|40 |Saiyad | | | | | | | | | | - | | Muhammadan |18.5|19.6|17.2|14. |15. |13.1|75.6|84.9|68.2| 2 -J. |26 |Paliyan |17.8|18.6|17.1|13.5|14. |13. |75.7|79.1|72.8| 0 -J. |25 |Irula |18. |19.1|17. |13.7|14.3|13.1|75.8|80.9|70.8| 1 -Tam.|50 |Pallan |18.3|19.6|17.2|13.9|14.9|12.6|75.9|87. |70.1| 6 -Tam.|42 |Idaiyan |18.3|19. |16.8|14. |14.6|13.2|76. |81.9|71.3| 5 -Tam.|40 |Pathan | | | | | | | | | | - | | Muhammadan |18.5|19.6|17.2|14.2|15.2|13.3|76.2|83.1|71.1| 2 -M. |24 |Pulayan |18.3|19.3|17. |13.9|15. |13. |76.3|83. |72.3| 5 -J. |22 |Kurumba |17.9|18.7|16.9|13.7|14.5|13. |76.4|83.3|71.8| 2 -Tel.|40 |Madiga, | | | | | | | | | | - | | Hospet |18.3|20. |17.2|14. |15.4|13. |76.5|83.3|68. | 8 -C. |50 |Sedan |18.4|19.4|17. |14.1|14.8|13.2|76.6|82.6|72.6| 7 -C. |40 |Toreya |18.3|19.2|17.2|14.1|15.2|13. |76.6|86.4|70.2| 5 -Mar.|24 |Desastha | | | | | | | | | | - | | Brahman |18.7|20.2|18. |14.4|15.2|13.2|77. |83.4|71. | 4 -Tel.|30 |Mala |18.4|19.8|16.8|14.2|14.8|13.4|77.1|85.9|70.3| 6 -Tel.|60 |Bestha |18.4|19.4|16.6|14.2|15.6|13.2|77.1|85.1|70.5| 11 -C. |50 |Kuruba, | | | | | | | | | | - | | Mysore |18.1|19.4|17.2|14. |15. |12.8|77.3|83.9|70.3| 9 -Tel.|40 |Odde |18.2|20.4|17.2|14.1|15.2|13.4|77.3|83.1|70.1| 10 -Tel.|60 |Golla |18.2|19.6|16.4|14.1|15.1|13.2|77.5|89.3|70.1| 12 -C. |40 |Dasa | | | | | | | | | | - | | Banajiga |18.6|19.8|17.3|14.4|15.6|13.4|77.8|85.5|72. | 11 -Tel.|25 |Komati, | | | | | | | | | | - | | Adoni |18.2|19.4|17. |14.3|15.2|13.3|77.9|88.2|72.2| 8 -C. |40 |Okkiliyan, | | | | | | | | | | - | | Coimbatore |18.2|19.4|17. |14.2|15.2|13.2|77.9|88.2|71.7| 9 -C. |50 |Boya |18. |19.2|16.8|14. |15.2|13. |77.9|89.2|70.5| 14 -Tu. |40 |Bant |18.5|20. |17. |14.4|16.6|13.1|78. |91.2|70.8| 12 -Tel.|49 |Kapu |18.2|19.8|16.8|14.2|15.6|13.2|78. |87.6|71.6| 16 -Tel.|39 |Tota | | | | | | | | | | -Tel.|39 | Balija |18.1|19. |17. |14.1|15. |13. |78. |86. |73.3| 10 -C. |60 |Madhva | | | | | | | | | | - | | Brahman |18.4|19.8|16.6|14.3|15.2|13.2|78. |88.5|68. | 18 -C. |40 |Bedar, | | | | | | | | | | - | | Hospet |18.4|20. |16.8|14.3|15.2|13.2|78.1|85.3|70.8| 13 -Tel.|38 |Uppara |18. |19. |16.2|14. |15.2|13.2|78.1|87.8|71.7| 9 -C. |25 |Linga | | | | | | | | | | - | | Banajiga, | | | | | | | | | | - | | Sandur |18.2|19.4|16.6|14.2|15. |13.4|78.3|87.9|73.7| 7 -C. |60 |Karnataka | | | | | | | | | | - | | Smarta | | | | | | | | | | - | | Brahman |18.5|20.7|17. |14.4|15.8|13.4|78.4|89.5|69.8| 19 -Tel.|30 |Padma | | | | | | | | | | - | | Sale |17.8|19.|16.5|14.1|15.1|13.2|78.7 |86.2|72.8| 10 -C. |50 |Kuruba, | | | | | | | | | | - | | Hospet |18.1|19.6|17. |14.2|15.4|13.4|78.9|88.4|72.9| 19 -Tel.|50 |Telugu | | | | | | | | | | - | | Banajiga |18.4|19.2|16.6|14.5|15.4|13.2|79. |89.5|71.9| 18 -C. |50 |Panchala |18.3|19.4|17.2|14.4|15.6|13. |79. |89.5|71.3| 23 -C. |50 |Holeya |17.9|19.6|16.6|14.1|15.2|13.2|79.1|87.4|70. | 20 -C. |25 |Bedar, | | | | | | | | | | - | | Adoni |18.1|19.2|17. |14.4|15. |13.6|79.4|85.9|74.1| 12 -Mar.|30 |Rangari |18.1|19.8|16.8|14.5|15.4|13.8|79.8|92.2|70.7| 14 -Tel.|25 |Togata |17.7|19. |16.2|14.2|14.8|13.6|80. |88.1|73.7| 13 -Tu. |50 |Billava |18.2|20.6|16.4|14.6|15.6|13.2|80.1|91.5|71. | 28 -C. |30 |Linga | | | | | | | | | | - | | Banajiga, | | | | | | | | | | - | | Adoni |18.1|19.4|16.7|14.4|15.2|13.6|80.1|87.4|74.1| 14 -C. |50 |Hebbar | | | | | | | | | | - | | Brahman |18.4|19.6|17.2|14.7|16.4|13.4|80.1|92.1|72.8| 21 -C. |50 |Mandya | | | | | | | | | | - | | Brahman |18.5|20.2|16.6|14.8|15.8|13.4|80.2|88.2|69.8| 31 -Tu. |30 |Shivalli | | | | | | | | | | - | | Brahman |18.5|19.6|16.8|14.9|16.2|13.6|80.4|96.4|72.3| 17 -C. |20 |Ganiga |18. |19.1|16.6|14.4|15.2|14. |80.5|86.7|74.5| 11 -C. |20 |Devanga |18. |19.6|17. |14.5|15.5|13.6|80.8|87.1|74.7| 10 -Tel.|25 |Komati |17.6|18.8|16.4|14.3|14.8|13.4|81. |87.1|74.5| 16 -C. |50 |Vakkaliga, | | | | | | | | | | - | | Mysore |17.7|19.5|15.8|14.5|15.7|13.2|81.7|93.8|72.5| 27 -Mar.|30 |Suka | | | | | | | | | | - | | Sale |17.7|18.8|16.6|14.5|15. |13.4|81.8|88.2|76.1| 22 -Mar.|30 |Sukun | | | | | | | | | | - | | Sale |17.6|19. |16. |14.4|15.4|13.6|82.2|90. |73.9| 21 -========================================================================== - - - - -TABLE B. - -====+===+============================+=================+================= - | | | Stature cm. | Nasal Index. - == |No.| Caste or Tribe. +=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+===== - | | | Av. | Max.|Min. | Av. | Max.|Min. -====+===+============================+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+===== -M. |40 |Nayar |165.2|179. |152.2| 71.1| 78.7|54.4 -C. |50 |Hebbar Brahman |163.2|174.4|150.8| 71.2| 87.2|55.4 -C. |60 |Karnataka Smarta Brahman |164.2|176. |150.6| 71.5| 91.5|61.1 -C. |50 |Dayare Muhammadan |166.4|181.8|150. | 71.5| 82.6|59.3 -Mar.|60 |Madhva Brahman |163.3|176.2|151.8| 72. | 93.2|58.8 -Tu. |40 |Bant |165.7|179.2|155.8| 72.2| 86.1|61.6 -Tam.|40 |Sheik Muhammadan |164.6|174.8|153.8| 72.4| 87. |60. -Tam.|29 |Ambattan |165.7|173.2|153.2| 72.4| 84.3|57.9 -Tu. |50 |Billava |163.2|175.8|149.4| 72.6| 92.8|60. -C. |50 |Sedan |163.3|177.2|153.2| 72.7| 92.9|59.3 -C. |40 |Dasa Banajiga |165.3|177.8|152. | 72.8| 82.6|59.3 -Tel.|49 |Kapu |164.5|177.6|152.6| 72.8| 90.5|62.7 -C. |50 |Mandya Brahman |165.7|177.8|150.6| 73. | 97.8|58.4 -C. |50 |Vakkaliga, Mysore |167.2|181. |155.2| 73. | 85. |62.3 -Tam.|40 |Vellala |162.4|172.8|153.2| 73.1| 91.5|60.8 -Tel.|30 |Padma Sale |159.9|171.4|153.8| 73.2| 83.7|61.5 -C. |40 |Okkiliyan |166. |179.6|154.6| 73.5| 90.7|63.5 -C. |50 |Kuruba, Mysore |163.6|174.2|152. | 73.5| 88.4|64. -Mar.|30 |Rangari |161.3|168.4|154.4| 73.6| 84.1|63.5 -Tam.|42 |Idaiyan |164.3|178. |154.6| 73.6| 91. |62.7 -Tel.|25 |K mati, Sandur |162.5|169.2|153.4| 74.1| 88.9|62.5 -C. |30 |Linga Banajiga |163.4|171.2|154. | 74.1| 85.7|60.4 -Tel.|60 |Golla |163.8|173.8|151. | 74.1| 83. |61.5 -M. |40 |Tiyan |164.2|171.6|155.2| 74.2| 85.7|61.5 -Tam.|40 |Agamudaiyan |165.8|175.6|153.6| 74.2| 88.9|73.8 -Tel.|39 |Tota Balija |163.9|176.8|149.6| 74.4| 83. |65.4 -C. |25 |Linga Banajiga, Sandur |165.6|173. |157.8| 74.6| 86.4|61.5 -Mar.|30 |Sukun Sale |160.3|167.6|152.5| 74.8| 84.4|61.5 -Mar.|30 |Suka Sale |161.1|170. |147.8| 74.8| 86.1|62.3 -C. |50 |Panchala |162.3|177.2|151.6| 74.8| 88.9|62. -C. |50 |Kuruba, Hospet |162.7|175.4|162.2| 74.9| 92.2|75.8 - .. |82 |Toda, Nilgiris |169.8|186.8|157.6| 74.9| 89.1|61.2 -C. |50 |Boya |160.8|171.6|151.9| 75. | 86. |66. -Tel.|50 |Telugu Banajiga |164.6|176.2|151.6| 75. | 97.7|66. -M. |40 |Mappilla, Muhammadan |164.8|174.4|145. | 75.1| 88.1|64. -C. |50 |Holeya |162.8|175.2|151.5| 75.1| 88.9|64.6 -... |40 |Badaga, Nilgiris |164.1|180.2|154. | 75.6| 88.4|62.7 -Mar.|24 |Desastha Brahman |163.4|175. |151.4| 75.8| 87.2|66.7 -Tel.|60 |Bestha |165.7|181. |155. | 75.9| 100.|63.3 -C. |30 |Toreya |164.2|180.6|156.4| 76.1| 87.2|62.7 -Tel.|30 |Mala |163.9|175. |153.8| 76.2| 93.2|67.3 -Tam.|40 |Pathan Muhammadan |164.4|177.6|155.6| 76.2| 83.1|71.1 -Tam.|25 |Pattar Brahman |164.3|175. |153.4| 76.5| 95.3|64.7 - ...|25 |Kota, Nilgiris |162.9|174.2|155. | 77.2| 92.9|64. -Tam.|40 |Palli |162.5|171.6|149.8| 77.3| 90.5|68.3 -Tam.|40 |Kammalan |159.7|171.8|146.4| 77.3| 90.9|63.3 -Tel.|40 |Odde |164.4|172.4|155. | 77.3| 93. |65.4 -C. |40 |Bedar, Hospet |165.4|176.6|156. | 77.5| 93. |78.1 -Tel.|40 |Madiga, Hospet |162.9|173.4|152.2| 77.5|90.1 |66.7 -Tel.|30 |Togata |160.5|168.9|151.4| 77.5|93.9 |68.8 -Tam.|50 |Malaiyali |163.9|173.2|153.2| 77.8|100. |63.8 -Tel.|25 |Komati, Adoni |161. |168.3|153.2| 77.8|100. |65.3 -Tam.|40 |Palli |162.5|169.4|151. | 77.9|95.1 |60.8 -M. |25 |Cheruman |157.5|166.4|145.8| 78.1|88.9 |69.6 -Tam.|50 |Chakkiliyan |162.2|174.5|150.3| 78.9|97.6 |64. -M. |24 |Pulayan |153. |162.6|143.4| 79.3|92.7 |68. -C. |25 |Bedar, Adoni |165.4|176.2|156.6| 79.4|91. |65.2 -Tam.|40 |Paraiyan |162.1|171.4|149.4| 80. |91.8 |66. -J. |57 |Urali |159.5|171.6|147.8| 80.1|97.7 |66.7 -Tam.|40 |Irula |159.9|166.8|150.2| 80.4|90.5 |79. -Tel.|30 |Madiga, Adoni |163.1|173.2|154.2| 80.8|102.6|69.4 -M. |40 |Mukkuvan |163.1|177.8|150.8| 81. |104.8|62.5 -M. |18 |Kanikar |158.7|170.4|148. | 81.2|90.5 |70.8 -Tam.|50 |Pallan |164.3|177.6|151.5| 81.5|100. |68.8 -J. |40 |Chenchu |162.5|175. |148. | 81.9|95.7 |68.1 -J. |26 |Pulayan |150.5|158.4|143.1| 82.9|100.2|70.8 -J. |20 |Kanikar |155.2|170.3|150.2| 84.6|105. |72.3 -J. |25 |Mala Vedan |154.2|163.8|140.8| 84.9|102.6|71.1 -J. |25 |Irula |159.8|168. |152. | 84.9|100. |72.3 -J. |20 |Sholaga |159.3|170.4|151.2| 85.1|107.7|72.8 -J. |22 |Kurumba |158. |167. |149.6| 86.1|111.1|70.8 -J. |23 |Malasar |161.2|170.5|152.8| 87.2|102.4|75.4 -J. |23 |Kadir |157.7|169.4|148.6| 89.8|115.4|72.9 -J. |25 |Paniyan |157.4|171.6|152. | 95.1|108.6|72.9 -============================================================================ - - - - - - - - CASTES AND TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA. - - -Abhisheka.--Abhisheka Pandarams are those who are made to pass through -some ceremonies in connection with Saiva Agama. - -Acchu Tali.--A sub-division of Vaniyan. The name refers to the peculiar -tali (marriage badge) worn by married women. - -Acchuvaru.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as -"Oriya-speaking carriers of grain, etc., on pack bullocks. Treated -as a sub-division of Gaudo." The Acchuvarus are not Oriya people, -but are attached to the Devanga weavers, and receive their name from -the fact that they do acchupani, i.e., thread the long comb-like -structures of the hand-loom. They correspond to the Jatipillais of -the Kaikolan weavers, who do acchuvelai. - -Acchu Vellala.--A name assumed by some Pattanavans. - -Achan.--Achan, meaning father or lord, was returned, at the Cochin -census, 1901, as a title of Nayars. According to Mr. Wigram [43] -it is used as a title of the following:-- - -1. Males in the Royal Family of Palghat. - -2. The minister of the Calicut Raja, known as Mangat Achan. - -3. The minister of the Cochin Raja, known as Paliyat Achan. - -4. The minister of the second Raja of Calicut, known as Chenli Achan. - -Acharapakam Chetti.--One of the sub-divisions of the Chettis, generally -grouped among the Beri Chettis (q.v.). - -Achari.--See Asari. - -Adapadava (man of the wallet).--A name, referring to the dressing-bag -which barbers carry, applied to Lingayat barbers in South Canara. - -Adapapa.--Returned in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a sub-caste -of Balija. The name is applied to female attendants on the ladies of -the families of Zamindars, who, as they are not allowed to marry, lead -a life of prostitution. Their sons call themselves Balijas (see Khasa). - -Adavi (forest or jungle).--The name of a sub-division of Yanadis, -and also of a section of Gollas in Mysore. [44] - -Adaviyar.--Adaviyar or Ataviyar is the name of a class of -Tamil-speaking weavers found in the Tanjore and Tinnevelly districts. - -Addaku (Bauhinia racemosa).--A sept of Jatapu. The leaves of this -tree are largely used as food platters, in Madras, and generally on -the east coast. - -Addapu Singa.--Mendicants who beg only from Mangalas in the Telugu -country. - -Adhigari.--Defined by Mr. Wigram [45] as the head of the amsam or -parish in Malabar, corresponding to the Manigar (village munsiff) -in east coast districts and Patel in South Canara. The title Adhigari -(one in power) is assumed by some Agamudaiyans, and Adhikari occurs -as an exogamous sept of the Badagas, and the title of village headman -among some Oriya castes. In South Canara, it is a sept of Stanika. - -Adi (primitive or original).--The name of a division of Linga Balijas, -and of Velamas who have abandoned the practice of keeping their -females gosha (in seclusion). It is also applied by the Chenchus to -the original members of their tribe, from whom the man-lion Narasimha -obtained his bride Chenchita. - -Adichchan.--A sub-division of Nayar. - -Adikal (slaves or servants).--Included among the Ambalavasis. It -is recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, that "tradition -states that Sankaracharya, to test the fidelity of certain Brahmins -to the established ordinances of caste, went to a liquor-shop, and -drank some stimulants. Not recognising that the obligations, from -which adepts like Sankara were free, were none the less binding -on the proletariat, the Brahmins that accompanied the sage made -this an excuse for their drinking too. Sankara is said to have then -entered a foundry, and swallowed a cup of molten metal, and handed -another to the Brahmins, who had apparently made up their minds to -do all that may be done by the Acharya. But they begged to differ, -apologised to him as Atiyals or humble servants, and accepted social -degradation in expiation of their sinful presumption. They are now -the priests in temples dedicated to Bhadrakali, and other goddesses -who receive offerings of liquor. They practise sorcery, and aid in -the exorcising of spirits. They have the upanayana-samskara, and -wear the sacred thread. The simantam ceremony is not performed. They -are to repeat the Gayatri (hymn) ten times, and observe eleven days' -death pollution. Their own caste-men act as priests. The Atiyammamar -wear the same jewellery as the Nambutiri women, but they do not screen -themselves by a cadjan (palm leaf) umbrella when they go out in public, -nor are they accompanied by a Nayar maid." - -Adimittam.--An occupational sub-division of Marans, who clean the -court-yards of temples in Travancore. - -Adisaivar.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "a -sub-caste of Vellala. They are singers of Devara hymns in Saiva -temples." The name indicates those who have been Saivites from the -beginning, as opposed to recent Saivites. Adisaivas are Saivites, who -have survived the absorbing influence of the Lingayat sect. Saivites -who profess the Lingayat doctrines are known as Virasaivas. Some -Pandarams, who belong to the Sozhia sub-division of the Vellalas, -regularly recite Tamil verses from Thevaram and Tiruvachagam in -Saivite temples. This being their profession, they are also called -Oduvar (readers or reciters). - -Aditya Varada.--Kurubas, who worship their God on Sunday. - -Adiyan.--Adiyan (adi, foot) has been defined [46] as meaning literally -"a slave, but usually applied to the vassals of Tamburans and other -powerful patrons. Each Adiyan had to acknowledge his vassalage -by paying annually a nuzur (gift of money) to his patron, and was -supposed also to be ready to render service whenever needed. This -yearly nuzur, which did not generally exceed one or two fanams, was -called adima-panam" (slave money), adima meaning feudal dependency -on a patron. - -Adiyodi.--Adiyodi or Atiyoti, meaning slave or vassal, has been -returned at times of census as a sub-division of Samantan. It is, -Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [47] "the caste of the Kadattanad Rajah in -North Malabar. The tradition is that, when he was driven out of his -territories in and around Calicut by the Zamorin, he took shelter -under the Rajah of Chirakkal, who gave him the Kadattanad country to -hold as his vassal. Some Atiyotis advance no pretension to be above -Nayars in rank." - -Adutton (a bystander).--A synonym for Kavutiyan, a caste of Malayalam -barbers. In like manner, the name Ambattan for Tamil barbers is said to -be derived from the Sanskrit amba (near), s'tha (to stand), indicating -that they stand near to shave their clients or treat their patients. - -Agamudaiyan.--The Agamudaiyans, Mr. W. Francis writes, [48] are "a -cultivating caste found in all the Tamil districts. In Chingleput, -North Arcot, Salem, Coimbatore and Trichinopoly, they are much less -numerous than they were thirty years ago. The reason probably is that -they have risen in the social scale, and have returned themselves as -Vellalas. Within the same period, their strength has nearly doubled -in Tanjore, perhaps owing to the assumption of the name by other -castes like the Maravans and Kallans. In their manners and customs -they closely follow the Vellalas. Many of these in the Madura district -are the domestic servants of the Marava Zamindars." The Agamudaiyans -who have settled in the North Arcot district are described [49] by -Mr. H. A. Stuart as "a class of cultivators differing widely from -the Agamudaiyans of the Madura district. The former are closely -allied to the Vellalas, while the latter are usually regarded as a -more civilised section of the southern Maravans. It may be possible -that the Agamudaiyans of North Arcot are the descendants of the first -immigrants from the Madura district, who, after long settlement in -the north, severed all connexions with their southern brethren." In -some districts, Agamudaiyan occurs as a synonym of Vellalas, Pallis -and Melakkarans, who consider that Agamudaiyan is a better caste name -than their own. - -The Agamudaiyans proper are found in the Tanjore, Madura, and -Tinnevelly districts. - -It is noted in the Tanjore Manual that Ahamudaiyar (the equivalent of -Agamudaiyan) is "derived from the root aham, which, in Tamil, has many -significations. In one of these, it means a house, in another earth, -and hence it has two meanings, householder and landholder; the suffix -Udeiyar indicating ownership. The word is also used in another form, -ahambadiyan, derived from another meaning of the same root, i.e., -inside. And, in this derivation, it signifies a particular caste, whose -office it was to attend to the business in the interior of the king's -palace, or in the pagoda." "The name," Mr. J. H. Nelson writes, [50] -"is said by the Rev. G. U. Pope, in his edition of the Abbé Dubois' -work, [51] to be derived from aham, a temple, and padi, a step, and to -have been given to them in consequence of their serving about the steps -of temples. But, independently of the fact that Madura pagodas are not -approached by flights of steps, this seems to be a very far-fetched and -improbable derivation of the word. I am inclined to doubt whether it -be not merely a vulgar corruption of the well-known word Ahamudeiyan, -possessor of a house, the title which Tamil Brahmans often use in -speaking of a man to his wife, in order to avoid the unpolite term -husband. Or, perhaps, the name comes from aham in the sense of earth, -and pati, master or possessor." - -Concerning the connection which exists between the Maravans, Kallans, -and Agamudaiyans (see Kallan), the following is one version of a -legend, which is narrated. The father of Ahalya decided to give her -in marriage to one who remained submerged under water for a thousand -years. Indra only managed to remain thus for five hundred years, but -Gautama succeeded in remaining for the whole of the stipulated period, -and became the husband of Ahalya. Indra determined to have intercourse -with her, and, assuming the guise of a cock, went at midnight to the -abode of Gautama, and crowed. Gautama, thinking that daybreak was -arriving, got up, and went to a river to bathe. While he was away, -Indra assumed his form, and accomplished his desire. Ahalya is said -to have recognised the deception after two children, who became the -ancestors of the Maravans and Kallans, were born to her. A third child -was born later on, from whom the Agamudaiyans are descended. According -to another version of the legend, the first-born child is said to have -faced Gautama without fear, and Agamudaiyan is accordingly derived -from aham or agam, pride, and udaiyan, possessor. There is a Tamil -proverb to the effect that a Kallan may come to be a Maravan. By -respectability he may develope into an Agamudaiyan, and, by slow -degrees, become a Vellala, from which he may rise to be a Mudaliar. - -Of the three castes, Kallan, Maravan and Agamudaiyan, the last are said -to have "alone been greatly influenced by contact with Brahmanism. They -engage Brahman priests, and perform their birth, marriage, and death -ceremonies like the Vellalas." [52] I am told that the more prosperous -Agamudaiyans in the south imitate the Vellalas in their ceremonial -observances, and the poorer classes the Maravans. - -Agamudaiyan has been returned, at times of census, as a sub-division of -Maravan and Kallan. In some places, the Agamudaiyans style themselves -sons of Sembunattu Maravans. At Ramnad, in the Madura district, they -carry the fire-pot to the burning ground at the funeral of a Maravan, -and also bring the water for washing the corpse. In the Tanjore -district the Agamudaiyans are called Terkittiyar, or southerners, -a name which is also applied to Kallans, Maravans, and Valaiyans. The -ordinary title of the Agamudaiyans is Servaikkaran, but many of them -call themselves, like the Vellalas, Pillai. Other titles, returned -at times of census, are Adhigari and Mudaliar. - -At the census, 1891, the following were returned as the more -important sub-divisions of the Agamudaiyans:--Aivali Nattan, -Kottaipattu, Malainadu, Nattumangalam, Rajaboja, Rajakulam, -Rajavasal, Kallan, Maravan, Tuluvan (cf. Tuluva Vellala) and -Servaikkaran. The name Rajavasal denotes those who are servants of -Rajas, and has been transformed into Rajavamsa, meaning those of kingly -parentage. Kottaipattu means those of the fort, and the Agamudaiyans -believe that the so-called Kottai Vellalas of the Tinnevelly -district are really Kottaipattu Agamudaiyans. One sub-division of -the Agamudaiyans is called Sani (cow-dung). Unlike the Maravans and -Kallans, the Agamudaiyans have no exogamous septs, or kilais. - -It is recorded, in the Mackenzie Manuscripts, that "among the Maravas, -the kings or the rulers of districts, or principal men, are accustomed -to perform the ceremony of tying on the tali, or in performing the -marriage at once in full, with reference to females of the Agambadiyar -tribe. The female children of such marriages can intermarry with the -Maravas, but not among the Agambadiyar tribe. On the other hand, the -male offspring of such marriages is considered to be of the mother's -tribe, and can intermarry with the Agambadiyas, but not in the tribe -of the Maravas." I am told that, under ordinary circumstances, the -offspring of a marriage between a Maravan and Agamudaiyan becomes an -Agamudaiyan, but that, if the husband is a man of position, the male -issues are regarded as Maravans. Adult marriage appears to be the -rule among the Agamudaiyans, but sometimes, as among the Maravans, -Kallans and other castes, young boys are, in the southern districts, -sometimes married to grown-up girls. - -The marriage ceremonial, as carried out among the poorer Agamudaiyans, -is very simple. The sister of the bridegroom proceeds to the home of -the bride on an auspicious day, followed by a few females carrying a -woman's cloth, a few jewels, flowers, etc. The bride is seated close -to a wall, facing east. She is dressed up in the cloth which has been -brought, and seated on a plank. Betel leaves, areca nuts, and flowers -are presented to her by the bridegroom's sister, and she puts them -in her lap. A turmeric-dyed string or garland is then placed round -the bride's neck by the bridegroom's sister, while the conch shell -(musical instrument), is blown. On the same day the bride is conducted -to the home of the bridegroom, and a feast is held. - -The more prosperous Agamudaiyans celebrate their marriages according -to the Puranic type, which is the form in vogue amongst most of the -Tamil castes, with variations. The astrologer is consulted in order -to ascertain whether the pair agree in some at least of the points -enumerated below. For this purpose, the day of birth, zodiacal signs, -planets and asterisms under which the pair were born, are taken into -consideration:-- - -1. Varam (day of birth).--Days are calculated, commencing with the -first day after the new moon. Counting from the day on which the -girl was born, if the young man's birthday happens to be the fourth, -seventh, thirteenth, sixteenth, or seventeenth, it is considered good. - -2. Ganam (class or tribe).--There are three ganams, called Manusha, -Deva, and Rakshasa. Of the twenty-seven asterisms, Aswini, Bharani, -etc., some are Manusha, some Deva, and some Rakshasa ganam. Ashtham -and Swathi are considered to be of Deva ganam, so individuals born -under these asterisms are regarded as belonging to Deva ganam. Those -born under the asterisms Bharani, Rogini, Puram, Puradam, Uththaradam, -etc., belong to the Manusha ganam. Under Rakshasa ganam are included -Krithika, Ayilyam, Makam, Visakam, and other asterisms. The bridal -pair should belong to the same ganam, as far as possible. Manusha -and Deva is a tolerable combination, whereas Rakshasa and Deva, -or Rakshasa and Manusha, are bad combinations. - -3. Sthridirgam (woman's longevity).--The young man's birthday should -be beyond the thirteenth day, counting from the birthday of the girl. - -4. Yoni (female generative organs).--The asterisms are supposed to -belong to several animals. An individual belongs to the animal to -which the asterism under which he was born belongs. For example, a -man is a horse if his asterism is Aswini, a cow if his asterism is -Uththirattadhi, and so on. The animals of husband and wife must be -on friendly terms, and not enemies. The elephant and man, horse and -cow, dog and monkey, cat and mouse, are enemies. The animals of man -and wife should not both be males. Nor should the man be a female, -or the wife a male animal. - -5. Rasi (zodiacal sign).--Beginning from the girl's zodiacal sign, -the young man's should be beyond the sixth. - -6. Rasyathipathi (planet in the zodiacal sign).--The ruling planets -of the zodiacal signs of the pair should not be enemies. - -7. Vasyam.--The zodiacal signs of the pair should be compatible, e.g., -Midunam and Kanni, Singam and Makaram, Dhanus and Minam, Thulam and -Makaram, etc. - -8. Rajju (string).--The twenty-seven asterisms are arranged at various -points on four parallel lines drawn across three triangles. These lines -are called the leg, thigh, abdomen, and neck rajjus. The vertices of -the triangles are the head rajjus. The asterisms of the pair should -not be on the same rajju, and it is considered to be specially bad -if they are both on the neck. - -9. Vriksham (tree).--The asterisms belong to a number of trees, e.g.:-- - - - Aswini, Strychnos Nux-vomica. - Bharani, Phyllanthus Emblica. - Krithikai, Ficus glomerata. - Puram, Butea frondosa. - Hastham, Sesbania grandiflora. - Thiruvonam, Calotropis gigantea. - Uththirattadhi, Melia Azadirachta. - - -Some of the trees are classed as milky, and others as dry. The young -man's tree should be dry, and that of the girl milky, or both milky. - -10. Pakshi (birds).--Certain asterisms also belong to birds, and the -birds of the pair should be on friendly terms, e.g., peacock and fowl. - -11. Jadi (caste).--The zodiacal signs are grouped into castes as -follows:-- - - - Brahman, Karkatakam, Minam, and Dhanus. - Kshatriya, Mesham, Vrischikam. - Vaisya, Kumbam, Thulam. - Sudra, Rishabam, Makaram. - Lower castes, Midhunam, Singam, and Kanni. - - -The young man should be of a higher caste, according to the zodiacal -signs, than the girl. - -After ascertaining the agreement of the pair, some close relations -of the young man proceed to some distance northward, and wait -for omens. If the omens are auspicious, they are satisfied. Some, -instead of so going, go to a temple, and seek the omens either by -placing flowers on the idol, and watching the direction in which -they fall, or by picking up a flower from a large number strewn in -front of the idol. If the flower picked up, and the one thought of, -are of the same colour, it is regarded as a good omen. The betrothal -ceremony is an important event. As soon as the people have assembled, -the bridegroom's party place in their midst the pariyam cloth and -jewels. Some responsible person inspects them, and, on his pronouncing -that they are correct, permission is given to draw up the lagna -patrika (letter of invitation, containing the date of marriage, -etc.). Vigneswara (the elephant god Ganesa) is then worshipped, -with the lagna patrika in front of him. This is followed by the -announcement of the forthcoming marriage by the purohit (priest), -and the settlement of the amount of the pariyam (bride's money). For -the marriage celebration, a pandal (booth) is erected, and a dais, -constructed of clay and laterite earth, is set up inside it. From -the day on which the pandal is erected until the wedding day, the -contracting couple have to go through the nalagu ceremony separately or -together. This consists in having their bodies smeared with turmeric -paste (Phaseolus Mungo paste), and gingelly (Sesamum) oil. On the -wedding day, the bridegroom, after a clean shave, proceeds to the house -of the bride. The finger and toe-nails of the bride are cut. The pair -offer pongal (boiled rice) to the family deity and their ancestors. A -square space is cleared in the centre of the dais for the sacred fire -(homam). A many-branched lamp, representing the thousand-eyed Indra, -is placed to the east of the square. The purohit, who is regarded -as equivalent to Yama (the god of death), and a pot with a lamp on -it representing Agni devata, occupy the south-east corner. Women -representing Niruti (a devata) are posted in the south-west corner. - -The direction of Varuna (the god of water) being west, the bridegroom -occupies this position. The best man, who represents Vayu (the god of -wind) is placed in the north-west corner. As the position of Kubera -(the god of wealth) is the north, a person, with a bag full of money, -is seated on that side. A grinding-stone and roller, representing -Siva and Sakthi, are placed in the north-east corner, and, at their -side, pans containing nine kinds of seedlings, are set. Seven pots -are arranged in a row between the grinding-stone and the branched -lamp. Some married women bring water from seven streams or seven -different places, and pour it into a pot in front of the lamp. The -milk-post (pal kambam) is set up between the lamp and the row of -pots. This post is usually made of twigs of Ficus religiosa, Ficus -bengalensis, and Erythrina indica, tied together and representing -Brahma, Vishnu, and Siva. Sometimes, however, twigs of Odina Wodier, -and green bamboo sticks, are substituted. At the close of the marriage -ceremonies, the Erythrina or Odina twig is planted, and it is regarded -as a good sign if it takes root and grows. The sacred fire is kindled, -and the bridegroom goes through the upanayana (thread investiture) -and other ceremonies. He then goes away from the house in procession -(paradesa pravesam), and is met by the bride's father, who brings him -back to the pandal. The bride's father and mother then wash his feet, -and rings are put on his toes (kalkattu, or tying the leg). The purohit -gives the bridegroom a thread (kankanam), and, after washing the feet -of the bride's father and mother, ties it on his wrist. A thread is -also tied on the left wrist of the bride. The pair being seated in -front of the sacred fire, a ceremony called Nandisradham (memorial -service to ancestors) is performed, and new clothes are given to the -pair. The next item is the tying of the tali (marriage badge). The -tali is usually tied on a turmeric-dyed thread, placed on a cocoanut, -and taken round to be blessed by all present. Then the purohit gives -the tali to the bridegroom, and he ties it on the bride's neck amidst -silence, except for the music played by the barber or Melakkaran -musicians. While the tali is being tied, the bridegroom's sister -stands behind the bride, holding a lamp in her hand. The bridegroom -ties one knot, and his sister ties two knots. After the tali-tying, -small plates of gold or silver, called pattam, are tied on the -foreheads of the pair, and presents of money and cloths are made to -them by their relations and friends. They then go seven times round -the pandal, and, at the end of the seventh round, they stand close to -the grinding-stone, on which the bridegroom places the bride's left -foot. They take their seats on the dais, and the bridegroom, taking -some parched rice (pori) from the bride's brother, puts it in the -sacred fire. Garlands of flowers are given to the bride and bridegroom, -who put them on, and exchange them three or five times. They then -roll flowers made into a ball. This is followed by the waving of -arathi (coloured water), and circumambulation of the pandal by the -pair, along with the ashtamangalam or eight auspicious things, viz., -the bridesmaid, best man, lamp, vessel filled with water, mirror, -ankusam (elephant goad), white chamara (yak's tail fly-flapper), flag -and drum. Generally the pair go three times round the pandal, and, -during the first turn, a cocoanut is broken near the grinding-stone, -and the bride is told that it is Siva, and the roller Sakthi, the two -combined being emblematical of Ardanarisvara, a bisexual representation -of Siva and Parvathi. During the second round, the story of Arundati -is repeated to the bride. Arundati was the wife of the Rishi Vasishta, -and is looked up to as a model of conjugal fidelity. The morning star -is supposed to be Arundati, and the purohit generally points it out -to the bridal pair at the close of the ceremonial, which terminates -with three homams. The wedding may be concluded in a single day, -or last for two or three days. - -The dead are either buried or cremated. The corpse is carried to the -burning or burial-ground on a bier or palanquin. As the Agamudaiyans -are Saivites, Pandarams assist at the funeral ceremonies. On the second -or third day after death, the son and others go to the spot where the -corpse was buried or burnt, and offer food, etc., to the deceased. A -pot of water is left at the spot. Those who are particular about -performing the death ceremonies on an elaborate scale offer cooked food -to the soul of dead person until the fifteenth day, and carry out the -final death ceremonies (karmandhiram) on the sixteenth day. Presents -are then given to Brahmans, and, after the death pollution has been -removed by sprinkling with holy water (punyaham), a feast is given -to the relatives. - -The Agamudaiyans worship various minor deities, such as Aiyanar, -Pidari, and Karupannaswami. - -Agaru.--Agaru, or Avaru, is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, -1901, as a small caste of Telugu cultivators in Vizagapatam and -Ganjam, who are also sellers of vegetables and betel leaves. Agaru -is said to mean betel in their language, which they call Bhasha, -and contains a good deal of Oriya. An extensive colony of Agarus is -settled at Nellimerla near Vizianagram. Both males and females engage -in the cultivation of the betel vine, and different kinds of greens, -which find a ready sale in the Vizianagram market. Marriage is usually -after puberty, and an Oriya Brahman officiates. The dead are burnt. - -Agarwal.--A few members of this Upper India trading caste, who deal -in grain and jewellery, and are also bankers and usurers, have been -returned at times of census. - -Agasa.--In the South Canara district, there are three distinct classes -of washermen, viz., (1) Konkani Christians; (2) Canarese-speaking -washermen, who seem to be allied to the Agasas of Mysore; (3) -Tulu-speaking washermen. The Tulu-speaking Agasas follow the aliya -santana law of inheritance (in the female line). Madivala (madi, a -clean cloth) is a synonym for Agasa. The word Agasa is derived from -agasi, a turban. - -The Agasas of Mysore have been described as follows. [53] "The Agasa -is a member of the village hierarchy, his office being hereditary, -and his remuneration being grain fees from the ryots. Besides washing, -he occasionally ekes out his substance by carrying on his donkeys -grain from place to place. He is also employed in bearing the torch -in marriage and other public ceremonies. The principal object of -worship is the pot of boiling water (ubbe), in which dirty clothes -are steeped. Animals are sacrificed to the god with the view of -preventing the clothes being burnt in the ubbe pot. Under the name -of Bhuma Deva, there are temples dedicated to this god in some large -towns, the service being conducted by pujaris (priests) of the Agasa -caste. The Agasas are Vishnuvaits, and pray to Vishnu, Pattalamma, -and the Saktis. Their gurus (religious preceptors) are Satanis. A -unique custom is attached to the washerman's office. When a girl-wife -attains puberty, it is the duty and privilege of the washerman to carry -the news, accompanied by certain presents, to her husband's parents, -for which the messenger is duly rewarded." - -The Tulu Madivalas of the South Canara district, like other Tulu -castes, have exogamous septs or balis. They will wash clothes for -all castes above the Billavas. They also supply cloths for decorating -the marriage booth and funeral cars, and carry torches. They worship -bhuthas (devils), of whom the principal one seems to be Jumadi. At -the time of kolas (bhutha festivals), the Madivalas have the right -to cut off the heads of the fowls or goats, which are sacrificed. The -animals are held by Pombadas or Paravas, and the Madivala decapitates -them. On the seventh day after the birth of a child, the washerwoman -ties a thread round its waist. For purificatory ceremonies, the -Madivali should give washed clothes to those under pollution. - -In their ceremonial observances, the Madivalas closely follow the -Bants. In some places, they have a headman called, as among the Bants, -Gurikara or Guttinaya. At marriages, the pouring of the dhare water -over the united hands of the bride and bridegroom is the duty of the -father or maternal uncle of the bride, not of the headman. - -Some Maratha washermen call themselves Dandu (army) Agasa. - -The insigne of the washermen at Conjeeveram is a pot, such as that -in which clothes are boiled. - -Agastya (the name of a sage).--An exogamous sept of Kondaiyamkottai -Maravans. - -Agni (fire).--An exogamous sept of the Kurubas and Gollas, and -sub-division of the Pallis or Vanniyans. The equivalent Aggi occurs as -an exogamous sept of Boya. The Pallis claim to be Agnikula Kshatriyas, -i.e., to belong to the fire race of Kshatriyas. - -Agraharekala.--A sub-division of Bhatrazu, meaning those who belong -to the agraharam, or Brahman quarter of a village. - -Ahir.--A few members of this Upper India caste of cowherds have been -returned at times of census. - -Ahmedi.--Returned, at times of census, as a general name for -Muhammadans. - -Aivattukuladavaru (people of fifty families).--A synonym for Bakuda. - -Aiya.--Aiya or Ayya, meaning father, is the title of many classes, -which include Dasari, Devanga, Golla, Idiga, Jangam, Konda Dora, -Komati, Koppala Velama, Linga Balija, Mangala, Muka Dora, Paidi, -Satani, Servegara, and Tambala. It is further a title of the -Patnulkarans, who claim to be Brahmans, and a sub-division of the -Tamil Pallans. - -Aiyar occurs very widely as a title among Tamil Brahmans, and is -replaced in the Telugu and Canarese countries by Bhatlu, Pantulu, and -Sastrulu. It is noted by the Rev. A. Margöschis that "the honorific -title Aiyar was formerly used exclusively by Brahmans, but has now -come to be used by every native clergyman. The name which precedes -the title will enable us to discover whether the man is Christian -or Hindu. Thus Yesudian Aiyar means the Aiyar who is the servant of -Jesus." The Rev. G. U. Pope, the well-known Tamil scholar, was known -as Pope Aiyar. - -Aiyanar.--A sub-division of Kallan, named after Aiyanar, the only -male deity among the Grama Devata or village deities. - -Aiyarakulu.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Aiyarakam is summed -up as being a caste of Telugu cultivators, who, in their social -and religious observances, closely follow the Kapus and Balijas, may -intermarry with Telagas, and will accept drinking water from the hands -of Gollas. According to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, to whom I am indebted -for the following note, the Aiyarakulu are a section of Kapus, who -rose in the social scale by Royal favour. The name is derived from -aiya and rikam, denoting the act of being an aiya or distinguished -person. The Aiyarakulu state that their forefathers were soldiers in -the Vizianagram army, and rendered great services to the Rajas. They -have a story to the effect that, on one occasion, they proceeded on an -expedition against a Golconda force, and gave so much trouble to the -Muhammadan commander thereof that, after putting them to the sword, -he proceeded to their own country, to destroy their homes. On hearing -of this, the women, dressing themselves in male attire, advanced with -bayonets and battle-axes against the Muhammadans, and drove them off -in great disorder. The Raja, in return for their gallant conduct, -adorned their legs with silver bangles, such as the women still wear -at the present day. - -The Aiyarakulu are divided into gotras, such as naga (cobra), tabelu -(tortoise), etc., which are strictly totemistic, and are further -divided into exogamous septs or intiperulu. The custom of menarikam, -according to which a man should marry his maternal uncle's daughter, -is in force. Girls are married before puberty, and a Brahman officiates -at the wedding rites, during which the bride and bridegroom wear silver -sacred threads, which are subsequently converted into rings. Some -Aiyarakulu call themselves Razus, and wear the sacred thread, but -interdine and intermarry with other members of the community. The -remarriage of widows, and divorce are forbidden. - -The principal occupation of the Aiyarakulus is cultivating, but, in -some parts, many of them are cart-drivers plying between the plains -of Vizagapatam and the Agency tracts. The usual title of members of -the caste is Patrudu. - -Akasam (sky).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Akattu Charna.--A sub-division of Nayar. - -Akattulavar.--A name, indicating those inside (in seclusion or gosha), -by which Nambutiri and Elayad and other females are called. - -Akshantala (rice grain).--A gotra of Odde. Akshathayya is the name -of a gotra of Gollas, who avoid rice coloured with turmeric and -other materials. - -Akula (betel leaf: Piper Betle).--An exogamous sept of Kamma and -Bonthuk Savara, and a sub-division of Kapu. The presentation of betel -leaves and areca nuts, called pan-supari, as a complimentary offering -is a wide-spread Indian custom. - -Ala.--A sub-division of Golla. - -Alagi (pot).--An exogamous sept of Vakkaliga. - -Alavan.--The Alavans are summed up, in the Madras Census Report, -1901, as "workers in salt-pans, who are found only in Madura and -Tinnevelly. Their titles are Pannaiyan and Muppan. They are not allowed -to enter Hindu temples." In the Travancore Census Report, 1901, it is -recorded that "the Alavans or Uppalavans (salt Alavans) are so called -because they work in alams or salt-pans. Three or four centuries ago, -seven families of them are said to have been brought over from the -Pandyan territory to Travancore, to work in the salt-pans. It is said -that there are at Tamarakkulam, Puttalam, and other places in South -Travancore, inscriptions recording their immigration, but these have -not been deciphered. They speak Tamil. They are flesh-eaters. Drinking -is rare among them. Burial was the rule in ancient days, but now the -dead are sometimes burned. Tattooing is a general custom. The tutelary -deities are Sasta and Bhadrakali. As a class the Alavans are very -industrious. There are no better salt labourers in all Southern India." - -Albino.--The picture drawn by the Abbé Dubois [54] of albino Natives is -not a pleasant one. "This extreme fairness," he says, "is unnatural, -and makes them very repulsive to look at. In fact, these unfortunate -beings are objects of horror to every one, and even their parents -desert them. They are looked upon as lepers. They are called Kakrelaks -as a term of reproach. Kakrelaks are horrible insects, disgustingly -dirty, which give forth a loathsome odour, and shun the day and its -light. The question has been raised as to whether these degenerate -individuals can produce children like themselves, and afflicted with -nyctalopia. Such a child has never come under my observation; but I -once baptised the child of a female Kakrelak, who owed its birth to -a rash European soldier. These unfortunate wretches are denied decent -burial after death, and are cast into ditches." - -This reference to albinos by the observant Abbé may be amplified -by the notes taken on several albino Natives in Madras and Mysore, -which show, inter alia, that the lot of the present day albino is -not an unhappy one. - -Chinna Abboye, æt. 35. Shepherd caste. Rope (insigne of office) round -waist for driving cattle, and tying the legs of cows when milking -them. Yellowish-white hair where long, as in the kudumi. Bristles -on top of shaved head pure white. Greenish-brown iris. Father dark; -mother, like himself, has white hair and pink skin. One brother an -albino, married. One child of the usual Native type. Cannot see well -in glare of sunlight, but sees better towards sunset. Screws his -eyelids into transverse slits. Mother kind to him. - -Vembu Achari, æt. 20. Artist. Kudumi (top-knot) yellowish-white. White -eyebrows and moustache. Bright pink lips, and pink complexion. Iris -light blue with pink radiating striæ and pink peripheral zone. Sees -best in the evening when the sun is low on the horizon. Screws up his -eyelids to act as a diaphragm. Mother, father, brothers and sisters, -all of the ordinary Native type. No relations albino, as far as he -knows. Engaged to be married. People like himself are called chevapu -(red-coloured), or, in derision, vellakaran (European or white -man). Children sometimes make game of him, but people generally are -kind to him. - -Moonoosawmy, æt. 45. Belongs to the weaver class, and is a well-to-do -man. Albino. Had an albino sister, and a brother of the ordinary -type. Is the father of ten children, of whom five are albinos. They -are on terms of equality with the other members of their community, and -one daughter is likely to be married to the son of a prosperous man. - -----, æt. 22. Fisherman caste. Albino. His maternal uncle had an -albino daughter. Has four brothers, of whom two are albinos. Cannot -stand the glare of the sun, and is consequently unable to do outdoor -work. Moves freely among the members of his community, and could -easily secure a wife, if he was in a position to support one. - -----, æt. 36. Rajput. Hardware merchant. His father, of ordinary Native -type, had twelve children, five of whom were albino, by an albino wife, -whose brother was also albino. Married to a woman of Native type, -and had one non-albino child. His sister, of ordinary Native type, -has two albino children. Iris light blue. Hair yellowish. Complexion -pink. Keeps left eye closed, and looks through a slit between eyelids -of right eye. People call him in Canarese kempuava (red man). They -are kind to him. - -Alia.--The Alias are an Oriya cultivating caste, found mainly in -the Gumsur taluk of Ganjam. In the Madras Census Report, 1891, it is -suggested that the name is derived from the Sanskrit holo, meaning a -plough. The further suggestions have been made that it is derived from -alo, meaning crop, or from Ali, a killa or taluk of Orissa, whence -the Aliyas have migrated. In social position the Alias rank below -the Bhondaris and Odiyas, who will not accept water touched by them. - -Various titles occur within the caste, e.g., Biswalo, Bonjo, Bariko, -Jenna, Kampo, Kondwalo, Lenka, Mahanti, Molla Nahako, Patro, Podhano, -Podiyali, Ravuto, Siyo, and Swayi. Like other Oriya castes, the Alias -have gotras, and the marriage rules based on titles and gotras are -peculiar. A Podhano man may, for example, marry a Podhano girl, -if their gotras are different. Further, two people, whose gotras -are the same, may marry if they have a different title. Thus, a man, -whose gotra is Goru and title Podhano, may marry a girl of a family -of which the gotra is Goru, but title other than Podhano. - -Infant marriage is the rule, and, if a girl does not secure a -husband before she reaches maturity, she goes through a mock marriage -ceremony, in which the bridegroom is represented by a brass vessel -or an arrow. Like many other Oriya castes, the Aliyas follow the -Chaitanya form of Vaishnavism, and also worship various Takuranis -(village deities). - -Alige (drum).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Aliya Santanam.--Inheritance in the female line. The equivalent, -in the Canara country, of the Malayali marumakkathayam. - -Allam (ginger).--An exogamous sept of Mala. - -Allikulam (lily clan).--Returned, at times of census, as a sub-division -of Anappan. - -Alvar.--An exogamous sept of Toreya. Alvar is a synonym of Garuda, -the winged vehicle of Vishnu. Alvar Dasari occurs as a sub-division -of Valluvans, which claims descent from Tiruppan Alvar, one of the -Vaishnava saints. - -Amaravatiyavaru.--A name, denoting people of Amaravati on the Kistna -river, recorded [55] as a sub-division of Desabhaga Madigas. Amaravati -also occurs as a sub-division, or nadu, of Vallamban. - -Ambalakkaran.--In the Madras Census Report, 1891, Mr. H. A. Stuart -writes that "Ambalakkaran (ambalam, an open place [56]) is the usual -designation of a head of a village in the Maravan and Kallan districts, -and it is, or was the common agnomen of Kallans. I am not able to -state what is the precise connection between the Ambalakkaran and -Kallan castes, but, from some accounts which I have obtained, the -Ambalakkarans seem to be very closely connected, if not identical -with Muttiriyans (Telugu Mutracha), who have been classed as village -watchmen; and this is borne out by the sub-divisions returned, for, -though no less than 109,263 individuals have given Ambalakkaran as the -sub-division also, yet, of the sub-divisions returned, Muttiriyan and -Mutracha are the strongest. Marriage is usually deferred until after -puberty, and widow re-marriage is permitted, but there does not seem -to be the same freedom of divorce at will as is found among Kallans, -Maravans, etc. The dead are either burnt or buried. The consumption -of flesh and liquor is allowed. Their usual agnomen is said to be -Servaikkaran, but the titles Muttiriyan, Ambalakkaran, Malavarayan, -Mutarasan, and Vannian are also used. The usual agnomen of Muttiriyans, -on the other hand, is said to be Nayakkan (Naik)." - -In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the Ambalakkarans are summed up -as follows. "A Tamil caste of cultivators and village watchmen. Till -recently the term Ambalakkaran was considered to be a title of the -Kallans, but further enquiries have shown that it is the name of -a distinct caste, found chiefly in the Trichinopoly district. The -Ambalakkarans and Muttiriyans of a village in Musiri taluk wrote a -joint petition, protesting against their being classified as Kallans, -but nevertheless it is said that the Kallans of Madura will not eat in -Ambalakkaran's houses. There is some connection between Ambalakkarans, -Muttiriyans, Mutrachas, Uralis, Vedans, Valaiyans, and Vettuvans. It -seems likely that all of them are descended from one common parent -stock. Ambalakkarans claim to be descended from Kannappa Nayanar, -one of the sixty-three Saivite saints, who was a Vedan or hunter by -caste. In Tanjore the Valaiyans declare themselves to have a similar -origin, and in that district Ambalakkaran and Muttiriyan seem to -be synonymous with Valaiyan. [Some Valaiyans have Ambalakkaran as a -title.] Moreover, the statistics of the distribution of the Valaiyans -show that they are numerous in the districts where Ambalakkarans are -few, and vice versâ, which looks as though certain sections of them -had taken to calling themselves Ambalakkarans. The upper section -of the Ambalakkarans style themselves Pillai, which is a title -properly belonging to Vellalas, but the others are usually called -Muppan in Tanjore, and Ambalakkaran, Muttiriyan, and Servaigaran -in Trichinopoly. The headman of the caste panchayat (council) is -called the Kariyakkaran, and his office is hereditary in particular -families. Each headman has a peon called the Kudi-pillai, whose duty it -is to summon the panchayat when necessary, and to carry messages. For -this he gets an annual fee of four annas from each family of the caste -in his village. The caste has certain endogamous sections. Four of -them are said to be Muttiriyan or Mutracha, Kavalgar, Vanniyan, and -Valaiyan. A member of any one of these is usually prohibited by the -panchayats from marrying outside it on pain of excommunication. Their -customs are a mixture of those peculiar to the higher castes and those -followed by the lower ones. Some of them employ Brahmans as purohits -(priests), and wear the sacred thread at funerals and sraddhas -(memorial services for the dead). Yet they eat mutton, pork, and -fowls, drink alcohol, and allow the marriage of widows and divorced -women." Muttiriyan and Kavalgar both mean watchman. Vanniyan is -certainly a separate caste, some members of which take Ambalakkaran as -a title. The Ambalakkarans are apparently Valaiyans, who have separated -themselves from the main stock on account of their prosperity. - -For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. F. R. Hemingway. The -Ambalakkarans or Muttiriyans are more numerous in the -Trichinopoly district and Pudukkottai than in any other part of the -Presidency. Though they have been treated as separate castes, they -appear to be one and the same in this district, generally calling -themselves Muttiriyan in the Trichinopoly taluk, and Ambalakkaran -elsewhere, and having no objection to either name. They admit they are -called Valaiyans, but repudiate any connection with the caste of that -name, and explain the appellation by a story that, when Siva's ring -was swallowed by a fish in the Ganges, one of their ancestors invented -the first net (valai) made in the world. As relics of their former -greatness they point to the thousand-pillared mantapam at Srirangam, -which is called muttarasan koradu, and a big matam at Palni, both -of which, they say, were built by their kings. To the latter every -household of the caste subscribes four annas annually. They say that -they were born of the sweat (muttu, a pearl or bead of perspiration) -of Parama-siva. The caste is divided into a number of nadus, the -names and number of which are variously given. Some of these are -Ettarai, Koppu, Adavattur, Tirampalaiyam, Vimanayakkanpalaiyam in -the Trichinopoly taluk, and Amur, Savindippatti, and Karungali in -Musiri taluk. Widow remarriage is allowed in some of these nadus, -and not in others. They use the titles Muttiriyan, Ambalakkaran, -Servaikaran, and Kavalkaran. They admit their social inferiority to -the Vellalans, Kallans, Nattamans, and Reddis, from all of whom they -will accept meals, but consider themselves superior to Pallis, Uralis, -Uppiliyans, and Valaiyans. Their usual occupation is cultivation, -but they have also taken to petty trade, and some earn a living as -masons and kavalgars (watchmen). They wear the sacred thread during -their marriages and funerals. They have panchayats for each village -and for the nadu, and have also a number of the Patnattu Chettis, -who are recognized as elders of the caste, and sit with the head of -the nadu to decide cases of adultery, etc. - -Ambalavasi.--This is summed up, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, -as "a generic name applied to all classes of temple servants in -Malabar. There are many sub-divisions of the caste, such as Poduval, -Chakkiyar, Nambiyassan, Pidaran, Pisharodi, Variyan, Nambi, Teyyambadi, -etc., which are assigned different services in the Hindu temples, -such as the preparation of garlands, the sweeping of the floor, -the fetching of fire-wood, the carrying of the idols in procession, -singing, dancing, and so on. Like most of the temple servant classes, -they are inferior to the lower Brahmans, such as the Mussads, and -food will not be taken from the hands of most of them even by Nayars." - -In the Travancore Census Report, 1901, it is noted that "the -term Ambalavasi (one who lives in a temple) is a group-name, -and is applied to castes, whose occupation is temple service. The -Keralamahatmya speaks of them as Kshetravasinah, which means those -who live in temples. They are also known as Antaralas, from their -occupying an intermediate position between the Brahmans and the -Brahmanical Kshatriyas of Malabar on the one hand, and the Sudras -on the other. While according to one view they are fallen Brahmans, -others, such as the writer of the Keralolpatti, would put them down -as an advance from the Sudras. The castes recognised as included in -the generic name of Ambalavasi are:-- - - - Nambiyassan. Nambiyar. - Pushpakan. Pisharati. - Puppalli. Variyar. - Chakkiyar. Nattupattan. - Brahmani or Daivampati. Tiyattunni. - Adikal. Kurukkal. - Nambidi. Poduval. - Pilappalli. - - -"All these castes are not connected with pagodas, nor do the Muttatus, -who are mainly engaged in temple service, come under this group, -strictly speaking. The rationale of their occupation seems to be that, -in accepting duty in temples and consecrating their lives to the -service of God, they hope to be absolved from the sins inherited from -their fathers. In the case of ascent from lower castes, the object -presumably is the acquisition of additional religious merit.... The -delinquent Brahman cannot be retained in the Brahmanic function -without lowering the standard of his caste. He had, therefore, to be -allotted other functions. Temple service of various kinds, such as -garland-making for the Pushpakan, Variyar and others, and popular -recitation of God's works for the Chakkiyar, were found to hold an -intermediate place between the internal functions of the Brahmans and -the external functions of the other castes, in the same sense in which -the temples themselves are the exoteric counterparts of an esoteric -faith, and represent a position between the inner and the outer -economy of nature. Hence arose probably an intermediate status with -intermediate functions for the Antaralas, the intermediates of Hindu -Society. The Kshatriyas, having commensal privileges with the Brahmans, -come next to them in the order of social precedence. In the matter of -pollution periods, which seem to be in inverse ratio to the position -of the caste, the Brahmans observe 10 days, the Kshatriyas 11 days, -and the Sudras of Malabar (Nayars) 16 days. The Ambalavasis generally -observe pollution for 12 days. In some cases, however, it is as short -as 10, and in others as long as 13 and even 14, but never 16 days." - -It is further recorded, in the Cochin Census Report, 1901, that -"Ambalavasis (literally temple residents) are persons who have the -privilege of doing service in temples. Most of the castes have -grown out of sexual relations between members of the higher and -lower classes, and are therefore Anulomajas and Pratilomajas. [57] -They may be broadly divided into two classes, (1) those that wear -the sacred thread, and (2) those that do not wear the same. Adikal, -Chakkiyar, Nambiyar or Pushpakan, and Tiyyattu Nambiyar belong to -the threaded class, while Chakkiyar, Nambiyar, Pisharoti, Variyar, -Puthuval, and Marar are non-threaded. Though all Ambalavasis have to -do service in temples, they have many of them sufficiently distinct -functions to perform. They are all governed by the marumakkathayam -law of inheritance (through the female line); some castes among -them, however, follow the makkathayam system (from father to son). A -Nambiyar, Pisharoti, or Variyar marries under special circumstances -a woman of his own caste, and brings home his wife into the family, -and their issue thus become members of the father's family, with the -right of inheriting the family property, and form themselves into a -fresh marumakkathayam stock. In the matter of tali-kettu (tali-tying) -marriage, and marriage by union in sambandham (alliance), they follow -customs similar to those of Nayars. So far as the employment of Brahman -as priests, and the period of birth and death pollution are concerned, -there are slight differences. The threaded classes have Gayatri -(hymn). The purificatory ceremony after birth or death pollution -is performed by Nambudris, but at all funeral ceremonies, such as -pinda, sradha, etc., their own caste men officiate as priests. The -Nambudris can take meals cooked by a Brahman in the house of any of the -Ambalavasis except Marars. In fact, if the Nambudris have the right -of purification, they do not then impose any restrictions in regard -to this. All Ambalavasis are strict vegetarians at public feasts. The -Ambalavasis sit together at short distances from one another, and take -their meals. Their females unite themselves in sambandham with their -own caste males, or with Brahmans or Kshatriyas. Brahmans, Kshatriyas, -or Nambidis cannot take water from them. Though a great majority of the -Ambalavasis still follow their traditional occupations, many of them -have entered the public service, and taken to more lucrative pursuits." - -The more important sections of the Ambalavasis are dealt with in -special articles. - -Ambattan.--For the following note I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana -Rao. The Ambattans are the Tamil barbers, or barber-surgeons. The -word is usually derived from the Sanskrit amba (near) and s'tha (to -stand), i.e., he who stands near to shave his clients, or treat his -patients. In like manner, the Kavutiyan caste of Malayalam barbers -is called Adutton, signifying bystander. The Ambattan corresponds to -the Mangala of the Telugu country, the Vilakkatalavan of Malabar, the -Kshauraka of the Canarese Brahmans, and the Hajam of Muhammadans. Not -improbably the name refers to the original occupation of medicine-man, -to which were added later the professions of village barber and -musician. This view seems to receive some support from the current -tradition that the Ambattans are the descendants of the offspring -of a Vaisya woman by a Brahman, to whom the medical profession was -allotted as a means of livelihood. In this connection, it may be -noted that the Ambattan women are the recognised midwives of the Hindu -community in the Tamil country. It is impossible to say how far the -above tradition is based on the verse of Manu, the ancient law-giver, -who says that "from a Brahmana with the daughter of a Vaisya is born -a son called an Ambashtha." In a succeeding verse, he states that as -children of a Brahmana by a woman of one of the three lower castes, -the Ambashthas are one of the six base-born castes or apasada. He -says further that Brahmans may eat of a barber's food--a permission -which, it is hardly necessary to say, they do not avail themselves -of. A single exception is, however, noteworthy. At the temple of -Jugganath, within the temple precincts, neither the barber, nor the -food which he prepares, and is partaken of by the higher classes, -including Brahmans, conveys pollution. The pujari, or officiating -priest, at this famous temple is a barber, and Brahmans, except -those of the extreme orthodox section, partake of his preparations -of rice, after they have been offered to the presiding deity. This -is, apparently, the only case in which the rule laid down by Manu -is followed in practice. It is not known how far the text of Manu is -answerable for the popular Sanskrit saying, which calls the barber a -"good Sudra." There is an opinion entertained in certain quarters that -originally the barber's touch did not pollute, but that his shaving -did. It is an interesting fact that, though the Ambattans are one of -Manu's base-born castes, whose touch causes pollution which requires -the pouring of water over the head to remove it, they are one of -the most Brahmanised of the lower castes. Nothing, perhaps, shows -this so well as their marriage ceremonies, throughout which a Brahman -officiates. On the first two days, homam or sacred fire, fed with ghi -(clarified butter) is kindled. On the third day, the tali (marriage -badge) is placed in a circular silver or brass thattu (dish), and -touched with the forefinger of the right hand first by the presiding -Brahman, followed by other Brahmans, men of superior castes, and the -caste-men headed by the Perithanakkaran or head-man. It is then, amid -weird music, tied to the bride's neck before the sacred fire. During -this ceremony no widows may be present. The relations of the bride and -bridegroom scatter rice on the floor in front of the bridal pair, after -the Brahman priest and head-man. This rice, which is called sesham -(remainder), is strictly the perquisite of the local washerman. But -it is generally purchased by the headman of the family, in which the -marriage is taking place, and handed over, not to the washerman, but -to the Perithanakkaran. The Brahman receives as his fee money and a -pair of silk-bordered cloths; and, till the latter are given to him, -he usually refuses to pronounce the necessary mantras (prayers). He -also receives the first pan-supari (betel leaves and areca nuts), -plantains, and cocoanuts. Each day he has to get rid of the pollution -caused by entering a barber's house by bathing. During the fourth and -fifth days, homam is burnt, and shadangu, or merry-making between the -bride and bridegroom before the assembled spectators, takes place, -during which the bride sings songs, in which she has been coached from -infancy. On the fifth day the removal of the kankanam, or threads -which have been tied round the wrists of the bride and bridegroom, -is performed, after the priest's account has been settled. - -Among the Konga Vellalas of the Salem district, it is the Ambattan who -officiates at the marriage rites, and ties the tali, after formally -proclaiming to those present that he is about to do so. Brahmans are -invited to the wedding, and are treated with due respect, and presented -with money, rice, and betel. It would appear that, in this case, the -Brahman has been ousted, in recent times, from his priestly functions -by the Ambattan. The barber, when he ties the tali, mutters something -about Brahman and Vedas in a respectful manner. The story goes that, -during the days of the Chera, Chola, and Pandya Kings, a Brahman and -an Ambattan were both invited to a marriage feast. But the Brahman, -on his arrival, died, and the folk, believing his death to be an -evil omen, ruled that, as the Brahman was missing, they would have -an Ambattan; and it has ever since been the custom for the Ambattan -to officiate at weddings. - -A girl, when she reaches puberty, has to observe pollution for eleven -days, during which she bathes daily, and is presented with a new cloth, -and adorned by a girl who is said to have "touched" her. This girl has -to bathe before she can take her meals, or touch others. Every morning, -a dose of pure gingelly (Sesamum indicum) oil, mixed with white of -egg, is administered. The dietary must be strictly vegetarian. On the -twelfth day, the girl who has been through the ceremonial has a final -bath, and enters the house after it has been purified (punyavachanam). - -The rule, once a widow always a widow, is as true of Ambattans as of -high-class Brahmans. And, if asked whether the remarriage of widows -is permitted, they promptly reply that they are not washermen. - -The dead are cremated, with the exception of young children, who -are buried. The death ceremonies are conducted by a Brahman priest, -who is remunerated for his services with money and a cloth. Gifts of -money and cloths are also made to other Brahmans, when the days of -pollution are over. Annual memorial ceremonies (sradh) are performed, -as by Brahmans. It is a privilege (they consider it as such) of -the Ambattans to cremate the bodies of village paupers other than -Brahmans. And, on ordinary occasions of death, they lead the son or -person who is entitled to light the funeral pyre, with a brass pot -in their hands, round the corpse, and indicate with a burning cinder -the place to which the light must be applied. - -As a community the Ambattans are divided into Saivites and -Vaishnavites. Members of the latter section, who have been branded -by their Brahman guru with the chank and chakram, abstain from animal -food, and intoxicating drinks. Intermarriage between the two sections -is allowed, and commonly practised. They belong to the right-hand -faction, and will not eat with Komatis, who belong to the left. They -have, however, no objection to shaving Komatis. The Ambattans of -the Chingleput district are divided into four sections, each of -which is controlled by a Perithanakkaran. One of these resides -in Madras, and the other three live respectively at Poonamallee, -Chingleput, and Karunguzhi in the Madurantakam taluk of the Chingleput -district. Ambattans are now-a-days found over the whole Tamil area of -the Madras Presidency. Originally, free movement into the various parts -of the Presidency was far from easy, and every Ambattan, wherever he -might migrate to, retained his subjection to the chief or headman of -his native village. Thus, perhaps, what was at first a tribal division -gradually developed into a territorial one. Each Perithanakkaran -has under him six hundred, or even a thousand Kudithalakkarans, -or heads of families. His office being hereditary, he is, if only -a minor, treated with respect and dignity. All the preliminaries of -marriage are arranged by him. On important occasions, such as settling -disputes, he is assisted by a panchayat, or council of elders. In -this way are settled quarrels, questions arising out of adultery, -or non-payment of fines, which it is his duty to collect. He is -further responsible for the marriage rice-money, which is added to a -communal tax of 2 1/2 annas per family, which is imposed annually for -charitable purposes. The charities take the form of the maintenance -of chattrams, or places where pilgrims are fed free of charge at -holy places. Two such institutions are maintained in the Chingleput -district, the centre of the Ambattan community, one at Tirupporur, -the other at Tirukalikundram. At these places Brahmans are given -free meals, and to other caste Hindus sadabath, or things necessary -for meals, are presented. Sometimes the money is spent in building -adjuncts to holy shrines. At Srirangam, for example, the Ambattans, -in days gone by, built a fine stone mantapam for the local temple. If -the Perithanakkaran cannot satisfactorily dispose of a case with the -assistance of the usual panchayat (council), it is referred to the -higher authority of the Kavarai or Desai Setti, or even to British -Courts as a last resource. - -The barber has been summed up by a district official [58] as "one -of the most useful of the village servants. He leads an industrious -life, his services being in demand on all occasions of marriages, -feasts, and funerals. He often combines in himself the three useful -vocations of hair-dresser, surgeon, and musician. In the early hours -of the morning, he may be seen going his rounds to his employers' -houses in his capacity of shaver and hair-cutter. Later on, he will -be leading the village band of musicians before a wedding procession, -or playing at a temple ceremony. Yet again he may be observed paying -his professional visits as Vythian or physician, with his knapsack -of surgical instruments and cutaneous drugs tucked under his arm. By -long practice the barber becomes a fairly skilful operator with the -knife, which he uses in a rough and ready manner. He lances ulcers -and carbuncles, and even essays his hand in affections of the eye, -often with the most disastrous results. It is the barber who takes -away cricks and sprains, procures leeches for those wishing to be -bled, and otherwise relieves the physical ills of his patients. The -barber woman, on the other hand, is the accoucheuse and midwife of -the village matrons. It may be said without exaggeration that many -of the uterine ailments which furnish patients to the maternity wards -of the various hospitals in this country are attributable to the rude -treatment of the village midwife." - -The Ambattan will cut the nails, and shave not only the head and -face, but other parts of the body, whereas the Telugu barber will -shave only down to the waist. The depilatory operations on women -are performed by female hair-dressers. Barbers' sons are taught to -shave by taking the bottom of an old well-burnt clay cooking-pot, -and, with a blunt knife, scraping off the collected carbon. They -then commence to operate on pubescent youths. The barber who shaves -Europeans must not be a caste barber, but is either a Muhammadan -or a non-caste man. Quite recently, a youthful Ambattan had to -undergo ceremonial purification for having unconsciously shaved a -Paraiyan. Paraiyans, Malas, and other classes of the lower orders, -have their own barbers and washermen. Razors are, however, sometime -lent to them by the Ambattans for a small consideration, and cleansed -in water when they are returned. Parasitic skin diseases are said to -originate from the application of a razor, which has been used on a -number of miscellaneous individuals. And well-to-do Hindus now keep -their own razor, which the barber uses when he comes to shave them. In -the southern districts, it is not usual for the Ambattans to go to -the houses of their customers, but they have sheds at the backs of -their own houses, where they attend to them from daybreak till about -mid-day. Occasionally, when sent for, they will wait on Brahmans and -high-class non-Brahmans at their houses. Numbers of them, besides, -wait for customers near the riverside. Like the English hair-cutter, -the Ambattan is a chatter-box, retails the petty gossip of the station, -and is always posted in the latest local news and scandal. The barbers -attached to British regiments are migratory, and, it is said, have -friends and connections in all military cantonments, with whom they -exchange news, and hold social intercourse. The Ambattan fills the rôle -of negotiator and go-between in the arrangement of marriages, feasts, -and funeral. He is, moreover, the village physician and surgeon, and, -in the days when blood-letting was still in vogue, the operation -of phlebotomy was part of his business. In modern times, his nose -has, like that of the village potter, been put out of joint by civil -hospitals and dispensaries. His medicines consist of pills made from -indigenous drugs, the nature of which he does not reveal. His surgical -instrument is the razor which he uses for shaving, and he does not -resort to it until local applications, e.g., in a case of carbuncle, -have failed. - -In return for his multifarious services to the villagers, the Ambattan -was given a free grant of land, for which he has even now to pay only -a nominal tax. But, in the days when there was no survey or settlement, -if the barber neglected his duties, he was threatened with confiscation -of his lands. At the present day, however, he can sell, mortgage, -or make a gift thereof. As the Ambattans became divided up into a -number of families, their duties in the village were parcelled out -among them, so that each barber family became attached to certain -families of other castes, and was entitled to certain rights from -them. Among other claims, each barber family became entitled to three -or four marakkals of paddy (unhusked rice), which is the perquisite -of the married members thereof. It may be noted that, in village -communities, lands were granted not only to the barber, but also -to village officials such as the blacksmith, carpenter, washerman, -astrologer, priest, dancing-girl, etc. - -In his capacity of barber, the Ambattan is called Nasivan (unholy man), -or, according to the Census Reports, Nasuvan (sprung from the nose), -or Navidan. He is also known as Panditan or Pariyari (doctor), and -Kudimaghan (son of the ryot). The last of these names is applied to him -especially on occasions of marriage, when to call him Nasivan would -be inauspicious. The recognised insigne of his calling is the small -looking-glass, which he carries with him, together with the razor, -and sometimes tweezers and ear-pick. He must salute his superiors by -prostrating himself on his stomach, folding his arms, and standing at -a respectful distance. He may not attend at Brahman houses on new or -full-moon days, Tuesday, Saturday, and special days such as Ekadasi -and Dwadasi. The most proper days are Sunday and Monday. The quality -of the shave varies with the skill of the individual, and there is -a Tamil proverb "Go to an old barber and a new washerman." Stories -are extant of barbers shaving kings while they were asleep without -waking them, and it is said that the last Raja of Tanjore used to be -thus entertained with exhibitions of their skill. The old legend of -the barber who, in return for shaving a Raja without awakening him, -requested that he might be made a Brahman, and how the Court jester -Tennali Raman got the Raja to cancel his agreement, has recently been -re-told in rhyme. [59] It is there described how the barber lathered -the head "with water alone, for soap he had none." The modern barber, -however, uses soap, either a cheap quality purchased in the bazar, -or a more expensive brand supplied by his client. - -By a curious corruption, Hamilton's bridge, which connects the -Triplicane and Mylapore divisions of the city of Madras, has become -converted into Ambattan, or barber's bridge. And the barber, as -he shaves you, will tell how, in days before the bridge was built, -the channel became unfordable during a north-east monsoon flood. A -barber, who lived on the Triplicane side, had to shave an engineer, -whose house was on the Mylapore side. With difficulty he swam across, -and shaved the sahib while he was asleep without waking him, and, -in return, asked that, in the public interests, a bridge should be -built over the channel. - -Ambattans of Travancore.--For the following note I am indebted to -Mr. N. Subramani Aiyer. The barbers of Travancore are called by various -designations, those in Central and South Travancore preferring to -be known by the name of Kshaurakan or Kshaurakkaran, a corruption -of the Sanskrit kshuraka, while Ambattan seems to find general -favour in the south. A curious name given to the caste throughout -Travancore is Pranopakari, or one who helps the souls, indicating -their priestly functions in the ceremonials of various castes. A -contraction of this name found in the early settlement records is -Pranu. The members of those families from which kings and noblemen -have at any time selected their barbers are called Vilakkittalavan, -or more properly Vilakkuttalayan, meaning literally those who shave -heads. In North Travancore many families are in possession of royal -edicts conferring upon them the title of Panikkar, and along with -it the headmanship of the barber families of the village in which -they reside. Others have the title of Vaidyan or doctor, from the -secondary occupation of the caste. - -Endless endogamous septs occur among the barbers, and, at Trivandrum, -there are said to be four varieties called Chala Vazhi, Pandi -Vazhi, Attungal Vazhi, and Peruntanni Vazhi. But it is possible -to divide all the Kshaurakans of Travancore into three classes, -viz., Malayalam-speaking Ambattans, who follow the makkathayam law -of inheritance; (2) Malayalam-speaking Ambattans who follow the -marumakkathayam law of inheritance; (3) Tamil-speaking barbers, who -have in many localities adopted Malayalam as their mother-tongue, -and indicate their recent conversion in this direction by preserving -unchanged the dress and ornaments of their womenkind. In Pattanapuram, -for example, there is a class of Malayalam-speaking barbers known as -Pulans who immigrated into that taluk from the Tamil country about two -hundred years ago, and reveal their kinship with the Tamil-speaking -barbers in various ways. In Kottayam and some other North Travancore -taluks, a large number of barbers may be described as recent -converts of this character. In theory at least, the makkathayam and -marumakkathayam Ambattans may be said to form two distinct endogamous -groups, of which the former regard themselves as far superior to the -latter in social position. Sometimes the makkathayam Ambattans give -their girls in marriage to the marumakkathayam Ambattans, though -the converse can never hold good. But, in these cases, the girl is -not permitted to re-enter the paternal home, and associate with the -people therein. - -A local tradition describes the Travancore Kshaurakans as pursuing -their present occupation owing to the curse of Surabhi, the divine -calf. Whatever their origin, they have faithfully followed their -traditional occupation, and, in addition, many study medicine in their -youth, and attend to the ailments of the villagers, while the women -act as midwives. When a high-caste Hindu dies, the duty of supplying -the fuel for the funeral pyre, and watching the burning ground, -devolves on the barber. - -In their dress and ornaments the Travancore barbers closely resemble -the Nayars, but some wear round gold beads and a conch-shaped marriage -jewel round the neck, to distinguish their women from those of the -Nayars. This, however, does not hold good in South Travancore, where -the women have entirely adopted the Nayar type of jewelry. Tattooing -prevails to a greater extent among the barbers than among other -classes, but has begun to lose its popularity. - -The barbers not only worship the ordinary Hindu deities, but also -adore such divinities as Murti, Maden, and Yakshi. The corpses of those -who die as the result of accident or contagious disease, are buried, -not burnt. A sorcerer is called on to raise the dead from the grave, -and, at his instance, a kuryala or small thatched shed is erected, -to provide a sanctum for the resurrected spirit. Every year, in the -month of Makaram (January-February), the day on which the Utradam star -falls is taken as the occasion for making offerings to these spirits. - -In every village certain families had bestowed on them by the -chieftains of Kerala the right of deciding all questions affecting -the caste. All social offences are tried by them, and the decision -takes the form of an order to celebrate iananguttu or feast of the -equals, at which the first article served on the leaf placed before -the assembled guests is not food, but a sum of money. - -The tali-kettu and sambandham ceremonies are celebrated, the former -before, and the latter after the girl has reached puberty. The -preliminary rites of betrothal and kapu-kettu (tying the string -round the wrist) over, the bridegroom enters the marriage hall in -procession. There are no Vedic rites; nor is there any definite priest -for the marriage ceremony. The conch-shell is blown at odd intervals, -this being considered indispensable. The festivities last for four -days. A niece and nephew are regarded as the most legitimate spouses -of a son and daughter respectively. - -After the cremation or burial of a corpse, a rope is held by two of -the relations between the dead person's remains and the karta (chief -mourner), and cut in two, as if to indicate that all connection between -the karta and the deceased has ceased. This is called bandham aruppu, -or severing of connection. Pollution lasts for sixteen days among all -sections of the barbers, except the Tamils, who regain their purity -after a death in the family on the eleventh day. - -Ambiga.--A synonym of Kabbera. - -Ambojala (lotus: Nelumbium).--A house-name of Korava. - -Amma (mother).--A sub-division of Pallan and Paraiyan. It is also the -title of the various goddesses, or mothers, such as Ellamma, Mariamma, -etc., which are worshipped as Grama Devatas (village deities) at the -temples known as Amman-koil. - -Ammukkuvan.--A sub-division of Katalarayan. [60] (See Valan.) - -Anapa (Dolichos Lablab).--A gotra of Komati. - -Anasa (ferrule).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Anchu (edge or border).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Andara (pandal or booth).--A sept of Kuruba. - -Ande.--Ande (a pot) as a division of the Kurubas refers to the small -bamboo or wooden vessel used when milking goats. It further denotes a -division of the Koragas, who used to wear a pot suspended from their -necks, into which they were compelled to spit, so as not to defile -the highway. - -Anderaut.--Recorded, in the Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of -Kurumba. Probably a form of Ande Kuruba. Raut is frequently a title -of headmen among Lingayats. - -Andi.--In a note on Andis in the Madras Census Report, 1901, -Mr. W. Francis writes that "for a Brahman or an ascetic, mendicancy -was always considered an honourable profession, to which no sort of -shame attached. Manu says 'a Brahman should constantly shun worldly -honour, as he would shun poison, and rather constantly seek disrespect -as he would seek nectar'; and every Brahman youth was required to -spend part of his life as a beggar. The Jains and Buddhists held the -same views. The Hindu Chattrams [61] and Uttupuras, the Jain Pallis, -and the Buddhist Viharas owe their origin to this attitude, they -being originally intended for the support of the mendicant members of -these religions. But persons of other than the priestly and religious -classes were expected to work for their living, and were not entitled -to relief in these institutions. Begging among such people--unless, -as in the case of the Pandarams and Andis, a religious flavour attaches -to it--is still considered disreputable. The percentage of beggars in -the Tamil districts to the total population is .97, or more than twice -what it is in the Telugu country, while in Malabar it is as low as -.09. The Telugus are certainly not richer as a class than the Tamils, -and the explanation of these differences is perhaps to be found in the -fact that the south is more religiously inclined than the north, and -has more temples and their connected charities (religion and charity go -hand in hand in India), and so offers more temptation to follow begging -as a profession. Andis are Tamil beggars. They are really inferior to -Pandarams, but the two terms are in practice often indiscriminately -applied to the same class of people. Pandarams are usually Vellalas -by caste, but Andis are recruited from all classes of Sudras, and -they consequently have various sub-divisions, which are named after -the caste to which the members of each originally belonged, such as -the Jangam Andis, meaning beggars of the Jangam caste, and the Jogi -Andis, that is, Andis of the Jogi caste. They also have occupational -and other divisions, such as the Kovil Andis, meaning those who do -service in temples, and the Mudavandis or the lame beggars. Andi is -in fact almost a generic term. All Andis are not beggars however; -some are bricklayers, others are cultivators, and others are occupied -in the temples. They employed Brahman priests at their ceremonies, but -all of them eat meat and drink alcohol. Widows and divorcées may marry -again. Among the Tinnevelly Andis, the sister of the bridegroom ties -the tali (marriage badge) round the bride's neck, which is not usual." - -In the Madras Census Report, 1891, the Andis are summed up as -"beggars who profess the Saiva faith. They may be found in all the -Tamil districts, begging from door to door, beating a small gong with a -stick. The Andis differ from most other castes, in that a person of any -caste may join their community. Some of them officiate as priests in -village temples, especially when large sacrifices of goats, buffaloes, -and pigs are made. They usually bury the dead. They have returned 105 -sub-divisions, of which the most important are the following:--Jangam, -Komanandi, Lingadari, Mudavandi, and Uppandi. Komanam is the small loin -cloth, and a Komanandi goes naked, except for this slight concession -to decency. Mudam means lame, and the Mudavandis (q.v.) are allowed -to claim any deformed child belonging to the Konga Vellala caste. The -etymology of Uppandi is difficult, but it is improbable that it has -any connection with uppu, salt. - -In the Tanjore Manual, it is noted that "in its ordinary acceptation -the word Andi means houseless beggars, and is applied to those who -profess the Saiva faith. They go out every morning, begging for alms -of uncooked rice, singing ballads or hymns. They play on a small -gong called semakkalam with a stick, and often carry a conch shell, -which they blow. They are given to drinking." - -It is recorded [62] that "South Indian beggars are divided into two -classes, Panjathandi and Paramparaiandi. The former are famine-made -beggars, and the latter are beggars from generation to generation. The -former, a common saying goes, would rob from the person of a child -at a convenient opportunity, while the latter would jump into a well, -and pick up a child which had fallen into it by an accident, and make -it over to its parents." - -Andi (a god) occurs as an exogamous section of Sirukudi Kallans. - -Andinia.--Recorded by Mr. F. Fawcett as an inferior sub-division of -Dombs, who eat frogs. - -Anduran.--A sub-division of Nayar potters, who manufacture earthenware -articles for use in temples. The name is derived from Andur, a place -which was once a fief under the Zamorin of Calicut. - -Ane (elephant).--An exogamous sept of Holeya, Kappiliyan, Kuruba, -Kadu Kurumba, Moger, and Gangadikara Vakkaliga. Yenigala or Yenuga -(elephant) is further an exogamous sept of Kapus, who will not touch -ivory. Anai-kombu (elephant tusk) occurs as a sub-division of Idaiyan. - -Angarakudu (the planet Mars).--A synonym of Mangala. - -Anja.--In the Madras Census Report, 1891, Ajna is returned as a -sub-division of Pallan. This, however, seems to be a mistake for Anja -(father), by which name these Pallans address their fathers. - -Anju Nal (five days).--Recorded in the Salem Manual, as a name given -to Pallis who perform the death ceremony on the fifth day after death. - -Anjuttan (men of the five hundred).--Recorded at times of census, -as a sub-division of Panan, and a synonym of Velan. In the Gazetteer -of Malabar, it appears as a sub-division of Mannans, who are closely -akin to the Velans. The equivalent Anjuttilkar occurs as a synonym -for Tenkanchi Vellalas in Travancore. - -Anna (brother).--The title of numerous classes, e.g., Dasari, Gavara, -Golla, Konda Dora, Koppala Velama, Mangala, Mila, Paidi, and Segidi. - -Annam (cooked rice).--An exogamous sept of Gamalla and Togata. - -Annavi.--A title of Savalakkarans, who play on the nagasaram (reed -instrument) in temples. - -Antalavar.--Recorded in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-division of Nayar. - -Antarala.--A synonym of Ambalavasi, denoting those who occupy an -intermediate position between Brahmans and Sudras. - -Antarjanam (inside person).--A term applied to Nambutiri Brahman -females, who live in seclusion. [63] - -Anuloma.--One of the two classes of Sudras, viz., Anuloma and -Veloma. The term Anuloma is applied to those born of a higher-caste -male and a lower-caste female, e.g., barbers are said to be the -offspring of a Brahman and a Vaisya woman. - -Anumala (seeds of Dolichos Lablab).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. The -equivalent Anumolla occurs as an exogamous sept of Kamma. - -Anuppan.--The Anuppans are described, in the Madras Census Report, -1891, as "a small caste of Canarese farmers, found chiefly in the -districts of Madura, Tinnevelly, and Coimbatore. Their original home -appears to have been Mysore or South Canara, probably the former. Their -language is a corrupt form of Canarese. The most important sub-division -is Allikulam (lily clan). Some of them are Saivites, and others -Vaishnavites. Brahmans are employed as priests by the Vaishnavites, -but not by the Saivites. Remarriage of widows is practised, but a -woman divorced for adultery cannot remarry during the life-time of -her husband." - -In the Gazetteer of the Madura district, it is stated that "the -Anuppans are commonest in the Kambam valley. They have a tradition -regarding their migration thither, which closely resembles that current -among the Kappiliyans and Tottiyans (q.v.). Local tradition at Kambam -says that the Anuppans were in great strength here in olden days, -and that quarrels arose, in the course of which the chief of the -Kappiliyans, Ramachcha Kavandan, was killed. With his dying breath -he cursed the Anuppans, and thenceforth they never prospered, and now -not one of them is left in the town. Their title is Kavandan. They are -divided into six territorial groups called Medus, which are named after -three villages in this district, and three in Tinnevelly. Over each of -these is a headman called the Periyadanakkaran, and the three former -are also subject to a Guru who lives at Sirupalai near Madura. These -three are divided again into eighteen kilais or branches, each of -which intermarries only with certain of the others. Caste panchayats -(councils) are held on a blanket, on which (compare the Tottiyan -custom) is placed a pot of water containing margosa (Melia Azadirachta) -leaves, to symbolise the sacred nature of the meeting. Women who go -astray with men of other castes are expelled, and various ceremonies, -including (it is said) the burying alive of a goat, are enacted to show -that they are dead to the community. The right of a man to his paternal -aunt's daughter is as vigorously maintained as among the Kappiliyans -and Tottiyans, and leads to the same curious state of affairs (i.e., a -woman, whose husband is too young to fulfil the duties of his position, -is allowed to consort with his near relations, and the children so -begotten are treated as his). No tali (marriage badge) is tied at -weddings, and the binding part of the ceremonies is the linking, on -seven separate occasions, of the little fingers of the couple. Like -the Kappiliyans, the Anuppans have many caste and family deities, -a number of whom are women who committed sati." (See Kappiliyan). - -Apoto.--Apoto, or Oppoto, is a sub-division of Gaudos, the occupation -of which is palanquin-bearing. - -Appa (father).--A title of members of various Telugu and Canarese -castes, e.g., Idiga, Kannadiyan, Linga Balija, and Tambala. - -Arab.--A Muhammadan territorial name, returned at times of census. In -the Mysore Census Report, 1901, the Arabs are described as itinerant -tradesmen, whose chief business is horse-dealing, though some deal -in cloths. - -Aradhya.--For the following note I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana -Rao. The Aradhyas are a sect of Brahmans found mainly in the four -northern districts of the Madras Presidency, and to a smaller extent -in the Cuddapah and Kurnool districts. A few are also found in the -Mysore State. They differ in almost every important respect from other -Brahmans. Basava, the founder of the Lingayat religion, was born in a -family of Brahmans, who, with others round about them, were apparently -the first converts to his religion. According to Mr. C. P. Brown, [64] -they were "in all probability his personal friends; he persuaded them -to lay aside their name, and call themselves Aradhya or Reverend.' They -revere the four Aradhyas, visionary personages of the Lingayat creed, -of whom very little is known. At all social and religious functions, -birth, marriage, initiation and funerals, four vases of water are -solemnly placed in their name, and then invoked to preside over -them. Their names are Revanaradhya, Marularadhya, Ekoramaradhya, -and Panditaradhya. In four ages, it is said, these four successively -appeared as precursors of the divine Basava, and were, like Basava, -Brahmans. A Purana, known as the Panditaradhya Charitra, is named -after the last of these. Versions thereof are found both in Canarese -and Telugu. A Sanskrit poem, called Siddhanta Sikhamani, represents -Revanaradhya as a human manifestation of one of the ministers of Siva. - -As might be expected, the members of this sect are staunch -Saivites. They wear both the Brahminical sacred thread, and the linga -suspended from another thread. They revere in particular Ganapathi. The -lingam which they wear they usually call the prana lingam, or life -lingam. The moment a child, male or female, is born, it is invested -with the lingam; otherwise it is not considered to have pranam or -life. The popular belief is that, if by some accident the lingam is -lost, a man must either fast until he recovers it, or not survive -so dire a calamity. This is a fixed dogma with them. A man who loses -his prana linga stands up to his neck in water, and repeats mantrams -(sacred formulæ) for days together; and, on the last day, the lost -lingam comes back to him miraculously, if he has been really orthodox -in his life. If he does not succeed in recovering it, he must starve -and die. The theory is that the lingam is the life of the man who -wears it, and, when it is lost beyond recovery, he loses his own -life. Incredible stories of miraculous recoveries of the lingam are -told. In one case, it is said to have returned to its owner, making -a loud noise in water; and in another it was found in a box under -lock and key. In this connection, the following story is narrated -by Colonel Wilks. [65] "Poornia, the present minister of Mysore, -relates an incident of a Lingayat friend of his, who had unhappily -lost his portable God, and came to take a last farewell. The Indians, -like more enlightened nations, readily laugh at the absurdities of -every sect but their own, and Poornia gave him better counsel. It is a -part of the ceremonial preceding the sacrifice of the individual that -the principal persons of the sect should assemble on the bank of some -holy stream, and, placing in a basket the lingam images of the whole -assembly, purify them in the sacred waters. The destined victim in -conformity to the advice of his friend, suddenly seized the basket, -and overturned its contents into the rapid Caveri. Now, my friends, -said he, we are on equal terms; let us prepare to die together. The -discussion terminated according to expectation. The whole party took -an oath of inviolable secrecy, and each privately provided himself -with a new image of the lingam." - -Aradhyas, as has been indicated, differ from other Brahmans in general -in some of their customs. Before they partake of food, they make an -offering of it to the lingam which they are wearing. As they cannot -eat without making this offering, they have the entire meal served -up at the commencement thereof. They offer the whole to the lingam, -and then begin to eat. They do not accept offerings distributed in -temples as other Brahmans do, because they have already been offered to -the God, and cannot therefore be offered again to the lingam. Unlike -other Lingayats, Aradhyas believe in the Vedas, to which they give -allegorical interpretations. They are fond of reading Sanskrit, and -a few have been well-known Telugu poets. Thus, Palapuri Somanatha, -who lived in the fourteenth century A.D., composed the Basava Purana -and the Panditaradhya Charitra, and the brothers Piduparthi Somanatha -and the Basavakavi, who lived in the sixteenth century, composed -other religious works. - -Aradhyas marry among themselves, and occasionally take girls in -marriage from certain of the Niyogi sub-divisions of the Northern -Circars. This would seem to show that they were themselves Niyogis, -prior to their conversion. They do not intermarry with Aruvelu -Niyogis. Unlike other Brahmans, they bury their dead in a sitting -posture. They observe death pollution for ten days, and perform the -ekodishta and other Brahminical ceremonies for their progenitors. They -perform annually, not the Brahminical sradha, but the aradhana. In -the latter, there is no apasavyam (wearing the sacred thread from -right to left), and no use of gingelly seeds and dharba grass. Nor -is there homam (raising the sacrificial fire), parvanam (offering -of rice-balls), or oblation of water. Widows do not have their -heads shaved. - -The title of the Aradhyas is always Aradhya. - -Arakala.--A small class of cultivators, recorded mainly from the -Kurnool district. The name is possibly derived from araka, meaning -a plough with bullocks, or from arakadu, a cultivator. - -Arampukatti.--The name, denoting those who tie flower-buds or prepare -garlands, of a sub-division of Vellalas. - -Aranadan, See Ernadan. - -Arane (lizard).--An exogamous sub-sept of Kappiliyan. - -Arashina (turmeric).--A gotra or exogamous sept of Agasa, Kurni, -Kuruba, and Odde. The equivalent Pasupula occurs as an exogamous sept -of Devanga. In Southern India, turmeric (Curcuma) is commonly called -saffron (Crocus). Turmeric enters largely into Hindu ceremonial. For -example, the practice of smearing the face with it is very widespread -among females, and, thinking that it will give their husbands increase -of years, women freely bathe themselves with turmeric water. The -use of water, in which turmeric has been infused, and by which they -give the whole body a bright yellow colour, is prescribed to wives -as a mark of the conjugal state, and forbidden to widows. [66] To -ward off the evil eye, a vessel containing turmeric water and other -things is waved in front of the bridal couple at weddings. Or they -are bathed in turmeric water, which they pour over each other. The -tali or bottu (gold marriage badge) is attached to a cotton thread -dyed with turmeric, and, among some castes, the tying together of the -hands of the bride and bridegroom with such a thread is the binding -portion of the ceremony. - -Arasu or Rajpinde.--"This caste," Mr. Lewis Rice writes (1877):-- [67] -"are relatives of or connected with the Rajahs of Mysore. During -the life-time of the late Maharaja, they were divided into two -factions in consequence of the refusal of thirteen families headed -by the Dalavayi (the chief of the female branch) to pay respect to -an illegitimate son of His Highness. The other eighteen families -consented to the Rajah's wishes, and treat the illegitimate branch, -called Komarapatta, as equals. The two divisions intermarry and eat -together, and the family quarrel, though serious at the time, is not -likely to be permanent. They are employed chiefly under Government -and in agriculture, most of the former being engaged in the palace at -Mysore. Rajpindes are both Vishnavites and Sivites, and their priests -are both Brahmans and Lingayat Waders." - -In the Madras Census Report, 1891, Arasu (= Raja or king) is given -as a sub-division of the Tamil Pallis and Paraiyans. Urs appears as -a contracted form of Arasu in the names of the Mysore royal family, -e.g., Kantaraj Urs. - -Arathi.--The name, indicating a wave offering to avert the evil eye, -of an exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Arati (plantain tree).--An exogamous sept of Chenchu. - -Arava.--Arava, signifying Tamil, has been recorded as a sub-division -of some Telugu classes, e.g., Golla and Velama. The name, however, -refers to Tamil Idaiyans and Vellalas, who have settled in the -Telugu country, and are known respectively as Arava Golla and Arava -Velama. In some places in the Telugu country, Tamil Paraiyans, -employed as servants under Europeans, horse-keepers, etc., are known -as Arava Malalu (Malas). The Irulas of the North Arcot district are, -in like manner, sometimes called Arava Yanadis. Arava also occurs -as a division of Tigalas, said to be a section of the Tamil Pallis, -who have settled in Mysore. An ingenious suggestion has been made -that Arava is derived from ara, half, vayi, mouthed, in reference -to the defective Tamil alphabet, or to the termination of the words -being mostly in consonants. - -Aravan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-division of Nayar. - -Arayan.--See Valan. - -Archaka.--Archaka, or Umai Archaka, is a title of Occhans, who are -priests at temples of Grama Devatas (village deities). - -Are.--A synonym for Marathi. The name occurs as a sub-division -of Kunchigar and Kudubi. In South Canara Arya Kshatri occurs as -the equivalent of Are, and, in the Telugu country, Are Kapu refers -to Marathi cultivators. Arya Kuttadi is a Tamil synonym of Marathi -Dommaras. Concerning the Ares, Mr. H. G. Stuart writes as follows. [68] -"Of the total number of 6,809 Ares, 4,373 are found in South Canara, -Bellary and Anantapur, and these are true Ares. Of the rest I am not -able to speak with certainty, as the term Arya, which is a synonym -of Are, is also used as an equivalent of Marathi, and sometimes -in a still wider sense. The true Ares are husbandmen of Maratha -origin. They wear the sacred thread, have Brahmans as their priests, -and give allegiance to the head of the Sringeri Mutt. Marriage of -girls takes place either before or after puberty, and the remarriage -of widows is not allowed. A husband may divorce his wife for adultery, -but a wife cannot divorce her husband. When the guilt of a woman is -proved, and the sanction of the Guru obtained, the husband performs -the act of divorce by cutting a pumpkin in two at a place where three -ways meet. The use of animal food is allowed, but intoxicating liquors -are forbidden." The Ares of South Canara, Mr. Stuart writes further, -[69] "usually speak Marathi or Konkani, but in the Kasaragod taluk, -and possibly in other parts too, they speak Canarese. Their exogamous -septs are called manathanas. They use the dhare form of marriage -(see Bant), but the pot contains a mixture of water, milk, ghee -(clarified butter), honey and curds instead of the usual plain water." - -The Marathi-speaking Areyavaru or Aryavaru of the South Canara -district follow the makkala santana law of inheritance (from father -to son). For ceremonial purposes, they engage Shivalli Brahmans. An -interesting feature of the marriage rites is that the bridegroom makes -a pretence of going to a battle-field to fight, presumably to show that -he is of Kshatriya descent. The ceremony is called dandal jatai. The -bridegroom ties a bead on the neck of the bride if of the Powar sept, -and a disc if of the Edar sept. The Areyavaru eat fowls and fish. The -former are killed after certain mantrams (prayers) have been uttered, -and, if a priest is available, it is his duty to despatch the bird. The -caste deity is Ammanoru (Durga), in the worship of whom the Areyavaru, -like other Maratha castes, employ Gondala mendicants. - -Are (Bauhinia racemosa).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Ari.--The Aris or Dutans are described, in the Travancore Census -Report, 1901, as a "small but interesting community confined to a -village in the Tovala taluk. By traditional occupation they are the -Ambalavasis of the Saivaite temple of Darsanamkoppa. They are strict -vegetarians, wear the Brahminical thread, perform all the Brahminical -ceremonies under the guidance of Brahman priests, and claim a position -equal to that of the Aryappattars. But they are not allowed to dine -with the Brahmans, or to enter the mandapa in front of the garbhagriha, -the inner sanctuary of a Hindu shrine. Their dress and ornaments are -like those of the Tamil Brahmans, and their language is Tamil. Their -period of pollution, however, is as long as fifteen days." - -Ari (ebony).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Arigala.--Arigala, denoting a dish carried in procession, occurs -as an exogamous sept of Mutracha. Arigala and Arika, both meaning -the millet Paspalum scrobiculatum, are septs of Jatapu and Panta -Reddi. The latter may not use the grain as food. - -Arikuravan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-division of Nayar. - -Arisi.--A sub-division of Savara. - -Ariyar.--Ariyar or Ariyanattu Chetti is given as a caste title by -Pattanavans. - -Ariyur.--Ariyur or Ariviyur is the name of a sub-division of -Nattukottai Chettis. - -Arli (Ficus religiosa).--An exogamous sept of Stanika. - -Arudra (lady-bird).--An exogamous sept of Kalingi. - -Arupathukatchi (sixty house section).--A sub-division of Valluvan. - -Arupattanalu Taleikattu (sixty-four, who covered their heads).--A -sub-division of Chetti. - -Aruththukattatha.--The name, meaning those who do not tie the tali a -second time, of a section of Paraiyans who do not allow the remarriage -of widows. - -Aruva.--The Aruvas are an interesting caste of cultivators along the -sea-coast in the Berhampur taluk of Ganjam. They say that they are -descended from the offspring of alliances between Patanis (Muhammadans) -and Oriya women. Like other Oriya castes, they have a number of titles, -e.g., Nayako, Patro, Podhano, Ponda, Mondolo, and Mollana, some of -which seem to be exogamous, and there are also numerous exogamous -septs or bamsams. The headman is styled Nayako, and he is assisted -by a Bhollobhaya. Both these offices are hereditary. The Aruvas -say that they belong to two Vedas, viz., the males to Atharva Veda, -and the females to Yajur Veda. Muhammadans are believed by them to -be Atharvavedis. - -A member of the caste, called Mollana, officiates on ceremonial -occasions. A pure Oriya casteman will not allow his son to marry -his sister's daughter, but this is permitted in most places by the -Aruvas. The marriage ceremonial, except in a few points of detail, -conforms to the general Oriya type. On the day before the wedding, -a milk-post of bamboo is erected, and in front of it a new cloth, -and various articles for worship are placed. When the fingers of the -contracting couple are linked together, and at other stages of the -marriage rites, the Mollana recites certain formulæ, in which the -words Bismillahi and Allah occur. - -The dead are always buried. In former days, stone slabs, with Arabic or -Hindustani legends in Oriya characters inscribed on them, used to be -set up over the grave. For these, two sticks are now substituted. The -corpse of a dead person is sewn up in a kind of sack. As it is -being lowered into the grave, the Mollana recites formulæ, and those -present throw earth over it before the grave is filled in. They then -take their departure, and the Mollana, standing on one leg, recites -further formulæ. On the following day, bitter food, consisting of rice -and margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves, is prepared, and given to the -agnates. On the third day after death, the burial-ground is visited, -and, after water has been poured over the grave, a cloth is spread -thereon. On this relations of the deceased throw earth and food. A -purificatory ceremony, in which ghi (clarified butter) is touched, -is performed on the fifteenth day. On the fortieth day, the Mollana -officiates at a ceremony in which food is offered to the dead person. - -The Aruvas do not take part in any Muhammadan ceremonial, and do not -worship in mosques. Most of them are Paramarthos, and all worship -various Hindu deities and Takuranis (village gods). At their houses, -the god is represented by a mass of mud of conical shape, with -an areca nut on the top of it. In recent times, a number of Aruva -families, owing to a dispute with the Mollana, do not employ him for -their ceremonials, in which they follow the standard Oriya type. They -neither interdine nor intermarry with other sections of the community, -and have become an independent section thereof. - -Arya.--Arya or Ariya (noble) occurs as a class of Pattar Brahmans, -a division of Samagaras, and an exogamous sept of Kurubas. Some -Pattanavans call themselves Ariya Nattu Chetti (Chettis of the country -of chiefs), Ariyar, or Ayyayirath Thalaivar (the five thousand chiefs). - -Asadi.--The Asadis of the Bellary district are summed up, in the -Madras Census Report, 1901, as "a sub-caste of Mala or Holeya, which, -in Bellary, are almost interchangeable terms. They are prostitutes and -dancers." Among the Madigas, men called Asadi, who have undergone an -initiation ceremony, go about, in company with the Matangis (dedicated -prostitutes), playing on an instrument called the chaudike, and -singing the praises and reciting the story of Ellamma. (See Madiga.) - -Asan (teacher).--The title of Variyans, who have held the hereditary -position of tutors in noblemen's families. Also a title of Pisharati -and Kanisan. - -Asari.--In most parts of the Madras Presidency, Mr. H. A. Sturat -writes, "Asari (or Achari) is synonymous with Kammalan, and may denote -any of the five artizan castes, but in Malabar it is practically -confined to the carpenter caste. The Asari of Malabar is the Brahman -of the Kammala castes. The Kammala castes generally pollute Nayars -by approaching within twelve feet, and Brahmans by coming within -thirty-six feet; but an Asari with his measuring rod in his hand -has the privilege of approaching very near, and even entering the -houses of higher castes without polluting them. This exception may -have arisen out of necessity." At the census, 1901, some Sayakkarans -(Tamil dyers) returned Asari as a title. - -In a Government office, a short time ago, the head clerk, a Brahman -named Rangachari, altered the spelling of the name of a Kammalan from -Velayudachari to Velayudasari in the office books, on the ground that -the former looked Brahmanical. - -Ashtakshari (eight syllables).--A sub-division of Satanis, who believe -in the efficacy of the eight syllables om-na-mo-na-ra-ya-na-ya in -ensuring eternal bliss. The name ashtabhukkulu, or those who eat the -eight greedily, also occurs as a sub-division of the same people. - -Ashtalohi.--The name, meaning workers in eight metals, of a small class -of Oriya artizans. According to one version the eight metals are gold, -silver, bell-metal, copper, lead, tin, iron, and brass; according to -another, gold, silver, copper, tin, lead, load-stone, iron, and steel. - -Ashtikurissi.--Ashtikurissi (ashti, a bone) or Attikurissi is an -occupational sub-division of Nayars and Marans, who officiate at the -funerals of Nambutiri Brahmans and Nayars, and help in collecting -the remains of the bones after cremation. - -Asili.--The name for Telugu toddy-drawers in the Cuddapah -district. (See Idiga.) - -Asupani.--An occupational name for Marans who play on the temple -musical instruments asu and pani. - -Asvo (horse).--An exogamous sept of Ghasi. - -Atagara or Hatagara.--A sub-division of Devanga. - -Aththi (Ficus glomerata).--An exogamous sept of Stanika. - -Atikunnan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a -sub-division of Nayar. - -Atreya.--A Brahmanical gotra of Bhatrazus. Atreyas are descendants -of Atri, a rishi who is regarded by some as one of the ten Prajapatis -of Manu. - -Atta (mother).--A sub-division of Pallan. - -Attangarai (river-bank).--A sub-division of Konga Vellala. - -Attikankana (cotton marriage thread).--A sub-division of Kurubas, -who tie a cotton thread round the wrist at weddings. - -Atumpatram.--A name, meaning an object which dances, for Deva-dasis -in Travancore. - -Aunvallur (possessors of cattle).--A fanciful name for Idaiyans. - -Avaru.--A synonym of Agaru. - -Aviri (Indigofera tinctoria).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sales, -who use indigo in the manufacture of coloured cloth fabrics. - -Avisa (Sesbania grandiflora).--A gotra of Medara. - -Avu (snake).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Avula (cow).--An exogamous sept of Balija, Boya, Golla, Kapu, Korava, -Mutracha, and Yerukala. - -Ayar (cow-herd).--A synonym or sub-division of Idaiyan and Kolayan. - -Ayodhya (Oudh).--A sub-division of Kapus, who say that they originally -lived in Oudh. - -Azhati.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a synonym -of Pisharati. - - -Badaga.--As the Todas are the pastoral, and the Kotas the artisan -tribe of the Nilgiris, so the agricultural element on these hills -is represented by the Badagas (or, as they are sometimes called, -Burghers). Their number was returned, at the census, 1901, as 34,178 -against 1,267 Kotas, and 807 Todas. Though the primary occupation -of the Badagas is agriculture, there are among their community -schoolmasters, clerks, public works contractors, bricklayers, painters, -carpenters, sawyers, tailors, gardeners, forest guards, barbers, -washermen, and scavengers. Many work on tea and coffee estates, and -gangs of Badagas can always be seen breaking stones on, and repairing -the hill roads. Others are, at the present day, earning good wages -in the Cordite Factory near Wellington. Some of the more prosperous -possess tea and coffee estates of their own. The rising generation -are, to some extent, learning Tamil and English, in addition to their -own language, which is said to resemble old Canarese. And I have -heard a youthful Badaga, tending a flock of sheep, address an errant -member thereof in very fluent Billingsgate. There were, in 1904-1905, -thirty-nine Badaga schools, which were attended by 1,222 pupils. In -1907, one Badaga had passed the Matriculation of the Madras University, -and was a clerk in the Sub-judge's Court at Ootacamund. - -A newspaper discussion was carried on a few years ago as to the -condition of the Badagas, and whether they are a down-trodden tribe, -bankrupt and impoverished to such a degree that it is only a short -time before something must be done to ameliorate their condition, -and save them from extermination by inducing them to emigrate to the -Wynad and Vizagapatam. A few have, in recent years, migrated to the -Anaimalai hills, to work on the planters' estates, which have been -opened up there. One writer stated that "the tiled houses, costing -from Rs. 250 to Rs. 500, certainly point to their prosperity. They -may frequently borrow from the Labbai to enable them to build, but, -as I do not know of a single case in which the Labbai has ever seized -the house and sold it, I believe this debt is soon discharged. The -walled-in, terraced fields immediately around their villages, -on which they grow their barley and other grains requiring rich -cultivation, are well worked, and regularly manured. The coats, -good thick blankets, and gold ear-rings, which most Badagas now -possess, can only, I think, point to their prosperity, while their -constant feasts, and disinclination to work on Sundays, show that -the loss of a few days' pay does not affect them. On the other hand, -a former Native official on the Nilgiris writes to me that "though the -average Badaga is thrifty and hard-working, there is a tendency for -him to be lazy when he is sure of his meal. When a person is sick in -another village, his relatives make it an excuse to go and see him, -and they have to be fed. When the first crop is raised, the idler -pretends that 'worms' have crept into the crop, and the gods have to be -propitiated, and there is a feast. Marriage or death, of course, draws -a crowd to be fed or feasted. All this means extra expenditure, and -a considerable drain on the slender income of the family. The Rowthan -(Muhammadan merchant) from the Tamil country is near at hand to lend -money, as he has carried his bazar to the very heart of the Badaga -villages. First it is a bag of ragi (food grain), a piece of cloth to -throw on the coffin, or a few rupees worth of rice and curry-stuff -doled out by the all-accommodating Rowthan at a price out of all -proportion to the market rate, and at a rate ranging from six pies -to two annas for the rupee. The ever impecunious Badaga has no means -of extricating himself, with a slender income, which leaves no margin -for redeeming debts. The bond is renewed every quarter or half year, -and the debt grows by leaps and bounds, and consumes all his earthly -goods, including lands. The advent of lawyers on the hills has made -the Badagas a most litigious people, and they resort to the courts, -which means expenditure of money, and neglect of agriculture." In the -funeral song of the Badagas, which has been translated by Mr. Gover, -[70] one of the crimes enumerated, for which atonement must be made, -is that of preferring a complaint to the Sirkar (Government), and one -of their numerous proverbs embodies the same idea. "If you prefer a -complaint to a Magistrate, it is as if you had put poison into your -adversary's food." But Mr. Grigg writes, [71] "either the terrors of -the Sirkar are not what they were, or this precept is much disregarded, -for the Court-house at Ootacamund is constantly thronged with Badagas, -and they are now very much given to litigation." - -I gather from the notes, which Bishop Whitehead has kindly placed at -my disposal, that "when the Badagas wish to take a very solemn oath, -they go to the temple of Mariamma at Sigur, and, after bathing in -the stream and putting on only one cloth, offer fruits, cocoanuts, -etc., and kill a sheep or fowl. They put the head of the animal on -the step of the shrine, and make a line on the ground just in front of -it. The person who is taking the oath then walks from seven feet off -in seven steps, putting one foot immediately in front of the other, -up to the line, crosses it, goes inside the shrine, and puts out -a lamp that is burning in front of the image. If the oath is true, -the man will walk without any difficulty straight to the shrine. But, -if the oath is not true, his eyes will be blinded, and he will not be -able to walk straight to the shrine, or see the lamp. It is a common -saying among Badagas, when a man tells lies, 'Will you go to Sigur, -and take an oath?' Oaths are taken in much the same way at the temple -of Mariamma at Ootacamund. When a Hindu gives evidence in the Court -at Ootacamund, he is often asked by the Judge whether he will take -an oath at the Mariamma temple. If he agrees, he is sent off to the -temple with a Court official. The party for whom he gives evidence -supplies a goat or sheep, which is killed at the temple, the head -and carcase being placed in front of the image. The witness steps -over the carcase, and this forms the oath. If the evidence is false, -it is believed that some evil will happen to him." - -The name Badaga or Vadugan means northerner, and the Badagas are -believed to be descended from Canarese colonists from the Mysore -country, who migrated to the Nilgiris three centuries ago owing to -famine, political turmoil, or local oppression in their own country. It -is worthy of notice, in this connection, that the head of the Badagas, -like that of the Todas and Kotas, is dolichocephalic, and not of the -mesaticephalic or sub-brachycephalic type, which prevails throughout -Mysore, as in other Canarese areas. - - - Average. - - Cephalic Cephalic Cephalic - length. breadth. index. - cm. cm. - - Badaga 18.9 13.6 71.7 - Toda 19.4 14.2 73.3 - Kota 19.2 14.2 74.1 - - -Of the Mysorean heads, the following are a few typical examples:-- - - Average. - - Cephalic Cephalic Cephalic - length. breadth. index. - cm. cm. - - Ganiga 18.5 14.3 77.6 - Bedar 18.3 14.3 77.7 - Holeya 17.9 14.1 79.1 - Mandya Brahman 18.5 14.8 80.2 - Vakkaliga 17.7 14.5 81.7 - - -Concerning the origin of the Badagas, the following legend is -current. Seven brothers and their sisters were living on the -Talamalai hills. A Muhammadan ruler attempted to ravish the girl, -whom the brother saved from him by flight. They settled down near -the present village of Bethalhada. After a short stay there, the -brothers separated, and settled in different parts of the Nilgiris, -which they peopled. Concerning the second brother, Hethappa, who -had two daughters, the story goes that, during his absence on one -occasion, two Todas forced their way into his house, ravished his -wife, and possessed themselves of his worldly effects. Hearing of -what had occurred, Hethappa sought the assistance of two Balayaru in -revenging himself on the Todas. They readily consented to help him, -in return for a promise that they should marry his daughters. The Todas -were killed, and the present inhabitants of the village Hulikallu are -supposed to be the descendants of the Balayaru and Badaga girls. The -seven brothers are now worshipped under the name Hethappa or Hetha. - -In connection with the migration of the Badagas to the Nilgiris, the -following note is given in the Gazetteer of the Nilgiris. "When this -flitting took place there is little to show. It must have occurred -after the foundation of the Lingayat creed in the latter half of -the twelfth century, as many of the Badagas are Lingayats by faith, -and sometime before the end of the sixteenth century, since in 1602 -the Catholic priests from the west coast found them settled on the -south of the plateau, and observing much the same relations with the -Todas as subsist to this day. The present state of our knowledge does -not enable us to fix more nearly the date of the migration. That the -language of the Badagas, which is a form of Canarese, should by now -have so widely altered from its original as to be classed as a separate -dialect argues that the movement took place nearer the twelfth than -the sixteenth century. On the other hand, the fact (pointed out by -Dr. Rivers [72]) that the Badagas are not mentioned in a single one -of the Todas' legends about their gods, whereas the Kotas, Kurumbas, -and Irulas, each play a part in one or more of these stories, raises -the inference that the relations between the Badagas and the Todas -are recent as compared with those between the other tribes. A critical -study of the Badaga dialect might perhaps serve to fix within closer -limits the date of the migration. As now spoken, this tongue contains -letters (two forms of r for instance) and numerous words, which -are otherwise met with only in ancient books, and which strike most -strangely upon the ear of the present generation of Canarese. The date -when some of these letters and words became obsolete might possibly -be traced, and thus aid in fixing the period when the Badagas left -the low country. It is known that the two forms of r, for example, -had dropped out of use prior to the time of the grammarian Kesiraja, -who lived in the thirteenth century, and that the word betta (a hill), -which the Badagas use in place of the modern bettu, is found in the -thirteenth century work Sabdamanidarpana." - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Nilgiris, that "Nellialam, -about eight miles north-west of Devala as the crow flies, is the -residence of the Nellialam Arasu (Urs), who has been recognised as the -janmi (landlord) of a considerable area in the Munanad amsam, but is -in reality a Canarese-speaking Lingayat of Canarese extraction, who -follows the ordinary Hindu law of inheritance, and is not a native of -the Wynad or of Malabar. Family tradition, though now somewhat misty, -says that in the beginning two brothers named Sadasiva Raja Urs and -Bhujanga Raja Urs moved (at some date and for some reason not stated) -from Ummattur (in the present Chamarajnagar taluk of Mysore), and -settled at Malaikota, the old fort near Kalhatti. Their family deities -were Bhujangesvara and Ummattur Urakatti, which are still worshipped -as such. They brought with them a following of Bedars and Badagas, -and thereafter always encouraged the immigration to the hills of more -Canarese people. The village of Bannimara, a mile west of Kalhatti, -is still peopled by Bedars who are said to be descendants of people of -that caste who came with the two brothers; and to this day, when the -Badagas of the plateau have disputes of difficulty, they are said to -go down to Nellialam with presents (kanikai) in their hands, and ask -the Arasu to settle their differences, while, at the time of their -periodical ceremonies (manavalai) to the memory of their ancestors, -they send a deputation to Nellialam to invite representatives of the -Arasu to be present." - -Close to the village of Bethalhada is a row of cromlechs carved with -figures of the sun and moon, human beings, animals, etc., and enclosed -within a stone kraal, which the Badagas claim to be the work of their -ancestors, to whom periodical offerings are made. At the time of my -visit, there were within one of the cromlechs a conch shell, lingam, -bell, and flowers. A number of these sculptured cromlechs at Sholur, -Melur, and other spots on the Nilgiris, are described and figured -by Breeks, [73] who records that the cromlech at Jakata Kambe is -interesting as being the place of the yearly sacrifice performed by -the Badagas of the Jakaneri grama (village) by their Kani Kurumba. And -he adds that the Badagas would seem to have usually selected the -neighbourhood of these cromlechs for their temples, as for example, -at Melur, Kakusi, H'laiuru, Tudur, and Jakatada. - -It is recorded [74], in connection with the legends of the Badagas, -that "in the heart of the Banagudi shola, not far from the Dodduru -group of cromlechs, is an odd little shrine to Karairaya, consisting of -a ruined stone hut surrounded by a low wall, within which are a tiny -cromlech, some sacred water-worn stones, and sundry little pottery -images representing a tiger, a mounted man, and some dogs. These -keep in memory, it is said, a Badaga who was slain in combat with a -tiger; and annually a festival is held, at which new images are placed -there, and vows are paid. A Kurumba makes fire by friction and burns -incense, throws sanctified water over the numerous goats brought -to be sacrificed, to see if they will shiver in the manner always -held necessary in sacrificial victims, and then slays, one after the -other, those which have shown themselves duly qualified. Hulikal Drug, -usually known as the Drug, is a precipitous bluff at the very end of -the range which borders on the south the great ravine which runs up -to Coonoor. It is named from the neighbouring village of Hulikal, -or tiger's stone, and the story goes that this latter is so called -because in it a Badaga killed a notorious man-eater which had long been -the terror of the country side. The spot where the beast was buried -is shown near the Pillaiyar temple to the south of Hulikal village, -and is marked by three stones. Burton says there used formerly to be a -stone image of the slain tiger thereabouts. Some two miles south-east -of Konakarai in a place known as Kottai-hada, or the fort flat, lie -the remains of the old fort Udaiya Raya Kota. Badaga tradition gives -a fairly detailed account of Udaiya Raya. It says he was a chief who -collected the taxes for the Ummattur Rajas, and that he had also a fort -at Kullanthorai, near Sirumugai, the remains of which are still to be -seen. He married a woman of Netlingi hamlet of Nedugula, named Muddu -Gavari, but she died by the wrath of the gods because she persuaded -him to celebrate the annual fire-walking festival in front of the -fort, instead of at the customary spot by the Mahalingasvami temple -about half a mile off. Anaikatti is a hamlet situated in the jungle -of the Moyar valley. The stream which flows past it tumbles over a -pretty fall on the slopes of Birmukku (Bimaka) hill. The Badagas call -the spot Kuduraihallo, or the ravine of the horse, and say the name -was given it because a Badaga, covered with shame at finding that his -wife gave him first sort rice but his brother who lived with them only -second sort, committed suicide by jumping his horse down the fall." - -According to Mr. Grigg, the Badagas recognise eighteen different -"castes or sects." These are, however, simplified by Mr. S. M. Natesa -Sastri [75] into six, "five high castes and one low caste." They are-- - - - 1. Udaya. | - 2. Haruva. | - 3. Adhikari. | High caste. - 4. Kanaka. | - 5. Badaga. | - 6. Toreya Low caste. - - -"Udayas are Lingayats in religion, and carry the Sivalinga--the Siva -image--tied round their necks. They claim to be superior to all the -other Badagas, and are regarded as such. They are priests to all the -Badagas of the Lingayat class, and are strict vegetarians. They do -not intermarry with any of the other high caste Badaga sects. Udaya -was, and is the title assumed by the Maisur Rajas, and those Badagas, -by being thus designated as a caste, claim superior blood in their -veins." The Lingayat Badagas are commonly called Lingakutti. "Next -in rank come the Haruvas. From their name being so closely connected -with the Aryas--the respectable--and from their habit of wearing -the Brahmanical thread, we are warranted in believing that they -must originally have been the poor Brahman priests of the Badagas -that migrated to this country (the Nilgiris), though they have now -got themselves closely mingled with the Badagas. These Haruvas are -also strict vegetarians, and act as priests." It has been suggested -that the Haruvas (jumper) derive their name from the fire-walking -ceremony, which they perform periodically. A further, and more -probable suggestion has been made to me that Haruva comes from a -Canarese word meaning to beg or pray; hence one who begs or prays, -and so a Brahman. The Canarese Basava Purana frequently uses the word -in sense. "The Adhikaris are to a certain extent vegetarians. The -other two high castes, and of course the low caste Toreyas also, have -no objection of any kind to eating flesh. It is also said that the -vegetarian Adhikari, if he marries into a flesh-eating caste of the -Badagas, betakes himself to this latter very readily." The Kanakas are -stated by Mr. Grigg to be the accountants, who were probably introduced -when the hills were under the sway of the Tamil chiefs. This would, -however, seem to be very improbable. "The Toreyas are regarded -as sons and servants to the five high caste Badaga sects--to the -Haruvas especially. They are the lowest in the scale, and they are -prohibited from intermarrying with the other or high caste Badagas, -as long as they are sons to them." The Toreya does the menial duties -for the tribe. He is the village servant, carries the corpses to the -burning-ground, conveys the news of a death from village to village, -is the first to get shaved when a death occurs, and is sent along with -a woman when she is going to visit her mother or mother-in-law at a -distance from her own home. "The Udayas, Adhikaris and Kanakas are -Lingayats in religion, and the other three, the Haruvas, Badagas, -and Toreyas are Saivites." Of the six divisions referred to, the -Udayas and Toreyas are endogamous, but intermarriage is permissible -between the other four. At the census, 1891, a large number of Badagas -returned as their sub-division Vakkaliga, which means cultivator, -and is the name of the great cultivating caste of Mysore. - -Seven miles west of Coonoor is a village named Athikarihatti, or -village of the Athikari or Adhikari section of the Badagas. "The story -goes that these people, under a leader named Karibetta Raya, came -from Sarigur in Mysore territory, and settled first at Nelliturai -(a short distance south-west of Mettupalaiyam) and afterwards at -Tudur (on the plateau west of Kulakambi) and Tadasimarahatti (to the -north-west of Melur), and that it was they who erected the sculptured -cromlechs of Tudur and Melur. Tudur and Tadasimarahatti are now both -deserted; but in the former a cattle kraal, an old shrine, and a -pit for fire-walking may still be seen, and in the latter another -kraal, and one of the raised stone platforms called mandaikallu by -the Badagas. Tradition says that the Badagas left these places and -founded Athikarihatti and its hamlets instead, because the Kurumbas -round about continually troubled them with their magic arts, and indeed -killed by sorcery several of their most prominent citizens." [76] - -Like other Canarese people, the Badagas have exogamous septs or kulas, -of which Mari, Madhave (marriage), Kasturi (musk), and Belli (silver) -are examples. A very large number of families belong to the Mari and -Madhave septs, which were time after time given as the sept name -in reply to my enquiries. It may be noted that Belli occurs as an -exogamous sept of the Canarese classes Vakkaliga, Toreya, and Kuruba, -and Kasturi is recorded in my notes as a sept of the Vakkaligas and -Telugu Kammas. - -The Badagas dwell in extensive villages, generally situated on the -summit of a low hillock, composed of rows of comfortable thatched or -tiled houses, and surrounded by the fields, which yield the crops. The -houses are not separate tenements, but a line of dwellings under -one continuous roof, and divided by party walls. Sometimes there -are two or three, or more lines, forming streets. Each house is -partitioned off into an outer (edumane) and inner apartment (ozhaga -or ogamane). If the family has cows or buffaloes yielding milk, a -portion of the latter is converted into a milk-house (hagottu), in -which the milk is stored, and which no woman may enter. Even males -who are under pollution, from having touched or passed near a Kota -or Paraiyan, or other cause, may not enter it until they have had a -ceremonial bath. To some houses a loft, made of bamboo posts, is added, -to serve as a store-house. In every Badaga village there is a raised -platform composed of a single boulder or several stones with an erect -stone slab set up thereon, called suththu kallu. There is, further, -a platform, made of bricks and mud, called mandhe kallu, whereon -the Badagas, when not working, sit at ease. In their folk-tales men -seated thereon are made to give information concerning the approach of -strangers to the village. Strangers, who are not Badagas, are called -Holeya. The Rev. G. Richter gives [77] Badaga Holeya as a division -of the lowly Holeyas, who came to Coorg from the Mysore country. In -front of the houses, the operations of drying and threshing grain are -carried out. The cattle are kept in stone kraals, or covered sheds -close to the habitations, and the litter is kept till it is knee or -waist deep, and then carried away as manure for the Badaga's land, -or planters' estates. - -"Nobody," it has been said, [78] "can beat the Badaga at making -mother earth produce to her utmost capacity, unless it be a Chinese -gardener. To-day we see a portion of the hill side covered with rocks -and boulders. The Badagas become possessed of this scene of chaos, -and turn out into the place in hundreds, reducing it, in a few weeks, -to neat order. The unwieldy boulders, having been rolled aside, serve -their purpose by being turned into a wall to keep out cattle, etc. The -soil is pounded and worried until it becomes amenable to reason, -and next we see a green crop running in waves over the surface. The -Badagas are the most progressive of all the hill tribes, and always -willing to test any new method of cultivation, or new crops brought -to their notice by the Nilgiri Horticultural Society." - -Writing in 1832, Harkness states [79] that "on leaving his house in -the morning the Burgher pays his adoration to the god of day, proceeds -to the tu-el or yard, in which the cattle have been confined, and, -again addressing the sun as the emblem of Siva, asks his blessing, -and liberates the herd. He allows the cattle to stray about in the -neighbourhood of the village, on a piece of ground which is always -kept for this purpose, and, having performed his morning ablutions, -commences the milking. This is also preceded by further salutations and -praises to the sun. On entering the house in the evening, the Burgher -addresses the lamp, now the only light, or visible emblem of the -deity. 'Thou, creator of this and of all worlds, the greatest of the -great, who art with us, as well in the mountain as in the wilderness, -who keepeth the wreaths that adorn the head from fading, who guardeth -the foot from the thorn, God, among a hundred, may we be prosperous.'" - -The Badaga understands the rotation of crops well. On his land -he cultivates bearded wheat (beer ganji), barley, onions, garlic, -potatoes, kire (Amarantus), samai (Panicum miliare), tenai (Setaria -italica), etc. - -"Among the Badagas," Mr. Natesa Sastri writes, "the position of the -women is somewhat different from what it is among most peoples. Every -Badaga has a few acres to cultivate, but he does not mainly occupy -himself with them, for his wife does all the out-door farm work, -while he is engaged otherwise in earning something in hard cash. To a -Badaga, therefore, his wife is his capital. Her labour in the field -is considered to be worth one rupee per day, while an average male -Badaga earns merely three annas. A Badaga woman, who has not her -own acres to cultivate, finds work on some other lands. She thus -works hard for her husband and family, and is quite content with the -coarsest food--the korali (Setaria italica) flour--leaving the better -food to the male members of the family. This fact, and the hard work -the Badaga women have to perform, may perhaps account to some extent -for the slight build of the Badagas as a race. The male Badaga, too, -works in the field, or at his own craft if he is not a cultivator, -but his love for ready cash is always so great that, even if he had -a harvest to gather the next morning, he would run away as a cooly -for two annas wages." Further, Mr. Grigg states that "as the men -constantly leave their villages to work on coffee plantations, much -of the labour in their own fields, as well as ordinary household work, -is performed by the women. They are so industrious, and their services -of such value to their husbands, that a Badaga sometimes pays 150 or -200 rupees as dowry for his wife." In the off season for cultivation, -I am informed, the Badaga woman collects faggots for home consumption, -and stores them near her house, and the women prepare the fields for -cultivation by weeding, breaking the earth, and collecting manure. - -In his report on the revenue settlement of the Nilgiris (1885), -Mr. (now Sir) R. S. Benson notes that "concurrently with the -so-called abolition of the bhurty (or shifting) system of cultivation, -Mr. Grant abolished the peculiar system in vogue up to that time in -Kundahnad, which had been transferred from Malabar to the Nilgiris -in 1860. This system was known as erkadu kothukadu. Under it, a tax -of Re. 1 to Re. 1-8-0 was levied for the right to use a plough or -er, and a tax of from 4 to 8 annas was levied for the right to use -a hoe or kothu. The so-called patta issued to the ryot under this -system was really no more than a license to use one or more hoes, -as the case might be. It merely specified the amount payable for each -instrument, but in no cases was the extent or position of the lands -to be cultivated specified. The ryot used his implements whenever and -wherever he pleased. No restrictions, even on the felling of forests, -were imposed, so that the hill-sides and valleys were cleared at -will. The system was abolished in 1862. But, during the settlement, -I found this erkadu kothukadu system still in force in the flourishing -Badaga village of Kinnakorai, with some fifty houses." - -In connection with the local self-government of the Badagas, -Mr. A. Rajah Bahadur Mudaliar writes to me as follows. "In former -days, the monegar was a great personage, as he formed the unit of the -administration. The appointment was more or less hereditary, and it -generally fell to the lot of the richest and most well-to-do. All -disputes within his jurisdiction were placed before him, and his -decision was accepted as final. In simple matters, such as partition -of property, disputes between husband and wife, etc., the monegars -themselves disposed of them. But, when questions of a complicated -nature presented themselves, they took as their colleagues other -people of the villages, and the disputes were settled by the collective -wisdom of the village elders. They assembled at a place set apart for -the purpose beneath a nim (Melia Azadirachta) or pipal tree (Ficus -religiosa) on a raised platform (ratchai), generally situated at -the entrance to the village. The monegar was ex-officio president of -such councils. He and the committee had power to fine the parties, -to excommunicate them, and to readmit them to the caste. Parents -resorted to the monegar for counsel in the disposal of their daughters -in marriage, and in finding brides for their sons. If any one had -the audacity to run counter to the wishes of the monegar in matters -matrimonial, he had the power to throw obstacles in the way of such -marriages taking place. The monegar, in virtue of his position, wielded -much power, and ruled the village as he pleased." In the old days, -it is said, when he visited any village within his jurisdiction, -the monegar had the privilege of having the best women or maids of -the place to share his cot according to his choice. In former times, -the monegar used to wear a silver ring as the badge of office, and some -Badagas still have in their possession such rings, which are preserved -as heirlooms, and worshipped during festivals. The term monegar is, -at the present day, used for the village revenue official and munsiff. - -I gather that each exogamous sept has its headman, called Gouda, -who is assisted by a Parpattikaran, and decides tribal matters, -such as disputes, divorce, etc. Fines, when inflicted, go towards -feasting the tribe, and doing puja (worship) to the gods. In the -case of a dispute between two parties, one challenges the other to -take an oath in a temple before the village council. A declaration on -oath settles the matter at issue, and the parties agree to abide by -it. It is the duty of the Parpattikaran to make arrangements for such -events as the Heththeswami, Devve and Bairaganni festivals, and the -buffalo sacrificing festival at Konakkore. The Parpattikaran takes -part in the purification of excommunicated members of the tribe, -when they are received back into it, for example, on release from -prison. The tongue of the delinquent is burnt with a hot sandal -stick, and a new waist thread put on. He is taken to the temple, -where he stands amidst the assembled Badagas, who touch his head with -a cane. He then prostrates himself at the feet of the Parpattikaran, -who smears his forehead with sacred ashes. It is, further, the duty -of the Parpattikaran to be present on the occasion of the Kannikattu -(pregnancy) ceremony. - -A quarter of a century ago, a Badaga could be at once picked out -from the other tribes of the Nilgiris by his wearing a turban. But, -in the present advanced age, not only does the Toda sometimes appear -in the national head-dress, but even Irulas and Kurumbas, who only a -short time ago were buried in the jungles, living like pigs and bears -on roots, honey and other forest produce, turn up on Sundays in the -Kotagiri bazar, clad in turban and coat of English cut. And, as the -less civilised tribes don the turban, so the college student abandons -this picturesque form of head-gear in favour of the less becoming -and less washable porkpie cap, while the Badaga men and youths glory -in a knitted night-cap of flaring red or orange hue. The body of the -Badaga man is covered by a long body-cloth, sometimes with red and -blue stripes, wrapped "so loosely that, as a man works in the fields, -he is obliged to stop between every few strokes of his hoe, to gather -up his cloth, and throw one end over his shoulder." Male adornment -is limited to gold ear-rings of a special pattern made by Kotas or -goldsmiths, a silver waist-thread, silver bangle on the wrist, and -silver, copper, or brass rings. The women wear a white body-cloth, -a white under-cloth tied round the chest, tightly wrapped square -across the breasts, and reaching to the knees, and a white cloth worn -like a cap on the head. As types of female jewelry and tattooing, -the following examples may be cited:-- - -1. Tattooed on forehead with dashes, circles and crescent; spot -on chin; double row of dots on each upper arm over deltoid; and -devices and double row of dots on right forearm. Gold ornament in -left nostril. Necklets of glass beads and silver links with four-anna -piece pendent. Silver armlet above right elbow. Four copper armlets -above left elbow. Four silver and seven composition bangles on left -forearm. Two silver rings on right ring-finger; two steel rings on -left ring-finger. - -2. Tattooed on forehead; quadruple row of dots over right deltoid; -star on right forearm. - -3. Tattooed like the preceding on forehead and upper arm. Spot on chin; -elaborate device on right forearm; rayed star or sun on back of hand. - -4. Tattooed like the preceding on forehead and arm. Triple row of -dots on back and front of left wrist, and double row of dots, with -circle surrounded by dots, across chest. - -Toreya women are only allowed to wear bangles on the wrist. - -The tattoo marks on the foreheads of Udayar women consist of a -crescent and dot, and they have a straight line tattooed at the -outer corners of the eyes. Women of the other sub-divisions have -on the forehead two circles with two vertical dashes between them, -and a horizontal or crescentic dash below. The circles are made by -pricking in the pigment over an impression made with a finger ring, -or over a black mark made by means of such a ring. The operation -is performed either by a Badaga or Korava woman. The former uses -as needles the spines of Carissa spinarum, and a mixture of finely -powdered charcoal or lamp-black mixed with rice gruel. The marks on -the forehead are made when a girl is about eight or nine years old, -and do not, as stated by Mr. Natesa Sastri, proclaim to the whole -Badaga world that a girl is of marriageable age. - -In colour the Badagas are lighter than the other hill tribes, and -the comparative pallor of the skin is specially noticeable in the -females, whom, with very few exceptions, I was only able to study by -surreptitious examination, when we met on the roads. In physique, -the typical Badaga man is below middle height, smooth-skinned, of -slender build, with narrow chest and shoulders. - -Badaga men have cicatrices on the shoulder and forearm as the result -of branding with a fire-stick when they are lads, with the object, -it is said, of giving strength, and preventing pain when milking or -churning. In like manner, the Todas have raised cicatrices (keloids) -on the shoulder produced by branding with a fire-stick. They believe -that the branding enables them to milk the buffaloes with perfect ease. - -The Badagas have a very extensive repertoire of hora hesaru, or -nicknames, of which the following are examples:-- - - - One who eats in bed during the night. - Snorer. - Stupid. - Bald head. - Brown-eyed. - Thin and bony. - Big head. - Bandy-legged. - One who returned alive from the burning ground. - Ripe fruit. - Big-thighed. - Blind. - Lame. - Big calves. - Piles. - Liar. - Cat-eyed. - Fond of pot-herbs. - Rheumatic. - Bad-tempered. - Left-handed. - Buffalo grazer. - Saliva dribbling. - Honey-eater. - Black. - Spleen. - Teeth. - Potato-eater. - Glutton. - Belly. - Itch legged. - One who was slow in learning to walk. - Tall. - Thief-eyed. - Pustule-bodied. - Scarred. - Hairy. - Weak, like partially baked pots. - Strong, like portland cement. - - -Among the Badagas, Konga is used as a term of abuse. Those who made -mistakes in matching Holmgren's wools, with which I tested them, -were, always called Konga by the onlookers. - -When two Badagas meet each other, the elder touches the head of -the younger with his right hand. This form of salutation is known -as giving the head. A person of the Badaga section gives the head, -as it is called, to an Udaiyar, in token of the superiority of the -latter. When people belong to the same sept, they say "Ba, anna, -appa, thamma, amma, akka" (come, father, brother, mother, sister, -etc.). But, if they are of different septs, they will say "Ba, mama, -mami, bava" (come, uncle, aunt, brother-in-law, etc.). "Whenever," -Dr. Rivers writes, [80] "a Toda meets a Badaga monegar (headman), or -an old Badaga with whom he is acquainted, a salutation passes between -the two. The Toda stands before the Badaga, inclines his head slightly, -and says 'Madtin pudia.' (Madtin, you have come). The Badaga replies -'Buthuk! buthuk!' (blessing, blessing), and rests his hand on the -top of the Toda's head. This greeting only takes place between Todas -and the more important of the Badaga community. It would seem that -every Badaga headman may be greeted in this way, but a Toda will only -greet other Badaga elders, if he is already acquainted with them. The -salutation is made to members of all the various castes of the Badagas, -except the Toreyas. It has been held to imply that the Todas regard -the Badagas as their superiors, but it is doubtful how far this is -the case. The Todas themselves say they follow the custom because -the Badagas help to support them. It seems to be a mark of respect -paid by the Todas to the elders of a tribe with which they have very -close relations, and it is perhaps significant that no similar sign -of respect is shown to Toda elders by the Badagas." - -Every Badaga family has its Muttu Kota, from whom it gets the -agricultural implements, pots, hoes, etc. In return, the Kotas -receive an annual present of food-grains, mustard and potatoes. For a -Kota funeral, the Badagas have to give five rupees or a quantity of -rice, and a buffalo. The pots obtained from the Kotas are not used -immediately, but kept for three days in the jungle, or in a bush in -some open spot. They are then taken to the outer apartment of the -house, and kept there for three days, when they are smeared with the -bark of Meliosma pungens (the tud tree of the Todas) and culms of -Andropogon Schoenanthus (bzambe hullu). Thus purified, the pots are -used for boiling water in for three days, and may then be used for -any purpose. The Badagas are said to give a present of grain annually -to the Todas. Every Toda mand (or mad) seems to have its own group -of Badaga families, who pay them this gudu, as it is called. "There -are," Dr. Rivers writes, "several regulations concerning the food of -the palol (dairy man of a Toda sacred dairy). Any grain he eats must -be that provided by the Badagas. At the present time more rice is -eaten than was formerly the case. This is not grown by the Badagas, -but nevertheless the rice for the palol must be obtained through -them. The palol wears garments of a dark grey material made in the -Coimbatore district. They are brought to the palol by the Badaga -called tikelfmav. The earthenware vessels of the inner room (of the -ti dairy) are not obtained from the Kotas, like the ordinary vessels, -but are made by Hindus, and are procured through the Badagas." - -The Badagas live in dread of the Kurumbas, and the Kurumba constantly -comes under reference in their folk-stories. The Kurumba is the -necromancer of the hills, and believed to be possessed of the power of -outraging women, removing their livers, and so causing their death, -while the wound heals by magic, so that no trace of the operation is -left. He is supposed, too, to have the power of opening the bolts of -doors by magic and effecting an entrance into a house at night for some -nefarious purpose. The Toda or Badaga requires the services of the -Kurumba, when he fancies that any member of his family is possessed -of the devil, or when he wants to remove the evil eye, to which he -imagines that his children have been subjected. The Kurumba does -his best to remove the malady by repeating various mantrams (magical -formulæ). If he fails, and if any suspicion is aroused in the mind of -the Toda or Badaga that he is allowing the devil to play his pranks -instead of loosing his hold on the supposed victim, woe betide him. The -wrath of the entire village, or even the whole tribe, is raised against -the unhappy Kurumba. His hut is surrounded at night, and the entire -household massacred in cold blood, and their huts set on fire. This is -very cleverly carried out, and the isolated position of the Kurumba -settlements allows of very little clue for identification. In 1835 -no less than fifty-eight Kurumbas were thus murdered, and a smaller -number in 1875 and 1882. In 1891 the live inmates of a single hut -were murdered, and their hut burnt to ashes, because, it was said, -one of them who had been treating a sick Badaga child failed to cure -it. The crime was traced to some Kotas in conjunction with Badagas, -but the District Judge disbelieved the evidence, and all who were -charged were acquitted. Every Badaga family pays an annual tax of -four annas to the Kurumbas, and, if a Kurumba comes to a Badaga hatti -(village), a subscription is raised as an inducement to him to take -his departure. The Kurumba receives a fee for every Badaga funeral, -and for the pregnancy ceremony (kannikattu). - -It is noted by Dr. Rivers that "the Toda sorcerers are not only feared -by their fellow Todas, but also by the Badagas, and it is probably -largely owing to fear of Toda sorcery that the Badagas continue to pay -their tribute of grain. The Badagas may also consult the Toda diviners, -and it is probable that the belief of the Badagas in the magical powers -of the Todas is turned to good account by the latter. In some cases, -Todas, have been killed by Badagas owing to this belief." - -Among the Todas, the duties of milking the buffaloes and dairy-work -are entrusted to special individuals, whereas any Badaga male may, -after initiation, milk the cows and buffaloes, provided that he is -free from pollution. Every Badaga boy, when he is about seven or nine -years old, is made to milk a cow on an auspicious day, or on new year's -day. The ceremony is thus described by Mr. Natesa Sastri. "Early in -the morning of the day appointed for this ceremony, the boy is bathed, -and appears in his holiday dress. A she-buffalo, with her calf, stands -before his house, waiting to be milked. The parents, or other elder -relations of the boy, and those who have been invited to be present -on the occasion, or whose duty it is to be present, then conduct -the boy to the spot. The father, or some one of the agnatic kindred, -gives into the hands of the boy a bamboo vessel called hone, which -is already very nearly full of fresh-drawn milk. The boy receives -the vessel with both his hands, and is conducted to the buffalo. The -elder relations show him the process, and the boy, sitting down, milks -a small quantity into the hone. This is his first initiation into the -duty of milking, and it is that he may not commit mistakes on the very -first day of his milking that the hone is previously filled almost to -the brim. The boy takes the vessel filled with milk into his house, -and pours some of the sacred fluid into all his household eating -vessels--a sign that from that day he has taken up on himself the -responsibility of supplying the family with milk. He also throws some -milk in the faces of his parents and relatives. They receive it very -kindly, and bless him, and request him to continue thus to milk the -buffaloes, and bring plenty and prosperity to the house. After this, -the boy enters the milk-house (hagottu), and places milk in his hone -there. From this moment, and all through his life, he may enter into -that room, and this is therefore considered a very important ceremony." - -A cow or buffalo, which has calved for the first time, has to -be treated in a special manner. For three or five days it is not -milked. A boy is then selected to milk it. He must not sleep on a mat, -or wear a turban, and, instead of tying his cloth round his waist, -must wear it loosely over his body. Meat is forbidden, and he must -avoid, and not speak to polluting classes, such as Irulas and Kotas, -and menstruating women. On the day appointed for milking the animal, -the boy bathes, and proceeds to milk it into a new hone purified by -smearing a paste of Meliosma (tud) leaves and bark over it, and heating -it over a fire. The milk is taken to a stream, where three cups are -made of Argyreia (minige) leaves, into which a small quantity of the -milk is placed. The cups are then put in the water. The remainder of -the milk in the hone is also poured into the stream. In some places, -especially where a Madeswara temple is close at hand, the milk is -taken to the temple, and given to the pujari. With a portion of the -milk some plantain fruits are made into a pulp, and given to an Udaya, -who throws them into a stream. The boy is treated with some respect -by his family during the period when he milks the animal, and is -given food first. This he must eat off a plate made of Argvreia, -or plantain leaves. - -Besides the hagottu within the house, the Badagas have, at certain -places, separate dairy-houses near a temple dedicated to Heththeswami, -of which the one at Bairaganni (or Berganni) appears to be the -most important. The dairy pujari is here, like the Toda palol, a -celibate. In 1905, he was a young lad, whom my Brahman assistant -set forth to photograph. He was, however, met at a distance from -the village by a headman, who assured him that he could not take the -photograph without the sanction of fifteen villages. The pujari is -not allowed to wander freely about the village, or talk to grown-up -women. He cooks his own food within the temple grounds, and wears -his cloth thrown loosely over his body. Once a year, on the occasion -of a festival, he is presented with new cloths and turban, which -alone he may wear. He must be a strict vegetarian. A desire to marry -and abandon the priesthood is believed to be conveyed in dreams, -or through one inspired. Before leaving the temple service, he must -train his successor in the duties, and retires with the gains acquired -by the sale of the products of the herd and temple offerings. The -village of Bairaganni is regarded as sacred, and possesses no holagudi -(menstrual hut). - -Bishop Whitehead adds that "buffaloes are given as offerings to the -temple at Bairaganni, and become the property of the pujari, who milks -them, and uses the milk for his food. All the villagers give him rice -every day. He may only eat once a day, at about 3 P.M. He cooks the -meal himself, and empties the rice from the cooking-pot by turning -it over once. If the rice does not come out the first time, he cannot -take it at all. When he wants to get married, another boy is appointed -in his place. The buffaloes are handed over to his successor." The -following legend in connection with Bairaganni is also recorded by -Bishop Whitehead. "There is a village in the Mekanad division of the -Nilgiris called Nundala. A man had a daughter. He wanted to marry her -to a man in the Paranganad division about a hundred years ago. She did -not wish to marry him. The father insisted, but she refused again and -again. At last she wished to die, and came near a tank, on the bank -of which was a tree. She sat under the tree and washed, and then threw -herself into the tank. One of the men of Bairaganni in the Paranganad -division saw the woman in a dream. She told him that she was not a -human being but a goddess, an incarnation of Parvati. The people of -Nundala built a strong bund (embankment) round the tank, and allow -no woman to go on it. Only the pujari, and Badagas who have prepared -themselves by fasting and ablution, are allowed to go on the bund to -offer puja, which is done by breaking cocoanuts, and offering rice, -flowers, and fruits. The woman told the man in his dream to build a -temple at Bairaganni, which is now the chief temple of Heththeswami." - -Concerning the initiation of a Lingayat Badaga into his religion, -which takes place at about his thirteenth birthday, Mr. Natesa Sastri -writes as follows. "The priest conducts this ceremony, and the elder -relations of the family have only to arrange for the performance -of it. The priests belong to the Udaya sect. They live in their own -villages, and are specially sent for, and come to the boy's village -for the occasion. The ceremony is generally done to several boys of -about the same age on the same day. On the day appointed, all the -people in the Badaga village, where this ceremony is to take place, -observe a strict fast. The cows and buffaloes are all milked very -early in the morning, and not a drop of the milk thus collected is -given out, or taken by even the tenderest children of the village, who -may require it very badly. The Udaya priest arrives near the village -between 10 A.M. and noon on the day appointed. He never goes into the -village, but stops near some rivulet adjacent to it. The relations of -the boy approach him with a new basket, containing five measures of -uncooked rice, pulse, ghi, etc., and a quarter of a rupee--one fanam, -as it is generally designated. The priest sits near the water-course, -and lights a fire on the bank. Perfumes are thrown profusely into -it, and this is almost the only ceremony before the fire. The boys, -whose turn it is to receive the linga that day, are all directed -to bathe in the river. A plantain leaf, cut into one foot square, -is placed in front of the fire towards the east of it. The lingas, -kept in readiness by the parents of the boys, are now received by -the priest, and placed on the leaves. The boys are asked to wash -them--each one the linga meant for his wearing--in water and milk. Then -comes the time for the expenditure of all the collected milk of the -morning. Profusely the white fluid is poured, till the whole rivulet -is nothing but a stream of milk. After the lingas are thus washed, -the boys give them to the priest, who places them in his left palm, -and, covering them with his right, utters, with all the solemnity -due to the occasion, the following incantation, while the boys and -the whole village assembled there listen to it with the most profound -respect and veneration 'Oh! Siva, Hara, Basava, the Lord of all the -six thousand and three thousand names and glories, the Lord of one -lakh and ninety-six thousand ganas (body-guards of Siva), the donor of -water, the daily-to-be worshipped, the husband of Parvati. Oh! Lord, -O! Siva Linga, thy feet alone are our resort. Oh! Siva, Siva, Siva, -Siva.' While pronouncing this prayer, the priest now and then removes -his right palm, and pours water and milk round the sacred fire, -and over the lingas resting in his left palm. He then places each of -the lingas in a cloth of one cubit square, rolls it up, and requests -the boys to hold out their right palms. The young Badaga receives it, -repeats the prayer given about five times, and, during each repetition, -the palm holding the linga tied up in the cloth is carried nearer -and nearer to his neck. When that is reached (on the fifth utterance -of the incantation), the priest ties the ends of the rolled up cloth -containing the Siva emblem loosely round the boy's neck, while the -latter is all the while kneeling down, holding with both his hands -the feet of the priest. After the linga has been tied, the priest -blesses him thus: 'May one become one thousand to you. May you ever -preserve in you the Siva Linga. If you do so, you will have plenty -of milk and food, and you will prosper for one thousand years in name -and fame, kine and coin.' If more than one have to receive the linga -on the same day, each of them has to undergo this ceremony. After the -ceremony is over, the priest returns to his village with the rice, -etc., and fees. Every house, in which a boy has received the linga, -has to give a grand feast on that day. Even the poorest Badaga must -feed at least five other Badagas." - -The foregoing account of the investiture with the lingam apparently -applies to the Mekanad Udayas. The following note is based on -information supplied by the Udayas of Paranginad. The ceremony of -investiture is performed either on new year's day or Sivarathri by -an Udaya priest in the house of a respected member of the community -(doddamane), which is vacated for the occasion. The houses of the boys -and girls who are to receive lingams are cleaned, and festoons of tud -and mango leaves, lime fruits, and flowers of Leucas aspera (thumbe) -are tied across the doorways, and in front of the house where the -ceremony is to be performed. Until the conclusion thereof, all the -people of the village fast. The candidates, with their parents, and -the officiating priest repair to the doddamane. The lingams are handed -over to the priest, who, taking them up one by one, does puja to them, -and gives them to the children. They in turn do puja, and the lingams, -wrapped in pink silk or cotton cloths, are tied round their necks. The -puja consists of washing the lingams in cow's urine and milk, smearing -them with sandal and turmeric paste, throwing flowers on them, and -waving incense and burning camphor before them. After the investiture, -the novices are taught a prayer, which is not a stereotyped formula, -but varies with the priest and village. - -Like other Lingayats, the Udayas respect the Jangam, but do not employ -the Jangama thirtham (water used for washing the Jangam's feet) -for bathing their lingams. In Udaya villages there is no special -menstrual hut (holagudi). Milk is not regarded by them as a sacred -product, so there is no hagottu in their houses. Nor do they observe -the Manavalai festival in honour of ancestors. Other ceremonies are -celebrated by them, as by other Badagas, but they do not employ the -services of a Kurumba. - -Important agricultural ceremonies are performed by the Badagas at -the time of sowing and harvest. The seed-sowing ceremony takes place -in March, and, in some places, e.g., the Mekanad and Paranginad, a -Kurumba plays an important part in it. On an auspicious day--a Tuesday -before the crescent moon--a pujari of the Devve temple sets out several -hours before dawn with five or seven kinds of grain in a basket and -sickle, accompanied by a Kurumba, and leading a pair of bullocks with a -plough. On reaching the field selected, the pujari pours the grain into -the cloth of the Kurumba, and, yoking the animals to the plough, makes -three furrows in the soil. The Kurumba, stopping the bullocks, kneels -on the ground between the furrows facing east. Removing his turban, -he places it on the ground, and, closing his ears with his palms, -bawls out "Dho, Dho," thrice. He then rises, and scatters the grain -thrice on the soil. The pujari and Kurumba then return to the village, -and the former deposits what remains of the grain in the store-room -(attu). A new pot, full of water, is placed in the milk-house, -and the pujari dips his right hand therein, saying "Nerathubitta" -(it is full). This ceremony is an important one for the Badagas, as, -until it has been performed, sowing may not commence. It is a day of -feasting, and, in addition to rice, Dolichos Lablab is cooked. - -The other agricultural ceremony is called Devve habba or tenai -(Setaria italica), and is usually celebrated in June or July, always -on a Monday. It is apparently performed in honour of the two gods -Mahalingaswami and Hiriya Udaya, to whom a group of villages will have -temples dedicated. For example, the Badagas in the neighbourhood of -Kotagiri have their Hiriya Udaya temple at Tandanad, and Mahalingaswami -temple at Kannermukku. This Devve festival, which should on no account -be pronounced duvve, which means burning-ground, is celebrated at one -place, whither the Badagas from other villages proceed, to take part -in it. About midday, some Badagas and the temple pujari go from the -temple of Hiriya Udaya to that of Mahalingaswami. The procession is -usually headed by a Kurumba, who scatters fragments of tud bark and -wood as he goes on his way. The pujari takes with him the materials -necessary for doing puja, and, after worshipping Mahalingaswami, -the party return to the Hiriya Udaya temple, where milk and cooked -rice are offered to the various gods within the temple precincts. On -the following day, all assemble at the temple, and a Kurumba brings -a few sheaves of Setaria italica, and ties them to a stone set up at -the main entrance. After this, puja is done, and the people offer -cocoanuts to the god. Later on, all the women of the Madhave sept, -who have given birth to a first-born child, come, dressed up in -holiday attire, with their babies, to the temple. On this day they -wear a special nose ornament, called elemukkuththi, which is only -worn on one other occasion, at the funeral of a husband. The women do -puja to Hiriya Udaya, and the pujari gives them a small quantity of -rice on minige (Argyreia) leaves. After eating this, they leave the -temple in a line, and wash their hands with water given to them by -the pujari. This ceremonial, performed by women of the Madhave sept, -is called Mandedhanda. As soon as the Devve festival is concluded, -the reaping of the crop commences, and a measure or two of grain from -the crop gathered on the first day, called nisal, is set apart for -the Mahalingaswami temple. - -The most important gods of the Badagas are Heththeswami, -Mahalingaswami, Hiriya Udaya, Madeswara, Mankali, Jadeswami, and -Nilgiri Rangaswami. And at the present day, some Badagas proceed to the -plains, to worship at the Saivite temple at Karamadai in Coimbatore, -or at Nanjangod in Mysore. - -The festival in honour of Heththeswami is celebrated in the month -of January at Baireganni. It is sometimes called ermathohabba, as, -with it, ploughing operations cease. It always commences on a Monday, -and usually lasts eight days. A Sedan or Devanga weaver comes with his -portable hand-loom, and sufficient thread for weaving a dhubati (coarse -cloth) and turban. At Baireganni there is a special house, in which -these articles are woven. But, at other places where the festival is -observed, the Badagas go to the weaver's village to fetch the required -cloths. Early on the second morning of the festival, some of the more -respected Badagas and the weaver proceed to the weaving house after -bathing. The weaver sets up his loom, and worships it by offering -incense, and other things. The Badagas give him a new cloth, and a -small sum of money, and ask him to weave a dhubati and two kachches -(narrow strips of cloth). Daily, throughout the festival, the Badagas -collect near the temple, and indulge in music and songs. Until the last -day, they are not permitted to set eyes on the god Heththeswami. On -the morning of the last day, the pujari, accompanied by all the -Badagas, takes the newly woven cloths to a stream, in which they are -washed. When they are dry, all proceed to the temple, where the idol -is dressed up in them, and all, on this occasion only, are allowed to -look at it. Devotees pay a small offering of money, which is placed on -a tray near the idol. The crowd begins to disperse in the afternoon, -and, on their way back to their villages, the wants of the travellers -are attended to by people posted at intervals with coffee, fruit, -and other articles of food. If the Badagas have to go to a weaver's -village for the cloths, the weaver is, when the order is given for -them, presented with four annas, after he has bathed. When handing -the money to him, the Badagas bawl out "This is the fee for making -the cloths to be worn by Heththe Iramasthi and Parasakti Parvati." On -the last day of the festival, the cloths are washed, and one of them -is made to represent an idol, which is decorated with waist and neck -ornaments, and an umbrella. All prostrate themselves before it, and -make offerings of money. Fruits and other things are then offered -to Heththeswami and some recite the following prayer. "May all good -acts be remembered, and all bad ones be forgotten. Though there may -be a thousand and one sins, may I reach the feet of God." - -The following further information in connection with the Baireganni -festival is given by Bishop Whitehead. "The people from other villages -offer money, rice, fruits, umbrellas of gold or silver for the goddess, -cloths, and buffaloes. The buffaloes are never killed, but remain -as the property of the temple. The pujari calls the representatives -of one village, and tells them what Hetheswami says to him, e.g., -'This year you will have good [or bad] crops; cholera or small-pox, -good [or bad] rain, etc.' As the people present their offerings, they -prostrate themselves, kneeling down and touching the ground with their -foreheads, and the pujari gives them some flowers, which they wear -in their hair. The people and the pujari play on the kombu [horn], -and ring bells while the offerings are being made. After the offerings -have finished, all the men dance, in two companies, in front of the -temple, one shouting 'How-ko, How-ko,' and the other 'Is-holi.' The -dance was taught them by the Todas, and the words are Toda." - -In connection with the Jadeswami festival the ceremony of walking -through fire [burning embers] is carried out at Melur, Tangalu, -Mainele, Jakkanare, Tenad, and Nidugala. At Melur and Tangalu, -the temples belong to the Haruvas, who carry out all the details -of ceremony. The temple at Tenad is owned by the Udayas, by whom -the ceremonial is performed. In other places, the celebrants are -Badagas. The festival is observed, on an elaborate scale, at Nidugala -during the month of January. All those who are going to walk over the -burning embers fast for eight days, and go through the rite on the -ninth day. For its performance, Monday is considered an auspicious -day. The omens are taken by boiling two pots of milk side by side on -two hearths. If the milk overflows uniformly on all sides, the crops -will be abundant for all the villages. But, if it flows over on one -side only, there will be plentiful crops for villages on that side -only. The space over which the embers are spread is said to be about -five yards long, and three yards broad. But, in some places, e.g., -Jakkanare and Melur, it is circular as at the Muhammadan fire-walking -ceremony. For making the embers, the wood of Eugenia Jambolana and -Phyllanthus Emblica are used. For boiling the milk, and setting fire -to the wood, a light obtained by friction must be used. The process -is known as niligolu, or upright stick. The vertical stick is made of -a twig of Rhodomyrtus tomentosus, which is rotated in a socket in a -long thick piece of a bough of Debregeasia velutina, in which a row -of sockets has been made. The rotation is produced by a cord passed -several times round the vertical stick, of which each end is pulled -alternately. The horizontal block is pressed firmly on the ground by -the toes of a man, who presses a half cocoanut shell down on the top of -the vertical stick, so as to force it down into the socket. A Badaga, -who failed in an attempt to demonstrate the making of fire by this -method, gave as an excuse that he was under worldly pollution, from -which he would be free at the time of the fire-walking ceremony. Though -the Badagas make fire by friction, reference is made in their folk -legends, not to this mode of obtaining fire, but to chakkamukki -(flint and steel), which is repeatedly referred to in connection -with cremation. After the milk boiling ceremonial, the pujari, tying -bells on his legs, approaches the fire pit, carrying milk freshly -drawn from a cow, which has calved for the first time, and flowers of -Rhododendron arboreum, Leucas aspera, or jasmine. After doing puja, -he throws the flowers on the embers, and they should remain unscorched -for a few seconds. He then pours some of the milk over the embers, -and no hissing sound should be produced. The omens being propitious, -he walks over the glowing embers, followed by an Udaya, and the crowd -of celebrants, who, before going through the ordeal, count the hairs on -their feet. If any are singed, it is a sign of approaching ill fortune, -or even death. In an account of the fire-walking ceremony, in 1902, -it is noted that "the Badagas strongly repudiate the insinuation -of preparing their feet to face the fire ordeal. It is done to -propitiate Jeddayswami, to whom vows are invoked, in token of which -they grow one twist or plait of hair, which is treasured for years, -and finally cut off as an offering to Jeddayswami. Numbers of Chettis -were catering to the crowd, offering their wares, bangles, gay-coloured -handkerchiefs, as well as edibles. The Kotas supplied the music, and -an ancient patriarch worked himself up to a high pitch of inspiration, -and predicted all sorts of good things for the Badagas with regard -to the ensuing season and crops." - -The following legend, relating to the fire-walking ceremony, is -recorded by Bishop Whitehead. "When they first began to perform the -ceremony fifty or sixty years ago, they were afraid to walk over the -fire. Then the stone image of Mahalinga Swami turned into a snake, -and made a hole through the temple wall. It came out, and crawled -over the fire, and then went back to the temple. Then their fear -vanished, and they walked over the embers. The hole is still to be -seen in the temple." - -Of the fire-walking ceremony at Melur, the following account is -given in the Gazetteer of the Nilgiris. "It takes place on the Monday -after the March new moon, just before the cultivation season begins, -and is attended by Badagas from all over Merkunad. The inhabitants -of certain villages (six in number), who are supposed to be the -descendants of an early Badaga named Guruvajja, have first, however, -to signify through their Gottukars, or headmen, that the festival may -take place; and the Gottukars choose three, five, or seven men to walk -through the fire. On the day appointed, the fire is lit by certain -Badaga priests and a Kurumba. The men chosen by the Gottukars then -bathe, adorn themselves with sandal, do obeisance to the Udayas of -Udayarhatti near Keti, who are specially invited and feasted; pour -into the adjacent stream milk from cows which have calved for the -first time during the year; and, in the afternoon, throw more milk -and some flowers from the Mahalingasvami temple into the fire pit, -and then walk across it. Earth is next thrown on the embers, and they -walk across twice more. A general feast closes the ceremony, and next -day the first ploughings are done, the Kurumba sowing the first seeds, -and the priests the next lot. Finally, a net is brought. The priest -of the temple, standing over it, puts up prayers for a favourable -agricultural season; two fowls are thrown into it, and a pretence is -made of spearing them; and then it is taken and put across some game -path, and some wild animal (a sambhar deer if possible) is driven -into it, slain, and divided among the villagers. This same custom of -annually killing a sambhar is also observed at other villages on the -plateau, and in 1883 and 1894 special orders were passed to permit -of its being done during the close season. Latterly, disputes about -precedence in the matter of walking through the fire at Melur have been -carried as far as the civil courts, and the two factions celebrate the -festival separately in alternate years. A fire-walking ceremony also -takes place annually at the Jadayasvami temple in Jakkaneri under the -auspices of a Sivachari Badaga. It seems to have originally had some -connection with agricultural prospects, as a young bull is made to go -partly across the fire-pit before the other devotees, and the owners -of young cows which have had their first calves during the year take -precedence of others in the ceremony, and bring offerings of milk, -which are sprinkled over the burning embers." - -At the Sakalathi festival, in the month of October, Badagas, towards -evening, throw on the roofs of their houses flowers of Plectranthus -Wightii, Crotalaria obtecta, Lobelia nicotianoefolia, Achyranthes -aspera, and Leucas aspera. On the following day, they clean their -houses, and have a feast. In the afternoon, numbers of them may be -seen in the streets drawing in front of their houses pictures in -wood-ashes of buffaloes, bulls, cows, ploughs, stars, sun and moon, -snakes, lizards, etc. They then go into their houses, and wash their -hands. Taking up in his clean hands a big cake, on which are placed a -little rice and butter, the Badaga puts on it three wicks steeped in -castor oil, and lights them. The cake is then waved round the heads -of all the children of the house taken to a field, and thrown therein -with the words "Sakalathi has come." The cake-thrower returns home, -and prostrates himself before a lamp placed in the inner room, and -repeats a long formula, composed of the various synonyms of Siva. - -In the month of November, a festival called Dodda Habba (big feast) -is celebrated. In the afternoon, rice is cooked in whey within the -hagottu, and eaten on minige leaves. Throughout the day the villagers -play at various ball games. - -A festival, which is purely local, is celebrated near Konakore in -honour of Mahangkali. A buffalo is led to the side of a precipice, -killed by a Kurumba with a spear, and thrown over the edge -thereof. There is a legend that, in olden days, a pujari used to put -a stick in the crevice of a rock, and, on removing it, get the value -of a buffalo in fanams (gold coins). But, on one occasion, he put -the stick in a second time, in the hopes of gaining more money. No -money, however, was forthcoming and, as a punishment for his greed, -he died on the spot. - -All Badaga villages, except those of the Udayas, have a hut, called -holagudi, for the exclusive use of women during their monthly -periods. A few months before a girl is expected to reach puberty, -she is sent to the holagudi, on a Friday, four or five days before -the new moon day. This is done lest, in the ordinary course of events, -the first menstruation should commence on an inauspicious day. The girl -remains in the holagudi one night, and returns home on the following -day clad in new cloths, leaving the old ones in the hut. When she -arrives at her house, she salutes all the people who are there, and -receives their blessing. On Sunday she goes to the houses of her -relations, where she is given kadalai (Cicer arietinum) and other -food. She may not enter the inner apartment of her house until she -has seen the crescent moon. Badaga women observe five days menstrual -pollution. If a woman discovers her condition before washing her -face in the early morning, that day is included in the pollution -period. Otherwise, the period must be prolonged over six days. On -the third day she bathes in cold water, using the bark of Pouzolzia -(thorekolu), and on the fourth day is allowed a change of clothing -after a bath. On this day she leaves the hut, and passes a portion -of the night in the verandah of her house. After cooking and eating -her evening meal, she bathes, and enters the outer room. Early on -the following morning, the spot which she has occupied is cleaned, -and she bathes in a stream. Returning home, she eats her food in the -outer room, where she remains till next morning. Even children may -not be touched by a menstruating woman. If, by chance, this happens, -the child must be washed to remove the pollution, before it can be -handled by others. This restriction is apparently not observed by -any other tribe or caste. - -Writing concerning marriage among the Badagas, Harkness states [81] -that "it is said to be common for one who is in want of labourers to -promise his daughter in marriage to the son or other relative of a -neighbour not in circumstances so flourishing as himself. And, these -engagements being entered into, the intended bridegroom serves the -father of his betrothed as one of his own family till the girl comes -of age, when the marriage is consummated, and he becomes a partner -in the general property of the family of his father-in-law." - -A man may marry a girl belonging to the same village as himself, if -he and she are not members of the same exogamous sept. In most cases, -however, all the inhabitants of a village are of the same sept, and -a man has to take as his wife a girl from a village other than his own. - -Among all sections of the Badagas, adult marriage is the general rule, -though infant marriage is also practised. Marriage is preceded by a -simple form of courtship, but the consent of the parents to the union -is necessary. A girl does not suffer in reputation if she is rejected -by a number of suitors, before she finally settles down. Except among -the Udayas, the marriage ceremony is of a very simple nature. A -day or two before that fixed for taking the girl to the house of -her husband-elect, the latter proceeds to her village, accompanied -by his brothers, who, as a token of respect, touch the feet of all -the Badagas who are assembled. The bride is taken to the house of the -bridegroom, accompanied by the Kota band. Arrived there, she stands at -the entrance, and her mother-in-law or sister-in-law brings water in -a vessel, and pours it into her hands thrice. Each time she lets the -water fall over her feet. The mother-in-law then ties round her neck a -string of beads (male mani), and leads her to the outer room (edumane), -where cooked samai (Panicum miliare) and milk is given to her. This she -pretends to eat, and the bridegroom's sister gives her water to wash -her hands with. The bride and two married women or virgins (preferably -the bridegroom's sisters) go to a stream in procession, accompanied -by the Kota musicians, and bring therefrom water for cooking purposes -in decorated new pots. The bride then salutes all her new relations, -and they in turn give her their blessing. The ceremonial concludes -with a feast, at the conclusion of which, in some cases, the bride -and bridegroom sit on the raised verandah (pial), and receive presents. - -"Though," a correspondent writes, "the Badaga is simple, and his wants -are few, he cannot resist the temptation of wine and women. The Badaga -woman can change husbands as often as she pleases by a simple system -of divorce, and can also carry on with impunity intimacy within -the pale of her own community. It is not uncommon to find Badaga -women changing husbands, so long as youth and vigour tempt them to -do so, and confining themselves eventually to the last individual, -after age and infirmity have made their mark, and render such frolics -inexpedient." A former Magistrate of the Nilgiris informs me that he -tried more than one case, in which a married man filed a complaint -against another man for kidnapping or enticing away his wife for -immoral purposes. The father of the woman was always charged as an -abetter, and pleaded that, as no pariyam (bride price) had been paid -by the husband, though he and the woman lived together as man and -wife, no criminal offence could be proved against either the father -or the abductor. Polygamy is permitted, and the plurality of wives -is a gain to the husband, as each wife becomes a bread-winner, and -supports her children, and the man makes each wife superintend one -department of the day's work. Remarriage of widows is very common, -and a widow may marry the brother of her deceased husband. It is -said to be etiquette among the Badagas that, when a woman's husband -is away, she should be accessible to her brothers-in-law. Instances -occur, in which the husband is much younger than his wife, who, -until he has reached maturity, cohabits with her paternal aunt's son, -or some one whom she may have a fancy for. The marriage ceremony of -the Udayas is carried out on an elaborate scale, and is based on -the type of ceremonial which is carried out by some castes in the -plains. Before dawn on the marriage day, the brothers and cousins -of the bridegroom go, accompanied by some Udayas and the Kota band, -to the forest, whence they bring two sticks of Mimusops hexandra, -to do duty as the milk-posts. The early hour is selected, to avoid -the chance of coming across inauspicious objects. The sticks should -be cut off the tree at a single stroke of the bill-hook, and they -may not be laid flat on the ground, but placed on a blanket spread -thereon. The Udayas, who joined in the procession, collect twelve -posts of Mimusops as supports for the marriage booth (pandal). In -front of the house, which is to be the scene of the wedding, two pits -are dug, into which cow-dung water is poured. The pujari does puja -to the milk-posts by offering sugar-cane, jaggery (crude sugar), -etc., and ties two threads thereto. The posts are then placed in -the pits by five people--the parents of the bridal couple and the -priest. The booth, and dais or enclosure, are then erected close to -the milk-posts. On the second day, the bridegroom's party, attended -by Kota musicians, dressed up in dancing costume, go to the house of -the bride, where a feast is held. The bride then salutes a lamp, and -prostrates herself at the feet of her parents, who bless her, saying -"May your body and hands soon be filled (i.e., may you have a child), -and may your life be prosperous." The bride is taken in procession -to the house of the bridegroom, accompanied by some Udayas, and a -Toreya carrying a bag of rice. At the entrance to the house she is -blindfolded, and her mother-in-law pours water over her feet, and -waves coloured water (arathi) in front of her. She then enters the -house, right foot foremost, and sits on a mat. Three married women, -nearly related to the bridegroom, proceed, with the Kota musicians, -to a stream, carrying three pots decorated with leaves of Leucas -aspera. The priest does puja, and the pots are filled with water, and -brought back in procession to the marriage dais. The water is poured -into three vessels placed thereon three times by each of the three -women. Within the marriage enclosure, two raised platforms are set up -by a Toreya. The bridegroom, after going round the enclosure three -times with his brothers and sisters, enters it, and bathes with the -water contained in the vessels. He then dresses himself in new clothes, -and is carried to the outer room by his maternal uncle. The bride is -then treated in like manner, but is taken to the inner room. At a fixed -auspicious hour, the bridal couple repair to the enclosure, where the -bridegroom stands on a mat. A screen is held up by four or five men -between him and the bride, who stands facing him, while the priest -ties the ends of their clothes together. They then link their little -fingers together, the screen is removed, and they seat themselves on -the mat. The bridegroom's sister brings a tray with a mass of rice -scooped out into a cavity to hold ghi for feeding a lighted wick -(annadha arathi) on it, and, placing it before the bridal pair, sits -down. The tali, consisting of a golden disc, is worshipped by the -priest, and given to the bridegroom, who ties it on to the bride's -neck. In some places it is tied by four or five elders, belonging -to different villages, who are not widowers. The contracting couple -then put on wreaths called sammandha malai, or wreaths establishing -relationship, and the wrist threads are tied on. The bride's sister -brings some rice and milk in a cup, into which the linked fingers of -the bride and bridegroom are thrust. Taking up some of the rice, they -put it into each other's mouths three times. After they have washed -their hands, the maternal uncle or priest asks them if they have seen -Aranjoti (the pole-star), and they reply in the affirmative. On the -third day, presents are given to the newly-married couple, and the -wrist threads are removed. Going to a stream, they perform a mimic -ceremony of sowing, and scatter cotton and rice seed in two small -pans made by a Toreya with cow-dung. Widow remarriage is permitted -among the Udayas, and a widow may marry a cousin, but not her dead -husband's brother. At the marriage ceremony, a priest makes a mark -with sacred ashes on the foreheads of the contracting couple, and -announces the fact of their union. - -It is noted by Dr. Rivers that "Breeks has stated that the Toda -custom is that the house shall pass to the youngest son. It seems -quite clear that this is wrong, and that this custom is absolutely -unknown among the Todas. It is, however, a Badaga custom, and among -them I was told that it is due to the fact that, as the sons of a -family grow up and marry, they leave the house of the parents and build -houses elsewhere. It is the duty of the youngest son to dwell with his -parents, and support them as long as they live, and, when they die, he -continues to live in the paternal home, of which he becomes the owner." - -A ceremony is performed in the seventh month of a woman's first -pregnancy, which is important, inasmuch as it seals the marriage -contract, and, after its performance, divorce can only be obtained -through the decree of the panchayat (tribal council). Moreover, if -it has not been performed, a man cannot claim the paternity of the -child. The ceremony is called kanni kattodu or kanni hakodu (thread -tying or throwing). The husband and wife are seated in the midst of -those who have assembled for the occasion, and the former asks his -father-in-law whether he may throw the thread round his wife's neck, -and, having received permission, proceeds to do so. If he gets the -thread, which must have no knots in it, entangled in the woman's -bunch of hair (kondai), which is made large for the occasion by the -addition of false hair, he is fined three rupees. On the day of the -ceremony, the man and his wife are supposed to be under pollution, -and sit in the verandah to receive presents. The mats used by them -for sleeping on are cleaned on the following morning, and they get -rid of the pollution by bathing. - -A first confinement must not take place within the house, and -the verandah is converted into a lying-in chamber, from which the -woman is, after delivery, removed to the outer apartment, where she -remains till she is free from pollution by catching sight of the -crescent moon. If a woman has been delivered at her father's house, -she returns to the home of her husband within a month of the birth -of the child on an auspicious day. On arrival there, the infant is -placed near the feet of an old man standing by a lamp within the -milk-house. Placing his right hand over the head of the infant, the -old man blesses it, and a feast is held, before the commencement of -which two cups, one containing milk, and the other cooked rice, are -produced. All the relations take up a little of the milk and rice, -and touch the tongue of the baby with them. - -A child receives its name on the seventh, ninth, or eleventh day. A -sumptuous meal is given to the community, and the grandfather -(paternal, if possible) milks a cow, and pours the milk into a brass -cup placed in the milk-house. With it a little cooked samai grain is -mixed. The babe is washed with water brought from a stream; marked on -the forehead with sacred ashes; a turmeric-dyed thread is tied round -its waist; a silver or iron bangle placed on its wrists; and a silver -bead tied by a thread round its neck. Thus decorated, the infant is -taken up by the oldest man of the village who is not a widower, who -gives it a name, which has already been chosen. The elder, and the -child's parents and grandparents then place a little milk in its mouth. - -Children, both male and female, go through a shaving ceremony, usually -when they are seven months old. The infant is seated in the lap of a -Badaga, and, after water has been applied to its head by a Badaga or -a barber, the maternal uncle removes some of the hair with a razor, -and then hands it over to another Badaga or a barber to complete -the operation. - -Of the death rites as carried out by the Badaga sub-division, -the following note was recorded during a visit to Kotagiri. When -death is drawing near, a gold coin, called Viraraya hana or fanam, -dipped in butter or ghi, is given to the dying man to swallow. If he -is too far gone to be capable of swallowing, the coin is, according -to Mr. Natesa Sastri, tied round the arm. But our informants told us -that this is not done at the present day. "If," Mr. Gover writes, [82] -"the tiny coin slips down, well. He will need both gold and ghi, the -one to sustain his strength in the dark journey to the river of death, -the other to fee the guardian of the fairy-like bridge that spans the -dreaded tide. If sense remains to the wretched man, he knows that now -his death is nigh. Despair and the gold make recovery impossible, -and there are none who have swallowed the Birianhana, and yet have -lived. If insensibility or deathly weakness make it impossible for the -coin to pass the thorax, it is carefully bound in cloth, and tied to -the right arm, so that there may be nought to hinder the passage of a -worthy soul into the regions of the blessed." The giving of the coin -to the dying man is apparently an important item, and, in the Badaga -folk-tales, a man on the point of death is made to ask for a Viraraya -fanam. When life is extinct, the corpse is kept within the house -until the erection of the funeral car (gudikattu) is completed. Though -Gover states that the burning must not be delayed more than twenty-four -hours, at the present day the Badagas postpone the funeral till all the -near relations have assembled, even if this necessitates the keeping of -the corpse for two or three days. Cremation may take place on any day, -except Tuesday. News of a death is conveyed to distant hamlets (hattis) -by a Toreya, who is paid a rupee for his services. On approaching a -hamlet, he removes his turban, to signify the nature of his errand, -and, standing on the side of a hill, yells out "Dho! Dho! who is in -the hamlet?" Having imparted his news, he proceeds on his journey -to the next hamlet. On the morning of the day fixed for the funeral, -the corpse is taken on a charpoy or native cot to an open space, and -a buffalo led thrice round it. The right hand of the corpse is then -lifted up, and passed over the horns of the buffalo. A little milk is -drawn, and poured into the mouth of the corpse. Prior to this ceremony, -two or three buffaloes may be let loose, and one of them captured, -after the manner of the Todas, brought near the corpse, and conducted -round the cot. The funeral car is built up in five to eleven tiers, -decorated with cloths and streamers, and one tier must be covered with -black chintz. At the funeral of a young man, the Rev. A. C. Clayton -noticed that the car was surmounted by a flag, and hung about with -bread, oranges, plantains, and the bag containing the books which -the youth had used in the Basel Mission School. [83] By the poorer -members of the community the car is replaced by a cot covered with -cloth, and surmounted by five umbrellas. Immediately after the buffalo -ceremony, the corpse is carried to the car, and placed in the lowest -storey thereof, washed, and dressed in coat and turban. A new dhupati -(coarse cloth) is wrapped round it. Two silver coins (Japanese yens -or rupees) are stuck on the forehead. Beneath the cot are placed a -crowbar, and baskets containing cakes, parched paddy, tobacco, chick -pea (Cicer arietinum), jaggery and samai flour. A number of women, -relations and friends of the dead man, then make a rush to the cot, -and, sitting on it round the corpse, keep on waiting, while a woman -near its head rings a bell. When one batch is tired, it is replaced -by another. Badaga men then pour in in large numbers, and salute the -corpse by touching the head, Toreyas and female relations touching -the feet. Of those who salute, a few place inside the dhupati a piece -of white cloth with red and yellow stripes, which has been specially -prepared for the purpose. All then proceed to dance round the car -to the music of the Kota band, near male relations removing their -turban or woollen night cap, as a mark of respect, during the first -three revolutions. Most of the male dancers are dressed up in gaudy -petticoats and smart turbans. "No woman," Mr. Natesa Sastri writes, -"mingles in the funeral dance if the dead person is a man, but, -if the deceased is a woman, one old woman, the nearest relative of -the dead, takes part in it." But, at the funerals of two men which -we witnessed, a few women danced together with the men. Usually the -tribesmen continue to arrive until 2 or 3 P.M. Relations collect -outside the village, and advance in a body towards the car, some, -especially the sons-in-law of the dead man, riding on ponies, some -of them carrying samai grain. As they approach the car, they shout -"Ja! hoch; Ja! hoch." The Muttu Kotas bring a double iron sickle with -imitation buffalo horns on the tip, which is placed, with a hatchet, -buguri (flute), and walking stick, on the car or on the ground beside -it. When all are assembled, the cot is carried to an open space -between the house and the burning-ground, followed by the car and a -party of women carrying the baskets containing grain, etc. The car -is then stripped of its trappings, and hacked to pieces. The widow is -brought close to the cot, and removes her nose ornament (elemukkuthi), -and other jewels. At both the funerals which we witnessed, the widow -had a narrow strip of coloured chintz over her shoulders. Standing -near the corpse, she removed a bit of wire from her ear-rings, a lock -of hair, and a palm leaf roll from the lobe of the ear, and tied them -up in the cloth of her dead husband. After her, the sisters of the -dead man cut off a lock of hair, and, in like manner, tied it in the -cloth. Women attached to a man by illegitimate ties sometimes also cut -off a lock of hair, and, tying it to a twig of Dodonæa viscosa, place -it inside the cloth. Very impressive is the recitation, or after-death -confession of a dead man's sins by an elder of the tribe standing at -the head of the corpse, and rapidly chanting the following lines, or -a variation thereof, while he waves his right hand during each line -towards the feet. The reproduction of the recitation in my phonograph -never failed to impress the daily audience of Badagas, Kotas and Todas. - - - This is the death of Andi. - In his memory the calf of the cow Belle has been set free. - From this world to the other. - He goes in a car. - Everything the man did in this world. - All the sins committed by his ancestors. - All the sins committed by his forefathers. - All the sins committed by his parents. - All the sins committed by himself. - The estranging of brothers. - Shifting the boundary line. - Encroaching on a neighbour's land by removing the hedge. - Driving away brothers and sisters. - Cutting the kalli tree stealthily. - Cutting the mulli tree outside his boundary. - Dragging the thorny branches of the kotte tree. - Sweeping with a broom. - Splitting green branches. - Telling lies. - Uprooting seedlings. - Plucking growing plants, and throwing them in the sun. - Giving young birds to cats. - Troubling the poor and cripples. - Throwing refuse water in front of the sun. - Going to sleep after seeing an eclipse of the moon. - Looking enviously at a buffalo yielding an abundance of milk. - Being jealous of the good crops of others. - Removing boundary stones. - Using a calf set free at the funeral. - Polluting water with dirt. - Urinating on burning embers. - Ingratitude to the priest. - Carrying tales to the higher authorities. - Poisoning food. - Not feeding a hungry person. - Not giving fire to one half frozen. - Killing snakes and cows. - Killing lizards and blood-suckers. - Showing a wrong path. - Getting on the cot, and allowing his father-in-law to sleep on - the ground. - Sitting on a raised verandah, and driving thence his mother-in-law. - Going against natural instincts. - Troubling daughters-in-law. - Breaking open lakes. - Breaking open reservoirs of water. - Being envious of the prosperity of other villages. - Getting angry with people. - Misleading travellers in the forest. - Though there be three hundred such sins, - Let them all go with the calf set free to-day. - May the sins be completely removed! - May the sins be forgiven! - May the door of heaven be open! - May the door of hell be closed! - May the hand of charity be extended! - May the wicked hand be shrivelled! - May the door open suddenly! - May beauty or splendour prevail everywhere! - May the hot pillar be cooled! - May the thread bridge [84] become light! - May the pit of perdition be closed! - May he reach the golden pillar! - Holding the feet of the six thousand Athis, - Holding the feet of the twelve thousand Pathis, - Holding the feet of Brahma, - Holding the feet of the calf set free to-day, - May he reach the abode of Siva! - So mote it be. - - -The recitation is repeated thrice, and a few Badagas repeat the -last words of each line after the elder. It was noticed by the -Rev. A. C. Clayton that, during the recitation, the people surrounded -the bier on three sides, leaving a lane open to the west. The sins -of the dead man were transferred to another as sin-bearer, and -finally passed away down the lane. As the ceremony witnessed by us -differs materially from the account thereof given by Gover nearly -forty years ago, I may quote his description. "By a conventional -mode of expression, the sum total of sins a man may do is said to -be thirteen hundred. Admitting that the deceased has committed them -all, the performer cries aloud 'Stay not their flight to God's pure -feet.' As he closes, the whole assembly chants aloud 'Stay not their -flight.' Again the performer enters into details, and cries 'He killed -the crawling snake. It is a sin.' In a moment the last word is caught -up, and all the people cry 'It is a sin.' As they shout, the performer -lays his hand upon the calf. The sin is transferred to the calf. Thus -the whole catalogue is gone through in this impressive way. But this -is not enough. As the last shout 'Let all be well' dies away, the -performer gives place to another, and again confession is made, and -all the people shout 'It is a sin.' A third time it is done. Then, -still in solemn silence, the calf is let loose. Like the Jewish -scapegoat, it may never be used for secular work." Dr. Rivers writes -that "the Badagas let loose a calf at a funeral, to bear the sins of -the deceased. It is possible that the calf in the Toda ceremony may -have the same significance. If so, the practice has not improbably -been borrowed, and the fact that the bell which is hung on the neck -of the calf is kept by Kotas or Badagas suggests that the whole -incident may have been borrowed by the Todas from one or other of -these races." At the funerals, of which we were spectators, no calf -was brought near the corpse, and the celebrants of the rites were -satisfied with the mere mention by name of a calf, which is male or -female according to the sex of the deceased. At the funeral witnessed -by the Rev. A. C. Clayton, a cow-buffalo was led three times round the -bier, and a little of its milk, drawn at the time, put into the mouth -of the corpse. Then a buffalo calf was led thrice round the bier, -and the dead man's hand laid on its head. By this act, the calf was -supposed to receive all the sins of the deceased. It was then driven -away to a great distance, that it might contaminate no one, and it -was said that it would never be sold, but looked on as a dedicated -sacred animal. If a dead man leaves a widow in a state of pregnancy, -who has not performed the kanni kattodu or marriage thread ceremony, -this must be gone through before the corpse is taken to the pyre, in -order to render the child legitimate. The pregnant woman is, at the -time of the funeral, brought close to the cot, and a near relation -of the deceased, taking up a cotton thread, twisted in the form of a -necklace without any knots, throws it round her neck. Sometimes the -hand of the corpse is lifted up with the thread, and made to place it -round the neck. At the funeral of the young man, Mr. Clayton saw this -ceremony performed on his pregnant wife. After a turmeric-dyed cord -had been taken from the hands of the corpse and tied round her neck, -she was again brought to the side of the bier, and her ear-rings, -nose ornaments, and other articles of jewellery, were removed in token -that she had become a widow. Soon after the recitation of sins, all -the agnates go to the house of the dead man, at the entrance to which -a gunny-bag is spread, whereon a small quantity of paddy is poured, -and a few culms of Cynodon Dactylon and a little cow-dung are placed -on it. The eldest of the agnates, sickle in hand, takes some of the -paddy, and moves on, raising both hands to his forehead. The other -agnates then do the same, and proceed in Indian file, males in front -and females in the rear, to the corpse. Round it they walk, men from -left to right, and women in the reverse direction, and at the end -of each circuit put some of the paddy on its face. The cot is then -carried to the burning-ground, a woman heading the procession, and -shaking the end of her cloth all the way. The corpse is laid on the -pyre with its feet to the south, and the pyre lighted by the eldest son -standing at the head. The sticks of which the car was constructed are -added to the fuel, of which the pyre is built up. In some places the -son, when lighting the pyre, repeats the words "Being begotten by my -father and mother, I, in the presence of all and the Deva, set fire -at the head after the manner of my ancestors and forefathers." The -Rev. A. C. Clayton records that, before the procession started for -the burning-ground, some female relatives of the dead man tied locks -of their hair round the toes of the corpse, and others went three -times round the bier. On the day following the funeral, the bereaved -family distribute rice to all the Badagas of the hamlet, and all the -near relations of the deceased go to the burning-ground, taking with -them two new pots. The fire is extinguished, and the fragments of the -bones are collected. A tray is made of the fronds of the bracken fern -(Pteris aquilina) covered with a cloth, on which the bones are placed -together with culms of Cynodon grass and ghi. The Badagas of the hamlet -who are younger than the deceased salute the bones by touching them, -and a few men, including the chief mourner, hold the tray, and convey -it to the bone pit, which every hamlet possesses. Into it the bones -are thrown, while an elder repeats the words "Become united with the -line of your relations, with your class, and with the big people," or -"May the young and old who have died, may all those who have died from -time immemorial up to the present time, mingle in one." When the pit -has been closed up, all return to the spot where the body was burnt, -and, clearing a space, make a puddle, round which they stand, and -throw into it a handful of korali (Setaria italica), uttering the words -"May deaths cease; may evils cease; may good prevail in the village; in -virtue of the good deeds of the ancestors and forefathers, may this one -mingle with them." This ceremony concluded, they repair to a stream, -where a member of the bereaved family shaves a Toreya partially or -completely. Some take a razor, and, after removing a patch of hair, -pass the Toreya on to a barber. All the agnates are then shaved by -a Badaga or a barber. The chief mourner then prostrates himself on -the ground, and is blessed by all. He and the Toreya proceed to the -house of the deceased. Taking a three-pronged twig of Rhodomyrtus -tomentosus, and placing a minige (Argyreia) leaf on the prongs, -he thrusts it into a rubbish heap near the house. He then places a -small quantity of samai grain, called street food, on the leaf, and, -after sprinkling it thrice with water, goes away. - -It was noted by Harkness that, at the burning-ground, the son or -representative of the deceased dropped a little grain into the mouth -of the corpse, carrying in his left hand a small bar of iron, which -is supposed to have a repulsive power over the spirits that hover -about the dead. - -The final death ceremonies, or korambu, are celebrated on a -Sunday. Towards evening the house of the deceased is cleansed -with cow-dung, and Badaga men assemble therein, sending away all -women. The chief mourner, accompanied by two Badagas carrying new -pots, proceeds to a stream, where the pots are cleaned with cow-dung, -and rubbed over with culms of Andropogon Schoenanthus. They are -then filled with water, carried to the house, and deposited in the -milk-room. At the entrance to the inner apartment, five agnates stand, -holding a circular bamboo tray (kerachi) made of plaited bamboo, on -which the chief mourner pours a small quantity of paddy, and spreads -it with a sickle. The widow and other female relations come near, -and cry. A few sickles or knives (preferably those which were used -at the funeral) are placed on the tray, which is saluted by all the -Badagas present. The paddy is husked in a mortar, and the rice cooked -with Dolichos Lablab, Cicer arietinum, and other pulses, without -the addition of salt. Early on the following morning, the eldest -son, taking a small quantity of the rice to the roof of the house, -places seven balls made therefrom on plantain or minige leaves, and -recites the names of the male and female ancestors and forefathers, -his mother, father, and brothers. The remainder of the rice is eaten -by relations. In some places, the whole of the rice is divided into -seven balls, and taken outside the house. Water is sprinkled over the -roof, and a portion of the rice thrown thereon. Standing up before -the assembled Badagas, an elder says "To-day we have acted up to the -observances of our ancestors and forefathers. New ones should not be -considered as old, or old as new. There is not a man carrying a head -(wise man), or a woman carrying breasts (wise woman). May he become -united with the men of his clan and caste." - -The funeral rites of the Udayas differ in some important details from -those of the Badaga sub-division. The buffalo catching, and leading -the animal round the corpse, are omitted. But a steer and heifer are -selected, and branded on the thigh, by means of a hot iron, with the -lingam and other emblems. Bedecked with cloths and jewels, they are -led to the side of the corpse, and made to stand on a blanket spread -on the ground. They are treated as if they were lingams, and puja is -done to them by offering cocoanuts and betel leaves, and throwing -flowers over them. Round their necks kankanams (marriage threads) -are tied. They are made to turn so as to face away from the corpse, -and their tails are placed in the hands thereof. An elder then proceeds -with the recitation of the dead person's sins. The Udayas bury their -dead in a sitting posture in a cell dug out of the side of the grave, -and, like the Irulas, prefer to use a grave in which a previous burial -has taken place. At the four corners of the grave they place in the -ground a plant of Leucas aspera, and pass a cotton thread laterally -and diagonally across the grave, leaving out the side opposite the -cell. Two men descend into the grave, and deposit the corpse in its -resting place with two lighted lamps. - -In 1905, an elaborate Badaga memorial ceremony for ancestors called -manavalai, which takes place at long intervals, was celebrated on -the Nilgiris. I gather from the notes of a Native official that an -enormous car, called elu kudi teru (seven-storeyed car) was built of -wood and bamboo, and decorated with silk and woollen fabrics, flags, -and umbrellas. Inside the ground floor were a cot with a mattress and -pillow, and the stem of a plantain tree. The souls of the ancestors -are supposed to be reclining on the cot, resting their heads on the -pillow, and chewing the plantain, while the umbrellas protect them from -the sun and rain. The ear ornaments of all those who have died since -the previous ceremony should be placed on the cot. "A Badaga fell -and hurt himself during the erection of the car. Whereupon, another -Badaga became possessed, and announced that the god was angry because -a Kurumba had something to do with the building of the structure. A -council meeting was held, and the Kurumba fined twenty-five rupees, -which were credited to the god. Sixty-nine petty bazars and three beer -taverns had been opened for the convenience of all classes of people -that had assembled. One very old Badaga woman said that she was twelve -years old when the first European was carried in a chair by the Todas, -and brought up the ghat to the Nilgiris from Coimbatore. On Wednesday -at 10 A.M. people from the adjoining villages were announced, and -the Kota band, with the village people, went forward, greeted them, -and brought them to the car. As each man approached it, he removed -his turban, stooped over the pillow and laid his head on it, and then -went to join the ring for the dance. The dancers wore skirts made of -white long-cloth, white and cream silks and satins with border of red -and blue trimming, frock dresses, and dressing-gowns, while the coats, -blouses, and jackets were of the most gaudy colours of silk, velvet, -velveteen, tweed, and home-spun. As each group of people arrived, -they went first to the temple door, saluted the god, and went to the -basement of the car to venerate the deceased, and then proceeded to -dance for an hour, received their supplies of rice, etc., and cleared -off. Thursday and Friday were the grandest days. Nearly three thousand -females, and six thousand males, assembled on Thursday. To crown all -the confusion, there appeared nearly a thousand Badagas armed with -new mamotis (spades). They came on dancing for some distance, rushed -into the crowd, and danced round the car. These Badagas belonged -to a gang of public works, local fund, and municipal maistries. On -the last day a sheep was slaughtered in honour of the deity. The -musicians throughout the festivities were Kotas and Kurumbas. The -dancing of the men of three score showed that they danced to music, -and the stepping was admirable, while the dancing of young men did not -show that they had any idea of dancing, or either taste or knowledge -of music. They were merely skipping and jumping. This shows that the -old art of the Badaga dance is fast decaying." The cot is eventually -burnt at the burning-ground, as if it contained a corpse. - -A kind of edible truffle (Mylitta lapidescens) is known as little -man's bread on the Nilgiris. The Badaga legendary name for it is -Pandva-unna-buthi, or dwarf bundle of food, [85] i.e., food of the -dwarfs, who are supposed once to have inhabited the Nilgiris and -built the pandu kulis or kistvaens. - -The story goes that Lord Elphinstone, a former Governor of Madras, -was anxious to build a residence at Kaiti. But the Badagas, who had -on the desired site a sacred tree, would not part with the land. The -Governor's steward succeeded in making the Badaga headman drunk, -and secured, for a rental of thirty-five rupees annually, the site, -whereon a villa was built, which now belongs to the Basel Mission. [86] - -In a recent work, [87] Mr. A. H. Keane, in a note on the "Dravidian -Aborigines," writes as follows. "All stand on the very lowest -rung of the social ladder, being rude hillmen without any culture -strictly so called, and often betraying marked negroid characters, -as if they were originally Negroes or Negritos, later assimilated -in some respects to their Dravidian conquerors. As they never had -a collective racial name, they should now be called, not Dravidians -or proto-Dravidians, but rather pre-Dravidians, as more collectively -indicating their true ethnical relations. Such are the Kotas, Irulas, -Badagas, and Kurumbas." It may be pointed out that the Badagas and -Kotas of the Nilgiri plateau are not "wild tribes," have no trace of -negroid characters, and no affinities with the Kurumbas and Irulas -of the Nilgiri slopes. The figures in the following table speak for -themselves:-- - - - =========+=======================+====================== - | Stature. | Nasal Index. - +=======+=======+=======+=======+=======+====== - | A | B | C | D | E | F - =========+=======+=======+=======+=======+=======+====== - Badaga | 164.1 | 180.2 | 159.9 | 75.6 | 88.4 | 62.7 - Kota | 162.9 | 174.2 | 155. | 77.2 | 92.9 | 64. - Irula | 159.8 | 168. | 152. | 84.9 | 100. | 72.3 - Kurumba | 157.5 | 163.6 | 149.6 | 88.8 | 111. | 79.1 - =========+=======+=======+=======+=======+=======+====== - - Column Headers: A = Average cm. B = Maximum cm. - C = Minimum cm. D = Average. E = Maximum. F = Minimum. - - -Badagi.--The carpenter sub-division of Panchalas. - -Badhoyi.--The Badhoyis are Oriya carpenters and blacksmiths, of whom -the former are known as Badhoyi, and the latter as Komaro. These -are not separate castes, and the two sections both interdine and -intermarry. The name Badhoyi is said to be derived from the Sanskrit -vardhaki, which, in Oriya, becomes bardhaki, and indicates one who -changes the form, i.e., of timber. Korti, derived from korto, a saw, -occurs as the name of a section of the caste, the members of which -are wood-sawyers. Socially, the Badhoyis occupy the same position as -Doluvas, Kalinjis, and various other agricultural classes, and they -do not, like the Tamil Kammalans, claim to be Viswakarma Brahmans, -descended from Viswakarma, the architect of the gods. - -The hereditary headman is called Maharana, and, in some places, -there seem to be three grades of Maharana, viz., Maharana, Dondopato -Maharana, and Swangso Maharana. These headmen are assisted by a -Bhollobhaya or Dolobehara, and there is a further official called -Agopothiria, whose duty it is to eat with an individual who is -re-admitted into the caste after a council meeting. This duty is -sometimes performed by the Maharana. Ordinary meetings of council -are convened by the Maharana and Bhollobhaya. But, if a case of a -serious nature is to be tried, a special council meeting, called kulo -panchayat, is held in a grove or open space outside the village. All -the Maharanas and other officers, and representatives of five castes -(panchapatako) equal or superior to the Badhoyis in the social scale, -attend such a council. The complainant goes to the Swangso Maharana, -and, giving him fifty areca nuts, asks him to convene the council -meeting. Punishment inflicted by the caste council usually assumes the -form of a fine, the amount of which depends on the worldly prosperity -of the delinquent, who, if very indigent, may be let off with a -reprimand and warning. Sometimes offences are condoned by feeding -Brahmans or the Badhoyi community. Small sums, collected as fines, -are appropriated by the headman, and large sums are set apart towards -a fund for meeting the marriage expenses of the poorer members of -the caste, and the expenditure in connection with kulo panchayats. - -Concerning the marriage ceremonies, Mr. D. Mahanty writes as -follows. "At a marriage among the Badhoyis, and various other castes in -Ganjam, two pith crowns are placed on the head of the bridegroom. On -his way to the bride's house, he is met by her purohit (priest) and -relations, and her barber washes his feet, and presents him with a new -yellow cloth, flowers, and kusa grass (also called dharbha grass). When -he arrives at the house, amid the recitations of stanzas by the priest, -the blowing of conch shells and other music, the women of the bride's -party make a noise called hulu-huli, and shower kusa grass over him. At -the marriage booth, the bridegroom sits upon a raised 'altar,' and -the bride, who arrives accompanied by his maternal uncle, pours salt, -yellow-coloured rice, and parched paddy (rice) over the head of the -bridegroom, by whose side she seats herself. One of the pith crowns -is removed from the bridegroom's forehead, and placed on that of the -bride. Various Brahmanical rites are then performed, and the bride's -father places her hand in that of the bridegroom. A bundle of straw -is now placed on the altar, on which the contracting parties sit, the -bridegroom facing east, and the bride west. The purohit rubs a little -jaggery over the bridegroom's right palm, joins it to the palm of the -bride, and ties their two hands together with a rope made of kusa grass -(hasthagonti). A yellow cloth is tied to the cloths which the bridal -pair are wearing, and stretched over their shoulders (gontiyala). The -hands are then untied by a married woman. Sradha is performed for the -propitiation of ancestors, and the purohit, repeating some mantrams -(prayers), blesses the pair by throwing yellow rice over them. On the -sixth day of the ceremony, the bridegroom runs away from the house of -his father-in-law, as if he was displeased, and goes to the house of -a relation in the same or an adjacent village. His brother-in-law, -or other male relation of the bride, goes in search of him, and, -when he has found him, rubs some jaggery over his face, and brings -him back." As an example of the stanzas recited by the purohit, -the following may be cited:-- - - - I have presented with my mind and word, and also with kusa grass - and water. - - The witnesses of this are fire, Brahmans, women, relations, - and all the devatas. - - Forgive this presentable faithful maid. - - I am performing the marriage according to the Vedic rites. - - Women are full of all kinds of faults. Forgive these faults. - - Brahma is the god of this maid. - - By the grace of the god Vasudeva, I give to thee the bridegroom. - - -The Badhoyis are Paramarthos, and follow the Chaitanya form of -Vaishnavism. They further worship various village deities. The dead -are cremated. The corpse of a dead person is washed, not at the house, -but at the burning-ground. - -The most common caste title is Maharana. But, in some zemindaris, such -titles as Bindhani Rathno, and Bindhani Bushano, have been conferred -by the zemindars on carpenters for the excellence of their work. - -The carpenters and blacksmiths hold inams or rent-free lands both -under zemindars and under Government. In return, they are expected -to construct a car for the annual festival of the village deity, -at which, in most places, the car is burnt at the conclusion of -the festival. They have further to make agricultural implements -for the villagers, and, when officials arrive on circuit, to supply -tent-pegs, etc. - -Bagata.--The Bagatas, Bhaktas, or Baktas are a class of Telugu -fresh-water fishermen, who are said to be very expert at catching fish -with a long spear. It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that -"on the Dasara day they worship the fishing baskets, and also (for -some obscure reason) a kind of trident." The trident is probably the -fishing spear. Some of the Bagatas are hill cultivators in the Agency -tracts of Vizagapatam. They account for their name by the tradition -that they served with great devotion (bhakti) the former rulers of -Golgonda and Madugula, who made grants of land to them in mokhasa -tenure. Some of them are heads of hill villages. The head of a single -village is called a Padal, and it may be noted that Padala occurs as an -exogamous sept of the Kapus, of which caste it has been suggested that -the Bagatas are an offshoot. The overlord of a number of Padals styles -himself Nayak or Raju, and a Mokhasadar has the title of Dora. It is -recorded, in the Census Report, 1871, that "in the low country the -Bhaktas consider themselves to take the rank of soldiery, and rather -disdain the occupation of ryots (cultivators). Here, however (in hill -Madugulu in the Vizagapatam district), necessity has divested them -of such prejudices, and they are compelled to delve for their daily -bread. They generally, nevertheless, manage to get the Kapus to work -for them, for they make poor farmers, and are unskilled in husbandry." - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district, -that "Matsya gundam (fish pool) is a curious pool on the Macheru -(fish river) near the village of Matam, close under the great -Yendrika hill, 5,188 feet above the sea. A barrier of rocks runs -right across the river there, and the stream plunges into a great -hole and vanishes beneath this, reappearing again about a hundred -yards lower down. Just where it emerges from under the barrier, it -forms a pool, which is crowded with mahseer of all sizes. These are -wonderfully tame, the bigger ones feeding fearlessly from one's hand, -and even allowing their backs to be stroked. They are protected by the -Madgole zamindars--who on several grounds venerate all fish--and by -superstitious fears. Once, goes the story, a Brinjari caught one and -turned it into curry, whereon the king of the fish solemnly cursed -him, and he and all his pack-bullocks were turned into rocks, which -may be seen there till this day. At Sivaratri, a festival occurs at -the little thatched shrine near by, the priest at which is a Bagata, -and part of the ritual consists in feeding the sacred fish. - -"In 1901, certain envious Bagatas looted one of the villages of the -Konda Malas or hill Paraiyans, a pushing set of traders, who are -rapidly acquiring wealth and exalted notions, on the ground that they -were becoming unduly arrogant. The immediate cause of the trouble -was the fact that at a cockfight the Malas' birds had defeated the -Bagatas'." - -In a note on the Bagatas, Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes that the caste -is divided into exogamous septs or intiperulu, some of which occur also -among the Kapus, Telagas, and Vantaris. Girls are married either before -or after puberty, and the custom, called menarikam, which renders it -a man's duty to marry his maternal uncle's daughter, is the general -rule. An Oriya or Telugu Brahman officiates at marriages, and the -bride is presented with jewelry as a substitute for the bride-price -(voli) in money. It is noted, in the Census Report, 1901, that, -at a wedding, the bridegroom is struck by his brother-in-law, who -is then presented with a pair of new cloths. The Bagatas are both -Vaishnavites and Saivites, and the former get themselves branded on -the arm by a Vaishnava guru, who lives in the Godavari district. The -Vaishnavites burn their dead, and the Saivites bury them in the -customary sitting attitude. Satanis officiate for the former, and -Jangams for the latter. Both sections perform the chinna and pedda -rozu (big and little day) death ceremonies. The hill Bagatas observe -the Itiga Ponduga festival, which is celebrated by the hill classes -in Vizagapatam. - -Bahusagara (many seas).--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, -1901, as a synonym of Rangari. The Rangaris are tailors and dyers, -and the signification of the name is not clear. - -Baidya.--See Vaidyan. - -Bainedu.--The Bainedu, or Bainedi, as they are called in the -Census Report, 1901, are the musicians and barbers of the Malas and -Madigas. At the peddadinamu death ceremony of the Gamallas, a Mala -Bainedu takes part in the recitation of the story of Ankamma, and in -making the designs (muggu) on the ground. - -Bairagi.--The Bairagis are a class of religious mendicants, who -roam about all over India, and are for the most part recruited from -North Indian castes. They are followers of Ramanand, who founded the -order at the end of the fourteenth, or beginning of the fifteenth -century. According to common tradition, the schism of Ramanand -originated in resentment of an affront offered him by his fellow -disciples, and sanctioned by his teacher. It is said that he had -spent some time in travelling through various parts of India, after -which he returned to the math, or residence of his superior. His -brethren objected to him that in the course of his peregrinations -it was impossible he could have observed that privacy in his meals, -which is a vital observance of the Ramanuja sect; and, as Raghavanand -admitted the validity of the objection, Ramanand was condemned to -feed in a place apart from the rest of the disciples. He was highly -incensed at the order, and retired from the society altogether, -establishing a schism of his own. [88] - -The name Bairagi is derived from the Sanskrit vairagya (vi + rag), -denoting without desire or passion, and indicates an ascetic, who has -subdued his passions, and liberated himself from worldly desires. The -Bairagis are sometimes called Bavaji or Sadhu. - -The Bairagis are Vaishnavites, and bear the Tengalai Vaishnava mark -(namam), made with sandal-paste or gopi, on the forehead. Bairagis with -a Vadagalai mark are very rare. The Bairagis wear necklaces of tulsi -(Ocimum sanctum) beads or lotus (Nelumbium speciosum) seeds. Every -Bairagi cooks his food within a space cleansed with cow-dung water -by himself or his disciple, and will not leave the space until he has -finished his meal. The Bairagis are not particular about screening the -space from the public gaze. They partake of one meal daily, in the -afternoon, and are abstainers from flesh dietary. They live mainly -on alms obtained in the bazars, or in choultries (rest-houses for -travellers). They generally carry with them one or two brass vessels -for cooking purposes, a salagrama stone and a conch-shell for worship, -and a chillum (pipe) for smoking ganja (Indian hemp) or opium. They -are, as a rule, naked except for a small piece of cloth tied round -the waist and passed between the thighs. Some wear more elaborate -body-clothing, and a turban. They generally allow the beard to grow, -and the hair of the head is long and matted, with sometimes a long tail -of yak or human hair tied in a knot on the top of the head. Those who -go about nearly naked smear ashes all over their bodies. When engaged -in begging, some go through the streets, uttering aloud the name of -some God. Others go from house to house, or remain at a particular -spot, where people are expected to give them alms. - -Some Bairagis are celibates, and others married. They are supposed -to be celibates, but, as Dr. T. N. Bhattacharjee observes, [89] the -"monks of this order have generally a large number of nuns attached -to their convents, with whom they openly live as man and wife." The -Bairagis are very particular about the worship of the salagrama stone, -and will not partake of food without worshipping it. When so doing, -they cover their head with a piece of cloth (Ram nam ka safa), on -which the name Rama is printed in Devanagiri characters. Their face -and shoulders are stamped, by means of brass stamps, with the word -Rama in similar characters. For the purpose of meditation, the Bairagi -squats on the ground, sometimes with a deer or tiger skin beneath him, -and rests his hands on the cross-piece of his yoga-dandam, or bent -stick. A pair of tongs is stuck in the ground on his right side, and -sometimes fire is kept near it. It is noted by Mr. J. C. Oman [90] -that "a most elaborate ritual has been laid down for the guidance -of Bairagis in the daily routine of the indispensable business and -duties of life, prescribing in minute detail how, for example, the -ascetic should wash, bathe, sit down, perform pranayam (stoppage -or regulation of respiration), purify his body, purge his mind, -meditate on Vishnu, repeat the Gayatri (hymn) as composed for the -special use of members of the sect, worship Rama, Sita, Lakshman, -Bharata, and Satringah, together with Rama's bows and arrows, and, -lastly, the monkey god Hanuman." - -The Bairagis have a guru or priest, whom they call Mahant. Some visit -the celebrated temple near Tirupati and pay their respects to the -Mahant thereof. - -Baisya.--A sub-division of Koronos of Ganjam. - -Baita Kammara.--The name, meaning outside blacksmiths, applied to -Kamsala blacksmiths, who occupy a lowly position, and work in the -open air or outside a village. [91] - -Bajantri.--A synonym of Mangala, indicating their occupation as -professional musicians. - -Bakta.--See Bagata. - -Bakuda.--A sub-division of Holeya. - -Balanollu.--Balanollu and Badranollu are names of gotras of Ganigas, -the members of which may not cut Erythroxylon monogynum. - -Balasantosha.--The Balasantosha or Balasanta vandlu (those who please -children) are described in the Kurnool Manual as "ballad reciters, -whose chief stories are the Bobbili katha, or the story of the siege -of the fort of Bobbili in Vizagapatam by Bussy; the Kurnool Nabob's -katha or the story of the resumption of Kurnool by the English; and the -tale of the quarrels between Ganga and Parvati, the two wives of Siva." - -Balegara (bangle man).--An occupational sub-division of Banajiga. - -Balija.--The Balijas are described by Mr. Francis [92] as being -"the chief Telugu trading caste, scattered throughout all parts of -the Presidency. It is said to have two main sub-divisions, Desa -(or Kota, a fort) and Peta (street). The first of these includes -those, whose ancestors are supposed to have been the Balija (Nayak) -kings of Madura, Tanjore and Vijayanagar, or provincial governors -in those kingdoms; and to the second belong those, like the Gazulu -(bangle sellers) and Perike (salt-sellers), who live by trade. In -the Tamil districts Balijas are known as Vadugans (Telugu people) and -Kavarais. The descendants of the Nayak or Balija Kings of Madura and -Tanjore claim to be Kshatriyas and of the Kasyapa (a rishi) gotra, -while the Vijayanagar Rais say they are lineal descendants of the -sage Bharadwaja. Others trace their ancestry to the Kauravas of the -Mahabharata. This Kshatriya descent is, however, not admitted by -other castes, who say that Balijas are an offshoot of the Kammas or -Kapus, or that they are a mixed community recruited from these and -other Telugu castes. The members of the caste none of them now wear -the sacred thread, or follow the Vedic ritual. The name Kartakkal -(governors) was returned by those who claim to be descendants of the -Nayak Kings of Madura and Tanjore." - -In a letter submitted, from Coimbatore, to Mr. Francis in connection -with the census, 1901, it was stated that "the Balija people are -Kshatriyas of the Lunar Race, as can be proved by a reference to -the Bahgavatham, Vishnupuranam, and Brahmmandapuranam, etc.... In -this connection, it will be interesting to note that one Sevappa -Naidu married Murthiammal, sister-in-law to Achuta Deva Rayulu of -Narapathi Samasthanam of Vijayanagar, and as a marriage portion or -dowry received the territory of Tanjore, over which he ruled as king -for a long period. It was at this time that the celebrated Tirumalay -Naidu of Madura took as wife one of the daughters of Sevappa Naidu's -family. Tirumalay's grandson, one Chockalinga Naidu, married Mangammal, -daughter of Vijiaragavulu Naidu, a grandson of the said Tanjore -Sevappa Naidu. It will thus be seen that the Naidu rulers of Tanjore, -Trichinopoly, and Madura, were all relations of Narapathi Samasthanam -of Vijianagar. That these Narapathies of Vijianagaram were Kshatriyas -of the Lunar Race can be clearly seen by a reference to Manucharithra, -Parijathapaharanam, Prouda Prabanda Kavi Charitra, etc., and that they -were direct descendants of the great Andra Kings can be proved with -equal satisfaction by referring to Colonel Mackenzie's MSS., in the -introduction of A. D. Campbell's Telugu Grammar, and James Prinsep's -Useful Tables of Andra Kings will show that the Andras were immediate -descendants of the well-known Yayathi Raja of the Lunar Race." - -"The Balijas," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [93] "are the trading caste -of the Telugu country, but they are now found in every part of the -Presidency. Concerning the origin of this caste several traditions -exist, but the most probable is that which represents them as a -recent offshoot of the Kapu or Reddi caste. The caste is rather a -mixed one, for they will admit, without much scruple, persons who -have been expelled from their proper caste, or who are the result -of irregular unions. The bulk of the Balijas are now engaged in -cultivation, and this accounts for so many having returned Kapu as -their main caste, for Kapu is also a common Telugu word used for -a ryot (farmer). It is not improbable that there was once a closer -connection than now between the Kapus and the Balijas, and the claim -of the Balijas to belong to the Kapu caste may have a foundation in -fact. In their customs there is very little difference between the -Kapus and Balijas. Their girls are married both before and after -puberty. The re-marriage of widows is forbidden. They eat flesh, -and alcohol is said to be freely indulged in [There is a proverb -'If a man be born a Balija, he must crack the arrack bottle']. Like -the Bogams and Sanis, the Balija females usually wear a petticoat -instead of the long robe of ordinary Hindus. The general name of the -caste is Naidu." "The Balija Naidu," it has been said, [94] "is to -be met with in almost every walk of life--railway station-masters, -head coolies, bakers, butlers, municipal inspectors, tappal (post) -runners, hawkers, and hotel-keepers. The title Chetti is by some used -in preference to Naidu." It is noted in the Bellary Manual that the -Balijas "have by common consent obtained a high place in the social -system of South India. Some are land-owners, residing on and working -their own property with the help of members of inferior castes; but -the majority live by trade." At Tirupati, a number of Balija families -are engaged in the red sanders wood (Pterocarpus santalinus), carving -industry. Figures of swamis (deities), mythological figures, elephants, -and miniature temple cars with flying cherubs and winged horses, are -most abundantly carved: but domestic utensils in the shape of chembus, -kinnis, cups, plates, etc., are turned on the lathe. Large vessels are -sometimes made of the wood of vepi or achamaram (Hardwickia binata), -which resembles red sanders wood, but is more liable to crack. The -carved figures are sold to pilgrims and others who visit Tirupati, -and are also taken to Conjeeveram, Madura, and other places, at times -when important temple festivals are celebrated. Vessels made of red -sanders wood carry no pollution, and can be used by women during the -menstrual period, and taken back to the house without any purification -ceremony. For the same reason, Sanyasis (ascetics) use such vessels -for doing puja. - -The name Balija is said to be derived from the Sanskrit bali (a -sacrifice) and ja (born), signifying that the Balijas owe their origin -to the performance of a yagam. The legend is current that on one -occasion Siva wanted his consort Parvati to appear before him in all -her glory. But, when she stood before him, fully decorated, he laughed, -and said that she was not as charming as she might be. On this, she -prayed that Siva would help her to become so. From his braid of hair -Siva created a being who descended on the earth, bearing a number of -bangles and turmeric paste, with which Parvati adorned herself. Siva, -being greatly pleased with her appearance, told her to look at herself -in a looking-glass. The being, who brought the bangles, is believed -to have been the ancestor of the Gazula Balijas. According to another -version of the legend, Parvati was not satisfied with her appearance -when she saw herself in the looking-glass, and asked her father to tell -her how she was to make herself more attractive. He accordingly prayed -to Brahma, who ordered him to perform a severe penance (thapas). From -the sacrificial fire, kindled in connection therewith, arose a being -leading a donkey laden with heaps of bangles, turmeric, palm leaf -rolls for the ears, black beads, sandal powder, a comb, perfumes, -etc. From this Maha Purusha who thus sprang from a sacrifice (bali), -the Balijas derived their origin and name. To him, in token of respect, -were given flags, torches, and certain musical instruments. - -The Desayis, or leaders of the right-hand faction, are said to be -Balijas by caste. In former days they had very great influences, and -all castes belonging to the right-hand faction would obey the Desayi -Chetti. Even at the present day, the Oddes and others refer their -disputes to the Desayi, and not to their own caste headman. In former -times there were three principal Desayis, who had their head-quarters -at Conjeeveram, Cuddalore, and Walajapet. The head Desayi possesses a -biruthu (insigne of office) in the form of a large brass ladle with a -bell attached to it. On the occasion of Balija marriages and funerals, -this is sent through the Chalavathi (a pariah), who is the servant -of the Desayi, and has the right of allu eduththal (taking a handful) -when he goes to the bazaar, where he receives meat from the butcher, -vegetables, etc., as his perquisite. The Desayi's ladle is kept in -the custody of the Chalavathi (See Desayi). - -The Balijas, Mr. Stuart writes, [95] "employ Brahmans and Satanis -as their priests. The chief object of their worship is Gauri, their -caste deity. It is said that the Malas are the hereditary custodians -of the idol of Gauri and her jewels, which the Balijas get from them -whenever they want to worship her. The following story is told to -account for this. The Kapus and Balijas, molested by the Muhammadan -invaders on the north of the northern Pennar, migrated to the south -when the Pennar was in full flood. Being unable to cross the river, -they invoked their deity to make a passage for them, for which it -demanded the sacrifice of a first-born child. While they stood at a -loss what to do, the Malas who followed them boldly offered one of -their children to the goddess. Immediately the river divided before -them, and the Kapus and the Balijas crossed it, and were saved from -the tyranny of the Muhammadans. Ever since that time, the Malas have -been respected by the Kapus and Balijas, and the latter even deposited -the images of Gauri, the bull and Ganesa, which they worshipped, -in the house of a Mala. I am credibly informed that the practice of -leaving these images in the custody of Malas is even now observed in -some parts of the Cuddapah district and elsewhere." - -Of the numerous sub-divisions of the Balijas, the following may -be noticed:-- - - - Gazula, glass bangles. Valaiyal or vala (bangle) Chetti is the - Tamil equivalent. By some the sight of a Gazula Balija with his - pile of bangles on his back is considered a good omen. In recent - years, a scare has arisen in connection with an insect, which - is said to take up its abode in imported German glass bangles, - which compete with the indigenous industry of the Gazulas. The - insect is believed to lie low in the bangle till it is purchased, - when it comes out and nips the wearer, after warning her to get - her affairs in order before succumbing. A specimen of a broken - bangle, from which the insect is stated to have burst forth and - stung a girl in the wrist, was sent to me. But the insect was - not forthcoming. - - Gandavallu, or Gundapodi vandlu. Go about the villages, - hawking turmeric, kunkumam (colour powder), kamela (Mallotus - philippinensis) dye powder, beads, combs, cosmetics and other - articles. Supposed to have been originally Komatis. - - Kavarai, Tamil synonym for Balija. - - Linga. - - Panchama. - - Telugu or Telaga. A synonym for Balija in the Northern Circars. - - Rajamahendram or Musu Kamma. The former denotes the town of - Rajahmundry, and the latter a special ear-ornament worn by women. - - Tota, garden. - - Ralla, precious stones. - - Pagadala, coral. - - Pusa, beads. - - Racha, royal. - - Vyasa. A sage (rishi) or hunter, whom the hunting classes claim - as their ancestor. - - -Other sub-divisions, classified as Balijas at the census, 1901, were:-- - - - Jakkulas, among whom it was, at Tenali in the Kistna district, - formerly customary for each family to give up one girl for - prostitution. Under the influence of social reform, a written - agreement was a few years ago entered into to give up the practice. - - Adapapa. Female attendants on the ladies of the families of - Zamindars, who, as they are not allowed to marry, lead a life of - prostitution. Their sons call themselves Balijas. In some places, - e.g., the Kistna and Godavari districts, this class is known as - Khasa or Khasavandlu. - - Santa Kavarai. Returned as Balijas in the Chingleput district. - - Ravut. Returned in the Salem district. Said to have been formerly - soldiers under the Poligars. - - -Like other Telugu castes, the Balijas have exogamous septs (intiperu) -and gotras. Of the former, the following are examples:-- - - - Tupakala, musket. - Samudram, ocean. - Pappu, split pulse. - Gantla, bell. - Puli, tiger. - Balli, lizard. - Avula, cow. - Gandham, sandal paste or powder. - Jilakara, cummin seeds. - Miriyala, pepper. - Mutyala, pearls. - Narikella, cocoanut. - Nemili, peacock. - Pagadala, coral. - Pattindla, silk house. - Ratnala, precious stones. - Ungarala, rings. - Yenumala, buffalo. - - -There is a saying that a Balija who has no gotra must take the name of -the Pasuleti, or Pasupuleti gotra. In like manner, a Brahman orphan, -whose gotra cannot be traced, is made to adopt the Vathsa gotra. - -Among the Musu Kammas, the consent of both the maternal uncle and -elder sister's husband must be obtained before a girl is given in -marriage. At the betrothal ceremony, the future bridegroom's relations -proceed to the house of the girl, carrying the following articles -on an odd number of trays beneath a cloth canopy (ulladam): mustard, -fenugreek (Trigonella Foenumgræcum), cummin seeds, curds, jaggery, dhal -(Cajanus indicus), balls of condiments, tamarinds, pepper, twenty-one -cakes, eleven cocoanuts, salt, plantains, flowers, a new cloth, -black beads, a palm-leaf roll for the ear lobe, turmeric, a comb, -and kunkumam (colour powder). A few rupees, called kongu mudi, to be -given to the future mother-in-law, are also placed on the tray. The -contracting parties exchange betel and a cocoanut, of which the latter -is taken away by a member of the bridegroom's party, tied up in his -body-cloth. The girl is seated on a plank, goes through the ceremony -(nalagu) of being anointed with oil and paste, and is presented with -a new cloth. Wearing this, she sits on the plank, and betel, flowers, -jewels, etc., are placed in her lap. A near female relation then -ties a string of black beads round her neck. Among the Musu Kammas, -the milk-post, consisting of a green bamboo, with sometimes a branch -of Odina Wodier, must be set up two days before the commencement of -the marriage ceremonies. It is worshipped, and to it are tied an iron -ring, and a string of cotton and wool twisted together (kankanam). A -small framework, called dhornam, made of two sticks, across which -cotton threads or pieces of cloth are stretched, is brought by a -washerwoman, and given to the maternal uncle of the bridegroom, -who ties it to the marriage booth. The marriage pots are brought -from a potter's house beneath a cloth canopy (ulladam), and given to -married couples, closely related to the bridegroom, who fetch water, -and place the pots on the dais. Some married women pour rice on a -clean white cloth spread on the floor, and rub off the bran with their -hands, while they sing songs. The cloth to be worn by the bridegroom -is dipped in turmeric water by these women and dried. The Balijas are -very particular about the worship of their female ancestors (perantalu) -and no auspicious ceremony can be commenced until perantalu puja has -been performed. Among the Musu Kammas, five women, who are closely -related to the bridal couple, take only one meal a day, and try to -keep free from pollution of all sorts. They go through the nalagu -ceremony, and are presented with new cloths. Among other sections, -the wall is simply painted with turmeric dots to represent the -ancestors. The ancestor worship concluded, the finger and toe-nails -of the bridegroom are cut, and a Musu Kamma bridegroom is conducted -to a temple of Vigneswara (Ganesa), if there is one near at hand. By -other sections it is considered sufficient, if Vigneswara worship is -performed at the marriage booth. The Musu Kamma bridegroom is dressed -up at the temple, and a bashingam (chaplet) tied on his forehead. An -old-fashioned turban (paghai) is placed on his head, and a dagger -(jimthadu) stuck into his waist-cloth. It is said that, in olden times, -the Balijas used to worship the dagger, and sacrifice sheep or goats -at marriages. The bridegroom is next brought to the house where the -wedding is being celebrated, and his brother-in-law washes his feet, -and, after throwing flowers and rice over them, puts toe-rings and -shoes thereon. The Brahman purohit lights the sacred fire (homam), -and pours ghi (clarified butter) therein, while he utters some -verses, Vedic or other. He then ties the kankanam (thread) on the -bridegroom's wrist. The parents of the bride next proceed with the -dharadhattam (gift of the girl) by pouring water and grains of rice -into the hands of the bridegroom. Vigneswara is then worshipped, -and the bottu (marriage badge) is blessed by those assembled, and -handed to the bridegroom. He, placing his right foot on that of -the bride, who is separated from him by a screen, ties it round her -neck. The couple then exchange seats, and rice is thrown in front of -them. They next go thrice round the dais and milk-post, and, at the -end of the first and second rounds, the foot of the bride is placed -on a grinding stone. After the third round they gaze at the pole-star -(Arundati). Into one of the marriage pots are put a pap-bowl, ring, and -bracelet, which are picked out by the couple. If the pap-bowl is first -got hold of by the bridegroom, the first-born child will be a boy; if -the ring, it will be a girl. This rite concluded, the bridegroom makes -a mark on the bride's forehead with collyrium. On the second day, the -bridegroom makes a pretence of being angry, and stays in a garden or -house near that in which the marriage ceremonies are conducted. The -bride, and some of her relations, go to him in procession, and, -treating him with great respect, bring him back. The sacred fire is -lighted, and the bride enters the room in which the marriage pots -(araveni) are kept. The bridegroom is stopped at the entrance thereto -by a number of married women, and has to call his wife by her name, -and pay a small sum of money for the arathi (coloured water), which -is waved by the women, to ward off the evil eye. In some places, -the sister of the bridegroom extracts a promise that his coral -(daughter) shall be given in marriage to her pearl (son). He is then -permitted to enter the room. On the third day, after homam has been -performed by the Brahman priest, the newly married couple go through -a burlesque imitation of domestic life, after they have worshipped -the posts of the booth, and perform a mimic ploughing ceremony, -the bridegroom stirring up some earth in a basket with a stick or -miniature plough. This, in some places, his sister tries to prevent -him from doing by covering the basket with a cloth, and he has to say -"I will give my coral to your pearl." His brother-in-law tries to -squeeze his fingers between a pair of sticks called kitti, which -was, in former times, a very popular form of torture as a means -of extracting confession. The bride gives her husband some conji -(rice-gruel) to refresh him after his pretended labour. - -At a marriage among the Perikes (q.v.), a gunny-bag is said to be -worshipped before the bottu is tied. A quantity of rice is measured -on the first day of the ceremonies and tied up in a cloth. On the -third day, the cloth is opened, and it is considered an auspicious -sign if the quantity of rice exceeds that which was originally put -into it. Among the Rajamahendram Balijas, just before the nalagu -ceremony, the knees, shoulders, and cheeks of the bride and bridegroom -are touched with a pestle, while the names of their septs are called -out. On the third day, the same process is repeated, but in the reverse -order. A Gazula Balija bride must, when the bottu is tied, be dressed -in a white cloth with red stripes, called sanna pappuli. With other -sections, a white cloth dyed with turmeric is de rigeur. - -Balija, it may be noted, is, in the North Arcot Manual, returned -as a division of Dasaris and Idigas. The better classes of Medaras -(cane-splitters and mat-makers) are also taking to calling themselves -Balijas, and assume the title Chetti. Oddes and Upparas sometimes -style themselves Odde Balija and Uppara Balija. They belong to the -right-hand section, which is headed by the Desayi, who is a Balija, -and so describe themselves as belonging to the Setti or Chetti samayam -(section). Some members of the Mila and Vada fishing castes have -adopted Oda or Vada (boat) Balija as their caste name. - -Ballala.--Ballala, or Bellala, was returned, at the census, 1901, -as the caste name of a number of individuals, indicating their claim -to descent from the Hoysal Ballal kings of Mysore. Ballal is a title -assumed by Bant families of position. There is a proverb that, when -a Bant becomes powerful, he becomes a Ballal. [96] - -Ballem (spear).--An exogamous sept of Mala. - -Balli (lizard).--An exogamous sept of Balija. - -Balolika.--A synonym of Rajapuri. - -Balu (bear).--A sept of Domb. - -Bana (big pot).--An exogamous sept of Togatas, and a name for Telugu -washermen, who are sometimes called Bana Tsakala. Bana is the Telugu -name for the pot which they use for boiling the clothes in. - -Banajiga (vanik, tradesman).--Canarese traders, many of whom are -Lingayats. See Linga Balija. - -Banda.--Banda, as applied to the Mondi mendicant class, seems to be -used in the sense of an obstinate fellow. Some, however, maintain -that it refers to a beggar who carries about a stone, and threatens -to beat his brains out, if alms are not forthcoming. Banda, meaning -a rock, also occurs as an exogamous sept of Odde. - -Bandari.--Bandari, denoting apparently the shrub Dodondæa viscosa, -is an exogamous sept of Odde. It further occurs, in the sense of a -temple treasurer, as an exogamous sept of Devangas and Padma Sales, -for whom the Bandari acts as caste messenger. It is also the name -of the assistant to the headman, or Pattakar, of the Okkiliyans, -a title of Konkani Brahmans, and a synonym of Kelasis. - -Bandekara.--A synonym for Konkani Vanis (traders), who are said, in the -Madras Census Report, 1901, to ape the Brahmanical customs, and call -themselves by the curious hybrid name of Vasiya (or Vaisya) Brahman. - -Bandi (cart).--An exogamous sept of Kapu, Kavarai, Korava, Kumbara, -Kurni, Kuruba, Mala, Odde, Stanika, and Yanadi. It further occurs -as a name for Koravas, who drag the temple car at times of religious -festival. Vandikkaran (cartmen) is an occupational name for Nayars, -who work as cartmen for carrying fuel. - -Bangaru Mukkara (gold nose ornament).--A sub-division of Kamma. - -Baniya.--The Baniyas or Bunyas are immigrant traders and money-lenders -(sowcars) from Northern India, who have settled down in the southern -bazars, where they carry on a lucrative business, and wax sleek and -wealthy. Bania also occurs as a synonym for the South Indian trading -caste, the Komatis. - -It may be noted, as a little matter of history, that, in 1677, the -Court of Directors, in a letter to Fort St. George, offered "twenty -pounds reward to any of our servants or soldiers as shall be able to -speak, write, and translate the Banian language, and to learn their -arithmetic." [97] - -Banjari.--A synonym of Lambadi. - -Banka (gum).--An exogamous sept of Motati Kapu. - -Bannagara (a painter).--A synonym of Chitrakara. - -Bannan.--A synonym of Vannan or Mannan, recorded at times of -census. In like manner Bannata occurs as a Canarese form of the -Malayalam Veluttedan or Vannattan. - -Banni or Vanni (Prosopis spicigera).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba and -Kurni. The tree is worshipped because on it "the five Pandava princes -hung up their arms when they entered Virat Nagra in disguise. On the -tree the arms turned to snakes, and remained untouched till the owners -returned." (Lisboa.) - -Bant.--For the following account of the Bants I am mainly indebted -to Mr. H. A. Stuart's description of them in the Manual of South -Canara. The name Bant, pronounced Bunt, means in Tulu a powerful man -or soldier, and indicates that the Bants were originally a military -class corresponding to the Nayars of Malabar. The term Nadava instead -of Bant in the northern portions of South Canara points, among other -indications, to a territorial organisation by nads similar to that -described by Mr. Logan as prevailing in Malabar. "The Nayars," he -writes, "were, until the British occupied the country, the militia -of the district. Originally they seem to have been organised into -'Six Hundreds,' and each six hundred seems to have had assigned to -it the protection of all the people in a nad or country. The nad was -in turn split up into taras, a Dravidian word signifying originally -a foundation, the foundation of a house, hence applied collectively -to a street, as in Tamil teru, in Telugu teruvu, and in Canarese -and Tulu teravu. The tara was the Nayar territorial unit for civil -purposes." It has been stated that "the Malabar Nair chieftain of old -had his nad or barony, and his own military class; and the relics -of this powerful feudal system still survive in the names of some -of the taluks (divisions) of modern Malabar, and in the official -designations of certain Nair families, whose men still come out with -quaint-looking swords and shields to guard the person of the Zamorin on -the occasion of the rice-throwing ceremony, which formally constitutes -him the ruler of the land. Correspondingly, the Bants of the northern -parts of Canara still answer to the territorial name of Nad Bants, -or warriors of the nad or territory. It is necessary to explain that, -in both ancient Keralam and Tulu, the functions of the great military -and dominant classes were so distributed that only certain classes -were bound to render military service to the ruling prince. The rest -were lairds or squires, or gentleman farmers, or the labourers and -artisans of their particular community, though all of them cultivated -a love of manly sports." [98] - -Few traces of any such organisation as has been indicated now -prevail, great changes having been made when the Vijayanagar -Government introduced, more than five hundred years ago, a system -of administration under which the local Jain chiefs, though owing -allegiance to an overlord, became more independent in their relations -with the people of the country. Under the Bednur kings, and still more -under the Mysore rule, the power of the chiefs was also swept away, -but the old organisation was not reverted to. - -The Bants are now the chief land-owning and cultivating class in South -Canara, and are, with the exception of the Billavas or toddy-drawers, -the most numerous caste in the district. "At the present day, the Bants -of Canara are largely the independent and influential landed gentry, -some would say, perhaps, the substantial yeomanry. They still retain -their manly independence of character, their strong and well developed -physique, and they still carry their heads with the same haughty toss -as their forefathers did in the stirring fighting days when, as an -old proverb had it, 'The slain rested in the yard of the slayer,' -and when every warrior constantly carried his sword and shield. Both -men and women of the Bant community are among the comeliest of Asiatic -races, the men having high foreheads and well-turned aquiline noses." - -In a note on the agricultural economy of South Canara, Rao Sahib -T. Raghaviah writes [99] that "the ryot (cultivator) of South Canara -loves to make his land look attractive, and every field is lined with -the lovely areca, and the stately palm. The slopes adjoining the rich -fields are studded with plantations of jack, mango, cashew, plantain -and other fruit and shade trees, and the ryot would not even omit to -daub his trees with the alternate white and red bands, with which the -east coast women love to adorn a marriage house or temple wall. These, -with the regularly laid out and carefully embanked water-courses and -streams, lend an air of enchantment to the whole scene. The ignorance -prevailing among the women of the richer section of the landed classes -(on the east coast) is so great that it is not uncommon to ridicule -a woman by saying that what she knows about paddy (rice) is that it -grows on a tree. But, in a district like South Canara, the woman that -does not know agriculture is the exception. I have often come across -respectable women of the landed classes like the Bants, Shivallis, -and Nairs, managing large landed estates as efficiently as men. The -South Canara woman is born on the land, and lives on it. She knows -when to sow, and when to reap; how much seed to sow, and how much -labour to employ to plough, to weed, or to reap. She knows how to -prepare her seed, and to cure her tobacco, to garner her grain, -and to preserve her cucumbers through the coming monsoon. She knows -further how to feed her cow, and to milk it, to treat it when sick, -and to graze it when hale. She also knows how to make her manure, and -how to use it without wasting a bit of it. She knows how to collect -green leaves for her manure, and to help the fuel reserve on the hill -slope above her house grow by a system of lopping the branches and -leaving the standards. She knows also how to collect her areca nuts, -and to prepare them for the market, and to collect her cocoanuts, and -haggle for a high price for them with her customers. There is, in fact, -not a single thing about agriculture which the South Canara man knows, -and which the South Canara woman does not know. It is a common sight, -as one passes through a paddy flat or along the adjoining slope, to -see housewives bringing out handfuls of ashes collected in the oven -over night, and depositing them at the root of the nearest fruit tree -on their land." - -Most of the Bants are Hindus by religion, and rank as Sudras, but -about ten thousand of them are Jains. Probably they originally assumed -Jainism as a fashionable addition to the ancestral demon worship, to -which they all still adhere, whether they profess to be Vaishnavites, -Saivites, or Jains. It is probable that, during the political supremacy -of the Jains, a much larger proportion of the Bants professed adherence -to that religion than now-a-days. - -There are four principal sub-divisions of the caste, viz., Masadika, -who are the ordinary Bants of Tuluva; Nadava or Nad, who speak -Canarese, and are found in the northern part of South Canara; the -Parivara, who do not follow the aliya santana system of inheritance; -and the Jains. Members of these sub-divisions may not intermarry, but -instances have occurred of marriage between members of the Masadika -and Nad sub-divisions. - -Nothing very definite is known of the origin of the Bants, but -Tuluva seems, in the early centuries of the Christian era, to have -had kings who apparently were sometimes independent and sometimes -feudatories of overlords, such as the Pallavas, the early Kadambas, -the early Chalukyans, the later Kadambas, the western Chalukyans, -the Kalachurians, and the Hoysal Ballals. This indicates a constant -state of fighting, which would account for an important class of the -population being known as Bantaru or warriors; and, as a matter of -course, they succeeded in becoming the owners of all the land which -did not fall to the share of the priestly class, the Brahmans. Ancient -inscriptions speak of kings of Tuluva, and the Bairasu Wodears of -Karakal, whose inscriptions have been found at Kalasa as early as -the twelfth century, may have exercised power throughout Tuluva or -the greater part of it. But, when the Vijayanagar dynasty became -the overlords of Canara in 1336, there were then existing a number -of minor chiefs who had probably been in power long before, and the -numerous titles still remaining among the Bants and Jains, and the -local dignities known as Pattam and Gadi, point to the existence -from very early times of a number of more or less powerful local -chieftains. The system peculiar to the west coast under which all -property vests in females, and is managed by the seniors of the family, -was also favourable to the continuance of large landed properties, -and it is probable that it is only within comparatively recent times -that sub-division of landed property became anything like as common -as it is now. All the Bants, except the Parivara and a few Jains -follow this aliya santana system of inheritance, [100] a survival of -a time when the military followers of conquering invaders or local -chiefs married women of the local land-owning classes, and the most -important male members of the family were usually absent in camp or -at court, while the women remained at the family house on the estate, -and managed the farms. The titles and the pattams or dignities have -always been held by the male members, but, as they also go with the -landed property, they necessarily devolve on the sister's son of -a deceased holder, whence has arisen the name aliya santana, which -means sister's son lineage. A story is embodied in local traditions, -attributing the origin of the system to the fiat of a king named Bhutal -Pandya, until whose time makkala santana, or inheritance from father to -son, generally obtained. "It is said that the maternal uncle of this -prince, called Deva Pandya, wanted to launch his newly constructed -ships with valuable cargo in them, when Kundodara, king of demons -demanded a human sacrifice. Deva Pandya asked his wife's permission -to offer one of his sons, but she refused, while his sister Satyavati -offered her son Jaya Pandya for the purpose. Kundodara, discovering -in the child signs of future greatness, waived the sacrifice, and -permitted the ships to sail. He then took the child, restored to him -his father's kingdom of Jayantika, and gave him the name of Bhutal -Pandya. Subsequently, when some of the ships brought immense wealth, -the demon again appeared, and demanded of Deva Pandya another human -sacrifice. On the latter again consulting his wife, she refused to -comply with the request, and publicly renounced her title and that of -her children to the valuable property brought in the ships. Kundodara -then demanded the Deva Pandya to disinherit his sons of the wealth -which had been brought in the ships, as also of the kingdom, and -to bestow all on his sister's son, Jaya or Bhutal Pandya. This was -accordingly done. And, as this prince inherited his kingdom from his -maternal uncle and not from his father, he ruled that his own example -should be followed by his subjects, and it was thus that the aliya -santana law was established about A.D. 77." [101] - -It is noted by Mr. L. Moore [102] that various judicial decisions -relating to the aliya santana system are based to a great extent on -a book termed Aliya Santanada Kattu Kattale, which was alleged to be -the work of Bhutala Pandiya, who, according to Dr. Whitley Stokes, the -learned scholar who edited the first volume of the Madras High Court -Reports, lived about A.D. 78, but which is in reality a very recent -forgery compiled about 1840. As to this, Dr. A. C. Burnell observes -as follows in a note in his law of partition and succession. "One -patent imposture yet accepted by the Courts as evidence is the Aliya -Santanada Kattu Kattale, a falsified account of the customs of South -Canara. Silly as many Indian books are, a more childish or foolish -tract it would be impossible to discover; it is about as much worthy of -notice in a law court as 'Jack the Giant Killer.' That it is a recent -forgery is certain.... The origin of the book in its present state is -well-known; it is satisfactorily traced to two notorious forgers and -scoundrels about thirty years ago, and all copies have been made from -the one they produced. I have enquired in vain for an old manuscript, -and am informed, on the best authority, that not one exists. A number -of recent manuscripts are to be found, but they all differ essentially -one from another. A more clumsy imposture it would be hard to find, -but it has proved a mischievous one in South Canara, and threatens to -render a large amount of property quite valueless. The forgers knew the -people they had to deal with, the Bants, and, by inserting a course -that families which did not follow the Aliya Santana shall become -extinct, have effectually prevented an application for legislative -interference, though the poor superstitious folk would willingly -(it is said) have the custom abolished." [103] - -As a custom similar to aliya santana prevails in Malabar, it no doubt -originated before Tuluva and Kerala were separated. The small body -of Parivara Bants, and the few Jain Bants that do not follow the -aliya santana system, are probably the descendants of a few families -who allowed their religious conversion to Hinduism or Jainism to -have more effect on their social relations than was commonly the -case. Now that the ideas regarding marriage among the Bants are in -practice assimilated to a great extent to those of most other people, -the national rule of inheritance is a cause of much heart-burning and -quarrelling, fathers always endeavouring to benefit their own offspring -at the cost of the estate. A change would be gladly welcomed by many, -but vested interests in property constitute an almost insuperable -obstacle. - -The Bants do not usually object to the use of animal food, except, of -course, the flesh of the cow, and they do not as a rule wear the sacred -thread. But there are some families of position called Ballals, amongst -whom heads of families abstain from animal food, and wear the sacred -thread. These neither eat nor intermarry with the ordinary Bants. The -origin of the Ballals is explained by a proverb, which says that when a -Bant becomes powerful, he becomes a Ballal. Those who have the dignity -called Pattam, and the heads of certain families, known as Shettivalas -or Heggades, also wear the sacred thread, and are usually managers -or mukhtesars of the temples and bhutasthans or demon shrines within -the area over which, in former days, they are said to have exercised -a more extended jurisdiction, dealing not only with caste disputes, -but settling numerous civil and criminal matters. The Jain Bants are -strict vegetarians, and they abstain from the use of alcoholic liquors, -the consumption of which is permitted among other Bants, though the -practice is not common. The Jain Bants avoid taking food after sunset. - -The more well-to-do Bants usually occupy substantial houses on their -estates, in many of which there is much fine wood-work, and, in some -cases, the pillars of the porches and verandahs, and the doorways are -artistically and elaborately carved. These houses have been described -as being well built, thatched with palm, and generally prettily -situated with beautiful scenic prospects stretching away on all sides. - -The Bants have not as a rule largely availed themselves of European -education, and consequently there are but few of them in the Government -service, but among these few some have attained to high office, and -been much respected. As is often the case among high spirited people -of primitive modes of thought, party and faction feeling run high, -and jealousy and disputes about landed property often lead to hasty -acts of violence. Now-a-days, however, the last class of disputes -more frequently lead to protracted litigation in the Courts. - -The Bants are fond of out-door sports, football and buffalo-racing -being amongst their favourite amusements. But the most popular -of all is cock-fighting. Every Bant, who is not a Jain, takes an -interest in this sport, and large assemblages of cocks are found -at every fair and festival throughout South Canara. "The outsider," -it has been said, [104] "cannot fail to be struck with the tremendous -excitement that attends a village fair in South Canara. Large numbers -of cocks are displayed for sale, and groups of excited people may -be seen huddled together, bending down with intense eagerness to -watch every detail in the progress of a combat between two celebrated -village game-cocks." Cock fights on an elaborate scale take place on -the day after the Dipavali, Sankaranthi or Vinayakachathurthi, and -Gokalashtami festivals, outside the village boundary. At Hiriadaka, -in October, 1907, more than a hundred birds were tethered by the leg -to the scrub jungle composed of the evergreen shrub Ixora coccinea, -or carried in the arms of their owners or youngsters. Only males, from -the town and surrounding villages, were witnesses of the spectacle. The -tethered birds, if within range of each other, excited by the constant -crowing and turmoil, indulged in an impromptu fight. Grains of rice -and water were poured into the mouths and over the heads of the birds -before the fight, and after each round. The birds were armed with -cunningly devised steel spurs, constituting a battery of variously -curved and sinuous weapons. It is believed that the Bhuta (demon) -is appeased, if the blood from the wounds drops on the ground. The -men, whose duty it is to separate the birds at the end of a round, -sometimes receive nasty wounds from the spurs. The tail feathers of -a wounded bird are lifted up, and a palm leaf fan or towel is waved -to and fro over the cloacal orifice to revive it. The owner of a -victorious bird becomes the possessor of the vanquished bird, dead -or alive. At an exhibition of the products of South Canara, during -a recent visit of the Governor of Madras to Mangalore, a collection -of spurs was exhibited in the class "household implements." - -For the following note on buffalo races, I am indebted to -Mr. H. O. D. Harding. "This is a sport that has grown up among a race -of cultivators of wet land. It is, I believe, peculiar to South Canara, -where all the cultivation worth mentioning is wet. The Bants and Jains, -and other landowners of position, own and run buffaloes, and the -Billava, or toddy drawer, has also entered the racing world. Every -rich Bant keeps his kambla field consecrated to buffalo-racing, -and his pair of racing buffaloes, costing from Rs. 150 to Rs. 500, -are splendid animals; and, except for an occasional plough-drawing -at the beginning of the cultivation season, are used for no purpose -all the year, except racing. The racing is for no prize or stakes, -and there is no betting, starter, judge, or winning post. Each pair -of buffaloes runs the course alone, and is judged by the assembled -crowd for pace and style, and, most important of all, the height and -breadth of the splash which they make. Most people know the common -levelling plank used by the ryots (cultivators) all over India -to level the wet field after ploughing. It is a plank some 4 or 5 -feet long by 1 or 1 1/2 feet broad, and on it the driver stands to -give it weight, and the buffaloes pull it over the mud of a flooded -rice-field. This is the prototype of the buffalo-racing car, and any -day during the cultivating season in the Tulu country one may see two -boys racing for the love of the sport, as they drive their levelling -boards. From this the racing car has been specialised, and, if a work -of art for its own purpose, is not a car on which any one could or -would wish to travel far. The leveller of utility is cut down to a -plank about 1 1/2 by 1 foot, sometimes handsomely carved, on which -is fixed a gaily decorated wooden stool about 6 inches high and 10 -inches across each way, hollowed out on the top, and just big enough -to afford good standing for one foot. In the plank, on each side, -are holes to let the mud and water through. The plank is fixed to a -pole, which is tied to the buffalo's yoke. The buffaloes are decorated -with coloured jhuls and marvellous head-pieces of brass and silver -(sometimes bearing the emblems of the sun and moon), and ropes which -make a sort of bridle. The driver, stripping himself to the necessary -minimum of garments, mounts, while some of his friends cling, like ants -struggling round a dead beetle, to the buffaloes. When he is fairly up, -they let go, and the animals start. The course is a wet rice-field, -about 150 yards long, full of mud and water. All round are hundreds, -or perhaps thousands of people, including Pariahs who dance in groups -in the mud, play stick-game, and beat drums. In front of the galloping -buffaloes the water is clear and still, throwing a powerful reflection -of them as they gallop down the course, raising a perfect tornado of -mud and water. The driver stands with one foot on the stool, and one -on the pole of the car. He holds a whip aloft in one hand, and one -of the buffaloes' tails in the other. He drives without reins, with -nothing but a waggling tail to hold on to and steer by. Opening his -mouth wide, he shouts for all he is worth, while, to all appearances, -a deluge of mud and water goes down his throat. So he comes down the -course, the plank on which he stands throwing up a sort of Prince of -Wales' feathers of mud and water round him. The stance on the plank -is no easy matter, and not a few men come to grief, but it is soft -falling in the slush. Marks are given for pace, style, sticking to -the plank, and throwing up the biggest and widest splash. Sometimes a -kind of gallows, perhaps twenty feet high, is erected on the course, -and there is a round of applause if the splash reaches up to or -above it. Sometimes the buffaloes bolt, scatter the crowd, and -get away into the young rice. At the end of the course, the driver -jumps off with a parting smack at his buffaloes, which run up the -slope of the field, and stop of themselves in what may be called the -paddock. At a big meeting perhaps a hundred pairs, brought from all -over the Tulu country, will compete, and the big men always send their -buffaloes to the races headed by the local band. The roads are alive -with horns and tom-toms for several days. The proceedings commence -with a procession, which is not infrequently headed by a couple of -painted dolls in an attitude suggestive of that reproductiveness, -which the races really give thanks for. They are a sort of harvest -festival, before the second or sugge crop is sown, and are usually -held in October and November. Devils must be propitiated, and the -meeting opens with a devil dance. A painted, grass-crowned devil -dancer, riding a hobby-horse, proceeds with music round the kambla -field. Then comes the buffalo procession, and the races commence. At -a big meeting near Mangalore, the two leading devil dancers were -dressed up in masks, and coat and trousers of blue mission cloth, -and one had the genitalia represented by a long piece of blue cloth -tipped with red, and enormous testes. Buffaloes, young and old, trained -and untrained, compete, some without the plank attached to them, and -others with planks but without drivers. Accidents sometimes happen, -owing to the animals breaking away among the crowd. On one occasion, -a man who was in front of a pair of buffaloes which were just about -to start failed to jump clear of them. Catching hold of the yoke, -he hung on to it by his hands, and was carried right down the course, -and was landed safely at the other end. If he had dropped, he would -have fallen among four pairs of hoofs, not to mention the planks, -and would probably have been brained. It is often a case of owners up, -and the sons and nephews of big Bants, worth perhaps Rs. 10,000 a year, -drive the teams." - -To the above account, I may add a few notes made at a buffalo -race-meeting near Udipi, at which I was present. Each group of -buffaloes, as they went up the track to the starting-point, was -preceded by the Koraga band playing on drum, fife and cymbals, -Holeyas armed with staves and dancing, and a man holding a flag -(nishani). Sometimes, in addition to the flag, there is a pakke -or spear on the end of a bamboo covered with strips of cloth, or a -makara torana, i.e., festooned cloths between two bamboos. The two -last are permitted only if the buffaloes belong to a Bant or Brahman, -not if they are the property of a Billava. At the end of the races, -the Ballala chief, in whose field they had taken place, retired in -procession, headed by a man carrying his banner, which, during the -races, had been floating on the top of a long bamboo pole at the far -end of the track. He was followed by the Koraga band, and the Holeyas -attached to him, armed with clubs, and dancing a step dance amid -discordant noises. Two Nalkes (devil-dancers), dressed up in their -professional garb, and a torch-bearer also joined in the procession, -in the rear of which came the Ballala beneath a decorated umbrella. In -every village there are rakshasas (demons), called Kambla-asura, who -preside over the fields. The races are held to propitiate them, and, -if they are omitted, it is believed that there will be a failure of the -crop. According to some, Kambla-asura is the brother of Maheshasura, -the buffalo-headed giant, from whom Mysore receives its name. The -Koragas sit up through the night before the Kambla day, performing -a ceremony called panikkuluni, or sitting under the dew. They sing -songs to the accompaniment of the band, about their devil Nicha, -and offer toddy and a rice-pudding boiled in a large earthen pot, -which is broken so that the pudding remains as a solid mass. This -pudding is called kandel adde, or pot pudding. On the morning of the -races, the Holeyas scatter manure over the field, and plough it. On -the following day, the seedlings are planted, without, as in ordinary -cases, any ploughing. To propitiate various devils, the days following -the races are devoted to cock-fighting. The Kamblas, in different -places, have various names derived from the village deity, the chief -village devil, or the village itself, e.g., Janardhana Devara, Daivala, -or Udiyavar. The young men, who have the management of the buffaloes, -are called Bannangayi Gurikara (half-ripe cocoanut masters) as they -have the right of taking tender cocoanuts, as well as beaten rice -to give them physical strength, without the special permission of -their landlord. At the village of Vandar, the races take place in a -dry field, which has been ploughed, and beaten to break up the clods -of earth. For this reason they are called podi (powder) Kambla. - -A pair of buffaloes, belonging to the field in which the races take -place, should enter the field first, and a breach of this observance -leads to discussion and quarrels. On one occasion, a dispute arose -between two Bants in connection with the question of precedence. One -of them brought his own pair of buffaloes, and the other a borrowed -pair. If the latter had brought his own animals, he would have -had precedence over the former. But, as his animals were borrowed, -precedence was given to the man who brought his own buffaloes. This -led to a dispute, and the races were not commenced until the delicate -point at issue was decided. In some places, a long pole, called pukare, -decorated with flags, flowers, and festoons of leaves, is set up in -the Kambla field, sometimes on a platform. Billavas are in charge of -this pole, which is worshipped, throughout the races, and others may -not touch it. - -Fines inflicted by the Bant caste council are, I am informed, spent -in the celebration of a temple festival. In former days, those found -guilty by the council were beaten with tamarind switches, made to -stand exposed to the sun, or big red ants were thrown over their -bodies. Sometimes, to establish the innocence of an accused person, -he had to take a piece of red-hot iron (axe, etc.) in his hand, -and give it to his accuser. - -At a puberty ceremony among some Bants the girl sits in the courtyard -of her house on five unhusked cocoanuts covered with the bamboo -cylinder which is used for storing paddy. Women place four pots filled -with water, and containing betel leaves and nuts, round the girl, -and empty the contents over her head. She is then secluded in an -outhouse. The women are entertained with a feast, which must include -fowl and fish curry. The cocoanuts are given to a washerwoman. On the -fourth day, the girl is bathed, and received back at the house. Beaten -rice, and rice flour mixed with jaggery (crude sugar) are served out -to those assembled. The girl is kept gosha (secluded) for a time, -and fed up with generous diet. - -Under the aliya santana system of inheritance, the High Court has ruled -that there is no marriage within the meaning of the Penal Code. But, -though divorce and remarriage are permitted to women, there are formal -rules and ceremonies observed in connection with them, and amongst -the well-to-do classes divorce is not looked upon as respectable, -and is not frequent. The fictitious marriage prevailing amongst the -Nayars is unknown among the Bants, and a wife also usually leaves -the family house, and resides at her husband's, unless she occupies -so senior a position in her own family as to make it desirable that -she should live on the family estate. - -The Bants are divided into a number of balis (exogamous septs), which -are traced in the female line, i.e., a boy belongs to his mother's, not -to his father's bali. Children belonging to the same bali cannot marry, -and the prohibition extends to certain allied (koodu) balis. Moreover, -a man cannot marry his father's brother's daughter, though she belongs -to a different bali. In a memorandum by Mr. M. Mundappa Bangera, -[105] it is stated that "bali in aliya santana families corresponds to -gotra of the Brahmins governed by Hindu law, but differs in that it is -derived from the mother's side, whereas gotra is always derived from -the father's side. A marriage between a boy and girl belonging to the -same bali is considered incestuous, as falling within the prohibited -degrees of consanguinity. It is not at all difficult to find out the -bali to which a man or woman belongs, as one can scarcely be found -who does not know one's own bali by rote. And the heads of caste, -who preside at every wedding party, and who are also consulted by -the elders of the boy or girl before an alliance is formed, are such -experts in these matters that they decide at once without reference -to any books or rules whether intermarriages between persons brought -before them can be lawfully performed or not." As examples of balis -among the Bants, the following may be cited:-- - - - Bellathannaya, jaggery. - Bhuthiannaya, ashes. - Chaliannaya, weaver. - Edinnaya, hornet's nest. - Karkadabennai, scorpion. - Kayerthannaya (Strychnos Nux-vomica). - Kochattabannayya, or Kajjarannayya, jack tree (Artocarpus - integrifolia). - Koriannaya, fowl. - Pathanchithannaya, green peas. - Perugadannaya, bandicoot rat. - Poyilethannaya, one who removes the evil eye. - Puliattannaya, tiger. - Ragithannaya, ragi (Eleusine Coracana). - - -Infant marriage is not prohibited, but is not common, and both men -and girls are usually married after they have reached maturity. There -are two forms of marriage, one called kai dhare for marriages between -virgins and bachelors, the other called budu dhare for the marriage -of widows. After a match has been arranged, the formal betrothal, -called ponnapathera or nischaya tambula, takes place. The bridegroom's -relatives and friends proceed in a body on the appointed day to the -bride's house, and are there entertained at a grand dinner, to which -the bride's relatives and friends are also bidden. Subsequently the -karnavans (heads) of the two families formally engage to perform the -marriage, and plates of betel leaves and areca nuts are exchanged, -and the betel and nuts partaken of by the two parties. The actual -marriage ceremony is performed at the house of the bride or bridegroom, -as may be most convenient. The proceedings commence with the bridegroom -seating himself in the marriage pandal, a booth or canopy specially -erected for the occasion. He is there shaved by the village barber, -and then retires and bathes. This done, both he and the bride are -conducted to the pandal by their relations, or sometimes by the -village headman. They walk thrice round the seat, and then sit down -side by side. The essential and binding part of the ceremony, called -dhare, then takes place. The right hand of the bride being placed -over the right hand of the bridegroom, a silver vessel (dhare gindi) -filled with water, with a cocoanut over the mouth and the flower of -the areca palm on the cocoanut, is placed on the joined hands. The -parents, the managers of the two families, and the village headmen -all touch the vessel, which, with the hands of the bridal pair, -is moved up and down three times. In certain families the water is -poured from the vessel into the united hands of the couple, and this -betokens the gift of the bride. This form of gift by pouring water -was formerly common, and was not confined to the gift of a bride. It -still survives in the marriage ceremonies of various castes, and the -name of the Bant ceremony shows that it must once have been universal -among them. The bride and bridegroom then receive the congratulations -of the guests, who express a hope that the happy couple may become -the parents of twelve sons and twelve daughters. An empty plate, and -another containing rice, are next placed before the pair, and their -friends sprinkle them with rice from the one, and place a small gift, -generally four annas, in the other. The bridegroom then makes a gift -to the bride. This is called sirdachi, and varies in amount according -to the position of the parties. This must be returned to the husband, -if his wife leaves him, or if she is divorced for misconduct. The -bride is then taken back in procession to her home. A few days later -she is again taken to the bridegroom's house, and must serve her -husband with food. He makes another money present to her, and after -that the marriage is consummated. - -According to another account of the marriage ceremony among some -Bants, the barber shaves the bridegroom's face, using cow's milk -instead of water, and touches the bride's forehead with razor. The -bride and bridegroom bathe, and dress up in new clothes. A plank -covered with a newly-washed cloth supplied by a washerman, a tray -containing raw rice, a lighted lamp, betel leaves and areca nuts, -etc., are placed in the pandal. A girl carries a tray on which are -placed a lighted lamp, a measure full of raw rice, and betel. She is -followed by the bridegroom conducted by her brother, and the bride, -led by the bridegroom's sister. They enter the pandal and, after -going round the articles contained therein five times, sit down on the -plank. An elderly woman, belonging to the family of the caste headman, -brings a tray containing rice, and places it in front of the couple, -over whom she sprinkles a little of the rice. The assembled men and -women then place presents of money on the tray, and sprinkle rice over -the couple. The right hand of the bride is held by the headman, and -her uncle, and laid in that of the bridegroom. A cocoanut is placed -over the mouth of a vessel, which is decorated with mango leaves and -flowers of the areca palm. The headman and male relations of the bride -place this vessel thrice in the hands of the bridal couple. The vessel -is subsequently emptied at the foot of a cocoanut tree. - -The foregoing account shows that the Bant marriage is a good deal -more than concubinage. It is indeed as formal a marriage as is to be -found among any people in the world, and the freedom of divorce which -is allowed cannot deprive it of its essential character. Widows are -married with much less formality. The ceremony consists simply of -joining the hands of the couple, but, strange to say, a screen is -placed between them. All widows are allowed to marry again, but it -is, as a rule, only the young women who actually do so. If a widow -becomes pregnant, she must marry or suffer loss of caste. - -The Bants all burn their dead, except in the case of children under -seven, and those who have died of leprosy or of epidemic disease -such as cholera or small-pox. The funeral pile must consist at -least partly of mango wood. On the ninth, eleventh or thirteenth -day, people are fed in large numbers, but the Jains now substitute -for this a distribution of cocoanuts on the third, fifth, seventh, -or ninth day. Once a year--generally in October--a ceremony called -agelu is performed for the propitiation of ancestors. - -From a detailed account of the Bant death ceremonies, I gather that -the news of a death is conveyed to the caste people by a Holeya. A -carpenter, accompanied by musicians, proceeds to cut down a mango tree -for the funeral pyre. The body is bathed, and laid out on a plank. Clad -in new clothes, it is conveyed with music to the burning-ground. A -barber carries thither a pot containing fire. The corpse is set down -near the pyre and divested of the new clothes, which are distributed -between a barber, washerman, carpenter, a Billava and Holeya. The -pyre is kindled by a Billava, and the mat on which the corpse has -been lying is thrown thereon by a son or nephew of the deceased. On -the third day the relations go to the burning-ground, and a barber -and washerman sprinkle water over the ashes. Some days later, the -caste people are invited to attend, and a barber, washerman, and -carpenter build up on the spot where the corpse was burnt a lofty -structure, made of bamboo and areca palm, in an odd number of tiers, -and supported on an odd number of posts. It is decorated with cloths, -fruits, tender cocoanuts, sugarcane, flowers, mango leaves, areca -palm flowers, etc., and a fence is set up round it. The sons and -other relations of the deceased carry to the burning-ground three -balls of cooked rice (pinda) dyed with turmeric and tied up in a -cloth, some raw rice dyed with turmeric, pieces of green plantain -fruit, and pumpkin and a cocoanut. They go thrice round the structure, -carrying the various articles in trays on their heads, and deposit them -therein. The relations then throw a little of the coloured rice into -the structure, and one of the caste men sprinkles water contained in -a mango leaf over their hands. After bathing, they return home. The -clothes, jewels, etc., of the deceased are laid on a cloth spread -inside the house. A piece of turmeric is suspended from the ceiling by -a string, and a tray containing water coloured yellow placed beneath -it. Round this the females seat themselves. A cocoanut is broken, and a -barber sprinkles the water thereof contained in a mango leaf over those -assembled. On the following day, various kinds of food are prepared, -and placed on leaves, with a piece of new cloth, within a room of the -house. The cloth remains there for a year, when it is renewed. The -renewal continues until another death occurs in the family. - -In the following table, the cephalic index of the Bants is compared -with that of the Billavas and Shivalli Brahmans:-- - - - =========================================== - -- | Average. | Maximum. | Minimum. - ===========+==========+==========+========= - Brahman | 80.4 | 96.4 | 72 - Billava | 80.1 | 91.5 | 71 - Bant | 78 | 91.2 | 70.8 - ===========+==========+==========+========= - - -The headman among the Bants is generally called Guttinayya, meaning -person of the guttu or site. Every village, or group of villages, -possesses a guttu, and the Bant who occupies, or holds in possession -the house or site set apart as the guttu is the Guttinayya. When -this passes to another by sale or inheritance, the office of headman -passes with it. It is said that, in some instances, the headmanship -has in this way passed to classes other than Bants, e.g., Brahmans and -Jains. In some villages, the headman is, as among some other castes, -called Gurikara, whose appointment is hereditary. - -A few supplementary notes may be added on the Parivara, Nad, and -Masadika Bants. The Parivaras are confined to the southern taluks of -the South Canara district. They may interdine, but may not intermarry -with the other section. The rule of inheritance is makkalakattu -(in the male line). Brahman priests are engaged for the various -ceremonials, so the Parivaras are more Brahmanised than the Nad or -Masadika Bants. The Parivaras may resort to the wells used by Brahmans, -and they consequently claim superiority over the other sections. Among -the Nad Bants, no marriage badge is tied on the neck of the bride. At -a Parivara marriage, after the dhare ceremony, the bridegroom ties a -gold bead, called dhare mani, on the neck of the bride. The remarriage -of widows is not in vogue. In connection with the death ceremonies, -a car is not, as among the Nad and Masadika sections, set up over -the mound (dhupe). On the eleventh day, the spreading of a cloth on -the mound for offerings of food must be done by Nekkaras, who wash -clothes for Billavas. - -The Nad or Nadava and Masadika Bants follow the aliya santana -law of succession, and intermarriage is permitted between the -two sections. The names of the balis, which have already been -given, are common among the Masadikas, and do not apply to the -Nads, among whom different sept names occur, e.g., Honne, Shetti, -Koudichi, etc. Elaborate death ceremonies are only performed if the -deceased was old, or a respected member of the community. The corpse -is generally cremated in one of the rice-fields belonging to the -family. After the funeral, the male members of the family return home, -and place a vessel containing water and light in a room. One or two -women must remain in this room, and the light must be kept burning -until the bojja, or final death ceremonies, are over. The water in -the vessel must be renewed twice daily. At the final ceremonies, -a feast is given to the castemen, and in some places, the headman -insists on the people of the house of mourning giving him a jewel as -a pledge that the bojja will be performed on the ninth, eleventh, or -thirteenth day. The headman visits the house on the previous day, and, -after examination of the provisions, helps in cutting up vegetables, -etc. On the bojja day, copper and silver coins, and small pieces -of gold, are buried or sown in the field in which the ceremony -is performed. This is called hanabiththodu. The lofty structure, -called gurigi or upparige, is set up over the dhupe or ashes heaped -up into a mound, or in the field in which the body was cremated, -only in the event of the deceased being a person of importance. In -some places, two kinds of structure are used, one called gurigi, -composed of several tiers, for males, and the other called delagudu, -consisting of a single tier, for females. Devil-dancers are engaged, -and the commonest kola performed by them is the eru kola, or man and -hobby-horse. In the room containing the vessel of water, four sticks -are planted in the ground, and tied together. Over the sticks a cloth -is placed, and the vessel of water placed beneath it. A bit of string -is tied to the ceiling, and a piece of turmeric or a gold ring is -attached to the end of it, and suspended so as to touch the water in -the vessel. This is called nir neralu (shadow in water), and seems -to be a custom among various Tulu castes. After the bojja ceremony, -all those who are under death pollution stand in two rows. A Madavali -(washerman) touches them with a cloth, and a Kelasi (barber) sprinkles -water over them. In this manner, they are freed from pollution. - -The most common title among the Bants is Chetti or Setti, but many -others occur, e.g., Heggade, Nayaka, Bangera, Rai, Ballalaru, etc. - -Barang Jhodia.--A sub-division of Poroja. - -Bardeshkar (people of twelve countries).--Some families among Konkani -Brahmans go by this name. - -Bariki.--Bariki is the name for village watchmen in Southern Ganjam, -whose duty it further is to guide the traveller on the march from -place to place. In the Bellary Manual, Barika is given as the name -for Canarese Kabberas, who are village servants, who keep the village -chavadi (caste meeting-house) clean, look after the wants of officials -halting in the village, and perform various other duties. In the -Census Report, 1901, the Barikas are said to be usually Boyas. The -Barika of Mysore is defined by Mr. L. Rice as [106] "a menial among -the village servants; a deputy talari, who is employed to watch the -crops from the growing crop to the granary." - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that "in -the middle of the threshold of nearly all the gateways of the ruined -fortifications round the Bellary villages will be noticed a roughly -cylindrical or conical stone, something like a lingam. This is the -boddu-rayi, literally the navel stone, and so the middle stone. It -was planted there when the fort was built, and is affectionately -regarded as being the boundary of the village site. Once a year, in -May, just before the sowing season begins, a ceremony takes place in -connection with it. Reverence is first made to the bullocks of the -village, and in the evening they are driven through the gateway past -the boddu-rayi with tom-toms, flutes, and all kinds of music. The -Barike next does puja (worship) to the stone, and then a string -of mango leaves is tied across the gateway above it. The villagers -now form sides, one party trying to drive the bullocks through the -gate, and the other trying to keep them out. The greatest uproar and -confusion naturally follow, and, in the midst of the turmoil, some -bullock or other eventually breaks through the guardians of the gate, -and gains the village. If that first bullock is a red one, the red -grains on the red soils will flourish in the coming season. If he -is white, white crops like cotton and white cholam will prosper. If -he is red-and-white, both kinds will do well. When the rains fail, -and, in any case, on the first full moon in September, rude human -figures drawn on the ground with powdered charcoal may be seen at -cross-roads and along big thoroughfares. They represent Jokumara the -rain-god, and are made by the Barikes--a class of village servants, -who are usually of the Gaurimakkalu sub-division of the Kabberas. The -villagers give the artists some small remuneration, and believe that -luck comes to those who pass over the figures." - -Barike.--A title of Gaudos and other Oriya castes. - -Barrellu (buffaloes).--An exogamous sept of Kapu. - -Basala.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as Telugu beggars -and soothsayers in Vizagapatam. The word is apparently a corruption -of Basa-valu, a sage. The Basa-valu pretend to be messengers of Indra, -the chief of the Devatas, and prognosticate coming events. - -Basari (fig tree).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Basava Golla.--A name for certain Koyis of the Godavari district, -whose grandfathers had a quarrel with some of their neighbours, -and separated from them. The name Basava is said to be derived from -bhasha, a language, as these Koyis speak a different language from -the true Gollas. [107] In like manner, Basa Kondhs are those who speak -their proper language, in contradistinction to those who speak Oriya, -or Oriya mixed with Kui. - -Basavi.--See Deva-dasi. - -Basiya Korono.--A sub-division of Korono. - -Basruvogaru (basru, belly).--An exogamous sept of Gauda. - -Baththala (rice).--An exogamous sept of Kamma. - -Batlu (cup).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Bauri.--There are found in the Madras Presidency nomad gangs of Bauris -or Bawariyas, who are described [108] as "one of the worst criminal -tribes of India. The sphere of their operations extends throughout the -length and breadth of the country. They not only commit robberies, -burglaries and thefts, but also practice the art of manufacturing -and passing counterfeit coin. They keep with them a small quantity -of wheat and sandal seeds in a small tin or brass case, which they -call Devakadana or God's grain, and a tuft of peacock's feathers, -all in a bundle. They are very superstitious, and do not embark on -any enterprise without first ascertaining by omens whether it will be -attended with success or not. This they do by taking at random a small -quantity of grains out of their Devakadana and counting the number -of grains, the omen being considered good or bad according as the -number of seeds is odd or even. For a detailed record of the history -of this criminal class, and the methods employed in the performance -of criminal acts, I would refer the reader to the accounts given by -Mr. Paupa Rao [109] and Mr. W. Crooke. [110] - -Bavaji.--The Bavajis are Bairagi or Gosayi beggars, who travel about -the country. They are known by various names, e.g., Bairagi, Sadu, etc. - -Bavuri.--The Bavuris, or Bauris, are a low class of Oriya -basket-makers, living in Ganjam, and are more familiarly known as -Khodalo. They are a polluting class, living in separate quarters, -and occupy a position lower than the Samantiyas, but higher than -the Kondras, Dandasis, and Haddis. They claim that palanquin (dhooly -or duli) bearing is their traditional occupation, and consequently -call themselves Boyi. "According to one story," Risley writes, [111] -"they were degraded for attempting to steal food from the banquet -of the gods; another professes to trace them back to a mythical -ancestor named Bahak Rishi (the bearer of burdens), and tells how, -while returning from a marriage procession, they sold the palanquin -they had been hired to carry, got drunk on the proceeds, and assaulted -their guru (religious preceptor), who cursed them for the sacrilege, -and condemned them to rank thenceforward among the lowest castes of -the community." The Bavuris are apparently divided into two endogamous -sections, viz., Dulia and Khandi. The former regard themselves as -superior to the latter, and prefer to be called Khodalo. Some of these -have given up eating beef, call themselves Dasa Khodalos, and claim -descent from one Balliga Doss, a famous Bavuri devotee, who is said -to have worked wonders, analogous to those of Nandan of the Paraiyan -community. To this section the caste priests belong. At Russelkonda, -a woman, when asked if she was a Bavuri, replied that the caste is so -called by others, but that its real name is Khodalo. Others, in reply -to a question whether they belonged to the Khandi section, became -angry, and said that the Khandis are inferior, because they eat frogs. - -The Bavuris gave the name of two gotras, saptha bhavunia and naga, -which are said to be exogamous. The former offer food to the gods on -seven leaves of the white gourd melon, Benincasa cerifera (kokkara), -and the latter on jak (Artocarpus integrifolia: panasa) leaves. All -over the Oriya country there is a general belief that house-names or -bamsams are foreign to the Oriya castes, and only possessed by the -Telugus. But some genuine Oriya castes, e.g., Haddis, Dandasis and -Bhondaris, have exogamous bamsams. - -For every group of villages (muttah), the Bavuris apparently have a -headman called Behara, who is assisted by Naikos or Dolo Beharas, -or, in some places, Dondias or Porichas, who hold sway over a -smaller number of villages. Each village has its own headman, called -Bhollobhaya (good brother), to whose notice all irregularities are -brought. These are either settled by himself, or referred to the Behara -and Naiko. In some villages, in addition to the Bhollobhaya, there -is a caste servant called Dangua or Dogara. For serious offences, -a council-meeting is convened by the Behara, and attended by the -Bhollobhayas, Naikos, and a few leading members of the community. The -meeting is held in an open plain outside the village. Once in two -or three years, a council-meeting, called mondolo, is held, at which -various matters are discussed, and decided. The expenses of meetings -are defrayed by the inhabitants of the villages in which they take -place. Among the most important matters to be decided by tribunals -are adultery, eating with lower castes, the re-admission of convicts -into the caste, etc. Punishment takes the form of a fine, and trial -by ordeal is apparently not resorted to. A man, who is convicted -of committing adultery, or eating with a member of a lower caste, -is received back into the caste on payment of the fine. A woman, -who has been proved guilty of such offences, is not so taken back. It -is said that, when a member of a higher caste commits adultery with -a Bavuri woman, he is sometimes received into the Bavuri caste. The -Behara receives a small fee annually from each village or family, -and also a small present of money for each marriage. - -Girls are married either before or after puberty. A man may marry -his maternal uncle's, but not his paternal aunt's daughter. At an -adult marriage, the festivities last for four days, whereas, at an -infant marriage, they are extended over seven days. When a young man's -parents have selected a girl for him, they consult a Brahman, and, -if he decides that the marriage will be auspicious, they proceed to -the girl's home, and ask that a day be fixed for the betrothal. On -the appointed day the amount of money, which is to be paid by the -bridegroom-elect for jewels, etc., is fixed. One or two new cloths -must be given to the girl's grandmother, and the man's party must -announce the number of feasts they intend to give to the castemen. If -the family is poor, the feasts are mentioned, but do not actually take -place. The marriage ceremony is always celebrated at night. On the -evening of the day prior thereto, the bride and bridegroom's people -proceed to the temple of the village goddess (Takurani), and, on their -way home, go to seven houses of members of their own or some higher -caste, and ask them to give them water, which is poured into a small -vessel. This vessel is taken home, and hung over the bedi (marriage -dais). The water is used by the bride and bridegroom on the following -morning for bathing. On the marriage day, the bridegroom proceeds to -the bride's village, and is met on the way by her party, and escorted -by his brother-in-law to the dais. The Bhollobhaya enquires whether -the bride's party have received everything as arranged, and, when -he has been assured on this point, the bride is brought to the dais -by her maternal uncle. She carries with her in her hands a little -salt and rice; and, after throwing these over the bridegroom, she -sits by his side. The grandfathers of the contracting couple, or a -priest called Dhiyani, officiate. Their palms are placed together, -and the hands united by a string dyed with turmeric. The union of -the hands is called hasthagonti, and is the binding portion of the -ceremony. Turmeric water is poured over the hands seven times from a -chank or sankha shell. Seven married women then throw over the heads -of the couple a mixture of Zizyphus Jujuba (borkolipathro) leaves, rice -smeared with turmeric, and Cynodon Dactylon (dhuba) culms. This rite is -called bhondaivaro, and is performed at all auspicious ceremonies. The -fingers of the bride and bridegroom are then linked together, and -they are led by the wife of the bride's brother seven times round -the bedi. The priest then proclaims that the soot can soon be wiped -off the cooking-pot, but the connection brought about by the marriage -is enduring, and relationship is secured for seven generations. The -pair are taken indoors, and fed. The remaining days of the marriage -ceremonies are given up to feasting. The remarriage of widows is -permitted. A widow is expected to marry the younger brother of her -deceased husband, or, with his permission, may marry whom she likes. - -When a girl attains maturity, she is seated on a new mat, and Zizyphus -Jujuba leaves are thrown over her. This ceremony is sometimes repeated -daily for six days, during which sweets, etc., are given to the girl, -and women who bring presents are fed. On the seventh day, the girl -is taken to a tank (pond), and bathed. - -The dead are either buried or burnt. The corpse is, at the funeral, -borne in the hands, or on a bier, by four men. Soon after the village -boundary has been crossed, the widow of the deceased throws rice over -the eyes of the corpse, and also a little fire, after taking it three -times round. She usually carries with her a pot and ladle, which she -throws away. If an elderly woman dies, these rites are performed -by her daughter-in-law. At the burial-ground, the corpse is taken -seven times round the grave, and, as it is lowered into it, those -present say "Oh! trees, Oh! sky, Oh! earth, we are laying him in. It -is not our fault." When the grave has been filled in, the figures of -a man and woman are drawn on it, and all throw earth over it, saying -"You were living with us; now you have left us. Do not trouble the -people." On their return home, the mourners sprinkle cowdung water -about the house and over their feet, and toddy is partaken of. On the -following day, all the old pots are thrown away, and the agnates eat -rice cooked with margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves. Food is offered -to the dead person, either at the burial-ground or in the backyard of -the house. On the tenth day, the Dhiyani, as the priest is called, is -sent for, and arrives with his drum (dhiyani). A small hut is erected -on a tank bund (embankment), and food cooked seven times, and offered -seven times on seven fragments of pots. A new cloth is spread, and on -it food, fruits, a chank shell, etc., are placed, and offered to the -deceased. The various articles are put into a new pot, and the son, -going into the water up to his neck, throws the pot into the air, -and breaks it. The celebrants of the rite then return to the house, -and stand in a row in front thereof. They are there purified by means -of milk smeared over their hands by the Dhiyani. On the twelfth day, -food is offered on twelve leaves. - -The Bavuris do not worship Jagannathaswami, or other of the higher -deities, but reverence their ancestors and the village goddesses or -Takuranis. Like other Oriya classes, the Bavuris name their children -on the twenty-first day. Opprobrious names are common among them, -e.g., Ogadu (dirty fellow), Kangali (wretched fellow), Haddia (Haddi, -or sweeper caste). - -Bedar or Boya.--"Throughout the hills," Buchanan writes, [112] -"northward from Capaladurga, are many cultivated spots, in which, -during Tippoo's government, were settled many Baydaru or hunters, -who received twelve pagodas (£4 5s.) a year, and served as irregular -troops whenever required. Being accustomed to pursue tigers and deer -in the woods, they were excellent marksmen with their match-locks, -and indefatigable in following their prey; which, in the time of war, -was the life and property of every helpless creature that came in -their way. During the wars of Hyder and his son, these men were -chief instruments in the terrible depredations committed in the -lower Carnatic. They were also frequently employed with success -against the Poligars (feudal chiefs), whose followers were of a -similar description." In the Gazetteer of the Anantapur district it -is noted that "the Boyas are the old fighting caste of this part of -the country, whose exploits are so often recounted in the history -books. The Poligars' forces, and Haidar Ali's famous troops were -largely recruited from these people, and they still retain a keen -interest in sport and manly exercises." - -In his notes on the Boyas, which Mr. N. E. Q. Mainwaring has kindly -placed at my disposal, he writes as follows. "Although, until -quite recently, many a Boya served in the ranks of our Native army, -being entered in the records thereof either under his caste title of -Naidu, or under the heading of Gentu, [113] which was largely used -in old day military records, yet this congenial method of earning -a livelihood has now been swept away by a Government order, which -directs that in future no Telegas shall be enlisted into the Indian -army. That the Boyas were much prized as fighting men in the stirring -times of the eighteenth century is spoken to in the contemporaneous -history of Colonel Wilks. [114] He speaks of the brave armies of the -Poligars of Chitteldroog, who belonged to the Beder or Boya race in -the year 1755. Earlier, in 1750, Hyder Ali, who was then only a Naik -in the service of the Mysore Raja, used with great effect his select -corps of Beder peons at the battle of Ginjee. Five years after this -battle, when Hyder was rising to great eminence, he augmented his -Beder peons, and used them as scouts for the purpose of ascertaining -the whereabouts of his enemies, and for poisoning with the juice -of the milk-hedge (Euphorbia Tirucalli) all wells in use by them, -or in their line of march. The historian characterises them as being -'brave and faithful thieves.' In 1751, the most select army of Morari -Row of Gooty consisted chiefly of Beder peons, and the accounts of -their deeds in the field, as well as their defence of Gooty fort, -which only fell after the meanness of device had been resorted to, -prove their bravery in times gone by beyond doubt. There are still a -number of old weapons to be found amongst the Boyas, consisting of -swords, daggers, spears, and matchlocks. None appear to be purely -Boya weapons, but they seem to have assumed the weapons of either -Muhammadans or Hindus, according to which race held sway at the -time. In some districts, there are still Boya Poligars, but, as a -rule, they are poor, and unable to maintain any position. Generally, -the Boyas live at peace with their neighbours, occasionally only -committing a grave dacoity (robbery). [115] - -"In the Kurnool district, they have a bad name, and many are on the -police records as habitual thieves and housebreakers. They seldom -stoop to lesser offences. Some are carpenters, others blacksmiths -who manufacture all sorts of agricultural implements. Some, again, -are engaged as watchmen, and others make excellent snares for fish -out of bamboo. But the majority of them are agriculturists, and most -of them work on their own putta lands. They are now a hard-working, -industrious people, who have become thrifty by dint of their industry, -and whose former predatory habits are being forgotten. Each village, -or group of villages, submits to the authority of a headman, who is -generally termed the Naidu, less commonly Dora as chieftain. In some -parts of Kurnool, the headmen are called Simhasana Boyas. The headman -presides at all functions, and settles, with the assistance of the -elders, any disputes that may arise in the community regarding division -of property, adultery, and other matters. The headman has the power -to inflict fines, the amount of which is regulated by the status and -wealth of the defaulter. But it is always arranged that the penalty -shall be sufficient to cover the expense of feeding the panchayatdars -(members of council), and leave a little over to be divided between -the injured party and the headman. In this way, the headman gets paid -for his services, and practically fixes his own remuneration." - -It is stated in the Manual of the Bellary district that "of the -various Hindu castes in Bellary, the Boyas (called in Canarese -Bedars, Byedas, or Byadas) are far the strongest numerically. Many -of the Poligars whom Sir Thomas Munro found in virtual possession -of the country when it was added to the Company belonged to this -caste, and their irregular levies, and also a large proportion of -Haidar's formidable force, were of the same breed. Harpanahalli was -the seat of one of the most powerful Poligars in the district in the -eighteenth century. The founder of the family was a Boya taliari, who, -on the subversion of the Vijayanagar dynasty, seized on two small -districts near Harpanahalli. The Boyas are perhaps the only people -in the district who still retain any aptitude for manly sports. They -are now for the most part cultivators and herdsmen or are engaged -under Government as constables, peons, village watchmen (taliaris), -and so forth. Their community provides an instructive example of the -growth of caste sub-divisions. Both the Telugu-speaking Boyas and -the Canarese-speaking Bedars are split into the two main divisions -of Uru or village men, and Myasa or grass-land men, and each of -these divisions is again sub-divided into a number of exogamous -Bedagas. Four of the best known of these sub-divisions are Yemmalavaru -or buffalo-men; Mandalavaru or men of the herd; Pulavaru or flower-men, -and Minalavaru or fish-men. They are in no way totemistic. Curiously -enough, each Bedagu has its own particular god, to which its members -pay special reverence. But these Bedagas bear the same names among -both the Boyas and the Bedars, and also among both the Uru and -Myasa divisions of both Boyas and Bedars. It thus seems clear that, -at some distant period, all the Boyas and all the Bedars must have -belonged to one homogeneous caste. At present, though Uru Boyas will -marry with Uru Bedars and Myasa Boyas with Myasa Bedars, there is -no intermarriage between Urus and Myasas, whether they be Boyas or -Bedars. Even if Urus and Myasas dine together, they sit in different -rows, each division by themselves. Again, the Urus (whether Boyas or -Bedars) will eat chicken and drink alcohol, but the Myasas will not -touch a fowl or any form of strong drink, and are so strict in this -last matter that they will not even sit on mats made of the leaf of the -date-palm, the tree which in Bellary provides all the toddy. The Urus, -moreover, celebrate their marriages with the ordinary ceremonial of the -halu-kamba or milk-post, and the surge, or bathing of the happy pair; -the bride sits on a flour-grinding stone, and the bridegroom stands -on a basket full of cholam (millet), and they call in Brahmans to -officiate. But the Myasas have a simpler ritual, which omits most of -these points, and dispenses with the Brahman. Other differences are -that the Uru women wear ravikkais or tight-fitting bodices, while the -Myasas tuck them under their waist-string. Both divisions eat beef, -and both have a hereditary headman called the ejaman, and hereditary -Dasaris who act as their priests." - -In the Madras Census Report, 1901, it is stated that the two main -divisions of Boyas are called also Pedda (big) and Chinna (small) -respectively, and, according to another account, the caste has -four endogamous sections, Pedda, Chinna, Sadaru, and Myasa. Sadaru -is the name of a sub-division of Lingayats, found mainly in the -Bellary and Anantapur districts, where they are largely engaged -in cultivation. Some Bedars who live amidst those Lingayats call -themselves Sadaru. According to the Manual of the North Arcot -district, the Boyas are a "Telugu hunting caste, chiefly found above -the ghats. Many of the Poligars of that part of the country used to -belong to the caste, and proved themselves so lawless that they were -dispossessed. Now they are usually cultivators. They have several -divisions, the chief of which are the Mulki Boyas and the Pala Boyas, -who cannot intermarry." According to the Mysore Census Reports, 1891 -and 1901, "the Bedas have two distinct divisions, the Kannada and -Telugu, and own some twenty sub-divisions, of which the following -are the chief:--Halu, Machi or Myasa, Nayaka, Pallegar, Barika, -Kannaiyyanajati, and Kirataka. The Machi or Myasa Bedas comprise a -distinct sub-division, also called the Chunchus. They live mostly -in hills, and outside inhabited places in temporary huts. Portions -of their community had, it is alleged, been coerced into living -in villages, with whose descendants the others have kept up social -intercourse. They do not, however, eat fowl or pork, but partake of -beef; and the Myasa Bedas are the only Hindu class among whom the -rite of circumcision is performed, [116] on boys of ten or twelve -years of age. These customs, so characteristic of the Mussalmans, -seem to have been imbibed when the members of this sub-caste were -included in the hordes of Haidar Ali. Simultaneously with the -circumcision, other rites, such as the panchagavyam, the burning -of the tongue with a nim (Melia Azadirachta) stick, etc. (customs -pre-eminently Brahmanical), are likewise practised prior to the youth -being received into communion. Among their other peculiar customs, -the exclusion from their ordinary dwellings of women in child-bed -and in periodical sickness, may be noted. The Myasa Bedas are said to -scrupulously avoid liquor of every kind, and eat the flesh of only two -kinds of birds, viz., gauja (grey partridge), and lavga (rock-bush -quail)." Of circumcision among the Myasa Bedars it is noted, in the -Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that they practise this rite round -about Rayadrug and Gudekota. "These Myasas seem quite proud of the -custom, and scout with scorn the idea of marrying into any family in -which it is not the rule. The rite is performed when a boy is seven -or eight. A very small piece of the skin is cut off by a man of the -caste, and the boy is then kept for eleven days in a separate hut, and -touched by no one. His food is given him on a piece of stone. On the -twelfth day he is bathed, given a new cloth, and brought back to the -house, and his old cloth, and the stone on which his food was served, -are thrown away. His relations in a body then take him to a tangedu -(Cassia auriculata) bush, to which are offered cocoanuts, flowers, -and so forth, and which is worshipped by them and him. Girls on first -attaining puberty are similarly kept for eleven days in a separate -hut, and afterwards made to do worship to a tangedu bush. This tree -also receives reverence at funerals." - -The titles of the Boyas are said to be Naidu or Nayudu, Naik, Dora, -Dorabidda (children of chieftains), and Valmiki. They claim direct -lineal descent from Valmiki, the author of the Ramayana. At times -of census in Mysore, some Bedars have set themselves up as Valmiki -Brahmans. The origin of the Myasa Bedas is accounted for in the -following story. A certain Bedar woman had two sons, of whom the elder, -after taking his food, went to work in the fields. The younger son, -coming home, asked his mother to give him food, and she gave him -only cholam (millet) and vegetables. While he was partaking thereof, -he recognised the smell of meat, and was angry because his mother had -given him none, and beat her to death. He then searched the house, and, -on opening a pot from which the smell of meat emanated, found that it -only contained the rotting fibre-yielding bark of some plant. Then, -cursing his luck, he fled to the forest, where he remained, and became -the forefather of the Myasa Bedars. - -For the following note on the legendary origin of the Bedars, I am -indebted to Mr. Mainwaring. "Many stories are told of how they came -into existence, each story bringing out the name which the particular -group may be known by. Some call themselves Nishadulu, and claim -to be the legitimate descendants of Nishadu. When the great Venudu, -who was directly descended from Brahma, ruled over the universe, he -was unable to procure a son and heir to the throne. When he died, his -death was regarded as an irreparable misfortune. In grief and doubt -as to what was to be done, his body was preserved. The seven ruling -planets, then sat in solemn conclave, and consulted together as to -what they should do. Finally they agreed to create a being from the -right thigh of the deceased Venudu, and they accordingly fashioned and -gave life to Nishudu. But their work was not successful, for Nishudu -turned out to be not only deformed in body, but repulsively ugly. It -was accordingly agreed, at another meeting of the planets, that he was -not a fit person to be placed on the throne. So they set to work again, -and created a being from the right shoulder of Venudu. Their second -effort was crowned with success. They called their second creation -Chakravati, and, as he gave general satisfaction, he was placed on the -throne. This supersession naturally caused Nishudu, the first born, -to be discontented, and he sought a lonely place. There he communed -with the gods, begging of them the reason why they had created him, -if he was not to rule. The gods explained to him that he could not now -be put on the throne, since Chakravati had already been installed, but -that he should be a ruler over the forests. In this capacity, Nishudu -begot the Koravas, Chenchus, Yanadis, and Boyas. The Boyas were his -legitimate children, while the others were all illegitimate. According -to the legend narrated in the Valmiki Ramayana, when king Vishwamitra -quarrelled with the Rishi Vashista, the cow Kamadenu belonging to the -latter, grew angry, and shook herself. From her body an army, which -included Nishadulu, Turka (Muhammadans), and Yevannudu (Yerukalas) -at once appeared. - -"A myth related by the Boyas in explanation of their name Valmikudu -runs as follows. In former days, a Brahman, who lived as a highwayman, -murdering and robbing all the travellers he came across, kept a -Boya female, and begot children by her. One day, when he went out to -carry on his usual avocation, he met the seven Rishis, who were the -incarnations of the seven planets. He ordered them to deliver their -property, or risk their lives. The Rishis consented to give him all -their property, which was little enough, but warned him that one day he -would be called to account for his sinful deeds. The Brahman, however, -haughtily replied that he had a large family to maintain, and, as they -lived on his plunder, they would have to share the punishment that -was inflicted upon himself. The Rishis doubted this, and advised him -to go and find out from his family if they were willing to suffer an -equal punishment with him for his sins. The Brahman went to his house, -and confessed his misdeeds to his wife, explaining that it was through -them that he had been able to keep the family in luxury. He then told -her of his meeting with the Rishis, and asked her if she would share -his responsibility. His wife and children emphatically refused to be -in any way responsible for his sins, which they declared were entirely -his business. Being at his wit's end, he returned to the Rishis, told -them how unfortunate he was in his family affairs, and begged advice -of them as to what he should do to be absolved from his sins. They -told him that he should call upon the god Rama for forgiveness. But, -owing to his bad bringing up and his misspent youth, he was unable -to utter the god's name. So the Rishis taught him to say it backwards -by syllables, thus:--ma ra, ma ra, ma ra, which, by rapid repetition -a number of times, gradually grew into Rama. When he was able to -call on his god without difficulty, the Brahman sat at the scene of -his graver sins, and did penance. White-ants came out of the ground, -and gradually enveloped him in a heap. After he had been thus buried -alive, he became himself a Rishi, and was known as Valmiki Rishi, -valmiki meaning an ant-hill. As he had left children by the Boya -woman who lived with him during his prodigal days, the Boyas claim -to be descended from these children and call themselves Valmikudu." - -The Bedars, whom I examined at Hospet in the Bellary district, used -to go out on hunting expeditions, equipped with guns, deer or hog -spears, nets like lawn-tennis nets used in drives for young deer or -hares. Several men had cicatrices, as the result of encounters with -wild boars during hunting expeditions, or when working in the sugar -plantations. It is noted in the Bellary Gazetteer that "the only caste -which goes in for manly sports seems to be the Boyas, or Bedars, as -they are called in Canarese. They organise drives for pig, hunt bears -in some parts in a fearless manner, and are regular attendants at the -village gymnasium (garidi mane), a building without any ventilation -often constructed partly underground, in which the ideal exercise -consists in using dumbbells and clubs until a profuse perspiration -follows. They get up wrestling matches, tie a band of straw round one -leg, and challenge all and sundry to remove it, or back themselves to -perform feats of strength, such as running up the steep Joladarasi hill -near Hospet with a bag of grain on their back." At Hospet wrestling -matches are held at a quiet spot outside the town, to witness which -a crowd of many hundreds collect. The wrestlers, who performed before -me, had the hair shaved clean behind so that the adversary could not -seize them by the back hair, and the moustache was trimmed short for -the same reason. Two young wrestlers, whose measurements I place on -record, were splendid specimens of youthful muscularity. - - - cm. cm. - - Height 163.2 163 - Shoulders 41.8 42.8 - Chest 84 82 - Upper arm, flexed 28 29 - Thigh 47 51 - - -In the Gazetteer of Anantapur it is stated that the Telugu New Year's -day is the great occasion for driving pig, and the Boyas are the chief -organisers of the beats. All except children, the aged and infirm, -join in them, and, since to have good sport is held to be the best -of auguries for the coming year, the excitement aroused is almost -ludicrous in its intensity. It runs so high that the parties from -rival villages have been known to use their weapons upon one another, -instead of upon the beasts of the chase. In an article entitled "Boyas -and bears" [117] a European sportsman gives the following graphic -description of a bear hunt. "We used to sleep out on the top of one -of the hills on a moonlight night. On the top of every hill round, -a Boya was watching for the bears to come home at dawn, and frantic -signals showed when one had been spotted. We hurried off to the place, -to try and cut the bear off from his residence among the boulders, -but the country was terribly rough, and the hills were covered with a -peculiarly persistent wait-a-bit-thorn. This, however, did not baulk -the Boyas. Telling me to wait outside the jumble of rocks, each man -took off his turban, wound it round his left forearm, to act as a -shield against attacks from the bear, lit a rude torch, grasped his -long iron-headed spear, and coolly walked into the inky blackness of -the enemy's stronghold, to turn him out for me to shoot at. I used to -feel ashamed of the minor part assigned to me in the entertainment, -and asked to be allowed to go inside with them. But this suggestion -was always respectfully, but very firmly put aside. One could not -see to shoot in such darkness, they explained, and, if one fired, -smoke hung so long in the still air of the caves that the bear -obtained an unpleasant advantage, and, finally, bullets fired at -close quarters into naked rock were apt to splash or re-bound in an -uncanny manner. So I had to wait outside until the bear appeared with -a crowd of cheering and yelling Boyas after him." Of a certain cunning -bear the same writer records that, unable to shake the Boyas off, -"he had at last taken refuge at the bottom of a sort of dark pit, -'four men deep' as the Boyas put it, under a ledge of rock, where -neither spears nor torches could reach him. Not to be beaten, three -of the Boyas at length clambered down after him, and unable otherwise -to get him to budge from under the mass of rock beneath which he had -squeezed himself, fired a cheap little nickel-plated revolver one of -them had brought twice into his face. The bear then concluded that -his refuge was after all an unhealthy spot, rushed out, knocking -one of the three men against the rocks as he did so, with a force -which badly barked one shoulder, clambered out of the pit, and was -thereafter kept straight by the Boyas until he got to the entrance -of his residence, where I was waiting for him." - -Mr. Mainwaring writes that "the Boyas are adepts at shikar -(hunting). They use a bullock to stalk antelope, which they shoot -with matchlocks. Some keep a tame buck, which they let loose in -the vicinity of a herd of antelope, having previously fastened a -net over his horns. As soon as the tame animal approaches the herd, -the leading buck will come forward to investigate the intruder. The -tame buck does not run away, as he probably would if he had been -brought up from infancy to respect the authority of the buck of the -herd. A fight naturally ensues, and the exchange of a few butts finds -them fastened together by the net. It is then only necessary for the -shikaris to rush up, and finish the strife with a knife." - -Among other occupations, the Boyas and Bedars collect honey-combs, -which, in some places, have to be gathered from crevices in overhanging -rocks, which have to be skilfully manipulated from above or below. - -The Bedar men, whom I saw during the rainy season, wore a black -woollen kambli (blanket) as a body-cloth, and it was also held over -the head as a protection against the driving showers of the south-west -monsoon. The same cloth further does duty as a basket for bringing -back to the town heavy loads of grass. Some of the men wore a garment -with the waist high up in the chest, something like an English rustic's -smock frock. Those who worked in the fields carried steel tweezers on -a string round the loins, with which to remove babul (Acacia arabica) -thorns, twigs of which tree are used as a protective hedge for fields -under cultivation. As examples of charms worn by men the following -may be cited:-- - - - String tied round right upper arm with metal talisman box attached - to it, to drive away devils. String round ankle for the same - purpose. - - Quarter-anna rolled up in cotton cloth, and worn on upper arm in - performance of a vow. - - A man, who had dislocated his shoulder when a lad, had been - tattooed with a figure of Hanuman (the monkey god) over the - deltoid muscle to remove the pain. - - Necklet of coral and ivory beads worn as a vow to the Goddess - Huligamma, whose shrine is in Hyderabad. - - Necklets of ivory beads and a gold disc with the Vishnupad (feet - of Vishnu) engraved on it. Purchased from a religious mendicant - to bring good luck. - - -Myasa Bedar women are said [118] to be debarred from wearing -toe-rings. Both Uru and Myasa women are tattooed on the face, and -on the upper extremities with elaborate designs of cars, scorpions, -centipedes, Sita's jade (plaited hair), Hanuman, parrots, etc. Men are -branded by the priest of a Hanuman shrine on the shoulders with the -emblem of the chank shell (Turbinella rapa) and chakram (wheel of the -law) in the belief that it enables them to go to Swarga (heaven). When -a Myasa man is branded, he has to purchase a cylindrical basket -called gopala made by a special Medara woman, a bamboo stick, fan, -and winnow. Female Bedars who are branded become Basavis (dedicated -prostitutes), and are dedicated to a male deity, and called Gandu -Basavioru (male Basavis). They are thus dedicated when there happens to -be no male child in a family; or, if a girl falls ill, a vow is made -to the effect that, if she recovers, she shall become a Basavi. If -a son is born to such a woman, he is affiliated with her father's -family. Some Bedar women, whose house deities are goddesses instead -of gods, are not branded, but a string with white bone beads strung -on it, and a gold disc with two feet (Vishnupad) impressed on it, -is tied round their neck by a Kuruba woman called Pattantha Ellamma -(priestess to Uligamma). Bedar girls, whose house deities are females, -when they are dedicated as Basavis, have in like manner a necklace, -but with black beads, tied round the neck, and are called Hennu Basavis -(female Basavis). For the ceremony of dedication to a female deity, -the presence of the Madiga goddess Matangi is necessary. The Madigas -bring a bent iron rod with a cup at one end, and twigs of Vitex Negundo -to represent the goddess, to whom goats are sacrificed. The iron rod is -set up in front of the doorway, a wick and oil are placed in the cup, -and the impromptu lamp is lighted. Various cooked articles of food are -offered, and partaken of by the assembled Bedars. Bedar women sometimes -live in concubinage with Muhammadans. And some Bedars, at the time of -the Mohurram festival, wear a thread across the chest like Muhammadans, -and may not enter their houses till they have washed themselves. - -According to the Mysore Census Report, 1901, the chief deity of the -Bedars is "Tirupati Venkataramanaswami worshipped locally under the -name of Tirumaladevaru, but offerings and sacrifices are also made -to Mariamma. Their guru is known as Tirumalatatacharya, who is also a -head of the Srivaishnava Brahmans. The Uru Boyas employ Brahmans and -Jangams as priests." In addition to the deities mentioned, the Bedars -worship a variety of minor gods, such as Kanimiraya, Kanakarayan, -Uligamma, Palaya, Poleramma, and others, to whom offerings of fruits -and vegetables, and sacrifices of sheep and goats are made. The Dewan -of Sandur informs me that, in recent times, some Myasa Bedars have -changed their faith, and are now Saivas, showing special reverence -to Mahadeva. They were apparently converted by Jangams, but not to -the fullest extent. The guru is the head of the Ujjani Lingayat matt -(religious institution) in the Kudligi taluk of Bellary. They do not -wear the lingam. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the patron deity -of the Boyas is said to be Kanya Devudu. - -Concerning the religion of the Boyas, Mr. Mainwaring writes as -follows. "They worship both Siva and Vishnu, and also different -gods in different localities. In the North Arcot district, they -worship Tirupatiswami. In Kurnool, it is Kanya Devudu. In Cuddapah -and Anantapur, it is Chendrugadu, and many, in Anantapur, worship -Akkamma, who is believed to be the spirit of the seven virgins. At -Uravakonda, in the Anantapur district, on the summit of an enormous -rock, is a temple dedicated to Akkamma, in which the seven virgins are -represented by seven small golden pots or vessels. Cocoanuts, rice, -and dal (Cajanus indicus) form the offerings of the Boyas. The women, -on the occasion of the Nagalasauthi or snake festival, worship the -Nagala swami by fasting, and pouring milk into the holes of 'white-ant' -hills. By this, a double object is fulfilled. The 'ant' heap is a -favourite dwelling of the naga or cobra, and it was the burial-place of -Valmiki, so homage is paid to the two at the same time. Once a year, -a festival is celebrated in honour of the deceased ancestors. This -generally takes place about the end of November. The Boyas make no use -of Brahmans for religious purposes. They are only consulted as regards -the auspicious hour at which to tie the tali at a wedding. Though -the Boya finds little use for the Brahman, there are times when the -latter needs the services of the Boya. The Boya cannot be dispensed -with, if a Brahman wishes to perform Vontigadu, a ceremony by which -he hopes to induce favourable auspices under which to celebrate a -marriage. The story has it that Vontigadu was a destitute Boya, who -died from starvation. It is possible that Brahmans and Sudras hope in -some way to ameliorate the sufferings of the race to which Vontigadu -belonged, by feeding sumptuously his modern representative on the -occasion of performing the Vontigadu ceremony. On the morning of the -day on which the ceremony, for which favourable auspices are required, -is performed, a Boya is invited to the house. He is given a present -of gingelly (Sesamum) oil, wherewith to anoint himself. This done, he -returns, carrying in his hand a dagger, on the point of which a lime -has been stuck. He is directed to the cowshed, and there given a good -meal. After finishing the meal, he steals from the shed, and dashes -out of the house, uttering a piercing yell, and waving his dagger. He -on no account looks behind him. The inmates of the house follow for -some distance, throwing water wherever he has trodden. By this means, -all possible evil omens for the coming ceremony are done away with." - -I gather [119] that some Boyas in the Bellary district "enjoy inam -(rent free) lands for propitiating the village goddesses by a certain -rite called bhuta bali. This takes place on the last day of the feast -of the village goddess, and is intended to secure the prosperity of -the village. The Boya priest gets himself shaved at about midnight, -sacrifices a sheep or a buffalo, mixes its blood with rice, and -distributes the rice thus prepared in small balls throughout the limits -of the village. When he starts out on this business, the whole village -bolts its doors, as it is not considered auspicious to see him then. He -returns early in the morning to the temple of the goddess from which -he started, bathes, and receives new cloths from the villagers." - -At Hospet the Bedars have two buildings called chavadis, built by -subscription among members of their community, which they use as a -meeting place, and whereat caste councils are held. At Sandur the Uru -Bedars submit their disputes to their guru, a Srivaishnava Brahman, -for settlement. If a case ends in a verdict of guilty against an -accused person, he is fined, and purified by the guru with thirtham -(holy water). In the absence of the guru, a caste headman, called -Kattaintivadu, sends a Dasari, who may or may not be a Bedar, who -holds office under the guru, to invite the castemen and the Samaya, -who represents the guru in his absence, to attend a caste meeting. The -Samayas are the pujaris at Hanuman and other shrines, and perform -the branding ceremony, called chakrankitam. The Myasa Bedars have -no guru, but, instead of him, pujaris belonging to their own caste, -who are in charge of the affairs of certain groups of families. Their -caste messenger is called Dalavai. - -The following are examples of exogamous septs among the Boyas, -recorded by Mr. Mainwaring:-- - - - Mukkara, nose or ear ornament. - Majjiga, butter-milk. - Kukkala, dog. - Pula, flowers. - Pandhi, pig. - Chilakala, paroquet. - Hastham, hand. - Yelkameti, good rat. - Misala, whiskers. - Nemili, peacock. - Pegula, intestines. - Mijam, seed. - Uttareni, Achyranthes aspera. - Puchakayala, Citrullus Colocynthis. - Gandhapodi, sandal powder. - Pasula, cattle. - Chinthakayala, Tamarindus indica. - Avula, cow. - Udumala, lizard (Varanus). - Pulagam, cooked rice and dhal. - Boggula, charcoal. - Midathala, locust. - Potta, abdomen. - Utla, swing for holding pots. - Rottala, bread. - Chimpiri, rags. - Panchalingala, five lingams. - Gudisa, hut. - Tota, garden. - Lanka, island. - Bilpathri, Ægle Marmelos. - Kodi-kandla, fowl's eyes. - Gadidhe-kandla, donkey's eyes. - Joti, light. - Namala, the Vaishnavite namam. - Nagellu, plough. - Ulligadda, onions. - Jinkala, gazelle. - Dandu, army. - Kattelu, sticks or faggots. - Mekala, goat. - Nakka, jackal. - Chevvula, ear. - Kotala, fort. - Chapa, mat. - Guntala, pond. - Thappata, drum. - Bellapu, jaggery. - Chimala, ants. - Genneru, Nerium odorum. - Pichiga, sparrows. - Uluvala, Dolichos biflorus. - Geddam, beard. - Eddula, bulls. - Cheruku, sugar-cane. - Pasupu, turmeric. - Aggi, fire. - Mirapakaya, Capsicum frutescens. - Janjapu, sacred thread. - Sankati, ragi or millet pudding. - Jerripothu, centipede. - Guvvala, pigeon. - - -Many of these septs are common to the Boyas and other classes, as -shown by the following list:-- - - - Avula, cow--Korava. - Boggula, charcoal--Devanga. - Cheruku, sugar-cane--Jogi, Odde. - Chevvula, ear--Golla. - Chilakala, paroquet--Kapu, Yanadi. - Chimala, ants--Tsakala. - Chinthakayala, tamarind fruit--Devanga. - Dandu, army--Kapu. - Eddula, bulls--Kapu. - Gandhapodi, sandal powder--a sub-division of Balija. - Geddam, beard--Padma Sale. - Gudisa, hut--Kapu. - Guvvala, pigeon--Mutracha. - Jinkala, gazelle--Padma Sale. - Kukkala, dog--Orugunta Kapu. - Lanka, island--Kamma. - Mekala, goat--Chenchu, Golla, Kamma, Kapu, Togata, Yanadi. - Midathala, locust--Madiga. - Nakkala, jackal--Dudala, Golla, Mutracha. - Nemili, peacock--Balija. - Pichiga, sparrow--Devanga. - Pandhi, pig--Asili, Gamalla. - Pasula, cattle--Madiga, Mala. - Puchakaya, colocynth--Komati, Viramushti. - Pula, flowers--Padma Sale, Yerukala. - Tota, garden--Chenchu, Mila, Mutracha, Bonthuk Savara. - Udumala, lizard--Kapu, Tottiyan, Yanadi. - Ulligadda, onions--Korava. - Uluvala, horse-gram--Jogi. - Utla, swing for holding pots--Padma Sale. - - -At Hospet, the preliminaries of a marriage among the Myasa Bedars are -arranged by the parents of the parties concerned and the chief men -of the keri (street). On the wedding day, the bride and bridegroom -sit on a raised platform, and five married men place rice stained -with turmeric on the feet, knees, shoulders, and head of the -bridegroom. This is done three times, and five married women then -perform a similar ceremony on the bride. The bridegroom takes up the -tali, and, with the sanction of the assembled Bedars, ties it on the -bride's neck. In some places it is handed to a Brahman priest, who -ties it instead of the bridegroom. The unanimous consent of those -present is necessary before the tali-tying is proceeded with. The -marriage ceremony among the Uru Bedars is generally performed at the -bride's house, whither the bridegroom and his party proceed on the eve -of the wedding. A feast, called thuppathuta or ghi (clarified butter) -feast, is held, towards which the bridegroom's parents contribute rice, -cocoanuts, betel leaves and nuts, and make a present of five bodices -(ravike). At the conclusion of the feast, all assemble beneath the -marriage pandal (booth), and betel is distributed in a recognised -order of precedence, commencing with the guru and the god. On the -following morning four big pots, smeared with turmeric and chunam -(lime) are placed in four corners, so as to have a square space -(irani square) between them. Nine turns of cotton thread are wound -round the pots. Within the square the bridegroom and two young girls -seat themselves. Rice is thrown over them, and they are anointed. They -and the bride are then washed by five women called bhumathoru. The -bridegroom and one of the girls are carried in procession to the -temple, followed by the five women, one of whom carries a brass -vessel with five betel leaves and a ball of sacred ashes (vibuthi) -over its mouth, and another a woman's cloth on a metal dish, -while the remaining three women and the bridegroom's parents throw -rice. Cocoanuts and betel are offered to Hanuman, and lines are drawn -on the face of the bridegroom with the sacred ashes. The party then -return to the house. The lower half of a grinding mill is placed -beneath the pandal, and a Brahman priest invites the contracting -couple to stand thereon. He then takes the tali, and ties it on the -bride's neck, after it has been touched by the bridegroom. Towards -evening the newly married couple sit inside the house, and close -to them is placed a big brass vessel containing a mixture of cooked -rice, jaggery (crude sugar) and curds, which is brought by the women -already referred to. They give a small quantity thereof to the couple, -and go away. Five Bedar men come near the vessel after removing -their head-dress, surround the vessel, and place their left hands -thereon. With their right hands they shovel the food into their mouths, -and bolt it with all possible despatch. This ceremony is called bhuma -idothu, or special eating, and is in some places performed by both -men and women. All those present watch them eating, and, if any one -chokes while devouring the food, or falls ill within a few months, -it is believed to indicate that the bride has been guilty of irregular -behaviour. On the following day the contracting couple go through the -streets, accompanied by Bedars, the brass vessel and female cloth, -and red powder is scattered broadcast. On the morning of the third -and two following days, the newly married couple sit on a pestle, -and are anointed after rice has been showered over them. The bride's -father presents his son-in-law with a turban, a silver ring, and a -cloth. It is said that a man may marry two sisters, provided that he -marries the elder before the younger. - -The following variant of the marriage ceremonies among the Boyas -is given by Mr. Mainwaring. "When a Boya has a son who should be -settled in life, he nominally goes in search of a bride for him, -though it has probably been known for a long time who the boy is to -marry. However, the formality is gone through. The father of the boy, -on arrival at the home of the future bride, explains to her father -the object of his visit. They discuss each other's families, and, -if satisfied that a union would be beneficial to both families, the -father of the girl asks his visitor to call again, on a day that is -agreed to, with some of the village elders. On the appointed day, the -father of the lad collects the elders of his village, and proceeds with -them to the house of the bride-elect. He carries with him four moottus -(sixteen seers) of rice, one seer of dhal (Cajanus indicus), two seers -of ghi (clarified butter), some betel leaves and areca nuts, a seer -of fried gram, two lumps of jaggery (molasses), five garlic bulbs, -five dried dates, five pieces of turmeric, and a female jacket. In -the evening, the elders of both sides discuss the marriage, and, -when it is agreed to, the purchase money has to be at once paid. The -cost of a bride is always 101 madas, or Rs. 202. Towards this sum, -sixteen rupees are counted out, and the total is arrived at by counting -areca nuts. The remaining nuts, and articles which were brought by -the party of the bridegroom, are then placed on a brass tray, and -presented to the bride-elect, who is requested to take three handfuls -of nuts and the same quantity of betel leaves. On some occasions, the -betel leaves are omitted. Betel is then distributed to the assembled -persons. The provisions which were brought are next handed over to -the parents of the girl, in addition to two rupees. These are to -enable her father to provide himself with a sheet, as well as to -give a feast to all those who are present at the betrothal. This is -done on the following morning, when both parties breakfast together, -and separate. The wedding is usually fixed for a day a fortnight -or a month after the betrothal ceremony. The ceremony differs but -slightly from that performed by various other castes. A purohit is -consulted as to the auspicious hour at which the tali or bottu should -be tied. This having been settled, the bridegroom goes, on the day -fixed, to the bride's village, or sometimes the bride goes to the -village of the bridegroom. Supposing the bridegroom to be the visitor, -the bride's party carries in procession the provisions which are to -form the meal for the bridegroom's party, and this will be served -on the first night. As the auspicious hour approaches, the bride's -party leave her in the house, and go and fetch the bridegroom, who is -brought in procession to the house of the bride. On arrival, he is made -to stand under the pandal which has been erected. A curtain is tied -therein from north to south. The bridegroom then stands on the east -of the curtain, and faces west. The bride is brought from the house, -and placed on the west of the curtain, facing her future husband. The -bridegroom then takes up the bottu, which is generally a black thread -with a small gold bead upon it. He shows it to the assembled people, -and asks permission to fasten it on the bride's neck. The permission -is accorded with acclamations. He then fastens the bottu on the bride's -neck, and she, in return, ties a thread from a black cumbly (blanket), -on which a piece of turmeric has been threaded, round the right wrist -of the bridegroom. After this, the bridegroom takes some seed, and -places it in the bride's hand. He then puts some pepper-corns with -the seed, and forms his hands into a cup over those of the bride. Her -father then pours milk into his hand, and the bridegroom, holding it, -swears to be faithful to his wife until death. After he has taken -the oath, he allows the milk to trickle through into the hands of the -bride. She receives it, and lets it drop into a vessel placed on the -ground between them. This is done three times, and the oath is repeated -with each performance. Then the bride goes through the same ceremony, -swearing on each occasion to be true to her husband until death. This -done, both wipe their hands on some rice, which is placed close at -hand on brass trays. In each of these trays there must be five seers -of rice, five pieces of turmeric, five bulbs of garlic, a lump of -jaggery, five areca nuts, and five dried dates. When their hands are -dry, the bridegroom takes as much of the rice as he can in his hands, -and pours it over the bride's head. He does this three times, before -submitting to a similar operation at the hands of the bride. Then each -takes a tray, and upsets the contents over the other. At this stage, -the curtain is removed, and, the pair standing side by side, their -cloths are knotted together. The knot is called the knot of Brahma, -and signifies that it is Brahma who has tied them together. They now -walk out of the pandal, and make obeisance to the sun by bowing, and -placing their hands together before their breasts in the reverential -position of prayer. Returning to the pandal, they go to one corner -of it, where five new and gaudily painted earthenware pots filled -with water have been previously arranged. Into one of these pots, -one of the females present drops a gold nose ornament, or a man drops -a ring. The bride and bridegroom put their right hands into the pot, -and search for the article. Whichever first finds it takes it out, -and, showing it, declares that he or she has found it. This farce is -repeated three times, and the couple then take their seats on a cumbly -in the centre of the pandal, and await the preparation of the great -feast which closes the ceremony. For this, two sheep are killed, -and the friends and relations who have attended are given as much -curry and rice as they can eat. Next morning, the couple go to the -bridegroom's village, or, if the wedding took place at his village, -to that of the bride, and stay there three days before returning -to the marriage pandal. Near the five water-pots already mentioned, -some white-ant earth has been spread at the time of the wedding, and -on this some paddy (unhusked rice) and dhal seeds have been scattered -on the evening of the day on which the wedding commenced. By the time -the couple return, these seeds have sprouted. A procession is formed, -and the seedlings, being gathered up by the newly married couple, are -carried to the village well, into which they are thrown. This ends -the marriage ceremony. At their weddings, the Boyas indulge in much -music. Their dresses are gaudy, and suitable to the occasion. The -bridegroom, if he belongs to either of the superior gotras, carries -a dagger or sword placed in his cummerbund (loin-band). A song which -is frequently sung at weddings is known as the song of the seven -virgins. The presence of a Basavi at a wedding is looked on as a good -omen for the bride, since a Basavi can never become a widow." - -In some places, a branch of Ficus religiosa or Ficus bengalensis -is planted in front of the house as the marriage milk-post. If it -withers, it is thrown away, but, if it takes root, it is reared. By -some Bedars a vessel is filled with milk, and into it a headman throws -the nose ornament of a married woman, which is searched for by the -bride and bridegroom three times. The milk is then poured into a pit, -which is closed up. In the North Arcot Manual it is stated that the -Boya bride, "besides having a golden tali tied to her neck, has an -iron ring fastened to her wrist with black string, and the bridegroom -has the same. Widows may not remarry or wear black bangles, but they -wear silver ones." - -"Divorce," Mr. Mainwaring writes, "is permitted. Grounds for divorce -would be adultery and ill-treatment. The case would be decided by -a panchayat (council). A divorced woman is treated as a widow. The -remarriage of widows is not permitted, but there is nothing to prevent -a widow keeping house for a man, and begetting children by him. The -couple would announce their intention of living together by giving -a feast to the caste. If this formality was omitted, they would be -regarded as outcastes till it was complied with. The offspring of such -unions are considered illegitimate, and they are not taken or given -in marriage to legitimate children. Here we come to further social -distinctions. Owing to promiscuous unions, the following classes -spring into existence:-- - - -1. Swajathee Pure Boyas, the offspring of parents who - Sumpradayam. have been properly married in the proper - divisions and sub-divisions. -2. Koodakonna The offspring of a Boya female, who is - Sumpradayam. separated or divorced from her husband who - is still alive, and who cohabits with - another Boya. -3. Vithunthu The offspring of a Boya widow by a Boya. - Sumpradayam. -4. Arsumpradayam. The offspring of a Boya man or woman, - resulting from cohabitation with a member - of some other caste. - - -The Swajathee Sumpradayam should only marry among -themselves. Koodakonna Sumpradayam and Vithunthu Sumpradayam may -marry among themselves, or with each other. Both being considered -illegitimate, they cannot marry Swajathee Sumpradayam, and would not -marry Arsumpradayam, as these are not true Boyas, and are nominally -outcastes, who must marry among themselves." - -On the occasion of a death among the Uru Bedars of Hospet, the corpse -is carried on a bier by Uru Bedars to the burial-ground, with a new -cloth thrown over, and flowers strewn thereon. The sons of the deceased -each place a quarter-anna in the mouth of the corpse, and pour water -near the grave. After it has been laid therein, all the agnates throw -earth into it, and it is filled in and covered over with a mound, on to -the head end of which five quarter-anna pieces are thrown. The eldest -son, or a near relation, takes up a pot filled with water, and stands -at the head of the grave, facing west. A hole is made in the pot, and, -after going thrice round the grave, he throws away the pot behind him, -and goes home without looking back. This ceremony is called thelagolu, -and, if a person dies without any heir, the individual who performs -it succeeds to such property as there may be. On the third day the -mound is smoothed down, and three stones are placed over the head, -abdomen, and legs of the corpse, and whitewashed. A woman brings some -luxuries in the way of food, which are mixed up in a winnowing tray -divided into three portions, and placed in the front of the stones -for crows to partake of. Kites and other animals are driven away, -if they attempt to steal the food. On the ninth day, the divasa -(the day) ceremony is performed. At the spot where the deceased -died is placed a decorated brass vessel representing the soul of the -departed, with five betel leaves and a ball of sacred ashes over its -mouth. Close to it a lamp is placed, and a sheep is killed. Two or -three days afterwards, rice and vegetables are cooked. Those who have -been branded carry their gods, represented by the cylindrical bamboo -basket and stick already referred to, to a stream, wash them therein, -and do worship. On their return home, the food is offered to their -gods, and served first to the Dasari, and then to the others, who -must not eat till they have received permission from the Dasari. When -a Myasa Bedar, who has been branded, dies his basket and stick are -thrown into the grave with the corpse. - -In the Mysore Census Report, 1891, the Mysore Bedars are said to -cremate the dead, and on the following day to scatter the ashes on -five tangedu (Cassia auriculata) trees. - -It is noted by Buchanan [120] that the spirits of Baydaru men who die -without having married become Virika (heroes), and to their memory -have small temples and images erected, where offerings of cloth, -rice, and the like, are made to their names. If this be neglected, -they appear in dreams, and threaten those who are forgetful of their -duty. These temples consist of a heap or cairn of stones, in which -the roof of a small cavity is supported by two or three flags; and -the image is a rude shapeless stone, which is occasionally oiled, -as in this country all other images are." - -Bedar.--See Vedan. - -Begara.--Begara or Byagara is said to be a synonym applied by Canarese -Lingayats to Holeyas. - -Behara.--Recorded, at times of census, as a title of various Oriya -castes, e.g., Alia, Aruva, Dhobi, Gaudo, Jaggali, Kevuto, Kurumo, -Ronguni, and Sondi. In some cases, e.g., among the Rongunis, the -title is practically an exogamous sept. The headman of many Oriya -castes is called Behara. - -Bejjo.--A sub-division of Bhondari, and title of Kevuto. - -Belata (Feronia elephantum: wood-apple).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Bellapu (jaggery: palm-sugar).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Bellara.--"The Bellaras, or Belleras," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, -[121] "are a somewhat higher caste of basket and mat-makers than -the Parava umbrella-makers and devil-dancers. They speak a dialect -of Canarese (see South Canara Manual, Vol. II). They follow the -aliya santana law (inheritance in the female line), but divorce is -not so easy as amongst most adherents of that rule of inheritance, -and divorced women, it is said, may not marry again. Widows, however, -may remarry. The dead are either burned or buried, and a feast called -Yede Besala is given annually in the name of deceased ancestors. The -use of alcohol and flesh, except beef, is permitted. They make both -grass and bamboo mats." - -Bellathannaya (jaggery: crude sugar).--An exogamous sept of Bant. - -Belle (white).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. The equivalent bile -occurs as a gotra of Kurni. - -Belli.--Belli or Velli, meaning silver, has been recorded as an -exogamous sept of Badaga, Korava, Kuruba, Madiga, Okkiliyan, Toreya, -and Vakkaliga. The Belli Toreyas may not wear silver toe-rings. - -Vellikkai, or silver-handed, has been returned as a sub-division of -the Konga Vellalas. - -Belu (Feronia elephantum).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Benayito.--A sub-division of Odiya. - -Bende (Hibiscus esculentus).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. The -mucilaginous fruit (bendekai or bandicoy) of this plant is a favourite -vegetable of both Natives and Europeans. The nick-name Bendekai is -sometimes given, in reference to the sticky nature of the fruit, -to those who try to smooth matters over between contending parties. - -Bengri (frog).--A sept of Domb. - -Benia.--A small caste of Oriya cultivators and palanquin-bearers -in Ganjam. It is on record [122] that in Ganjam honey and wax -are collected by the Konds and Benias, who are expert climbers of -precipitous rocks and lofty trees. The name is said to be derived -from bena, grass, as the occupation of the caste was formerly to -remove grass, and clear land for cultivation. - -Benise (flint stone).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Benne (butter).--A gotra of Kurni. - -Bepari.--Bepari is, in the Madras Census Report, described as "a -caste allied to the Lambadis. Its members worship a female deity -called Banjara, speak the Bepari or Lambadi language, and claim -to be Kshatriyas." Bhonjo, the title of the Rajah of Gumsur, was -returned as a sub-caste. The Rev. G. Gloyer [123] correctly makes -the name Boipari synonymous with Brinjari, and his illustration of -a Boipari family represents typical Lambadis or Brinjaris. Bepari -and Boipari are forms of Vyapari or Vepari, meaning a trader. The -Beparis are traders and carriers between the hills and plains in -the Vizagapatam Agency tracts. Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao informs me -that "they regard themselves as immune from the attacks of tigers, -if they take certain precautions. Most of them have to pass through -places infested with these beasts, and their favourite method of -keeping them off is as follows. As soon as they encamp at a place, -they level a square bit of ground, and light fires in the middle of -it, round which they pass the night. It is their firm belief that the -tiger will not enter the square, from fear lest it should become blind, -and eventually be shot. I was once travelling towards Malkangiri from -Jeypore, when I fell in with a party of these people encamped in the -manner described. At that time, several villages about Malkangiri -were being ravaged by a notorious man-eater (tiger)." - -Beralakoduva (finger-giving).--A section of the Vakkaligas, among whom -the custom of sacrificing some of the fingers used to prevail. (See -Morasu.) - -Beri Chetti.--The Beri Chettis, or principal merchants, like other -Chettis and Komatis, claim to be Vaisyas, "but they will not admit -that the Komatis are on a par with them, and declare that they -alone represent the true Vaisya stock." [124] With regard to their -origin, the Kanyakapurana states that a certain king wanted to marry -a beautiful maiden of the Komati caste. When the Komatis declined to -agree to the match, the king began to persecute them, and those Komatis -who left the country out of fear were called Beri or Bediri (fear) -Chettis. The story is, in fact, similar to that told by the Nattukottai -Chettis, and the legend, no doubt, refers to persecution of some king, -whose extortion went beyond the limits of custom. Another derivation -of the word Beri is from perumai, greatness or splendour. The name -Beri, as applied to a sub-division of the Komatis, is said to be -a corruption of bedari, and to denote those who fled through fear, -and did not enter the fire-pits with the caste goddess Kanyakamma. - -The legend of the Beri Chettis, as given by Mr. H. A. Stuart, [124] -states that "Kaveripuram near Kumbakonam was formerly the town in -which the caste principally resided. The king of the country attempted -to obtain a Beri Chetti maiden in marriage, but was refused, and -he therefore persecuted them, and drove them out of his dominions, -forbidding interchange of meals between them and any other caste -whatever--a prohibition which is still in force." - -The Beri Chettis have a number of endogamous divisions, named after -geographical areas, towns, etc., such as Tirutaniyar, Acharapakaththar, -Telungu, Pakkam, Musalpakam. Among these there is an order of social -precedence, some of the divisions interdining, others not. - -The Beri Chettis are, like the Kammalans (artisan class), a -leading caste of the left-hand section, and the following story is -narrated. While the Beris were living at Kaveripuram in a thousand -houses, each house bearing a distinct gotra (house name,) a king, -who took wives from among all castes, wanted the Beris to give him -one of their maidens. Though unwilling, they promised to do so, but -made up their minds to get over the difficulty by a ruse. On the day -fixed for the marriage, all the Beri families left the place, after a -male black dog had been tied to the milk-post of the marriage pandal -(booth). When he learnt what had occurred, the king was very angry, -and forbade all castes to take water from the Beris. And this led to -their joining the left-hand section. - -The Beri Chettis resort to the panchayat system of administration of -affairs affecting the caste, and the headman, called Peridanakkaran, -is assisted by a barber of the left-hand section. They are in favour -of infant marriages, though adult marriage is not prohibited. They are -not allowed to tie plantain trees to the posts of the wedding pandal, -with the trees touching the ground. If this is done, the Paraiyans, -who belong to the right-hand section, cut them down. This custom -is still observed in some out-of-the way villages. Upanayanam, or -investiture with the sacred thread, is either performed long before -marriage, or by some along with the marriage rite. A man or boy, -after investiture, always wears the thread. - -Most of the Beri Chettis are meat-eaters, but some profess to be -vegetarians. - -It is said that there is much dispute between the Beri Chettis and the -Komatis regarding their relative positions, and each caste delights -to tell stories to the detriment of the other. In general estimation, -however, the Beris are deemed a little inferior to the Komatis." [125] -The claim of the Beri Chettis to be Vaisyas is based on the following -legend, as given by Mr. Stuart. [126] "In the time of the Cholas, -they erected a water-pandal, and Komatis claimed the right to use it, -which was at once denied. The king attempted to solve the question by -reference to inscriptions in the Kamakshiamma temple at Conjeeveram, -but without success. He then proposed that the rivals should submit -to the ordeal of carrying water in an unbaked pot. This was agreed -to, and the Beri Chettis were alone successful. The penalty for -failure was a fine of Rs. 12,000, which the Komatis could not pay, -and they were therefore obliged to enslave themselves to a Beri Chetti -woman, who paid the fine. Their descendants are still marked men, -who depend upon Beri Chettis for their subsistence. The great body -of the Komatis in the country were not parties to the agreement, -and they do not now admit that their inferiority has ever been -proved." According to another version of the legend, during the -reign of the Cholas, a water-pandal was erected by the Beris, and -the Komatis claimed the right to use it. This was refused on the -ground that they were not Vaisyas. The question at issue was referred -to the king, who promised to enquire into it, but did not do so. A -Viramushti (caste beggar of the Beri Chettis and Komatis) killed the -king's horse and elephant. When questioned as to his reason for so -doing, he explained that it was to call the king's attention to the -dispute, and restored the animals to life. The king then referred -both parties to Conjeeveram, where a sasanam (copper-plate grant) -was believed to exist. To procure this document, the decapitation of -twelve human beings was necessary, and the Viramushti sacrificed his -twelve children. According to the document, the Beris were Vaisyas, -and the Komatis were ordered to be beheaded. But some Beris interceded -on their behalf, and they were pardoned on condition that they would -pay a sum of money. To secure the necessary money, they became slaves -to a rich Beri woman. Ever since this incident, the Komatis have -been the children of the Beris, and their descendants are called -Pillaipuntha Komati, or Komati who became a son. For the services -which he rendered, the Viramushti is said to have been presented -with a sasanam, and he is treated as a son by the caste men, among -whom he has some influence. For example, the Beri Chettis may not -plant in their back-yards Moringa pterygosperma, Dolichos Lablab, -or a red variety of Amarantus. If the Viramushti found the first -of these planted, he would destroy it, and demand a fine of three -fanams. For Dolichos the fine is six fanams, and for Amarantus one -fanam. The rearing of pigs, goats, and fowls by the Beri Chettis is -forbidden under penalty of a fine. If a Beri Chetti woman carries a -water-pot on her head, the Viramushti will throw it down, and demand -a fine of twelve fanams. The women are not allowed to carry on sales -at a public fair, under penalty of excommunication. The Beri Chettis -and Komatis should not do business together. - -The Kammalans and Chettis are regarded as friends, and there is a Tamil -proverb "Settiyum Kammalanum onnu," i.e., the Chetti and Kammalan -are one. In this connection the following legend is quoted. "In -the town of Kanda, anciently the Camalas (artificers of five sorts) -lived closely united together, and were employed by all ranks of men, -as there were no artificers besides them. They feared and respected -no king, which offended certain kings, who combined against them, -taking with them all kinds of arms. But, as the fort (Kanda Kottai, -or magnetic fort), in which the Camalar lived, was entirely constructed -of loadstone, this attracted, and drew the weapons away from the hands -of the assailants. The kings then promised a great reward to any one -who should burn down the fort. No one dared to do this. At length -the courtesans of a temple engaged to effect it, and took the pledge -of betel and areca, engaging thereby to do so. The kings, greatly -rejoicing, built a fort opposite, filled with such kind of courtesans, -who, by their singing, attracted the people from the fort, and led -to intercourse. One of these at length succeeded in extracting from -a young man the secret, that, if the fort was surrounded with varacu -straw, set on fire, it might be destroyed. The king accordingly had -this done, and, in the burning down of the fort, many of the Camalar -lost their lives. Some took to ships belonging to them, and escaped by -sea. In consequence, there were no artificers in that country. Those -taken in the act of endeavouring to escape were beheaded. One woman -of the tribe, being pregnant, took refuge in the house of a Chetti, -and escaped, passing for his daughter. From a want of artificers, who -made implements for weavers, husbandmen, and the like, manufactures -and agriculture ceased, and great discontent arose in the country. The -king, being of clever wit, resorted to a device to discover if any of -the tribe remained, to remedy the evil complained of. This was to send -a piece of coral, having a fine tortuous aperture running through it, -and a piece of thread, to all parts of the country, with promise of -great reward to any one who should succeed in passing the thread -through the coral. None could accomplish it. At length the child -that had been born in the Chetty's house undertook to do it; and, -to effect it, he placed the coral over the mouth of an ant-hole, -and having steeped the thread in sugar, placed it at some little -distance. The ants took the thread, and drew it through the coral. The -king, seeing the difficulty overcome, gave great presents, and sent -much work to be done, which that child, under the council and guidance -of its mother, performed. The king sent for the Chetty, and demanded an -account of this young man, which the Chetty detailed. The king had him -plentifully supplied with the means especially of making ploughshares, -and, having married him to the daughter of a Chetty, gave him grants -of land for his maintenance. He had five sons, who followed the five -different branches of work of the Camalar tribe. The king gave them -the title of Panchalar. Down to the present day there is an intimate -relation between these five branches, and they intermarry with each -other; while, as descendants of the Chetty tribe, they wear the punul, -or caste-thread of that tribe." [127] - -The Acharapakam Chettis are known as Malighe Chettis, and are connected -with the Chettis of this legend. Even now, in the city of Madras, -when the Beri Chettis assemble for the transaction of caste business, -the notice summoning the meeting excludes the Malighe Chettis, who -cannot, like other Beri Chettis, vote at elections, meetings, etc., -of the Kandasami temple. - -Some Beri Chettis, Mr. Stuart writes, "worship Siva, and some Vishnu, -and a few are Lingayats, who do not marry into families with a -different worship. They bury, while the others burn their dead. All -the divisions wear the sacred thread, and do not tolerate widow -remarriage. Unlike Komatis, their daughters are sometimes married -after puberty." - -Berike.--The children of a Boya widow by a man of her own caste, -with whom she lives, are said [128] to drift into a distinct section -called Berike. - -Bestha.--The Besthas are summed up, in the Madras Census Report, -1891, as "a Telugu caste, the hereditary occupation of which is -hunting and fishing, but they have largely taken to agriculture, -and the professions of bearers and cooks." In the Census Report, -1901, it is stated that "the fisherman caste in the Deccan districts -are called Besthas and Kabberas, while those in some parts of the -Coimbatore and Salem districts style themselves Toreyar, Siviyar, -and Parivarattar. These three last speak Canarese like the Kabberas, -and seem to be the same as Besthas or Kabberas. Kabbera and Toreya -have, however, been treated as distinct castes. There are two -endogamous sub-divisions in the Bestha caste, namely the Telaga -and the Parigirti. Some say that the Kabbili or Kabberavandlu are -a third. The Parigirti section trace their descent from Sutudu, -the famous expounder of the Mahabharata. Besthas employ Brahmans -and Satanis (or Jangams, if Saivites) for their domestic ceremonies, -and imitate the Brahman customs, prohibiting widow remarriage, and -worshipping Siva and Vishnu as well as the village deities. The Maddi -sub-caste is said to be called so, because they dye cotton with the -bark of the maddi tree (Morinda citrifolia)." It is suggested, in -the Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that the Besthas are really -a sub-division of the Gangimakkalu Kabberas, who were originally -palanquin-bearers, but, now that these vehicles have gone out of -fashion, are employed in divers other ways. It may be noted that -the Siviyars of Coimbatore say that they are Besthas who emigrated -from Mysore in the troublous times of the Muhammadan usurpation. The -name Siviyar, they say, was given to them by the Tamils, as, being -strong and poor, they were palanquin-bearers to officers on circuit -and others in the pre-railway days. Their main occupations at the -present day are tank and river fishing. - -In the Manual of the North Arcot district, it is noted that many -Besthas "trade, and are in a flourishing condition, being most numerous -above the ghats. The name Bestha appears to have no meaning, but -they call themselves Sutakulam, and say they are descendants of the -rishi Suta Mahamuni. The term Suta also applies to the offspring of a -Kshatriya by a Brahman, but it seems more probable that the Besthas -gained the name from their superiority in the culinary art, suta -also meaning cook. They are divided into Telugu Besthas and Parigirti -Besthas, the difference between them being chiefly one of religious -observance, the former being in the habit of getting themselves branded -on the shoulders with the Vaishnavite emblems--chank and chakram--and -the latter never undergoing this ceremony. It is a rule with them to -employ Dasaris as the messengers of a death, and Tsakalas, as those -of a birth, or of the fact that a girl has reached womanhood. Their -chief object of worship is Hanuman, the monkey god, a picture or -figure of whom they always have in their houses for domestic worship." - -In connection with the names Parigirti or Pakirithi which have been -recorded as divisions of the Besthas, it may be observed that, -in some parts of the Telugu country, the term Pakirithi is used -as a substitute for Vaishnava. This word has become converted into -Parigirti or Parikithi, denoting that the Besthas are Vaishnavites, -as opposed to Saivites. Some Besthas, when questioned as to the origin -of their caste, said that they had no purandam to help them. The word -used by them is a corruption of puranam. - -The Besthas are summed up, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, as -"fishermen, boatmen, and palanquin-bearers, who are known by different -names according to the localities they live in. In the eastern -districts they are called Bestha, in the southern Toraya, Ambiga and -Parivara (boatmen), while in the western parts their names are Kabyara -and Gangemakkalu. The Telugu-speaking population call themselves -Boyis. Their chief occupations are fishing, palanquin-bearing, -and lime-burning. Some of them are employed by Government as peons -(orderlies), etc., while a large number are engaged in agricultural -pursuits. The Boyis obey a headman called the Pedda (big) Boyi. The -Toraya does not intermarry either with the Kabyara or the Boyi, whom he -resembles in every way. The Kabyara or Karnatic Besthas proper never -carry the palanquin, but live by either farming or lime-burning. They -have a headman known as the Yajaman." - -I have often seen Besthas in Mysore fishing on tanks from rafts, with -floats made of cane or cork-wood supporting their fish-baskets. The -Besthas use small cast-nets, and it is thought by them that the -employment of drag-nets worked by several men would bring bad luck -to them. When a new net is used for the first time, the first fish -which is caught is cut, and the net smeared with its blood. One of -the meshes of the net is burnt, after incense has been thrown into -the fire. If a snake becomes entangled in a net when it is first used, -it is rejected, and burnt or otherwise disposed of. - -The tribal deity of the Telugu Besthas is Kamamma, and, when this -goddess is worshipped, Mala Pambalas are engaged to recite the -legendary story relating to her. They never offer the flesh of animals -or liquor to the goddess. - -Like other Telugu castes, the Besthas have intiperulu or exogamous -septs and gotras. In connection with some of the latter, certain -prohibitions are observed. For example, the jasmine plant (malle) -may not be touched by members of the malle gotra, and the ippa tree -(Bassia latifolia) may not be touched or used by members of the Ippala -gotra. Writing at the beginning of the last century, Buchanan [129] -informs us that "everywhere in Karnata the palanquin-bearers are of -Telinga descent. In the language of Karnata they are called Teliga -Besthas, but in their own dialect they are called Bai. Their proper -occupations, beside that of carrying the palanquin, are fishing, and -distillation of rum. Wealthy men among them become farmers, but none -of the caste hire themselves out as farm servants. Their hereditary -chiefs are called Pedde Bui, which, among the Europeans of Madras, -is bestowed on the headman of every gentleman's set." In a note on -the Bestha Boyis, or fishermen bearers of Masulipatam in the days of -the East India Company, Mr. H. G. Prendergast writes [130] that they -were "found to be peculiarly trustworthy servants. When their English -masters went on promotion to Madras, they were accompanied by their -trusty Boyis, and, from that day to this, Bestha Boyis have been -employed as attendants in public and mercantile offices in Madras, -and have continued to maintain their good reputation." - -Of the use of the word Boy (a corruption of Boyi) for palanquin-bearer, -numerous examples are quoted by Yule and Burnell. [131] Thus -Carraccioli, in his life of Lord Clive, records that, in 1785, the -Boys with Colonel Lawrence's palankeen, having struggled a little -out of the time of march, were picked up by the Marattas. Writing in -1563, Barras states [132] that "there are men who carry the umbrella -so dexterously to ward off the sun that, although their master trots -on his horse, the sun does not touch any part of his body and such -men are called Boi." - -The insigne of the Besthas, as recorded at Conjeeveram, is a net. [133] - -Besya (a prostitute).--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, -as a sub-caste of Oriya Gunis. It is a form of the word Vesya. - -Betta (hill).--A sub-division of Kurumba. - -Bevina.--Bevina or Beva (nim or margosa: Melia Azadirachta) has been -recorded as an exogamous sept of Kuruba, and a sub-division of Kadu -Kurumba. The nim tree is held sacred by Hindus, and takes an important -part in many of the ceremonials connected with the small-pox goddess -and other village deities. - -Bhag (tiger).--A sept of numerous classes in Vizagapatam, e.g., -Bhumia, Bottada, Domb, Gadaba, Mattiya, Omanaito, Pentiya, and -Rona. The equivalent Bhago occurs among some classes in Ganjam. - -Bhagavatulu.--Recorded as play-actors in the Telugu country. Their -name is derived from the fact that they perform stories and episodes -from the Bhagavatam, one of the Puranas. - -Bhakta.--See Bagata. - -Bhandari.--See Kelasi. - -Bhande.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "a class of -potters in the Ganjam Maliahs, a sub-division of Kumbharo. The name -is derived from the Sanskrit bhanda, a pot." - -Bharadwaja.--A Brahmanical gotra of Bhatrazus. Bharadwaja was a rishi, -the son of Brihaspati, and preceptor of the Pandavas. - -Bhatia.--Nearly four hundred members of this caste were returned -at the Madras Census, 1901. It is recorded in the Bombay Gazetteer, -that "the Bhatias claim to be Bhati Rajputs of the Yadav stock. As -a class they are keen, vigorous, enterprising, thrifty, subtle and -unscrupulous. Some of the richest men in Bombay started life without -a penny. A large number of Bhatias are merchant traders and brokers, -and within the last fifty years they have become a very wealthy and -important class." Like the Nattukottai Chettis of Southern India, -the Bhatias undertake sea voyages to distant countries, and they are -to be found eastward as far as China. - -Bhatta.--A sub-division of Gaudo. - -Bhatkali.--A class of Muhammadans on the west coast, who are said to -have originally settled at Bhatkal in North Canara. - -Bhatrazu.--The Bhats, Bhatrazus, or Bhatrajus are described, in the -Mysore Census Reports, 1891 and 1901, as musicians and ballad-reciters, -who "speak Telugu, and are supposed to have come from the Northern -Circars. They were originally attached to the courts of the Hindu -princes as bards or professional troubadours, reciting ballads in -poetry in glorification of the wondrous deeds of local princes and -heroes. Hyder Ali, although not a Hindu, delighted to be constantly -preceded by them, and they are still an appendage to the state of -Hindu and Mussalman Chiefs. They have a wonderful faculty in speaking -improvisatore, on any subject proposed to them, a declamation in -measures, which may be considered as a sort of medium between blank -verse and modulated verse. But their profession is that of chanting -the exploits of former days in front of the troops while marshalling -them for battle, and inciting them to emulate the glory of their -ancestors. Now many of them are mendicants." - -In the Madras Census Report, 1871, the Bhat Rajahs are said to -"wear the pavitra or sacred thread. They are the bards and minstrels, -who sing the praises of the Kshatriya race, or indeed of great men in -general, and especially of those who liberally reward the singers. They -are a wandering class, gaining a living by attaching themselves to -the establishments of great men, or in chanting the folklore of the -people. They are mostly Vishnu worshippers, and in only one district -is it reported that they worship village deities." In the Madras -Census Report, 1891, the Bhatrazus are summed up as being "a class of -professional bards, spread all over the Telugu districts. They are -the representatives of the Bhat caste of other parts of India. They -are called Razus, because they are supposed to be the offspring of a -Kshatriya female by a Vaisya male. They are well versed in folklore, -and in the family histories and legends of the ancient Rajahs. Under -the old Hindu Rajahs the Bhatrazus were employed as bards, eulogists, -and reciters of family genealogy and tradition. Most of them are now -cultivators, and only a few are ballad-reciters. They will eat with -the Kapus and Velamas. Their ceremonies of birth, death and marriage -are more or less the same as those of the Kapus. Razu is the general -name of the caste." - -The Bhatrazus, Mr. W. Francis writes, [134] "are also called Bhats or -Magadas. They have two endogamous sub-divisions, called Vandi, Raja or -Telaganya, and Magada, Kani or Agraharekala. [Some Bhatrazus maintain -that Vandi and Magada were individuals who officiated as heralds at -the marriage of Siva.] Each of these is again split up into several -exogamous septs or gotras, among which are Atreya, Bharadwaja, -Gautama, Kasyapa and Kaundinya. All of these are Brahmanical -gotras, which goes to confirm the story in Manu that the caste is -the offspring of a Vaisya father and a Kshatriya mother. Bhatrazus -nevertheless do not all wear the sacred thread now-a-days, or recite -the gayatri. [135] They employ Brahman priests for their marriages, -but Jangams and Satanis for funerals, and in all these ceremonies they -follow the lower or Puranic instead of the higher Vedic ritual. Widow -marriage is strictly forbidden, but yet they eat fish, mutton and -pork, though not beef. These contradictions are, however, common -among Oriya castes, and the tradition is that the Bhatrazus were a -northern caste which was first invited south by King Pratapa Rudra -of the Kshatriya dynasty of Warangal (1295-1323 A.D.). After the -downfall of that kingdom they seem to have become court bards and -panegyrists under the Reddi and Velama feudal chiefs, who had by that -time carved out for themselves small independent principalities in the -Telugu country. As a class they were fairly educated in the Telugu -literature, and even produced poets such as Ramaraja Bhushana, the -author of the well-known Vasu-Charitram. Their usual title is Bhat, -sometimes with the affix Razu or Murti." - -Of the Bhatrazus in the North Arcot district, Mr. H. A. Stuart states -[136] that "they now live by cultivation, and by singing the fabulous -traditions current regarding the different Sudra castes at their -marriages and other ceremonies, having probably invented most of -them. They profess to be Kshatriyas. But it is known that several are -Musalmans or members of other castes, who, possessing an aptitude for -extempore versification, were taken by Rajahs to sing their praises, -and so called themselves Bhatturazus. They resemble the Razus in -their customs, but are said to bury their dead." In the Gazetteer of -Anantapur, the Bhatrazus are described as touring round the villages, -making extempore verses in praise of the principal householders, -and being rewarded by gifts of old clothes, grain, and money. It is -stated in the Kurnool Manual that "the high-caste people (Kammas) are -bound to pay the Batrajulu certain fees on marriage occasions. Some -of the Batrajas have shotriems and inams." Shotriem is land given -as a gift for proficiency in the Vedas or learning, and inam is land -given free of rent. - -In connection with the special attachment of the Bhatrazus to the -Velama, Kamma, and Kapu castes, the following story is narrated. Once -upon a time there was a man named Pillala Marri Bethala Reddi, who had -three sons, of whom two took to cultivation. The third son adopted -a military life, and had seventy-four sons, all of whom became -commanders. On one occasion, during the reign of Pratapa Rudra, -when they were staying at the fort of Warangal, they quarrelled -among themselves, and became very rebellious. On learning this, -the king summoned them to his court. He issued orders that a sword -should be tied across the gate. The commanders were reluctant to go -under a sword, as it would be a sign of humiliation. Some of them ran -against the sword, and killed themselves. A Bhatrazu, who witnessed -this, promised to help the remaining commanders to gain entrance -without passing under the sword. He went to the king, and said that -a Brahman wished to pay him a visit. An order was accordingly issued -that the sword should be removed. The services of the Bhatrazu greatly -pleased the commanders, and they came to regard the Bhatrazus as their -dependants, and treated them with consideration. Even at the present -day, at a marriage among the Kapus, Kammas, and Velamas, a Bhatrazu -is engaged. His duties are to assist the bridegroom in his wedding -toilette, to paint sectarian marks on his forehead, and to remain -as his personal attendant throughout the marriage ceremonies. He -further sings stanzas from the Ramayana or Mahabharata, and songs -in praise of Brahmans and the caste to which the bridal couple -belong. The following was sung at a Kapu wedding. "Anna Vema Reddi -piled up money like a mountain, and, with his brother Pinna Brahma -Reddi, constructed agraharams. Gone Buddha Reddi spent large sums -of money for the reading of the Ramayana, and heard it with much -interest. Panta Malla Reddi caused several tanks to be dug. You, -their descendants, are all prosperous, and very charitable." In the -houses of Kammas, the following is recited. "Of the seventy-seven sons, -Bobbali Narasanna was a very brave man, and was told to go in search -of the kamma (an ornament) without using abusive language. Those who -ran away are Velamas, and those who secured it Kammas." - -In their ceremonial observances, the Bhatrazus closely follow the -standard Telugu type. At marriages, the bridal couple sit on the -dais on a plank of juvvi (Ficus Tsiela) wood. They have the Telugu -Janappans as their disciples, and are the only non-Brahman caste, -except Jangams and Pandarams, which performs the duties of guru or -religious instructor. The badge of the Bhatrazus at Conjeeveram is -a silver stick. [137] - -In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Bhato, Kani Razu, Kannaji Bhat -and Padiga Raju appear as synonyms, and Annaji Bhat as a sub-caste -of Bhatrazus. - -The following account of a criminal class, calling themselves -Batturajas or Battu Turakas, was published in the Police Weekly -Circular, Madras, in 1881. [138] "They are known to the Cuddapah -and North Arcot Police as criminals, and a note is made whenever an -adult leaves his village; but, as they commit their depredations -far from home, and convert their spoil into hard cash before they -return, it is difficult to get evidence against them. Ten or twelve -of these leave home at once; they usually work in parties of three -or four, and they are frequently absent for months together. They -have methods of communicating intelligence to their associates when -separated from them, but the only one of these methods that is known -is by means of their leaf plates, which they sew in a peculiar -manner, and leave after use in certain places previously agreed -upon. These leaf plates can be recognised by experts, but all that -these experts can learn from them is that Battu Turakas have been -in the neighbourhood recently. On their return to their village, an -account of their proceedings is rendered, and their spoil is divided -equally among the whole community, a double share being, however, -given to the actual thief or thieves. They usually disguise themselves -as Brahmans, and, in the search of some of their houses lately, -silk cloths worn only by Brahmans were found together with other -articles necessary for the purpose (rudraksha necklaces, salagrama -stones, etc.). They are also instructed in Sanskrit, and in all the -outward requisites of Brahmanism. A Telugu Brahman would soon find -out that they are not Brahmans, and it is on this account that they -confine their depredations to the Tamil country, where allowance is -made for them as rude uncivilized Telugus. They frequent choultries -(travellers' resting-places), where their very respectable appearance -disarms suspicion, and watch for opportunities of committing thefts, -substituting their own bags or bundles (filled with rubbish) for those -they carry off." To this account Mr. M. Paupa Rao Naidu adds [139] that -"it is during festivals and feasts that they very often commit thefts -of the jewels and cloths of persons bathing in the tanks. They are -thus known as Kolamchuthi Papar, meaning that they are Brahmins that -live by stealing around the tanks. Before the introduction of railways, -their depredations were mostly confined to the choultries and tanks." - -Concerning the Bhattu Turakas of the North Arcot district, -Mr. H. A. Stuart writes [140] that "a few of this very intelligent and -educated criminal class are found in the north-west of the Chendragiri -taluk, and in the north of Punganur. They are really Muhammadans, -but never worship according to the rules of that religion, and know -little about its tenets. They have no employment save cheating, and -in this they are incomparably clever. They speak several languages -with perfect fluency, have often studied Sanskrit, and are able to -personate any caste. Having marked down a well-to-do householder, -they take an opportunity of entering his service, and succeed at last -in gaining his confidence. They then abuse it by absconding with what -they can lay hands upon. They often take to false coining and forgery, -pretend to know medicine, to have the power of making gold or precious -stones, or of turning currency notes into others of higher value." - -Bhayipuo.--Bhayipuo is returned, in the Census Report, 1901, as an -Oriya caste, the members of which claim to be Kshatriyas. The word -means brother's son, in which sense it is applied to the issue of -the brothers of Rajahs by concubines. The illegitimate children of -Rajahs are also classed as Bhayipuo. - -Bhima.--A section of Savaras, named after Bhima, one of the Pandava -brothers. - -Bholia (wild dog).--An exogamous sept of Kondra. - -Bhondari.--The Bhondaris are the barbers of the Oriya country, -living in Ganjam. "The name Bhondari," Mr. S. P. Rice writes, [141] -is "derived from bhondaram, treasure. The zamindars delivered over -the guarding of the treasure to the professional barbers, who became -a more important person in this capacity than in his original office -of shaver in ordinary to His Highness." The Bhondaris occupy a higher -position than the Tamil and Telugu barbers. Though various Oriya -castes bathe after being shaved, the touch of a Bhondari at other -times is not regarded as polluting. All over the Ganjam district, -the Bhondaris are employed as domestic servants, and some are engaged -as coolies, cart-drivers, etc. Others officiate as pujaris (priests) -at Takurani (village deity) temples, grind sandalwood, or make flower -garlands. On the occasion of ceremonial processions, the washing of -the feet of the guests, carrying articles required for worship, and -the jewels and cloths to be worn by the bridal couple on the wedding -day, are performed by the Bhondari. I am informed that a woman of -this caste is employed by Karnams on the occasion of marriage and -other ceremonials, at which her services are indispensable. It is -said that in some places, where the Bhondaris do not shave castes -lower than the Gudiyas, Oriya Brahmans allow them to remove the leaf -plates off which they have taken their food, though this should not -be done by a non-Brahman. - -There are apparently three endogamous sub-divisions, named Godomalia, -Odisi, and Bejjo. The word Godomalia means a group of forts, and it is -said to be the duty of members of this section to serve Rajahs who live -in forts. The Godomalias are most numerous in Ganjam, where they claim -to be superior to the Odisi and Bejjo sections. Among exogamous septs, -Mohiro (peacock), Dhippo (light), Oppomarango (Achyranthes aspera), -and Nagasira (cobra) may be noted. Members of the Oppomarango sept -do not touch, or use the root of the plant as a tooth brush. Lights -may not be blown out with the breath, or otherwise extinguished by -members of the Dhippo sept; and they do not light their lamps unless -they are madi, i.e., wearing silk cloths, or cloths washed and dried -after bathing. Nagasira is a sept common to many Oriya castes, and -is said to owe its origin to the influence of Oriya Brahmans. - -The hereditary headman of the caste is called Behara, and he is -assisted by a Bhollobaya. Most of the Bhondaris follow the form -of Vaishnavism inculcated by Chaithyana, and known as Paramartho -matham. They wear as a necklace a string of tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) -beads, without which they will not worship or take their food. Many -Hindu deities, especially Jagannatha, and various local Takuranis -are also worshipped by them. - -A man should not marry his maternal uncle's or paternal aunt's -daughter. Infant marriage is the rule, and, if a girl has not secured -a husband before she attains maturity, she has to go through a mock -marriage ceremony called dharma bibha. She is taken to a Streblus asper -(sahada or shadi) tree, and married to it. She may not, during the -rest of her life, touch the Streblus tree, or use its twigs as a tooth -brush. Sometimes she goes through the ceremony of marriage with some -elderly man, preferably her grandfather, or, failing him, her elder -sister's husband as bridegroom. A divorce agreement (tsado patro) -is drawn up, and the pseudo-marriage thereby dissolved. Sometimes -the bridegroom is represented by a bow and arrow, and the ceremony -is called khando bibha. - -The real marriage ceremonies last over seven days. On the day before -the bibha (wedding), a number of earthen pots are placed on a spot -which has been cleaned for their reception, and some married women -throw Zizyphus Jujuba leaves and rice, apparently as an evil-eye -removing and purificatory ceremony. While doing so, they cry "Ulu, ulu" -in a manner which recalls to mind the kulavi idal of the Maravans -and Kallans. A ceremony, called sokko bhondo, or wheel worship, -is performed to a potter's wheel. The bridegroom, who has to fast -until the night, is shaved, after which he stands on a grindstone and -bathes. While he is so doing, some women bring a grinding-mill stone, -and grind to powder Vigna Catiang, Cajanus indicus and Cicer arietinum -seeds, crying "Ulu, ulu," as they do so. The bridegroom then dresses -himself, and sits on the marriage dais, while a number of married -women crowd round him, each of whom touches an areca nut placed on his -head seven times with a grinding stone. They also perform the ceremony -called bhondaivaro, which consists in throwing Zizyphus Jujuba leaves, -and rice dyed with turmeric, over the bridegroom, again calling -out "Ulu, ulu." Towards evening, the bridegroom's party proceed in -procession to a temple, taking with them the various articles required -on the morrow, such as the sacred thread, jewels, cloths, and mokkuto -(forehead ornament). After worshipping the god, they return home, -and on the way thither collect water in a vessel from seven houses, -to be used by the bridegroom when he bathes next day. A ceremonial -very similar to that performed by the bridegroom on the eve of the -wedding is also performed by the bride and her party. On the wedding -day, the bridegroom, after worshipping Vigneswara (Ganesa) at the -marriage dais with the assistance of a Brahman purohit, proceeds, -dressed up in his marriage finery, mokkuto, sacred thread and wrist -thread, to a temple in a palanquin, and worships there. Later on, -he goes to the bride's house in a palanquin. Just as he is about to -start, his brother's wife catches hold of the palanquin, and will -not let him go till she has received a present of a new cloth. He -is met en route by the bride's father, and his feet are washed by -her brother. His future father-in-law, after waving seven balls of -coloured rice before him, escorts him to his house. At the entrance -thereto, a number of women, including the bride's mother, await his -arrival, and, on his approach, throw Zizyphus Jujuba leaves, and cry -"Ulu, ulu." His future mother-in-law, taking him by the hand, leads -him into the house. As soon as he has reached the marriage dais, -the bride is conducted thither by her maternal uncle, and throws -some salt over a screen on to the bridegroom. Later on, she takes her -seat by his side, and the Brahman purohit, after doing homam (making -sacred fire), ties the hands of the contracting couple together with -dharbha grass. This is called hastagonthi, and is the binding portion -of the marriage ceremony. The bride and bridegroom then exchange ten -areca nuts and ten myrabolams (Terminalia fruits). Two new cloths -are thrown over them, and the ends thereof are tied together in a -knot containing twenty-one cowry (Cypræa Arabica) shells, a coin, -and a few Zizyphus leaves. This ceremonial is called gontiyalo. The -bride's brother strikes the bridegroom with his fist, and receives a -present of a cloth. At this stage, the couple receive presents from -relations and friends. They then play seven times with cowry shells, -and the ceremonial closes with the throwing of Zizyphus leaves, and -the eating by the bride and bridegroom of rice mixed with jaggery -(crude sugar) and curds. On the two following days, they sit on -the dais, play with cowries, and have leaves and rice thrown over -them. They wear the cloths given to them on the wedding day, and may -not bathe in a tank (pond) or river. On the fourth day (chauti), the -bride is received into the gotra of the bridegroom. In token thereof, -she cooks some food given to her by the bridegroom, and the pair make a -show of partaking thereof. Towards the evening the bride is conducted -by her maternal uncle to near the dais, and she stands on a grinding -stone. Seven turns of thread dyed with turmeric are wound round the -posts of the dais. Leading his wife thither, the bridegroom cuts the -thread, and the couple stand on the dais, while four persons support -a cloth canopy over their heads, and rice is scattered over them. On -the fifth day, the newly-married couple and their relations indulge in -throwing turmeric water over each other. Early on the morning of the -sixth day, the bridegroom breaks a pot placed on the dais, and goes -away in feigned anger to the house of a relation. Towards evening, he -is brought back by his brother-in-law, and plays at cowries with the -bride. The Bhondaivaro ceremony is once more repeated. On the seventh -day, the sacred thread, wrist-threads and mokkuto are removed. Widows -and divorcées are permitted to remarry. As among various other castes, -a widow should marry her deceased husband's younger brother. - -The dead are cremated. When a person is on the point of death, -a little Jagannatha prasadam, i.e., rice from the temple at Puri, -is placed in his mouth. Members of many Oriya castes keep by them -partially cooked rice, called nirmalyam, brought from this temple, -and a little of this is eaten by the orthodox before meals and -after bathing. The corpse is washed, anointed, and wrapped in a new -cloth. After it has been secured on the bier, a new red cloth is -thrown over it. At the head, a sheaf of straw, from the roof of the -house, if it is thatched, is placed. The funeral pyre is generally -prepared by an Oriya washerman. At the burning-ground, the corpse -is placed close to the pyre, and the son puts into the mouth some -parched rice, and throws rice over the eyes. Then, lighting the straw, -he waves it thrice round the corpse, and throws it on the face. The -corpse is then carried thrice round the pyre, and laid thereon. In -the course of cremation, each mourner throws a log on the pyre. The -son goes home, wet and dripping, after bathing. On the following -day, the fire is extinguished, and two fragments of bone are placed -in a small pot, and carefully preserved. The ashes are heaped up, -and an image is drawn on the ground with a stick, to which food is -offered. A meal, called pithapona (bitter food), consisting of rice -and margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves, is partaken of by agnates -only. On the tenth day, the relatives and intimate friends of the -deceased are shaved, the son last of all. The son and the agnates go -to a tank bund (pond embankment), and cook food in a new pot within -a shed which has been specially constructed for the occasion. The -pot is then broken into ten fragments, on which food is placed, and -offered to the dead person. The son takes the fragments, one by one, -to the tank, bathing each time. The pot containing the two pieces -of bone is generally buried beneath a pipal (Ficus religiosa) tree -growing near a tank. On the tenth day, after the offering of food, -the son proceeds to this spot, and, after pouring water ten times -over the ground beneath which the pot is buried, takes the pot home, -and buries it near the house. As he approaches his home, he goes -ahead of those who accompany him, and, carrying a vessel filled with -water, pours some of this three times on the ground, waving his hand -in a circular manner. He then makes three marks with a piece of iron -on the ground. A piece of hollow bamboo open at both ends, or other -grain measure, is given to him, with which he measures rice or other -grain seven times. He then throws the measure behind him between his -legs, and, entering the house, puts a sect mark on his forehead with -the aid of a broken looking-glass, which must be thrown away. Ghi -(clarified butter) and meat may not be eaten by those under death -pollution till the eleventh day, when a feast is held. - -If an important elder of the community dies, a ceremony called -jola-jola handi (pot drilled with holes) is performed on the night of -the tenth day. Fine sand is spread over the floor of a room having -two doors, and the surface is smoothed with a tray or plank. On the -sand a lighted lamp is placed, with an areca nut by its side. The -lamp is covered with an earthen cooking-pot. Two men carry on their -shoulders a pot riddled with holes, suspended from a pole made of -Diospyros Embryopteris wood, from inside the room into the street, -as soon as the lamp is covered by the cooking-pot. Both doors of the -room are then closed, and not opened till the return of the men. The -pot which they carry is believed to increase in weight as they bear it -to a tank, into which it is thrown. On their return to the house, they -tap three times at the door, which then opens. All present then crowd -into the room, and examine the sand for the marks of the foot-prints -of a bull, cat or man, the trail of a centipede, cart-track, ladder, -etc., which are believed to be left by the dead person when he goes -to the other world. - -Opprobrious names are very common among the Bhondaris, especially -if a child is born after a succession of deaths among the offspring -of a family. Very common among such names are those of low castes, -e.g., Haddi, Bavuria, Dandasi, etc. - -Bhonjo.--The title of the Raja of Gumsur in Ganjam. - -Bhumanchi (good earth).--A sub-division of Kapu. - -Bhu (earth) Razu.--A name for Razus who live in the plains, in -contradistinction to the Konda Razus who live in the hills. - -Bhu Vaisya (earth Vaisya).--A name returned by some Nattukottai -Chettis and Vellalas. - -Bhumi Dhompthi.--The name, meaning earth marriage offering, of a -sub-division of Madigas, at whose marriages the offering of food is -placed on the ground. - -Bhumi Razulu (kings of the earth).--A name assumed by some Koyis. - -Bhumia.--The Bhumias are an Oriya caste of hill cultivators, found in -the Jeypore Zamindari. According to a tradition, they were the first -to cultivate the land on the hills. In the Central Provinces they are -said to be known as Baigas, concerning whom Captain Ward writes [142] -that "the decision of the Baiga in a boundary dispute is almost always -accepted as final, and, from this right as children of the soil and -arbiters of the land belonging to each village, they are said to have -derived their title of Bhumia, the Sanskrit bhumi meaning the earth." - -For the following note I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The -Bhumias have septs, e.g., bhag (tiger) and naga (cobra). A man -can claim his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. The marriage -ceremonial is much the same as among the Bottadas. The jholla tonk -(presents) consist of liquor, rice, a sheep or fowl, and cloths -for the parents of the bride. A pandal (booth), made of poles of -the sorghi tree, is erected in front of the bridegroom's house, -and a Desari officiates. The remarriage of widows is permitted and -a younger brother usually marries his elder brother's widow. If a -man divorces his wife, it is customary for him to give her a rupee -and a new cloth in compensation. The dead are burned, and pollution -lasts for nine days. On the tenth day a ceremonial bath is taken, -and a feast, with copious supplies of liquor, is held. In parts of -the Central Provinces the dead are buried, and two or three flat -stones are set up over the grave. [143] - -Bhuri.--A sub-division of Gond. - -Bijam (seed).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Bilpathri (bael: Ægle Marmelos).--An exogamous sept of Boya. - -Bindhani (workman).--A title of Oriya Badhoyis, and sometimes used -as the name of the caste. - -Bingi.--The Bingivandlu are described, in the Kurnool Manual, as a -class of mendicants, who play dramas. Some of them have shrotiyam -villages, as Lingineni Doddi in Pattikonda. "Shrotiyam" has been -defined [144] as "lands, or a village, held at a favourable rate, -properly an assignment of land or revenue to a Brahman learned in -the Vedas, but latterly applied generally to similar assignments to -native servants of the government, civil or military, and both Hindus -and Muhammadans, as a reward for past services." - -Bhutiannaya (ashes).--An exogamous sept of Bant. - -Bidaru (wanderers).--A sub-division of Odde. - -Bilimagga.--The Bilimagga weavers of South Canara, who speak a very -corrupt form of Tamil, must not be confused with the Bilimaggas -of Mysore, whose mother-tongue is Canarese. In some places the -Bilimaggas of South Canara call themselves Padma Sales, but they have -no connection with the Padma Sale caste. There is a tradition that -they emigrated from Pandiya Maduradesa in the Tamil country. The caste -name Bilimagga (white loom) is derived from the fact that they weave -only white cloths. In some places, for the same reason, Devangas -call themselves Bilimaggas, but the Devangas also make coloured -cloths. White cloths are required for certain gods and bhuthas -(devils) on occasions of festivals, and these are usually obtained -from Bilimaggas. - -The Bilimaggas follow the makkala santana law of inheritance (from -father to son). They are said to have seven gotras, and those of -the Mangalore, Kundapur, and Udipi taluks, are stated to belong -respectively to the 800, 700, and 500 nagaras. The caste deities are -Virabhadra, Brahmalinga, and Ammanoru. - -For the whole community, there is a chief headman called Paththukku -Solra Settigar, or the Setti who advises the ten, and for every village -there is an ordinary headman styled Gurikara. The chief headman is -usually the manager of some temple of the caste, and the Gurikara has -to collect the dues from the members of the community. Every married -couple has to pay an annual tax of twelve annas, and every unmarried -male over twelve years of age of six annas towards the temple fund. - -Marriage of girls before puberty is the rule, and any girl who attains -maturity without being married runs the risk of losing her caste. The -remarriage of widows is permitted. The betrothal ceremony is important -as being binding as a contract. It consists in the father of the -girl giving betel leaves and areca nuts in a tray to the father of -her future husband, before a number of people. If the contract is -dissolved before the marriage is celebrated, betel and nuts must be -presented to the father of the girl, in the presence of an assembly, -as a sign that the engagement is broken off. On the day previous -to the marriage ceremonial, the fathers of the contracting couple -exchange betel leaves and areca nuts three times. On the following -morning, they proceed to the house of the bridegroom, the bride's -father carrying a brass vessel containing water. From this vessel, -water is poured into smaller vessels by an odd number of women -(five or more). These women are usually selected by the wife of the -headman. The pouring of the water must be carried out according to -a recognised code of precedence, which varies with the locality. At -Udipi, for example, the order is Mangalore, Barkur, Udipi. The women -all pour water over the head of the bridegroom. - -The rite is called mariyathe niru (water for respect). The bridegroom -is then decorated, and a bashingam (chaplet) is placed on his -forehead. He sits in front of a brass vessel, called Ganapathi (the -elephant god), which is placed on a small quantity of rice spread on -the floor, and worships it. He is then conducted to the marriage pandal -(booth) by his sister's husband, followed by his sister carrying the -brass vessel and a gindi (vessel with a spout), to which the bride's -bashingam and the tali (marriage badge) are tied. A red cloth, intended -for the bride, must also be carried by her. Within the pandal, the -bridegroom stands in front of a cot. The bride's party, and the men -in attendance on the bridegroom, stand opposite each other with the -bridegroom between them, and throw rice over each other. All are then -seated, except the bridegroom, his sister, and the bride's brother. The -bridegroom's father waves incense in front of the cot and brass vessel, -and hands over the gindi, and other articles, to the bridegroom's -sister, to be taken to the bride. Lights and arathi water are waved -before the bridegroom, and, while the bride's father holds his hands, -her brother washes his feet. He then goes seven times round the cot, -after he has worshipped it, and broken cocoanuts, varying in number -according to the nagara to which he belongs--seven if he is a member -of the seven hundred nagara, and so on. He next takes his seat on -the cot, and is joined by the bride, who has had the bashingam put -on her forehead, and the tali tied on her neck, by the bridegroom's -sister. Those assembled then call the maternal uncles of the bridal -couple, and they approach the cot. The bridegroom's uncle gives the -red cloth already referred to to the uncle of the bride. The bride -retires within the house, followed by her maternal uncle, and sits -cross-legged, holding her big toes with her hands. Her uncle throws -the red cloth over her head, and she covers her face with it. This is -called devagiri udugare. The uncle then carries her to the pandal, -and she sits on the left of the bridegroom. The Gurikara asks the -maternal uncle of the bridegroom to hand over the bride's money, -amounting to twelve rupees or more. He then requests permission of the -three nagara people, seven gotra people, and the relatives of the bride -and bridegroom to proceed with the dhare ceremony. This being accorded, -the maternal uncles unite the hands of the pair, and, after the cloth -has been removed from the bride's face, the dhare water is poured over -their hands, first by the bride's father, and then by the Gurikara, -who, while doing so, declares the union of the couple according to -the observances of the three nagaras. Those assembled throw rice -on, and give presents to the bride and bridegroom. The presents are -called moi, and the act of giving them moi baikradhu (Tamil). Some -women wave arathi, and the pair go inside the house, and sit on a -mat. Some milk is given to the bridegroom by the bride's sister, -and, after sipping a little of it, he gives it to the bride. They -then return to the pandal, and sit on the cot. Rice is thrown over -their heads, and arathi waved in front of them. The bridegroom drops -a ring into a tray, and turmeric-water is poured over it. The couple -search for the ring. The wedding ceremonies are brought to a close -by bathing in turmeric-water (vokli bath), after which the couple -sit on the cot, and those assembled permit the handing over of the -bride to the bridegroom's family (pennu oppuchchu kodukradhu). - -Any number of marriages, except three or seven, may be carried on -simultaneously beneath a single pandal. If there are more than a -single bridal couple, the bashingam is worn only by the pair who are -the elder, or held in most respect. Sometimes, one couple is allowed -to wear the bashingam, and another to have the dhare water first -poured over them. - -The dead are cremated. The corpse is carried to the burning-ground -on a bier, with a tender plantain leaf placed beneath it. Fire -is carried not by the son, but by some other near relative. The -ashes are collected on the third day, and a mound (dhupe) is made -therewith. Daily until the final death ceremony, a tender cocoanut, -and water in a vessel, are placed near it. In the final death ceremony -(bojja), the Bilimaggas closely follow the Bants, except as regards the -funeral car. To get rid of death pollution, a Tulu Madivali (washerman -caste) gives cloths to, and sprinkles water over those under pollution. - -The caste title is Setti or Chetti. - -Billai-kavu (cat-eaters).--Said to be Mala Paidis, who eat cats. - -Billava.--The Billavas are the Tulu-speaking toddy-drawers of the -South Canara district. It is noted, in the Manual, that they are -"the numerically largest caste in the district, and form close upon -one-fifth of the total population. The derivation of the word Billava, -as commonly accepted in the district, is that it is a contraction of -Billinavaru, bowmen, and that the name was given as the men of that -caste were formerly largely employed as bowmen by the ancient native -rulers of the district. There is, however, no evidence whatever, -direct or indirect, to show that the men of the toddy-drawing caste -were in fact so employed. It is well known that, both before and after -the Christian era, there were invasions and occupations of the northern -part of Ceylon by the races then inhabiting Southern India, and Malabar -tradition tells that some of these Dravidians migrated from Iram or -Ceylon northwards to Travancore and other parts of the West Coast of -India, bringing with them the cocoanut or southern tree (tenginamara), -and being known as Tivars (islanders) or Iravars, which names have -since been altered to Tiyars and Ilavars. This derivation would also -explain the name Divaru or Halepaik Divaru borne by the same class of -people in the northern part of the district, and in North Canara. In -Manjarabad above the ghauts, which, with Tuluva, was in olden days -under the rule of the Humcha family, known later as the Bairasu -Wodears of Karakal, they are called Devaru Makkalu, literally God's -children, but more likely a corruption of Tivaru Makkalu, children of -the islanders. In support of this tradition, Mr. Logan has pointed out -[145] that, in the list of exports from Malabar given in the Periplus, -in the first century A.D., no mention is made of the cocoanut. It was, -however, mentioned by Cosmos Indico Pleustes (522 to 547 A.D.), and -from the Syrian Christians' copper-plate grants, early in the ninth -century, it appears that the Tiyans were at that time an organised -guild of professional planters. Although the cocoanut tree may have -been introduced by descendants of immigrants from Ceylon moving up -the coast, the practice of planting and drawing toddy was no doubt -taken up by the ordinary Tulu cultivators, and, whatever the origin -of the name Billava may be, they are an essentially Tulu class of -people, following the prevailing rule that property vests in females, -and devolves in the female line." - -It is worthy of note that the Billavas differ from the Tiyans in one -very important physical character--the cranial type. For, as shown -by the following table, whereas the Tiyans are dolichocephalic the -Billavas are, like other Tulu classes, sub-brachycephalic:-- - - - =============================================================== - | Cephalic Index. - |================================================= - | Average. | Maximum. | Minimum. | Number of times - | | | | exceeding 80. - =============+==========+==========+==========+================ - 40 Tiyans | 73 | 78.7 | 68.5 | 1 - 50 Billavas | 80 | 91.5 | 71 | 28 - =============+==========+==========+==========+================ - - -Some Billavas about Udipi call themselves either Billavaru or -Halepaikaru. But the Halepaiks proper are toddy-drawers, who are found -in the Kundapur taluk, and speak Kanarese. There are said to be certain -differences between the two classes in the method of carrying out the -process of drawing toddy. For example, the Halepaiks generally grasp -the knife with the fingers directed upwards and the thumb to the -right, while the Billavas hold the knife with the fingers directed -downwards and the thumb to the left. A Billava at Udipi had a broad -iron knife with a round hole at the base, by which it was attached to -an iron hook fixed on to a rope worn round the loins. For crushing the -flower-buds within the spathe of the palm, Billavas generally use a -stone, and the Halepaiks a bone. There is a belief that, if the spathe -is beaten with the bone of a buffalo which has been killed by a tiger, -the yield of toddy will, if the bone has not touched the ground, be -greater than if an ordinary bone is used. The Billavas generally carry -a long gourd, and the Halepaiks a pot, for collecting the toddy in. - -Baidya and Pujari occur as caste names of the Billavas, and also as a -suffix to the name, e.g., Saiyina Baidya, Bomma Pujari. Baidya is said -to be a form of Vaidya, meaning a physician. Some Billavas officiate as -priests (pujaris) at bhutasthanas (devil shrines) and garidis. Many -of these pujaris are credited with the power of invoking the aid -of bhutas, and curing disease. The following legend is narrated, -to account for the use of the name Baidya. A poor woman once lived -at Ullal with two sons. A Sanyasi (religious ascetic), pitying their -condition, took the sons as his sishyas, with a view to training them -as magicians and doctors. After some time, the Sanyasi went away from -Ullal for a short time, leaving the lads there with instructions -that they should not be married until his return. In spite of his -instructions, however, they married, and, on his return, he was very -angry, and went away again, followed by his two disciples. On his -journey, the Sanyasi crossed the ferry near Ullal on foot. This the -disciples attempted to do, and were on the point of drowning when the -Sanyasi threw three handfuls of books on medicine and magic. Taking -these, the two disciples returned, and became learned in medicine -and magic. They are supposed to be the ancestors of the Billavas. - -The Billavas, like the Bants, have a number of exogamous septs (balis) -running in the female line. There is a popular belief that these are -sub-divisions of the twenty balis which ought to exist according to -the Aliya Santana system (inheritance in the female line). - -The caste has a headman called Gurikara, whose office is hereditary, -and passes to the aliya (sister's son). Affairs which affect the -community as a whole are discussed at a meeting held at the bhutasthana -or garidi. - -At the betrothal ceremony, the bride-price (sirdachi), varying from -ten to twenty rupees, is fixed. A few days before the wedding, the -maternal uncle of the bride, or the Gurikara, ties a jewel on her neck, -and a pandal (booth) is erected, and decorated by the caste barber -(parel maddiyali) with cloths of different colours. If the bridegroom -is an adult, the bride has to undergo a purificatory ceremony a day -or two before the marriage (dhare) day. A few women, usually near -relations of the girl, go to a tank (pond) or well near a Bhutasthana -or garidi, and bring water thence in earthenware pots. The water is -poured over the head of the girl, and she bathes. On the wedding -day, the bride and bridegroom are seated on two planks placed on -the dais. The barber arranges the various articles, such as lights, -rice, flowers, betel leaves and areca nuts, and a vessel filled with -water, which are required for the ceremonial. He joins the hands -of the contracting couple, and their parents, or the headman, place -the nose-screw of the bridesmaid on their hands, and pour the dhare -water over them. This is the binding part of the ceremony, which -is called kai (hand) dhare. Widow remarriage is called bidu dhare, -and the pouring of water is omitted. The bride and bridegroom stand -facing each other, and a cloth is stretched between them. The headman -unites their hands beneath the screen. - -If a man has intercourse with a woman, and she becomes pregnant, -he has to marry her according to the bidu dhare rite. Before the -marriage ceremony is performed, he has to grasp a plantain tree with -his right hand, and the tree is then cut down. - -At the first menstrual period, a girl is under pollution for ten or -twelve days. On the first day, she is seated within a square (muggu), -and five or seven cocoanuts are tied together so as to form a seat. A -new earthenware pot is placed at each corner of the square. Four -girls from the Gurikara's house sit at the corners close to the -pots. Betel leaves, areca nuts, and turmeric paste are distributed -among the assembled females, and the girls pour water from the pots -over the head of the girl. Again, on the eleventh or the thirteenth -day, the girl sits within the square, and water is poured over her -as before. She then bathes. - -The dead are usually cremated, though, in some cases, burial is -resorted to. The corpse is washed and laid on a plantain leaf, and a -new cloth is thrown over it. Some paddy (unhusked rice) is heaped up -near the head and feet, and cocoanut cups containing lighted wicks -are placed thereon. All the relations and friends assembled at the -house dip leafy twigs of the tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) in water, and -allow it to drop into the mouth of the corpse. The body is carried -on a plank to the burning-ground. The collection of wood for the -pyre, or the digging of the grave, is the duty of Holeyas. The wood -of Strychnos Nux-vomica should never be used for the pyre. This is -lighted by placing fire at the two ends thereof. When the flames meet -in the middle, the plantain leaf, paddy, etc., which have been brought -from the house, are thrown into them. On the fifth day, the ashes -are collected, and buried on the spot. If the body has been buried, -a straw figure is made, and burnt over the grave, and the ashes are -buried there. A small conical mound, called dhupe, is made there, -and a tulsi plant stuck in it. By the side of the plant a tender -cocoanut with its eyes opened, tobacco leaf, betel leaves and areca -nuts are placed. On the thirteenth day, the final death ceremonies, -or bojja, are performed. On the evening of the previous day, four -poles, for the construction of the upparige or gudikattu (car), -are planted round the dhupe. At the house, on or near the spot where -the deceased breathed his last, a small bamboo car, in three tiers, -is constructed, and decorated with coloured cloths. This car is -called Nirneralu. A lamp is suspended from the car, and a cot placed -on the ground beneath it, and the jewels and clothes of the dead -person are laid thereon. On the following morning, the upparige is -constructed, with the assistance of the caste barber. A small vessel, -filled with water, is placed within the Nirneralu. The sons-in-law -of the deceased receive a present of new cloths, and, after bathing, -they approach the Nirneralu. The chief mourner takes the vessel from -within it, and pours the water at the foot of a cocoanut tree. The -chief Gurikara pours some water into the empty vessel, and the chief -mourner places it within the Nirneralu. Then seven women measure out -some rice three times, and pour the rice into a tray held by three -women. The rice is taken to a well, and washed, and then brought -back to the car. Jaggery (crude sugar) and cocoanut scrapings are -mixed with the rice, which is placed in a cup by seven women. The cup -is deposited within the car on the cot. The wife or husband of the -deceased throws a small quantity of rice into the cup. She turns the -cup, and a ladle placed by its side, upside down, and covers them with -a plantain leaf. The various articles are collected, and tied up in -a bundle, which is placed in a palanquin, and carried in procession, -by two men to the upparige, which has been constructed over the -dhupe. Nalkes and Paravas (devil-dancers), dressed up as bhutas, may -follow the procession. Those present go thrice round the upparige, -and the chief mourner unties the bundle, and place its contents -on the car. The near relations put rice, and sometimes vegetables, -pumpkins, and plantains, on the plantain leaf. All present then leave -the spot, and the barber removes the cloths from the car, and pulls -it down. Sometimes, if the dead person has been an important member -of the community, a small car is constructed, and taken in procession -round the upparige. On the fourteenth day, food is offered to crows, -and the death ceremonies are at an end. - -If a death occurs on an inauspicious day, a ceremony called Kale -deppuni (driving away the ghost) is performed. Ashes are spread on the -floor of the house, and the door is closed. After some time, or on the -following day, the roof of the house is sprinkled with turmeric water, -and beaten with twigs of Zizyphus OEnoplia. The door is then opened, -and the ashes are examined, to see if the marks of the cloven feet of -the ghost are left thereon. If the marks are clear, it is a sign that -the ghost has departed; otherwise a magician is called in to drive -it out. A correspondent naively remarks that, when he has examined -the marks, they were those of the family cat. - -In some cases, girls who have died unmarried are supposed to haunt -the house, and bring trouble thereto, and they must be propitiated -by marriage. The girl's relations go in search of a dead boy, and -take from the house where he is a quarter of an anna, which is tied -up between two spoons. The spoons are tied to the roof of the girl's -house. This represents the betrothal ceremony. A day is fixed for -the marriage, and, on the appointed day, two figures, representing -the bride and bridegroom, are drawn on the floor, with the hands -lying one on the other. A quarter-anna, black beads, bangles, and a -nose-screw, are placed on the hands, and water is poured on them. This -is symbolical of the dhare ceremony, and completes the marriage. - -The pujaris of all the bhuthasthanas and garidis are Billavas. The -bhutha temples called garidis belong to the Billavas, and the -bhuthas are the Baiderukulu (Koti and Chennayya), Brimmeru (or -Brahmeru) Gunda, Okka Ballala, Kujumba Ganja, and Devanajiri. The -Baiderkulu are believed to be fellow castemen of the Billavas, and -Koti and Chennayya to be descended from an excommunicated Brahman -girl and a Billava. The legend of Koti and Chennayya is recorded -at length by Mr. A. C. Burnell in the Indian Antiquary. [146] The -bhuthas are represented by idols. Brimmeru is the most important, -and the others are subordinate to him. He is represented by a plate -of silver or other metal, bearing the figure of a human being, which -is kept within a car-like stone structure within the shrine. On its -left are two human figures made of clay or stone, which represent -the Baiderukulu. On the right are a man on horseback, and another -figure, representing Okka Ballala and Kujumba Ganja. Other idols -are also set up at the garidi, but outside the main room. They -seem to vary in different localities, and represent bhuthas such as -Jumadi, Pancha Jumadi, Hosabhutha, Kallurti, etc. Brimmeru has been -transformed, by Brahman ingenuity, into Brahma, and all the bhuthas -are converted into Gonas, or attendants on Siva. In the pardhanas -(devil songs) Brimmeru is represented as the principal bhutha, and the -other bhuthas are supposed to visit his sthana. A bhuthasthana never -contains idols, but cots are usually found therein. A sthana may be -dedicated to a single bhutha, or to several bhuthas, and the number -may be ascertained by counting the number of cots, of which each is -set apart for a single bhutha. If the sthana is dedicated to more than -one bhutha, the bhuthas are generally Kodamanithaya, Kukkinathaya, -and Daiva. All the arrangements for the periodical kola, or festival -of the bhuthasthana, are made by the pujari. During the festival, he -frequently becomes possessed. Only such Billavas as are liable to be -possessed are recognised as pujaris. As a sign of their office, they -wear a gold bangle on the right wrist. Further details in connection -with bhutha worship will be found in the articles on Bants, Nalkes, -and Paravas. - -Bilva (jackal).--An exogamous sept of Kondra. - -Bindhollu (brass water-pot).--An exogamous sept of Jogi. - -Binu (roll of woollen thread).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. - -Bissoyi.--The Parlakimedi Maliahs are, I am informed, divided up into -muttahs, and each muttah contains many villages, all ruled over by -a Bissoyi, a sort of feudal chief, who is responsible for keeping -them in order. Concerning the Bissoyis, Mr. S. P. Rice writes [147] -that in the Maliahs "are a number of forts, in which the Bissoyis, or -hill chieftains, reside. Each of them holds a small court of his own; -each has his armed retainers, and his executive staff. They were set to -rule over the hill tracts, to curb the lawlessness of the aboriginal -tribes of the mountains, the Khonds and the Savaras. They were, in -fact, lords of the marches, and were in a measure independent, but -they appear to have been under the suzerainty of the Raja of Kimedi, -and they were also generally responsible to Government. Such men -were valuable friends and dangerous enemies. Their influence among -their own men was complete; their knowledge of their own country -was perfect. It was they, and they only, who could thread their way -through the tangled and well-nigh impenetrable jungle by foot-paths -known only to themselves. Hence, when they became enemies, they could -entrench themselves in positions which were almost impenetrable. Now a -road leads to every fort; the jungles have disappeared; the Bissoyis -still have armed retainers, and still keep a measure of respect; -but their sting is gone, and the officer of Government goes round -every year on the peaceful, if prosaic occupation of examining schools -and inspecting vaccination." The story of the Parlakimedi rebellion, -"a forgotten rebellion" as he calls it, in the last century, and the -share which the Bissoyis took in it, is graphically told by Mr. Rice. - -At times of census, Bissoyi has been returned as a title of Doluva, -Kalingi, Kurumo, and Sondi. - -Biswalo.--A title of various Oriya castes. - -Bochchu (hairs).--An exogamous sept of Odde. - -Boda.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small -cultivating class in Ganjam. Boda is the name of a sub-division -of the Gadabas, who use the fibre of boda luvada (Ficus glomerata) -in the manufacture of their female garments. - -Boda Dasari (bald-headed mendicant).--An exogamous sept of Jogi. - -Boddu (navel).--An exogamous sept, or sub-division of Idigas and -Asilis. It is recorded in the Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that -"in the middle of the threshold of nearly all the gateways of the -ruined fortifications round the Bellary villages will be noticed a -roughly cylindrical or conical stone, something like a lingam. This -is the Boddu-rayi, literally the navel stone, and so the middle -stone. Once a year, in May, just before the sowing season begins, -a ceremony takes place in connection with it." (See Bariki.) - -Bodo (big).--A sub-division of Bottada, Mali, Omanaito, Pentia, and -other castes. Bodo Nayak is a title among the Gadabas, and Bodo Odiya -occurs as a sub-division of Sondi. - -Bogam.--See Deva-dasi and Sani. - -Bogara.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "Canarese -brass and copper-smiths: a sub-division of Panchala." From a note on -the Jains of the Bellary district [148] I gather that "there is a class -of people called Bogaras in the Harpanahalli taluk, and in the town of -Harpanahalli itself, side by side with the Jains. They are a thriving -class, and trade in brass and copper wares. The Bogaras practice the -Jaina religion, have the same gotras, freely worship in Jain temples, -and are accepted into Jaina society. Evidently they are a sub-division -of the Jains, though now excluded from inter-marriage." It is said that -"arrangements are now being made (through the Jaina Bhattacharya at -Kolhapur) to enable Bogaras to intermarry with the Jains." - -Bogarlu.--Occurs as the name of a class of agricultural labourers in -the Vizagapatam Agency, who are probably workers in metal who have -taken to agriculture. - -Boggula (charcoal).--An exogamous sept of Boya and Devanga. - -Bohora.--The Bohoras or Boras are "Musalman converts from the Bombay -side. They are traders. In Madras they have their own high priest -and their own mosque (in Georgetown). It is said that, when one of -them dies, the high priest writes a note to the archangels Michael, -Israel and Gabriel, asking them to take care of him in Paradise, -and that the note is placed in the coffin." [149] They consider -themselves as a superior class, and, if a member of another section -enters their mosque, they clean the spot occupied by him during his -prayers. They take part in certain Hindu festivals, e.g., Dipavali, -or feast of lights, at which crackers are let off. - -Boidyo.--Recorded under the name Boyidyo, in the Madras Census Report, -1901, as "literally a physician: a sub-caste of Pandito." There is -said to be no difference between Panditos and Boidyos. In Ganjam they -are known by the former, elsewhere by the latter name. - -Boipari.--A synonym of Lambadi. (See Bepari.) - -Boishnobo.--The Boishnobos have been defined as a class of Oriya -religious mendicants and priests to Sudras. The name means worshippers -of Bishnu or Vishnu. Most of them are followers of Chaitanya, the -great Bengali reformer. - -Boksha.--Boksha or Boksham (treasury) is the name of a sub-division of -Gollas, indicating their employment as treasury servants in guarding -and carrying treasure. In some places, those who are employed in -packing and lifting bags of money in district treasuries are still -called Gollas, though they may belong to some other caste. In the -Census Report, 1901, Bokkisha Vadugar (treasury northerner) was -returned as a Tamil synonym for Golla. - -Bolasi.--The Bolasis are a caste of Oriya cultivators, who are largely -found in the Gumsur taluk of Ganjam. Many of them serve as paiks or -peons. The original name of the caste is said to have been Thadia, -which has been changed in favour of Bolasi (Bayalisi, forty-two) in -reference to the caste being one of the recognized forty-two Oriya -Sudra castes. It is also suggested that the name is derived from bola -(anklets), as the women wear heavy brass anklets. - -Their ceremonial rites connected with marriage, death, etc., -are similar to those of the Doluvas, Gaudos, Badhoyis, and other -castes. Marriage is infant, and, if a girl does not secure a husband -before she reaches maturity, she goes through a form of marriage -with an arrow or a grinding stone. The Bolasis are Vaishnavites, and -observe the Paramartho or Chaitanya form thereof. The caste titles -are Podhano, Nayako, Daso, Mahanti, Patro, Sahu, Jenna, and Konhoro. - -Gudiyas who are engaged in agriculture are sometimes known as Bolasi -Gudiyas. - -Bolodia.--The name of a section of Tellis, who use pack-bullocks -(bolodo, an ox) for carrying grain about the country. Some Gaudos, -at times of census, have also returned Bolodia as their sub-division. - -Bombadai (a fish).--A gotra of Medara. The equivalent Bomidi occurs as -an exogamous sept of Mala. Members of the Vamma gotra of the Janappans -abstain from eating this fish, because, when some of their ancestors -went to fetch water in a marriage pot, they found a number of this -fish in the water collected in the pot. - -Bomma (a doll).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale. The equivalent -Bommala occurs as an exogamous sept of Mala. The Bommalatavallu are -said [150] to exhibit shows in the Vizagapatam district. - -Bommali.--A sub-division of the Koronos of Ganjam. - -Bonda.--A sub-division of Poroja. - -Bondia.--A small class, inhabiting Ganjam. The name is said to be -derived from bondono, meaning praise, as the Bondias are those who -praise and flatter Rajas. - -Bondili.--In the Madras Census Report, 1891, the Bondilis are "said -to derive their name from Bundelkund. They claim to be Rajputs, -but appear to have degenerated. The Sivaites of this sect are said -to bury their dead, while the Vishnavaites burn. In the Kadri taluk -of Cuddapah all are said to bury. The custom in this respect appears -to differ in different localities. Besides Siva and Vishnu worship, -three of the eight authorities who give particulars of this section -agree that they worship village deities as well. All state that -remarriage of widows is not permitted. They are generally cultivators, -peons, or the body-guards of Zemindars." The Bondilis of the North -Arcot district are described by Mr. H. A. Stuart [151] as being -"foreigners from Bundelkund, from which fact their name originates, -and of various Vaisya and Sudra castes; the former having the -termination Lala to their names, and the latter that of Ram. Many -of the Sudra Bondilis, however, improperly take the title Singh, -and say they are Kshatriyas, that is, Rajputs. The Vaisya Bondilis -are few in number, and only found in Vellore, Chittoor and Arni, -where they are usually money-lenders. The Sudras are mostly sepoys, -constables, or revenue peons. Some say that they are not even Sudras, -but the descendants of Rajputs by women of the country, and probably -many of them are such. All are very particular with respect to eating -with an other professed Bondili, and refuse to do so unless they are -quite certain that he is of their class. In their marriage customs -they resemble the Rajputs." - -I am informed that one section of the Bondilis is named Toli, in -reference to their being workers in leather. There is, at Venkatagiri, -a street called Toli mitta, or Toli quarters, and, in former days, -the inhabitants thereof were not allowed to enter the temples. - -In the Census Report, 1901, Guvalo, or traders from Sambalpur, is -returned as a sub-caste of Bondili. - -Boniya.--The Oriya name for Baniya (trader). Boniya Korono appears -[152] as the name for traders and shopkeepers in Ganjam. - -Bonka.--Recorded, in the Vizagapatam Manual, as cultivators in the -Jeypore hills, and, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small -Oriya caste of hill cultivators, which has three sub-divisions, Bonka, -Pata Bonka, and Goru Bonka. - -Bonthuk.--The Bonthuks or Bonthuk Savaras are scattered about the -Kistna and Guntur districts, and lead a nomad life, carrying their -small dwelling-huts with them as they shift from place to place. They -are called Bonthuk Savaras to distinguish them from the Pothra (stone) -Savaras, who dwell further north. By Telugu people they are called -Chenchu or Bontha Chenchu, though they have no connection with the -Chenchus who inhabit the hills in Kurnool, and other parts of the -Telugu country. The Bonthuks, however, like the Chenchus, claim Ahobila -Narasimha as their tribal deity. The Bonthuks speak the Oriya language, -and they have a Mongoloid type of features, such as are possessed -by the Savaras of Ganjam and Vizagapatam. Their house-names, or -intiperalu, however are Telugu. These constitute exogamous septs, and -seem to be as follows:--Pasupuretti, Simhadri (the god at Simhachalam -near Vizagapatam), Koneti, Dasapatri, Gedala (buffaloes), Kudumala -(cakes), Akula (leaves), Sunkara, and Tota (garden). At marriages, -individuals of the Pasupuretti sept officiate as priests, and members -of the Koneti sept as drummers and musicians. Men belonging to the -Gedalu sept are considered as equivalent to shepherds. - -The Bonthuks have a very interesting way of naming their children. If -a child is born when an official or person of some distinction -happens to be near their encampment, it is named after him. Thus -such names as Collector, Tahsildar, Kolnol (Colonel), Governor, -Innes, Superintendent, and Acharlu (after one Sukracharlu) are met -with. Sometimes children are named after a town or village, either -because they were born there, or in the performance of a vow to some -place of pilgrimage. In this way, such names as Hyderabad, Channapatam -(Madras), Bandar (Masulipatam), Nellore, and Tirupati arise. A boy -was named Tuyya (parrot), because a parrot was brought into the -settlement at the time of his birth. Another child was called Beni -because, at its birth, a bamboo flute (beni) was played. - -Every settlement is said to have a headman, called Bichadi, who, in -consultation with several elders of the tribe, settles disputes and -various affairs affecting the community. If an individual has been -fined, and does not accept the punishment, he may appeal to another -Bichadi, who may enhance the fine. Sometimes those who do not agree to -abide by the decision of the Bichadi have to undergo a trial by ordeal, -by taking out an areca nut from a pot of boiling cowdung water. The -dimensions of the pot, in height and breadth, should not exceed the -span of the hand, and the height of the cowdung water in the pot -should be that of the middle finger from the base to the tip. If, in -removing the nut from the pot, the hand is injured, the guilt of the -individual is proved. Before the trial by ordeal, a sum of ten rupees -is deposited by both complainant and accused with the Bichadi, and -the person under trial may not live in his dwelling-hut. He lives in a -grove or in the forest, watched by two members of the Pasupuretti sept. - -The Bonthuks are engaged in collecting bamboos, and selling them after -straightening them by heating them in the fire. Before the bamboos are -placed in carts, for conveyance to the settlement, a goat and fowls -are sacrificed to Satyamma, Dodlamma, Muthyalamma, and Pothuraju, -who are represented by stones. - -Girls are married before puberty, and, if a girl happens to be -mated only after she has reached maturity, there is no marriage -ceremonial. The marriage rites last over five days, on the first -of which a brass vessel, with a thread tied round its neck, and -containing turmeric water and the oyila tokka or tonko (bride's -money), is carried in procession to the bride's hut on the head of a -married girl belonging to a sept other than those of the contracting -couple. She has on her head a hood decorated with little bells, and -the vessel is supported on a cloth pad. When the hut is reached, -the bride's money is handed over to the Bichadi, and the turmeric -water is poured on the ground. The bride's money is divided between -her parents and maternal uncle, the Bichadi, and the caste men. A -pig is purchased, and carried by two men on a pole to the scene of -the marriage. The caste people, and the married girl carrying a brass -vessel, go round the animal, to the accompaniment of music. The girl, -as she goes round, pours water from the vessel on the ground. A thread -is tied round the neck of the pig, which is taken to the bridegroom's -hut, and cut up into two portions, for the parties of the bridegroom -and bride, of which the former is cooked and eaten on the same day. At -the homes of the bride and bridegroom, a pandal (booth) and dais are -erected. The materials for the former are brought by seven women, -and for the latter by nine men. The pandal is usually decorated with -mango and Eugenia Arnoltiana leaves. After supper, some relations of -the contracting couple go to an open space, where the Bichadi, who -has by him two pots and two bashingams (chaplets) of arka (Calotropis -gigantea) flowers, is seated with a few men. The fathers of the bride -and bridegroom ask the Bichadi to give them the bashingams, and this -he does after receiving an assurance that the wedding will not be -attended by quarrelling. The bride and bridegroom take their seats on -the dais at the home of the latter, and the officiating priest ties -the bashingams on their foreheads. Nine men and seven women stand near -the dais, and a thread is passed round them seven times. This thread -is cut up by the priest, and used for the kankanams (wrist threads) -of the bride and bridegroom. These are removed, at the close of the -marriage festivities, on the fifth day. - -When a girl attains maturity, she is under pollution for nine days, at -the conclusion of which the Bichadi receives a small present of money -from her parents. Her husband, and his agnates (people of his sept) -also have to observe pollution, and, on the ninth day, the cooking pots -which they have used are thrown away, and they proceed to the Bichadi, -to whom they make a present of money, as they have probably broken -the tribal rule that smoking is forbidden when under pollution. On -the ninth day, the girl and her husband throw water over each other, -and the marriage is consummated. - -The dead are usually buried, lying on the left side. On the second day, -food is offered to crows and Brahmani kites. On the eleventh day, -a mat is spread on the floor of the hut, and covered with a clean -sheet, on which balls of food are placed. The dead person is invoked -by name, as the various people deposit the food offering. The food is -finally put into a winnowing basket, and taken to the bank of a tank -(pond). A small hut is made there, and the food is placed therein on -two leaves, one of which represents the Yama Dutas (servants of the -god of death), the other the deceased. - -Boori (cake).--An exogamous sept of Mala. - -Bosantiya.--The Bosantiyas are summed up, in the Madras Census -Report, 1901, as "Oriya cultivators found in the northern -taluks of Ganjam. They are said by some to have been originally -dyers." I am informed that the caste name has reference to the -fact that the occupation thereof was the collection of the fruits -of Mallotus philippinensis, and trade in the dye (bosonto gundi) -obtained therefrom. The dye, commonly known as kamela, or kamala, -is the powdery substance obtained as a glandular pubescence from the -exterior of the fruits. The following note on the dye was published -in the Indian Forester, 1892. "Among the many rich natural products -of Ganjam, probably the most esteemed in commerce is the red kamela -dye, the valuable product of the Mallotus philippinensis. This tree, -with its lovely scarlet berries and vivid emerald green foliage, is -a marked feature of forest scenery in Ganjam. The berries are coated -with a beautiful red powder, which constitutes the dye. This powder is -collected by being brushed off into baskets made for the purpose, but -the method of collection is reckless and wasteful in the extreme, the -trees being often felled in order to reach the berries more easily. The -industry is a monopoly of the Hill Khonds, who, however, turn it to -little advantage. They are ignorant of the great commercial value of -the dye, and part with the powder to the low-country dealers settled -among them for a few measures of rice or a yard or two of cloth. The -industry is capable of great development, and a large fortune awaits -the firm or individual with sufficient enterprise to enter into -rivalry with the low-country native dealers settled among the Khonds, -who at present enjoy a monopoly of the trade. It is notorious that -these men are accumulating vast profits in respect of this dye. The -tree is cultivated largely by the Khonds in their forest villages." - -The Bosantiyas seem to have no sub-divisions, but exogamous -gotras, e.g., nagasira (cobra) and kochimo (tortoise) exist among -them. Socially they are on a par with the Bhondaris, and above -Pachchilia Gaudos and Samantiyas. They have a headman called Bissoyi, -who is assisted by a Bhollobaya, and they have further a caste -messenger called Jati Naiko. The caste titles are Bissoyi and Nahako. - -Most of the Bosantiyas are Saivites, but a few follow the Paramartho -form of Vaishnavism. They also worship various Takuranis (village -deities), such as Kotaru and Chondi. - -In the Vizagapatam Manual (1869), Bosuntea is described as a caste -of Paiks or fighting men in the Vizagapatam district (Jeypore). - -Bottada.--The Bottadas are, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [153] "a Class of -Uriya cultivators and labourers, speaking Muria or Lucia, otherwise -known as Basturia, a dialect of Uriya. Mr. Taylor says the caste is -the same as Muria, which is shown separately in the tables, and in -Mr. H. G. Turner's notes in the Census Report of 1871. But, whether -identical or distinct, it seems clear that both are sub-divisions of -the great Gond tribe." - -For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. There -is a current tradition that the caste originally dwelt at Barthagada, -and emigrated to Vizagapatam long ago. It is vaguely mentioned that -Barthagada was situated towards and beyond Bastar, near which place -there are still to be found people of this caste, with whom those -living in the Vizagapatam Agency intermarry. The caste is divided -into three endogamous divisions, viz.:-- - - - (1) Bodo, or genuine Bottadas; - (2) Madhya, descendants of Bottada men and non-Bottada women; - (3) Sanno, descendants of Madhya men and non-Madhya women. The - Bodos will not interdine with the other two sections, but - males of these will eat with Bodos. - - -The following notes refer to the Bodo section, in which various -exogamous septs, or bamsa, exist, of which the following are -examples:-- - - - Kochchimo, tortoise. Kukkuro, dog. - Bhag, tiger. Makado, monkey. - Goyi, lizard (Varanus). Cheli, goat. - Nag, cobra. - - -Girls are married either before or after puberty. A man can claim -his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. When a marriage is under -contemplation, the prospective bridegroom's parents take maddho -(liquor) and chada (beaten rice) to the girl's house, where they are -accepted or refused, according as her parents agree to, or disapprove -of the match. After a stated period, further presents of liquor, -rice, black gram, dhal, salt, chillies, and jaggery (crude sugar) -are brought, and betel leaves and areca nuts given in exchange. Two -days later the girl's parents pay a return visit to those of the -young man. After another interval, the marriage takes place. Nine -days before its celebration, paddy (unhusked rice) and Rs. 2 are -taken to the bride's house as jholla tonka, and a feast is held. At -the bridegroom's house, a pandal, made of nine sorghi or sal (Shorca -robusta) posts, is erected, with a pot of turmeric water tied to the -central post. The bride is conducted thither. At the marriage rites the -Desari officiates. The ends of the cloths of the contracting couple -are tied together, and their little fingers are linked together, -while they go, with pieces of turmeric and rice in their hands, -seven times round the pandal. The sacred fire, or homam, is raised, -and into it seven or nine different kinds of wood, ghi (clarified -butter), milk, rice and jaggery are thrown. Turmeric-rice dots are put -on the foreheads of the bride and bridegroom by the Desari, parents, -and relations. They are anointed with castor-oil, and bathed with the -water contained in the pot tied to the post. New cloths are presented -to them, and a caste feast is held. - -Widow remarriage is permitted, and a younger brother often marries -the widow of his elder brother. If, however, she marries any one else, -her new husband has to pay rand tonka, consisting of liquor, a sheep or -goat, and rice, as a fine to the caste, or he may compound for payment -of five rupees. Divorce is permitted, and, if a man divorces his wife, -he usually gives her some paddy, a new cloth, and a rupee. If the -woman divorces herself from her husband, and contracts an alliance -with another man, the latter has to pay a fine of twenty rupees to -the first husband, a portion of which is spent on a feast, at which -the two husbands and the woman are present. - -The dead are burned, and death pollution is observed for ten days, -during which no agricultural work is done, and no food is cooked in -the bamsa of the deceased, which is fed by some related bamsa. On -the day following cremation, a new pot with water, and some sand -are carried to the spot where the corpse was burnt. A bed of sand is -made, in which a banyan (Ficus bengalensis) or pipal (Ficus religiosa) -is planted. A hole is made in the pot, and the plant watered. On the -tenth day, on which a bath is taken, some fried rice and a new pot -are carried to the burning-ground, and left there. - -The Bottadas have the reputation of being the best cultivators in the -Jeypore Agency, and they take a high position in social rank. Many of -them wear the sacred thread, at the time of marriage and subsequently, -and it is said that the right to wear it was acquired by purchase -from former Rajas of Jeypore. - -Bottu Kattoru (those who tie the bottu).--A sub-division of -Kappiliyans, who are Canarese cultivators settled in the Tamil -district of Madura. The bottu (marriage badge) is the equivalent of -the Tamil tali. - -Bovi.--The name of the palanquin-bearing section of the Mogers of South -Canara. Some Besthas from Mysore, who have settled in this district, -are also called Bovi, which is a form of Boyi (bearer). - -Boya (see Bedar).--Boya has also been recorded [154] as a sub-division -of Mala, a name for Ekari. - -Boyan.--A title of Odde. - -Boyi (see Bestha).--It is also the title of one of the chief men -among the Savaras. - -Brahman.--The Brahmans of Southern India are divided into a number -of sections, differing in language, manners and customs. As regards -their origin, the current belief is that they sprang from the mouth -of Brahma. In support thereof, the following verse from the Purusha -Suktha (hymn of the primæval male) of the Rig Veda is quoted:--From -the face of Prajapathi (Viratpurusha) came the Brahmans; from the -arms arose the Kshatriyas; from the thighs sprang the Vaisyas; and -from the feet the Sudras. Mention of the fourfold division of the -Hindu castes is also made in other Vedas, and in Ithihasas and Puranas. - -The Brahmans fall into three groups, following the three Vedas or -Sakas, Rig, Yajus, and Samam. This threefold division is, however, -recognised only for ceremonial purposes. For marriage and social -purposes, the divisions based on language and locality are practically -more operative. In the matter of the more important religious rites, -the Brahmans of Southern India, as elsewhere, closely follow their -own Vedas. Every Brahman belongs to one or other of the numerous -gotras mentioned in Pravara and Gotra Kandams. All the religious -rites are performed according to the Grihya Sutras (ritual books) -pertaining to their Saka or Veda. Of these, there are eight kinds -now in vogue, viz.:-- - - - 1. Asvalayana Sutra of the Rig Veda. - 2. Apasthamba | - 3. Bharadwaja | - 4. Bhodayana | Sutras of the black Yajus. - 5. Sathyashada | - 6. Vaikkanasa | - 7. Kathyayana Sutra of the white Yajus. - 8. Drahyayana Sutra of Sama Veda. - - -All Brahmans claim descent from one or more of the following -seven Rishis:--Atri, Bhrigu, Kutsa, Vashista, Gautama, Kasyapa, -Angiras. According to some, the Rishis are Agasthya, Angiras, Atri, -Bhrigu, Kasyapa, Vashista, and Gautama. Under these Rishis are -included eighteen ganams, and under each ganam there are a number -of gotras, amounting in all to about 230. Every Brahman is expected -to salute his superiors by repeating the Abhivadhanam (salutation) -which contains his lineage. As an example, the following may be -given:--"I, Krishna by name, of Srivathsa gotra, with the pravara -(lineage) of the five Rishis, Bhargava, Chyavana, Apnuvana, Aruva, -and Jamadagni, following the Apasthamba sutra of the Yajus Saka, -am now saluting you." Daily, at the close of the Sandhya prayers, -this Abhivadhanam formula should be repeated by every Brahman. - -Taking the Brahmans as a whole, it is customary to group them in two -main divisions, the Pancha Dravidas and Pancha Gaudas. The Pancha -Dravidas are pure vegetarians, whereas the Pancha Gaudas need not -abstain from meat and fish, though some, who live amidst the Pancha -Dravidas, do so. Other differences will be noted in connection with -Oriya Brahmans, who belong to the Pancha Gauda section. In South India, -all Brahmans, except those who speak the Oriya and Konkani languages, -are Pancha Dravidas, who are divided into five sections, viz.:-- - - - 1. Tamil, or Dravida proper. - 2. Telugu or Andhra. - 3. Canarese, or Carnataka. - 4. Marathi or Desastha. - 5. Guzarati. - - -The Tulu-speaking Shivalli Brahmans are included among the Carnatakas; -the Pattar and Nambutiri Brahmans (see Nambutiri) among the Dravidas -proper. - -From a religious point of view, the Brahmans are either Saivites or -Vaishnavites. The Saivites are either Saivites proper, or Smarthas. The -Smarthas believe that the soul of man is only a portion of the infinite -spirit (atman), and that it is capable of becoming absorbed into -the atman. They recognise the Trimurtis, Brahma, Vishnu, and Siva as -separate gods, but only as equal manifestations of the supreme spirit, -and that, in the end, these are to be absorbed into the infinite -spirit, and so disappear. Saivas, on the other hand, do not recognise -the Trimurtis, and believe only in one god, Siva, who is self-existent, -and not liable to lose his personality. Of Vaishnavites there are three -kinds, viz., those who are the followers of Chaitanya, Ramanuja, and -Madhvacharya. Like the Smarthas, the Vaishnavites recognise Brahma, -Vishnu, and Siva, but Vishnu is supposed to be the chief god, to whom -the others are subordinate. - -"Vaishnavas," Monier Williams writes, [155] "are believers in the -one personal god Vishnu, not only as the preserver, but as above -every other god, including Siva. It should be noted, too, that both -Saivites and Vaishnavas agree in attributing an essential form of -qualities to the Supreme Being. Their one god, in fact, exists in -an eternal body, which is antecedent to his earthly incarnations, -and survives all such incarnations." He adds that "it cannot be -doubted that one great conservative element of Hinduism is the many -sidedness of Vaishnavism. For Vaishnavism is, like Buddhism, the most -tolerant of systems. It is always ready to accommodate itself to other -creeds, and delights in appropriating to itself the religious idea -of all the nations of the world. It admits of every form of internal -development. It has no organised hierarchy under one supreme head, -but it may have any number of separate associations under separate -leaders, who are ever banding themselves together for the extension -of spiritual supremacy over ever increasing masses of population." - -The Oriya Brahmans, who follow the creed of Chaitanya, are called -Paramarthos, and are confined to the Ganjam district. There is no -objection to intermarriage between Smartha and Paramartho Oriya -Brahmans. - -Sri Vaishnavas (who put on the namam as a sectarian mark) and Madhvas -are exclusive as regards intermarriage, but the Madhvas have no -objection to taking meals with, and at the houses of Smarthas, -whereas Sri Vaishnavas object to doing so. - -According to the Sutras, a Brahman has to go through the following -samskaras (rites):-- - - - 1. Garbhadana. 6. Annaprasanam - 2. Pumsavanam. 7. Chaulam. - 3. Simantam. 8. Upanayanam - 4. Jatakarmam. 9. Vivaham. - 5. Namakaranam. - - -These rites are supposed to purify the body and spirit from the taint -transmitted through the womb of the mother, but all of them are not -at the present day performed at the proper time, and in regular order. - -The Garbhadhana, or impregnation ceremony, should, according to -the Grihya Sutras, be performed on the fourth day of the marriage -ceremonies. But, as the bride is a young girl, it is omitted, or Vedic -texts are repeated. The Garbhadhana ceremony is performed, after -the girl has attained puberty. At the time of consummation or Ritu -Santhi, the following verse is repeated:--"Let all pervading Vishnu -prepare her womb; let the Creator shape its forms; let Prajapathi be -the impregnator; let the Creator give the embryo." - -Pumsavanam and Simantam are two ceremonies, which are performed -together during the seventh or ninth month of the first pregnancy, -though, according to the Grihya Sutras, the former should be performed -in the third month. At the Pumsavanam, or male producing ceremony, -the pregnant woman fasts, and her husband squeezes into her right -nostril a little juice from the fruit and twig of the alam tree -(Ficus bengalensis), saying "Thou art a male child." The twig selected -should be one pointing, east or north; with two fruits looking like -testicles. The twig is placed on a grinding-stone, and a girl, who has -not attained puberty, is asked to pound it. The pulp is wrapped in a -new silk cloth, and squeezed to express the juice. On the conclusion -of the Pumsavanam, the Simantam, or parting the pregnant woman's -hair, is gone through. After oblations in the sacred fire (homam), -the woman's husband takes a porcupine quill, to which three blades -of dharbha grass, and a twig with fruits of the aththi tree (Ficus -glomerata) are attached, and passes it over the woman's head from -before backwards, parting the hair. - -The Jatakarmam, Namakaranam, Annaprasanam, and Chaulam rites -are ordinarily celebrated, one after the other, on the Upanayanam -day. Jatakarmam consists in smearing some ghi (clarified butter) and -honey on the tongue of the baby, and repeating the following verses -from the Rig Veda:--"Oh! long lived one, mayst thou live a hundred -years in this world, protected by the gods. Become firm as a rock, -firm as an axe, pure as gold. Thou art the Veda called a son; live -thou a hundred years. May Indra bestow on thee his best treasures. May -Savitri, may Sarasvati, may the Asvins grant thee wisdom." - -At the Namakaranam, or naming ceremony, the parents of the child -pronounce its name close to its ear, and repeat the Vedic prayer to -Indra and Agni "May Indra give you lustre, and Indra semen, wisdom, -and children." - -The Annaprasanam, or food-giving ceremony, should be performed during -the sixth month after birth. A little solid food is put into the -child's mouth, and the following Vedic verses are repeated:--"Agni -who lives on plants, Soma who lives on soma juice, Brahmans who live -on the Vedas, and Devatas who live on amartam (ambrosia), may they -bless you. As the earth gives food to plants and water, so I give you -this food. May these waters and plants give you prosperity and health." - -At the Chaulam, or tonsure ceremony, the child is seated in his -mother's lap. The father, taking a few blades of dharbha grass in his -hand, sprinkles water over the child's head. Seven times he inserts -blades of dharbha in the hair of the head (three blades each time), -saying "Oh! divine grass, protect him." He then cuts off the tips of -the blades, and throws them away. The father is expected, according to -the Grihya Sutras, to shave or cut the child's hair. At the present -day, however, the barber is called in, and shaves the head, leaving -one lock or more according to local custom. - -The Upanayana, or leading a boy to his guru or spiritual teacher, is -essentially a ceremony of initiation. From an orthodox point of view, -this ceremony should be performed before the age of eight years, -but in practice it is deferred even up to the age of seventeen. It -usually commences with the arrangement of seed-pans containing -nine kinds of grain, and tying a thread or pratisaram on the boy's -wrist. After this, the Abyudayam, or invocation of ancestors, is gone -through. The boy sits in front of the sacred fire, and his father, -or some other person, sits by his side, to help him in the ceremonial -and act the part of guru. He places over the boy's head blades of -dharbha grass so that the tips are towards the east, south, west, -and north. The tips are cut off, and the following Vedic verses are -repeated:--"Please permit me to shave the head of this boy with the -knife used by the sun for shaving Soma. He is to be shaved, because -it will bring him long life and old age. May the boy become great, -and not die a premature death. May he outshine all in glory." The -boy is then shaved by a barber, and more Vedic verses are repeated, -which run as follows:--"You are shaving with a sharp razor, so that -this shaving may enable him to live long. Brihaspathi, Surya, and -Agni shaved the hair of the head of Varuna, and placed the hairs in -the middle regions of the sky, earth, and in swarga. I shall place -the hairs removed by me at the foot of the audambara tree (Ficus -glomerata), or in the clumps of dharbha grass." The boy then bathes, -and comes near the sacred fire. After ghi has been poured thereon, a -bundle of palasa (Butea frondosa) sticks is given to him, and he puts -it on the fire after repeating certain Vedic riks. A grinding-stone -is placed on one side of the fire, and the boy treads on it, while -the following verse is repeated:--"Tread on this stone, and may -you be as firm as it is. May you subdue thy enemies." A new cloth -is given to him, which he puts on. The following verses are then -repeated:--"Oh! cloth, Revathi and others have spun, woven, spread -out, and put skirts on both sides of you. May these goddesses clothe -the boy with long life. Blessed with life, put on this cloth. Dress -the boy with this cloth. By wearing it, let him attain a hundred -years of age. May his life be extended. Such a garment as this was -given to Soma by Brihaspathi to wear. Mayst thou reach old age. Put -on this cloth. Be a protector to all people. May you live a hundred -years with full vigour. May you have plenty of wealth." After the boy -has put on the cloth, the following is repeated:--"You have put on -this cloth for the sake of blessing. You have become the protector of -your friends. Live a hundred years. A noble man, blessed with life, -mayst thou obtain wealth." A girdle (minji) spun from grass is wound -thrice round the boy's body, and tied with a knot opposite the navel, -or to the left of it. The following verses are repeated:--"This blessed -girdle, the friend of the gods, has come to us to remove our sins, to -purify and protect us, bring strength to us by the power of exhalation -and inhalation. Protect, Oh! girdle, our wealth and meditation. Destroy -our enemies, and guard us on all the four sides." A small piece of -deer-skin is next tied on to the sacred thread, which has been put -on the boy soon after the shaving rite. The following verses are -repeated:--"Oh! skin which is full of lustre because Mitra sees you, -full of glory and one that is not fit for wicked people, I am now -putting you on. May Aditi tuck up thy garment. Thou mayst read Vedas, -and grow wise. Thou mayst not forget what you have read. Mayst thou -become holy and glorious." The boy seats himself next to the guru, -and close to the sacred fire, and repeats the following:--"I have come -near the spiritual teacher, my Acharya. May the teacher and myself -become prosperous. May I also complete my Vedic studies properly, -and let me be blessed with a married life after the study." The -guru sprinkles water over the boy three times, and, taking hold of -his hand, says:--"Agni, Soman, Savitha, Sarasvati, Pusha, Aryaman, -Amsuhu, Bagadevata, and Mitra have seized thy hand. They have taken -you over to them, and you have become friends." Then he hands over -the boy to the gods by repeating:--"We give you to Agni, Soman, -Savitha, Sarasvati, Mrityu, Yaman, Gadhan, Andhakan, Abhaya, Oshadhi, -Prithvi, and Vaisvanara. With the permission of Surya, I am allowing -you to approach me. Oh! boy, may you have children full of lustre, and -capable of becoming heroes." The boy then repeats the following:--"I -am come to be a student. You that have obtained permission from the -Surya, please take me." The teacher asks, "Who are you? What is your -name?" The boy gives out his name, and the teacher enquires of him what -kind of Brahmachari he is. The boy replies that he is a Brahmachari -for Atman, and repeats the following:--"Oh! sun, the lord of all ways, -through your grace I am about to begin my studies, which will do good -to me." The teacher and the boy take their seats on dharbha grass, -and say:--"Oh! dharbha, a giver of royal power, a teacher's seat, -may I not withdraw from thee." The boy then pours some ghi on to the -sacred fire. A cloth is thrown over both the teacher and the boy, -and the latter asks the former to recite the Savitri. The -following Gayatri is repeated into his ear:--"Let us meditate on -that excellent glory of the divine vivifier. May he illumine our -understandings." The boy touches his own upper lip with his right -hand, and says:--"Oh! Prana, I have become illumined, having heard -the Savitri. Protect and guard this wealth that has entered me, the -Gayatri or Savitri." He then takes the palasa staff, and the teacher -says:--"Up with life. Oh! sun, this is thy son. I give him in charge to -thee." The boy then worships the sun thus:--"That bright eye created by -the gods, which rises in the east, may we see it a hundred autumns; -may we live a hundred autumns; may we rejoice a hundred autumns; -may we live a hundred autumns; may we rejoice a hundred autumns; -may we be glad a hundred autumns; may we prosper a hundred autumns; -may we speak a hundred autumns; may we live undecaying a hundred -autumns; and may we long see the sun." The ceremonial is brought to -a close on the first day by the boy begging rice from his mother and -other female relations. A basket, filled with rice, is placed in a -pandal (booth), and the boy stands near it, repeating "Please give me -alms." Each woman pours some rice into a tray which he carries, and -presents him with some money and betel leaves. The rice is placed in -the basket. On the second and third days, the boy puts palasa sticks -into the sacred fire, and pours ghi thereon. On the fourth day, -the new cloth is given to the teacher. - -The wearing of the sacred thread is a sign that the boy has -gone through the upanayanam ceremony. It is noted [156] by the -Rev. A. Margöschis that "the son of Brahman parents is not reckoned -to be a Brahman (i.e., he may not take part in religious ceremonies) -until he has gone through the ceremony of assuming the sacred thread; -and I have heard Brahman boys wearing the thread taunting a boy of -Brahman birth, and calling him a Sudra, because he had not yet assumed -the holy thread." The thread is composed of three threads of cotton -secured together in one spot by a sacred knot of peculiar construction, -called Brahma Grandhi. The knot in the sacred thread worn by Vaishnava -Brahmans is called Vishnu Grandhi, and that in the thread of Smarthas -Rudra Grandhi. In the preparation of the thread, cotton sold in the -bazaar may not be used; the bolls ought to be secured direct from the -plant. Here and there Brahmans may be seen in villages, removing the -cotton from the bolls, and preparing it into pads for spinning into -thread. Those who teach students the Vedas may be seen spinning the -thread from these pads. The spinning rod is a thin piece of bamboo -stick weighted with a lead or soapstone disc about half an inch in -diameter. The thin thread is kept in stock, and twisted into the sacred -thread whenever it is required. Three or more people usually take part -in the twisting process, during which they chant Vedic verses. In the -Srutis and Sutras, it is enjoined that the Yagnopavita (sacred thread) -is to be put on only on occasions of sacrifice. It ought really to be -a vestment, and is a symbolical representation thereof. Ordinarily -the thread is worn over the left shoulder in the position called -Upavitham. In ceremonies connected with the dead, however, it is worn -over the right shoulder in the position called prachinavithi. At the -time of worshipping Rishis and Ganas, the thread should be over both -shoulders and round the neck in the position called nivithi. - -The grass girdle and deer-skin worn by a youth at the Upanayanam -ceremony are removed on the fifth day, or, among the orthodox, -kept on until the first Upakarmam day. They, and the palasa -stick, should be retained by the Brahmachari till the close of his -studentship. Nambutiri Brahman lads of eight or nine years old, who -have gone through the Upanayanam ceremony, always carry with them -the palasa stick, and wear the grass girdle, and, in addition to -the sacred thread, a thin strip of deer-skin in length equal to the -thread. Round the waist he wears a narrow strip of cloth (kaupinam) -passed between the legs. He may cover his breast and abdomen with -a cloth thrown over his body. He is thus clad until his marriage, -or at least until he has concluded the study of the Vedas. - -The marriage rites in vogue at the present day resemble those of -Vedic times in all essential particulars. All sections of Brahmans -closely follow the Grihya Sutras relating to their sakha. The marriage -ceremonies commence with the Nischyathartham or betrothal ceremony. The -bridegroom being seated on a plank amidst a number of Brahmans, -Vedic verses are repeated, and, after the bestowal of blessings, -the bride's father proclaims that he intends giving his daughter -in marriage to the bridegroom, and that he may come for the purpose -after the completion of the Vratam ceremony. For this ceremony, the -bridegroom, after being shaved, dresses up. Meanwhile, the Brahmans who -have been invited assemble. The bridegroom sits on the marriage dais, -and, after repeating certain Vedic verses, says:--"With the permission -of all assembled, let me begin the Vratams Prajapathyam, Soumyam, -Agneyam, and Vaiswadevam, and let me also close them." All the Vratams -should be performed long before the marriage. In practice, however, -this is not done, so the bridegroom performs an expiatory ceremony, -to make up for the omission. This consists in offering oblations of -ghi, and giving presents of money to a few Brahmans. The bridegroom is -helped throughout the Vratam ceremonies by a spiritual teacher or guru, -who is usually his father or a near relation. The guru sprinkles water -over the bridegroom's body, and tells him to go on with kandarishi -tharpanam (offerings of water, gingelly, and rice, as an oblation to -Rishis). A small copper or silver vessel is placed on a leaf to the -north-east of the sacred fire, and is made to represent Varuna. A new -cloth is placed round the vessel. The various Vratams mentioned are -gone through rapidly, and consist of offerings of ghi through fire to -the various Devatas and Pitris. The Nandhi Sradh, or memorial service -to ancestors, is then performed. The bridegroom next dresses up as a -married man, and proceeds on a mock pilgrimage to a distant place. This -is called Paradesa Pravesam (going to a foreign place), or Kasiyatra -(pilgrimage to Benares). It is a remnant of the Snathakarma rite, -whereat a Brahmachari, or student, leaves his spiritual teacher's -house at the close of his studies, performs a ceremony of ablution, -and becomes an initiated householder or Snathaka. The bridegroom -carries with him an umbrella, a fan, and a bundle containing some -rice, cocoanut, and areca-nut. He usually goes eastward. His future -father-in-law meets him, and brings him to the house at which the -marriage is to be celebrated. As soon as he has arrived there, the -bride is brought, dressed up and decorated in finery. The bridal pair -are taken up on the shoulders of their maternal uncles, who dance -about for a short time. Whenever they meet, the bride and bridegroom -exchange garlands (malaimaththal). The couple then sit on a swing -within the pandal (booth), and songs are sung. A few married women go -round them three times, carrying water, a light, fruits, and betel, -in a tray. The pair are conducted into the house, and are seated on -the marriage dais. The marriage, or Vivaham, is then commenced. A -purohit (priest) repeats certain Vedic texts as a blessing, and -says:--"Bless this couple of ... gotras, the son and daughter of -..., grandchildren of ..., now about to be married." At this stage, -the gotras of the contracting couple must be pronounced distinctly, -so as to ensure that they are not among the prohibited degrees. The -bridal couple must belong to different gotras. The bridegroom next -says that he is about to commence the worship of Visvaksena if he is -a Vaishnavite, or Ganapathi if he is a Saivite, for the successful -termination of the marriage ceremonies. The Ankurarpana (seed-pan) -ceremony is then proceeded with. Five earthenware pans are procured, -and, after being purified by the sprinkling of punyaham water over -them, are arranged in the form of a square. Four of the pans are -placed at the four cardinal points, east, west, north, and south, -and the remaining pot is set down in the centre of the square. The -pan to the east represents Indra, the one to the west Varuna, the -one to the south Yama, and the one to the north Soman. While water -is being sprinkled over the pans, the following synonyms for each of -these gods are repeated:-- - - - Indra--Sathakruthu, Vajranam, Sachipathi. - Yama--Vaivaswata, Pithrupathi, Dharmaraja. - Varuna--Prachethas, Apampathi, Swarupinam. - Soman--Indum, Nisakaram, Oshadisam. - - -Nine kinds of grains soaked in water are placed in the seed-pans. These -grains are Dolichos Lablab (two varieties), Phaseolus Mungo -(two varieties), Oryza sativa, Cicer Arietinum, Cajanus indicus, -Eleusine Coracana, and Vigna Catiang. The tying of the wrist-thread -(pratisaram) is next proceeded with. Two cotton threads are laid on -a vessel representing Varuna. After the recitation of Vedic verses, -the bridegroom takes one of the threads, and, dipping it in turmeric -paste, holds it with his left thumb, smears some of the paste on it -with his right thumb and forefinger, and ties it on the left wrist -of the bride. The purohit ties the other thread on the right wrist -of the bridegroom, who, facing the assembly, says "I am going to -take the bride." He then recites the following Vedic verse:--"Go to -my future father-in-law with due precautions, and mingle with the -members of his family. This marriage is sure to be pleasing to Indra, -because he gets oblations of food, etc., after the marriage. May your -path be smooth and free from thorns. May Surya and Bhaga promote our -dhampathyam (companionship)." - -The purohit again proclaims the marriage, and the gotras and names -of three generations are repeated. Those assembled then bless the -couple. The bride's father says that he is prepared to give his -daughter in marriage to the bridegroom, who states that he accepts -her. The father of the bride washes the feet of the bridegroom placed -on a tray with milk and water. The bridegroom then washes the feet of -the bride's father. The bride sits in her father's lap, and her mother -stands at her side. The father, repeating the names of the bridegroom's -ancestors for three generations, says that he is giving his daughter -to him. He places the hand of the bride on that of the bridegroom, -and both he and the bride's mother pour water over the united hands -of the contracting couple. The following sloka is repeated:--"I am -giving you a virgin decorated with jewels, to enable me to obtain -religious merit." The bridegroom takes the bride by the hand, and -both take their seats in front of the sacred fire. This part of the -ceremonial is called dhare (pouring of water). Much importance is -attached to it by Tulu Brahmans. Among Non-Brahman castes in South -Canara, it forms the binding portion of the marriage ceremony. After -the pouring of ghi as an oblation, the bridegroom throws down a few -twigs of dharbha grass, and repeats the formula:--"Oh! dharbha, thou -art capable of giving royal powers, and the teacher's seat. May I not -be separated from thee." Then the bride's father, giving a vessel of -water, says "Here is Arghya water." The bridegroom receives it with -the formula:--"May this water destroy my enemies. May brilliancy, -energy, strength, life, renown, glory, splendour, and power dwell in -me." Once again the bride's father washes the feet of the bridegroom, -who salutes his father-in-law, saying "Oh! water, unite me with fame, -splendour, and milk. Make me beloved by all creatures, the lord of -cattle. May fame, heroism, and energy dwell in me." The bride's father -pours some water from a vessel over the hand of the bridegroom, -who says "To the ocean I send you, the imperishable waters; go -back to your source. May I not suffer loss in my offspring. May my -sap not be shed." A mixture of honey, plantain fruit, and ghi, is -given to the bridegroom by the bride's father with the words "Ayam -Madhuparko" (honey mixture). Receiving it, the bridegroom mutters -the following:--"What is the honeyed, highest form of honey which -consists in the enjoyment of food; by that honeyed highest form of -honey, may I become highest, honeyed, an enjoyer of food." He partakes -three times of the mixture, and says:--"I eat thee for the sake of -brilliancy, luck, glory, power, and the enjoyment of food." Then the -bride's father gives a cocoanut to the bridegroom, saying "Gauhu" -(cow). The bridegroom receives it with the words "Oh! cow, destroy -my sin, and that of my father-in-law." According to the Grihya -Sutras, a cow should be presented to the bridegroom, to be cooked -or preserved. Next a plantain fruit is given to the bridegroom, who, -after eating a small portion of it, hands it to the bride. The bride -sits on a heap or bundle of paddy (unhusked rice), and the bridegroom -says "Oh! Varuna, bless her with wealth. May there be no ill-feeling -between herself, her brothers and sisters. Oh! Brihaspathi, bless -her that she may not lose her husband. Oh! Indra, bless her to -be fertile. Oh! Savitha, bless her that she may be happy in all -respects. Oh! girl, be gentle-eyed and friendly to me. Let your -look be of such a nature as not to kill your husband. Be kind to me, -and to my brothers. [157] May you shine with lustre, and be of good -repute. Live long, and bear living children." The pair are then seated, -and the bridegroom, taking a blade of dharbha grass, passes it between -the eyebrows of the bride, and throws it behind her, saying "With -this dharbha grass I remove the evil influence of any bad mark thou -mayst possess, which is likely to cause widowhood." [Certain marks or -curls (suli) forebode prosperity, and others misery to a family into -which a girl enters by marriage. And, when a wealthy Hindu meditates -purchasing a horse, he looks to the presence or absence of certain -marks on particular parts of the body, and thereby forms a judgment of -the temper and qualities of the animal.] The bridegroom then repeats -the following:--"Now they ought to rejoice, and not cry. They have -arranged our union to bring happiness to both of us. In view of the -happiness we are to enjoy hereafter, they should be glad. This is -a fitting occasion for rejoicing." Four Brahmans next bring water, -and the bridegroom receives it, saying:--"May the evil qualities of -this water disappear; may it increase. Let the Brahmans bring water -for the bath, and may it bring long life and children to her." A -bundle of paddy, or a basket filled therewith, is brought to the -pandal. The bride sits on the paddy, and a ring of dharbha grass is -placed on her head. The bridegroom repeats the formula "Blessed by -the Surya, sit round the sacred fire, and look at the dharbha ring, -my mother-in-law and brother-in-law." A yoke is then brought, one end -of which is placed on the head of the bride above the ring, and the -following formula is repeated:--"Oh! Indra, cleanse and purify this -girl, just as you did in the case of Abhala, by pouring water through -three holes before marrying her." Abhala was an ugly woman, who wished -to marry Indra. To attain this end, she did penance for a long time, -and, meeting Indra, requested him to fulfil her desire. Indra made her -his wife, after transforming her into a beautiful woman by sprinkling -water over her through the holes in the wheels of the car which -was his vehicle. Into the hole of the yoke a gold coin, or the tali -(marriage badge), is dropped, with the words "May this gold prove a -blessing to you. May the yoke, the hole of the yoke, bring happiness -to you. May we be blessed to unite your body with mine." Then the -bridegroom, sprinkling water over the yoke and coin, says:--"May you -become purified by the sun through this purificatory water. May this -water, which is the cause of thunder and lightning, bring happiness -to you. Oh! girl, may this water give you health and long life. A -new and costly silk cloth (kurai), purchased by the bridegroom, -is given to the bride, and the bridegroom says:--"Oh! Indra, listen -to my prayers; accept them, and fulfil my desires." The bride puts -on the cloth, with the assistance of the bridegroom's sister, and -sits on her father's lap. The bridegroom, taking up the tali, ties -it by the string on the bride's neck, saying:--"Oh! girl, I am tying -the tali to secure religious merit." This is not a Vedic verse, and -this part of the ceremony is not included in the Grihya Sutras. All -the Brahmans assembled bless the couple by throwing rice over their -heads. A dharbha waist-cord is passed round the waist of the bride, -and the following is repeated:--"This girl is gazing at Agni, wishing -for health, wealth, strength and children. I am binding her for her -good." The bridegroom then holds the hand of the bride, and both go -to the sacred fire, where the former says:--"Let Surya lead to Agni, -and may you obtain permission from the Aswins to do so. Go with me -to my house. Be my wife, and the mistress of my house. Instruct and -help me in the performance of sacrifices." After offerings of ghi -in the sacred fire, the bridegroom says:--"Soma was your husband; -Gandharva knew thee next; Agni was your third husband. I, son of man, -am your fourth husband. Soma gave you to Gandharva, and Gandharva gave -you to Agni, who gave to me with progeny and wealth." The bridegroom -takes hold of the bride's right wrist, and, pressing on the fingers, -passes his hand over the united fingers three times. This is called -Panigrahanam. To the Nambutiri Brahman this is a very important item, -being the binding part of the marriage ceremonial. Some years ago, -at a village near Chalakkudi in the Cochin State, a Nambutiri refused -to accept a girl as his bride, because the purohit inadvertently -grasped her fingers, to show how it ought to be done at the time of -the marriage ceremony. The purohit had to marry the girl himself. The -next item in the ceremonial is Sapthapathi, or the taking of the seven -steps. This is considered as the most binding portion thereof. The -bridegroom lifts the left foot of the bride seven times, repeating -the following:--"One step for sap, may Vishnu go after thee. Two -steps for juice, may Vishnu go after thee. Three steps for vows, -may Vishnu go after thee. Four steps for comfort, may Vishnu go after -thee. Five steps for cattle, may Vishnu go after thee. Six steps for -the prospering of wealth, may Vishnu go after thee. Seven steps for -the seven-fold hotriship, [158] may Vishnu go after thee. With seven -steps we have become companions. May I attain to friendship with -thee. May I not be separated from thy friendship. Mayst thou not be -separated from my friendship. Let us be united; let us always take -counsel together with good hearts and mutual love. May we grow in -strength and prosperity together. Now we are one in minds, deeds, -and desires. Thou art Rik, I am Samam; I am the sky, thou art the -earth; I am the semen, thou art the bearer; I am the mind, thou -art the tongue. Follow me faithfully, that we may have wealth and -children together. Come thou of sweet speech." The bridegroom then does -homam, repeating the following:--"We are offering oblations to Soma, -Gandharva, and Agni. This girl has just passed her virginity. Make her -leave her father's house. Bless her to remain fixed in her husband's -house. May she have a good son by your blessing. Cause her to beget -ten children, and I shall be the eleventh child. Oh! Agni, bless her -with children, and make them long-lived. Oh! Varuna, I pray to you -for the same thing. May this woman be freed from the sorrow arising -out of sterility, and be blessed by Garhapathyagni. May she have -a number of children in her, and become the mother of many living -children. Oh! girl, may your house never know lamentations during -nights caused by deaths. May you live long and happy with your husband -and children. May the sky protect thy back; may Vayu strengthen your -thighs; and the Aswins your breast. May Savitri look after thy suckling -sons. Until the garment is put on, may Brihaspathi guard them, and the -Viswedevas afterwards. Oh! Varuna, make me strong and healthy. Do not -steal away years from our ages. All those who offer oblations pray -for the same. Oh! you all-pervading Agni, pacify Varuna; you who -blaze forth into flames to receive oblations, be friendly towards -us. Be near us, and protect us. Receive, and be satisfied with our -oblations. Make us prosperous. We are always thinking of you. Take -our oblations to the several devatas, and give us medicine." The -bride next treads on a stone, and the bridegroom says:--"Oh! girl, -tread on this stone. Be firm like it. Destroy those who seek to do -thee harm. Overcome thy enemies." Some fried paddy is put in the -sacred fire, and the bridegroom repeats the following:--"Oh! Agni, -I am offering the fried grains, so that this girl may be blessed with -long life. Oh! Agni, give me my wife with children, just as in olden -days you were given Suryayi with wealth. Oh! Agni, bless my wife with -lustre and longevity. Also bless her husband with long life, that she -may live happily. Oh! Agni, help us to overcome our enemies." Again -the bride treads on the stone, and the bridegroom says:--"Oh! girl, -tread on this stone, and be firm like it. Destroy those who seek to -do thee harm. Overcome thy enemies." This is followed by the offering -of fried grain with the following formula:--"The virgins prayed to -Surya and Agni to secure husbands, and they were at once granted their -boons. Such an Agni is now being propitiated by offerings of fried -paddy. Let him make the bride leave her father's house." For the third -time, the bride treads on the stone, and fried paddy is offered with -the formula:--"Oh! Agni, thou art the giver of life, and receiver of -oblations. Oblations of ghi are now offered to you. Bless the pair to -be of one mind." The dharbha girdle is removed from the bride's waist, -with the verse: "I am loosening you from the bondage of Varuna. I am -now removing the thread with which Surya bound you." Those assembled -then disperse. Towards evening, Brahmans again assemble, and the -bride and bridegroom sit before the sacred fire, while the former -repeat several Vedic riks. They are supposed to start for their home, -driving in a carriage, and the verses repeated have reference to the -chariot, horses, boats, etc. After ghi has been poured into the fire, -a child, who should be a male who has not lost brothers or sisters, -is seated in the lap of the bride, and the bridegroom says:--"May cows, -horses, men, and wealth, increase in this house. Let this child occupy -your lap, just as the Soma creeper which gives strength to the Devatas -occupies the regions of the stars." Giving some plantain fruit to the -child, the bridegroom says:--"Oh! fruits, ye bear seeds. May my wife -bear seeds likewise by your blessing." Then the pair are shown Druva -and Arundathi (the pole star and Ursa major), which are worshipped -with the words:--"The seven Rishis who have led to firmness, she, -Arundathi, who stands first among the six Krithikas (Pleiads), may -she the eighth one, who leads the conjunction of the (moon with the) -six Krithikas, the first (among conjunctions) shine upon us. Firm -dwelling, firm origin; the firm one art thou, standing on the side of -firmness. Thou art the pillar of the stars. Thus protect me against -my adversaries." They then proceed to perform the Sthalipaka ceremony, -in which the bride should cook some rice, which the bridegroom offers -as an oblation in the sacred fire. In practice, however, a little -food is brought, and placed in the fire without being cooked. The -purohit decorates a Ficus stick with dharbha grass, and gives it to the -bridegroom. It is placed in the roof, or somewhere within the house, -near the seed-pans. [According to the Grihya Sutras, the couple ought -to occupy the same mat, with the stick between them. This is not in -vogue amongst several sections of Brahmans. The Mysore Carnatakas, -Mandya Aiyangars, and Shivallis, observe a kindred ceremony. Amongst -the Mandyas, for example, on the fourth night of the marriage rites, -the bridal couple occupy the same mat for a short time, and a stick -is placed between them. The Pajamadme, or mat marriage, amongst the -Shivalli Brahmans, evidently refers to this custom.] On the second and -third days of the marriage ceremonies, homams are performed in the -morning and evening, and the nalagu ceremony is performed. In this, -the couple are seated on two planks covered with mats and cloth, -amidst a large number of women assembled within the pandal. In front -of them, betel leaves, areca nuts, fruits, flowers, and turmeric -paste are placed in a tray. The women sing songs which they have -learnt from childhood, and the bride also sings the praises of the -bridegroom. Taking a little of the turmeric paste rendered red by the -addition of chunam (lime), she makes marks by drawing lines over the -feet (nalangu idal). The ceremony closes with the waving of arathi -(water coloured red with turmeric and chunam), and the distribution -of pan-supari (betel leaves and areca nuts). The waving is done by -two women, who sing appropriate songs. On the fourth day, Brahmans -assemble, and the pair are seated in their midst. After the recitation -of Vedic verses, the contracting couple are blessed. A small quantity -of turmeric paste, reddened by the addition of chunam, is mixed with -ghi, and smeared over the shoulders of the pair, and a mark is made on -their foreheads. This is called Pachchai Kalyanam, and is peculiar to -Tamil Brahmans, both Smarthas and Vaishnavas. Amongst Tamil Brahmans, -prominence is given to the maternal uncles on the fourth day. The -bride and bridegroom are carried astride on the shoulders of their -uncles, who dance to the strains of a band. When they meet, the couple -exchange garlands (malaimaththal). Towards evening, a procession is -got up at the expense of the maternal uncle of the bride, and is hence -called Amman Kolam. The bride is dressed up as a boy, and another girl -is dressed up to represent the bride. They are taken in procession -through the streets, and, on their return, the pseudo-bridegroom is -made to speak to the real bridegroom in somewhat insolent tones, and -some mock play is indulged in. The real bridegroom is addressed as if -he was the syce (groom) or gumastha (clerk) of the pseudo-bridegroom, -and is sometimes treated as a thief, and judgment passed on him by the -latter. Among Sri Vaishnavas, after the Pachchai smearing ceremony, -the bridal couple roll a cocoanut to and fro across the dais, and the -assembled Brahmans chant stanzas in Tamil composed by a Vaishnava -lady named Andal, an avatar of Lakshmi, who dedicated herself to -Vishnu. In these stanzas, she narrates to her attendants the dream, -in which she went through the marriage ceremony after her dedication -to the god. Pan-supari, of which a little, together with some money, -is set apart for Andal, is then distributed to all present. A large -crowd generally assembles, as it is believed that the chanting of -Andal's srisukthi (praise of Lakshmi) brings a general blessing. The -family priest calls out the names and gotras of those who have become -related to the bride and bridegroom through their marriage. As each -person's name is called out, he or she is supposed to make a present -of cloths, money, etc., to the bridegroom or bride. [The Telugu -and Carnataka Brahmans, instead of the Pachchai Kalyanam, perform -a ceremony called Nagavali on the fourth or fifth day. Thirty-two -lights and two vessels, representing Siva and Parvathi, are arranged -in the form of a square. Unbleached thread, soaked in turmeric paste, -is passed round the square, and tied to the pandal. The bridal couple -sit in front of the square, and, after doing puja (worship), cut the -thread, and take their seats within the square. The bridegroom ties -a tali of black glass beads on the bride's neck, in the presence of -33 crores (330 millions) of gods, represented by a number of small -pots arranged round the square. Close to the pots are the figures of -two elephants, designed in rice grains and salt respectively. After -going round the pots, the couple separate, and the bridegroom stands -by the salt elephant, and the bride by the other. They then talk about -the money value of the two animals, and an altercation takes place, -during which they again go round the pots, and stand, the bridegroom -near the rice elephant, and the bride near the salt one. The bargaining -as to the price of the animals is renewed, and the couple go round the -pots once more. This ceremony is followed by a burlesque of domestic -life. The bride is presented with two wooden dolls from Tirupati, and -told to make a cradle out of the bridegroom's turmeric-coloured cloth, -which he wore on the tali-tying day. The couple converse on domestic -matters, and the bridegroom asks the bride to attend to her household -affairs, so that he may go to his duties. She pleads her inability to -do so because of the children, and asks him to take charge of them. She -then shows the babies (dolls) to all present, and a good deal of fun is -made out of the incident. The bride, with her mother standing by her -side near two empty chairs, is then introduced to her new relations -by marriage, who sit in pairs on the chairs, and make presents of -pan-supari and turmeric.] On the fifth day of the marriage ceremonies, -before dawn, the bridal couple are seated on the dais, and the -Gandharva stick is removed, with the words:--"Oh! Visvawasu Gandharva, -I pray to you to make this girl my wife. Unite her with me. Leave -her, and seek another." The bridegroom then performs homams. A coin -is placed on the bride's head, and a little ghi put thereon. Gazing -at the bridegroom, she says:--"With a loving heart I regard thee -who knowest my heart. Thou art radiant with tapas (penance). Fill me -with a child, and this house of ours with wealth. Thou art desirous -of a son. Thus shalt thou reproduce thyself." Looking at the bride, -the bridegroom then says:--"I see thee radiant and eager to be filled -with child by me. Thou art in thy youth now. Enjoy me, therefore, -while I am over you, and so reproduce thyself, being desirous of -a son." Touching the bride's breasts with his ring-finger, and -then touching his heart, he repeats the following:--"May the Viswe -gods unite our hearts; may the water unite our hearts; may Vayu and -Brahma unite our hearts; and may Sarasvati teach us both conversation -appropriate to this occasion of our intercourse." More Vedic riks -are then recited, as follows:--"Thou Prajapathi, enter my body that -I may have vigour during this act; so thou Thvastri, who fashionest -forms with Vishnu and other gods; so thou Indra, who grantest boons -with thy friends the Viswedevas, by thy blessing may we have many -sons. May Vishnu make thy womb ready; may Thvashtri frame the shape -(of the child); may Prajapathi pour forth (the sperm); may Dhatri -give thee conception. Give conception, Sinivali; give conception, -Sarasvati. May the two Asvins, wreathed with lotus, give conception -to thee. The embryo which the two Asvins produce with their golden -kindling sticks, that embryo we call into thy womb, that thou mayst -give birth to it after ten months. As the earth is pregnant with -Agni, as the heaven is pregnant with Indra, as Vayu dwells in the -womb of the regions (of the earth), thus I place an embryo in thy -womb. Open thy womb; take in the sperm. May a male child, an embryo, -be begotten in the womb. The mother bears him ten months, may he be -born, the most valiant of his kin. May a male embryo enter the womb, -as an arrow the quiver; may a man be born here, thy son, after ten -months. I do with thee (the work) that is sacred to Prajapathi; may -an embryo enter the womb. May a child be born without deficiency, -with all its limbs, not blind, not lame, not sucked out by Pisachas" -(devils). The marriage is brought to a close, after this recitation, -with the presentation of fruits, etc., to all the Brahmans assembled, -and to all relations, children included. The bridegroom chews betel -for the first time on this day. The wrist-threads are removed, and the -seed-pans containing the seedlings, which have been worshipped daily, -are taken in procession to a tank (pond), into which the seedlings -are thrown. - -It will be noticed that prayers for male issue are of frequent -occurrence during the marriage ceremonial. In Sanskrit works, -Putra (son) is defined as one who delivers a parent from a hell -called put. It is generally believed that the welfare of a parent's -soul depends on the performance of sradh (memorial services) by his -son. It was laid down by Manu that a man is perfect, when he consists -of three--himself, his wife, and his son. In the Rig Veda it is -stated that "when a father sees the face of a living son, he pays -a debt in him, and gains immortality. The pleasure which a father -has in his son exceeds all other enjoyments. His wife is a friend, -his daughter an object of companion, his son shines as his light in -the highest world." The following story of a certain pious man of -ascetical temperament, who determined to shirk the religious duty of -taking a wife, is narrated by Monier Williams:--"Quietly skipping -over the second prescribed period of life, during which he ought -to have been a householder (grihastha), he entered at once upon the -third period--that is to say, he became an ascetic, abjured all female -society, and retired to the woods. Wandering about one day, absorbed -in meditation, he was startled by an extraordinary spectacle. He saw -before him a deep and apparently bottomless pit. Around its edge some -unhappy men were hanging suspended by ropes of grass, at which here -and there a rat was nibbling. On asking their history, he discovered -to his horror that they were his own ancestors compelled to hang in -this unpleasant manner, and doomed eventually to fall into the abyss, -unless he went back into the world, did his duty like a man, married -a suitable wife, and had a son, who would be able to release them -from their critical predicament." This legend is recorded in detail -in the Mahabharata. - -A curious mock marriage ceremony is celebrated amongst Brahmans -when an individual marries a third wife. It is believed that a -third marriage is very inauspicious, and that the bride will become -a widow. To prevent this mishap, the man is made to marry the arka -plant (Calotropis gigantea), and the real marriage thus becomes the -fourth. If this ceremony is carried on in orthodox fashion, it is -generally celebrated on some Sunday or Monday, when the constellation -Astham is visible. The bridegroom and a Brahman priest, accompanied -by a third Brahman, repair to a spot where the arka plant (a very -common weed) is growing. The plant is decorated with a cloth and a -piece of string, and symbolised into the sun. The bridegroom then -invokes it thus:--"Oh! master of three loks, Oh! the seven-horsed, -Oh! Ravi, avert the evils of the third marriage." Next the plant -is addressed with the words:--"You are the oldest of the plants of -this world. Brahma created you to save such of us as have to marry -a third time, so please become my wife." The Brahman who accompanies -the bridegroom becomes his father-in-law for the moment, and says to -him:--"I give you in marriage Aditya's great grand-daughter, Savi's -grand-daughter, and my daughter Arkakanya." All the ceremonies, such as -making homam, tali-tying, etc., are performed as at a regular marriage, -and, after the recitation of a few sentences from the Vedas, the plant -is cut down. "The plant," Mr. A. Srinivasan writes, [159] "is named -arka after the sun. When the car of the sun turns towards the north, -every Hindu applies the leaves of this plant to his head before he -bathes, in honour of the event. The plant is, besides, believed to be -a willing scapegoat to others' ills. Oil and ghi applied to the head -of the victim of persistent illness has only to be transferred to -this plant, when it withers and saves the man, even as Baber is said -to have saved his son. The poet Kalidasa describes sweet Sakuntala, -born of a shaggy dweller of the forest, as a garland of jasmine -thrown on an arka plant. 'May the arka grow luxuriant in your house' -is the commonest form of curse. 'Be thou belaboured with arka leaves' -is familiar in the mouths of reprimanding mothers. Adulterers were, -half a century ago, seated on an ass, face to the tail, and marched -through the village. The public disgrace was enhanced by placing a -garland of the despised arka leaves on their head. [Uppiliyan women -convicted of immorality are said to be garlanded with arka flowers, -and made to carry a basket of mud round the village.] A Telugu proverb -asks 'Does the bee ever seek the arka flower?' The reasons for the -ill-repute that this plant suffers from are not at all clear. The -fact that it has a partiality for wastes has evidently brought on -its devoted head the dismal associations of desolation, but there -would seem to be more deep-seated hatred to the plant than has been -explained." A Tamil proverb has it that he who crushes the bud of the -arka earns merit. Some Telugu and Canarese Brahmans, who follow the -Yajur Veda or Rig Veda, consider the arka plant as sacred, and use -the leaves thereof during the nandhi (ancestor invoking) ceremony, -which is performed as one of the marriage rites. Two or three arka -leaves, with betel leaves and areca nuts, are tied to the cloth, which -is attached to a stick as representing the ancestors (pithrus). With -some the arka leaves are replaced by leaves of Pongamia glabra. On -rathasapthami day (the seventh day after the new moon in the month -Avani), an orthodox Hindu should bathe his head and shoulders with arka -leaves in propitiation of Surya (the sun). Brahmans who follow the Sama -Veda, during the annual upakarmam ceremony, make use of arka leaves -and flowers in worshipping the Rishis and Pithrus. On the upakarmam -day, the Sama Vedis invoke their sixty-two Rishis and the last three -ancestors, who are represented by sixty-five clay balls placed on -arka leaves. To them are offered arka flowers, fruits of karai-chedi -(Canthium parviflorum), and naval (Eugenia Jambolana). In addition to -this worship, they perform the Rishi and Pithru tharpanam by offering -water, gingelly (Sesamum indicum) seeds, and rice. The celebrant, -prior to dipping his hand into the water, places in his hands two arka -leaves, gingelly, and rice. The juice of the arka plant is a favourite -agent in the hands of suicides. Among the Tangalan Paraiyans, if a -young man dies before he is married, a ceremony called kannikazhithal -(removing bachelorhood) is performed. Before the corpse is laid on -the bier, a garland of arka flowers is placed round its neck, and -balls of mud from a gutter are laid on the head, knees, and other -parts of the body. In some places a variant of the ceremony consists -in the erection of a mimic marriage booth, which is covered with -leaves of the arka plant, flowers of which are also placed round the -neck as a garland. At a form of marriage called rambha or kathali -(plantain) marriage, the arka plant is replaced by a plantain tree -(Musa). It is performed by those who happen to be eldest brothers, -and who are incapable of getting married, so as to give a chance -to younger brothers, who are not allowed to marry unless the elder -brother or brothers are already married. - -At the present day, many Hindus disregard certain ceremonies, in the -celebration of which their forefathers were most scrupulous. Even the -daily ceremonial ablutions, which are all important to a Brahman from -a shastraic point of view, are now neglected by a large majority, -and the prayers (mantrams), which should be chanted during their -performance, are forgotten. But no Brahman, orthodox or unorthodox, -dares to abandon the death ceremonial, and annual sradh (memorial -rites). A Brahman beggar, when soliciting alms, invariably pleads that -he has to perform his father or mother's sradh, or upanayanam (thread -ceremony) of his children, and he rarely goes away empty-handed. "The -constant periodical performance," Monier Williams writes, [160] -"of commemorative obsequies is regarded in the light of a positive -and peremptory obligation. It is the simple discharge of a solemn -debt to one's forefathers, a debt consisting not only in reverential -homage, but in the performance of acts necessary to their support, -happiness, and progress onwards in the spiritual world. A man's -deceased relatives, for at least three generations, are among his -cherished divinities, and must be honoured by daily offerings and -adoration, or a nemesis of some kind is certain to overtake his -living family. The object of a Hindu funeral is nothing less than -the investiture of the departed spirit with an intermediate gross -body--a peculiar frame interposed, as it were parenthetically, between -the terrestrial gross body, which has just been destroyed by fire, -and the new terrestrial body, which it is compelled to ultimately -assume. The creation of such an intervenient frame, composed of gross -elements, though less gross than those of earth, becomes necessary, -because the individualised spirit of man, after the cremation of the -terrestrial body, has nothing left to withhold it from re-absorption -into the universal soul, except its incombustible subtle body, which, -as composed of the subtle elements, is not only proof against the -fire of the funeral pile, but is incapable of any sensations in the -temporary heaven, or temporary hell, through one or other of which -every separate human spirit is forced to pass before returning to -earth, and becoming re-invested with a terrestrial gross body." - -When a Brahman is on the point of death, he is removed from his -bed, and laid on the floor. If there is any fear of the day being a -danishtapanchami (inauspicious), the dying man is taken out of the -house, and placed in the court-yard or pial (raised verandah). Some -prayers are uttered, and a cow is presented (godhanam). These are -intended to render the passage of life through the various parts of the -body as easy as possible. The spirit is supposed to escape through one -of the nine orifices of the body, according to the character of the -individual concerned. That of a good man leaves the body through the -brahmarandhra (top of the skull), and that of a bad man through the -anus. Immediately after death, the body is washed, religious marks -are made on the forehead, and parched paddy and betel are scattered -over and around it by the son. As a Brahman is supposed always to have -his fire with him, the sacred fire is lighted. At this stage, certain -purificatory ceremonies are performed, if death has taken place on a -day or hour of evil omen, or at midnight. Next, a little cooked rice -is cooked in a new earthen pot, and a new cloth is thrown over the -corpse, which is roused by the recitation of mantrams. Four bearers, -to each of whom dharbha grass is given in token of his office, are -selected to carry the corpse to the burning-ground. The eldest son, -who is the funeral celebrant, and his brothers are shaved. On ordinary -occasions, brothers should not be shaved on the same day, as this would -be inauspicious. They are only shaved on the same day on the occasion -of the death of their father or mother. The widow of the deceased, -and female relations, go three times round the corpse, before it is -placed on the bier. Very often, at this stage, all the women present -set up a loud lamentation, and repeat the death songs. [161] If the -dead person was a respected elder, special professional women, trained -as mourners, are engaged. I am informed that, in the Coimbatore -district, and amongst the Sathyamangalam Brahacharanams, there -are certain widows who are professional mourners. As soon as they -hear of the death of an elder, they repair to the house, and worry -the bereaved family into engaging them for a small fee. The space, -which intervenes between the dead man's house and the burning-ground, -is divided into four parts. When the end of the first of these is -reached, the corpse is placed on the ground, and the sons and nephews -go round it, repeating mantrams. They untie their kudumis (hair knot), -leaving part thereof loose, tie up the rest into a small bunch, and -keep on slapping their thighs. [When children at play have their -kudumi partially tied, and slap their thighs, they are invariably -scolded, owing to the association with funerals.] A little cooked -rice is offered to the path as a pathi bali (wayside offering), -to propitiate evil spirits, or bhuthas. The same ceremonial should, -strictly speaking, be performed at two other spots, but now-a-days it -is the custom to place the corpse on the ground near the funeral pyre, -moving its position three times, while the circumambulation and pathi -bali are gone through only once. As soon as the corpse has reached the -spot where the pyre is, the celebrant of the rites sprinkles water -thereon, and throws a quarter of an anna on it as the equivalent of -purchase of the ground for cremation. The sacred fire is lighted, -and the right palm of the corpse is touched with a gold coin. The nine -orifices of the body are then smeared with ghi, and rice is thrown over -the corpse, and placed in its mouth. The son takes a burning brand -from the sacred fire, lights the pyre, and looks at the sun. He then -carries a pot filled with water, having a hole at the bottom through -which the water trickles out, on his shoulders three times round the -corpse, and, at the end of the third round, throws it down. Then he, -and all the relations of the deceased, squat on the ground, facing -east, take up some dharbha grass, and, cutting it into small fragments -with their nails, scatter them in the air, while repeating some Vedic -verses, which are chanted very loudly and slowly, especially at the -funeral of a respected elder. The celebrant then pours a little water -on a stone, and sprinkles himself with it. This is also done by the -other relations, and they pass beneath a bundle of dharbha grass and -twigs of Ficus glomerata held by the purohit (officiating priest), -and gaze for a moment at the sun. Once more they sprinkle themselves -with water, and proceed to a tank, where they bathe. When they return -home, two rites, called nagna (naked) sradh, and pashana sthapanam -(stone-fixing), are celebrated. The disembodied spirit is supposed to -be naked after the body has been cremated. To clothe it, offerings -of water, with balls of cooked rice, are made, and a cloth, lamp, -and money are given to a Brahman. Then two stones are set up, one -in the house and the other on the bank of a tank, to represent the -spirit of the deceased. For ten days, libations of water mixed with -gingelly seeds, called tilothakam, and a ball of cooked rice, must be -offered to the stones. The ball of rice is left for crows to eat. The -number of libations must be seventy-five, commencing with three on -the first day, and increasing the number daily by one. In addition, -three further libations are made daily by dipping a piece of cloth -from the winding-sheet, and rinsing it over the stone (vasothakam). On -the day after cremation, the relations assemble at the burning-ground, -and the son, after extinguishing the burning embers, removes the -fragments of bones from the ashes. The ceremony is called sanchyanam -(gathering). Cooked food is offered. The bones are thrown into some -sacred river, or buried in the ground. On the tenth day after death, -a large quantity of cooked rice (prabhuthabali) is offered to the -spirit of the dead person, which is believed to grow very hungry -on that day. The food is heaped up on plantain leaves, and all the -near relations go round them, crying and beating their breasts. It -is mostly females who perform this rite, males standing aloof. The -food is taken to a tank, and the widow, decorated and dressed up, -is conducted thither. The food is thrown into the water, and, if -the widow is an elderly orthodox woman, her tali is removed. On the -same day, her head is clean shaved. A widow is not allowed to adorn -herself with jewels and finery except on this day, when all her close -relations come and see her. If this is not done, pregnant women may -not see her for a year. All the agnates should be present on the tenth -day, and perform tharpana (oblations of water). Until this day they -are under pollution, and, after prabhuthabali, they bathe, and homam -is performed. Some ashes from the sacred fire are mixed with ghi, -and a mark is made on the foreheads of those who are under pollution, -to remove it. During the period of pollution, a Sri Vaishnava will have -only a white mark without the red streak on his forehead; a Madhva will -not have the black dot; and Smarthas avoid having marks altogether. The -tenth day ceremony is called Dasaham. On the eleventh day, a ceremony -called Ekodishtam (eleventh day ceremony) is performed. A Brahman is -seated to represent the pretha or dead person, and fed after going -through sradh rites. As a rule, the man is a close relation of the -deceased. But, amongst certain classes of Brahmans, an outsider is -engaged, and well remunerated. On the twelfth day, the Sapindikaranam -(sapinda, kinsman) ceremony, which is just like the ordinary sradh, is -performed. At the close thereof, six balls of cooked rice are offered -to three ancestors, male and female (three balls for males, and three -for females). These balls are arranged in two rows, with a space -between them. An elongated mass of food is placed between the rows, -and divided with blades of dharbha grass into three portions, which -are arranged close to the balls of rice. This is regarded as uniting -the dead man with the pitris (ancestors). A cow is usually presented -just before the union takes place, and the gift is believed to render -the crossing of the river Vaitarani (river of death) easy for the -departed soul. The Sapindikaranam is a very important ceremony. When -there is a dispute concerning division of property on the death of an -individual, the ceremony is not performed until the parties come to an -agreement. For instance, if a married man dies without issue, and his -widow's brothers-in-law cannot come to terms as regards the partition -of the property, the widow may refuse to allow the performance of -the ceremony. The Sapindikaranam should, according to the shastras, -be performed a year after death, i.e., on the completion of all the -Masikas (monthly sradhs). But, at the present day, a ceremony called -Shodasam (the sixteen) is performed just before the Sapindikaranam on -the twelfth day. In the course of the year, twelve monthly and four -quarterly sradhs should be performed. The Shodasam ceremony, which -is carried out in lieu thereof, consists in giving presents of money -and vessels to sixteen Brahmans. On the twelfth day, a feast is held, -and domestic worship is carried out on a large scale. At the close -thereof, a sloka called Charma sloka, in praise of the deceased, is -composed and repeated by some one versed in Sanskrit. Every month, -for a year after a death in a family, sradh should, as indicated, -be performed. This corresponds in detail with the annual sradh, which -is regularly performed, unless a visit is paid to Gaya, which renders -further performance of the rite not obligatory. For the performance -of this ceremony by the nearest agnate of the deceased (eldest son or -other), three Brahmans should be called in, to represent respectively -Vishnu, the Devatas, and the ancestors. Sometimes two Brahmans are -made to suffice, and Vishnu is represented by a salagrama stone. In -extreme cases, only one Brahman assists at the ceremony, the two -others being represented by dharbha grass. The sacred fire is lighted, -and ghi, a small quantity of raw and cooked rice, and vegetables -are offered up in the fire. The Brahmans then wash their feet, and -are fed. Before they enter the space set apart for the meal, water, -gingelly, and rice are sprinkled about it, to keep off evil spirits. As -soon as the meal is finished, a ball of rice, called vayasa pindam -(crow's food), is offered to the pithru devatas (ancestors of three -generations), and thrown to the crows. If they do not eat the rice, -the omens are considered to be unfavourable. The Brahmans receive -betel and money in payment for their services. On one occasion my -assistant was in camp at Kodaikanal on the Palni hills, the higher -altitudes of which are uninhabited by crows, and he had perforce to -march down to the plains, in order to perform the annual ceremony -for his deceased father. The recurring annual sradh (Pratyabdhika) -need not of necessity be performed. It is, however, regarded as an -important ceremony, and, should an individual neglect it, he would -run the risk of being excommunicated. - -The rites connected with the dead are based on the Garuda Purana, -according to which the libations of the ten days are said to help the -growth of the body of the soul. In this connection, Monier Williams -writes as follows:-- [162]"On the first day, the ball (pinda) of -rice offered by the eldest son or other near relative nourishes the -spirit of the deceased in such a way as to furnish it with a head; -on the second day, the offered pinda gives a neck and shoulders; on -the third day a heart; on the fourth a back; on the fifth a navel; -on the sixth a groin and the parts usually concealed; on the seventh -thighs; on the eighth and ninth knees and feet. On the tenth day, -the intermediate body is sufficiently formed to produce the sensation -of hunger and thirst. Other pindas are therefore put before it, and, -on the eleventh and twelfth days, the embodied spirit feeds voraciously -on the offerings thus supplied, and so gains strength for its journey -to its future abode. Then, on the thirteenth day after death, it is -conducted either to heaven or hell. If to the latter, it has need of -the most nourishing food, to enable it to bear up against the terrible -ordeal which awaits it." - -To the Hindu mind, Yama (the god of death) is a hideous god, -whose servants are represented as being capable of tormenting the -soul of the dead. "No sooner," writes Monier Williams, "has death -occurred, and cremation of the terrestrial body taken place, than -Yama's two messengers (Yama Dutan), who are waiting near at hand, -make themselves visible to the released spirit, which retains its -subtle body composed of the subtle elements, and is said to be of -the size of a thumb (angustha-matra). Their aspect is terrific, -for they have glaring eyes, hair standing erect, gnashing teeth, -crow-black skin, and claw-like nails, and they hold in their hands -the awful rod and noose of Yama. Then, as if their appearance in -this form were not sufficiently alarming, they proceed to terrify -their victim by terrible visions of the torments (yatana) in store -for him. They then convey the bound spirit along the road to Yama's -abode. Being led before Yama's judgment seat, it is confronted with -his Registrar or Recorder named Chitra Gupta. This officer stands by -Yama's side, with an open book before him. It is his business to note -down all the good and evil deeds of every human being born into the -world, with the resulting merit (punya) and demerit (papa), and to -produce a debtor and creditor account properly made up and balanced -on the day when that being is brought before Yama. According to the -balance on the side of merit or demerit is judgment pronounced. The -road by which Yama's two officers force a wicked man to descend to -the regions of torment is described in the first two chapters of the -Garuda Purana. The length of the way is said to be 86,000 leagues -(yojanas). The condemned soul, invested with its sensitive body, and -made to travel at the rate of 200 leagues a day, finds no shady trees, -no resting place, no food, no water. At one time it is scorched by a -burning heat equal to that of twelve meridian suns, at another it is -pierced by icy cold winds; now its tender frame is rent by thorns; -now it is attacked by lions, tigers, savage dogs, venomous serpents, -and scorpions. In one place it has to traverse a dense forest, whose -leaves are swords; in another it falls into deep pits; in another it -is precipitated from precipices; in another it has to walk on the -edge of razors; in another on iron spikes. Here it stumbles about -helplessly in profound darkness; there it struggles through loathsome -mud swarming with leeches; here it toils through burning sand; there -its progress is arrested by heaps of red-hot charcoal and stifling -smoke. Compelled to pass through every obstacle, however formidable, -it next encounters a succession of terrific showers, not of rain, but -of live coals, stones, blood, boiling water and filth. Then it has -to descend into appalling fissures, or ascend to sickening heights, -or lose itself in vast caves, or wade through lakes seething with -foetid ordures. Then midway it has to pass the awful river Vaitarani, -one hundred leagues in breadth, of unfathomable depth; flowing with -irresistible impetuosity; filled with blood, matter, hair, and bones; -infested with huge sharks, crocodiles, and sea monsters; darkened -by clouds of hideous vultures and obscene birds of prey. Thousands -of condemned spirits stand trembling on the banks, horrified by the -prospect before them. Consumed by a raging thirst, they drink the blood -which flows at their feet; then, tumbling headlong into the torrent, -they are overwhelmed by the rushing waves. Finally, they are hurried -down to the lowest depths of hell, and yet not destroyed. Pursued -by Yama's officers, they are dragged away, and made to undergo -inconceivable tortures, the detail of which is given with the utmost -minuteness in the succeeding chapters of the Garuda Purana." - -The Ahannikams, or daily observances, of a religious Brahman are -very many. Nowadays, Brahmans who lead a purely religious life -are comparatively few, and are mostly found in villages. The -daily observances of such are the bath, the performance of the -Sandhya service, Brahma yagna, Deva puja or Devatarchana, Tarpana -(oblations of water), Vaisvadeva ceremony, and the reading of Puranas -or Ithihasas. Every orthodox Brahman is expected to rise at the time -called Brahma Muhurtam in the hour and a half before sunrise. He -should then clean his teeth, using as a brush mango leaf, or twigs -of Acacia arabica or nim (Melia Azadirachta). He next bathes in a -river or tank (pond), standing knee-deep in the water, and repeating -the following:--"I am about to perform the morning ablution in this -sacred stream (Ganges, Sarasvati, Yamuna, Godavari, etc.), in the -presence of the gods and Brahmans, with a view to the removal of -guilt resulting from act, speech, and thought, from what has been -touched and untouched, known and unknown, eaten and not eaten, -drunk and not drunk." After the bath, he wipes his body with a damp -cloth, and puts on his cotton madi cloth, which has been washed and -dried. The cloth, washed, wrung, and hung up to dry, should not be -touched by anybody. If this should happen prior to the bath, the -cloth is polluted, and ceases to be madi. A silk cloth, which cannot -be polluted, is substituted for it. The madi or silk cloth should be -worn until the close of the morning ceremonies and meal. The man next -puts the marks which are characteristic of his sect on the forehead -and body, and performs the Sandhya service. This is very important, -and is binding on all Brahmans after the Upanayanam ceremony, though -a large number are not particular in observing it. According to the -shastras, the Sandhya should be done in the morning and evening; but -in practice there is an additional service at midday. Sandhyavandhanam -means the thanksgiving to God when day and night meet in the morning -and evening. The rite commences with the sipping of water (achamanam) -from the hollow of the right palm. This is done three times, while -the words Achyuthayanamaha, Anantayanamaha, and Govindayana are -repeated. Immediately after sipping, twelve parts of the body are -touched with the fingers of the right hand in the following order:-- - - - The two cheeks with the thumb, repeating the names Kesava and - Narayana; - - The two eyes with the ring-finger, repeating Madhava and Govinda; - - The two sides of the nose with the forefinger, repeating Vishnu - and Madhusudhana; - - The two ears with the little finger, repeating Trivkrama and - Vamana; - - The shoulders with the middle finger, repeating Sridhara and - Rishikesa; - - The navel and head with all the fingers, repeating Padmanabha - and Damodar. - - -This Achamana is the usual preliminary to all Brahman religious -rites. The water sipped is believed to cleanse the internal parts of -the body, as bathing cleanses the external parts. - -After Achamana comes Pranayama, or holding in of vital breath, which -consists in repeating the Gayatri (hymn) and holding the breath by -three distinct operations, viz:-- - -Puraka, or pressing the right nostril with the fingers, and drawing -in the breath through the left nostril, and vice versâ. - -Kumbhaka, or pressing both nostrils with finger and thumb or with -all the fingers, and holding the breath as long as possible. - -Rechaka, or pressing the right nostril with the thumb, and expelling -the breath through the left nostril, and vice versâ. - -The suppression of the breath is said to be a preliminary yoga -practice, enabling a person to fix his mind on the Supreme Being who -is meditated on. - -The celebrant next repeats the Sankalpa (determination), with the -hands brought together, the right palm over the left, and placed on -the right thigh. Every kind of ceremony commences with the Sankalpa, -which, for the Sandhya service, is as follows:--"I am worshipping -for the removal of all my sins that have adhered to me, and for -the purpose of acquiring the favour of Narayana or the Supreme -Being." The performer of the rite then sprinkles himself with water, -repeating:--"Oh! ye waters, the sources of all comforts, grant us -food, so that our senses may grow strong and give us joy. Make -us the recipients of your essence, which is the most blissful, -just as affectionate mothers (feed their children with milk from -their breasts). May we obtain enough of that essence of yours, the -existence of which within you makes you feel glad. Oh! waters, grant -us offspring." He then takes up the water in his palm, and drinks it, -repeating the following:--"May the sun and anger, may the lords of -anger, preserve me from my sins of pride and passion. Whate'er the -nightly sins of thought, word, deed, wrought by my mind, my speech, -my hands, my feet; wrought through my appetite and sensual organs; -may the departing night remove them all. In thy immortal light, -Oh! radiant sun, I offer up myself and this my guilt." At the evening -service, the same is repeated, with the word Agni instead of Surya -(sun). At the midday service the following is recited:--"May the waters -purify the earth by pouring down rain. May the earth thus purified -make us pure. May the waters purify my spiritual preceptor, and may -the Veda (as taught by the purified preceptor) purify me. Whatever -leavings of another's food, and whatever impure things I may have -eaten, whatever I may have received as gift from the unworthy, may -the waters destroy all that sin and purify me. For this purpose, I -pour this sanctified water as a libation down my mouth." Once more -the celebrant sprinkles himself with water, and says:--"I sing the -praise of the god Dadikravan, who is victorious, all-pervading, and -who moves with great speed. May he make our mouths (and the senses) -fragrant, and may he prolong our lives. Oh! ye waters, the sources -of all comforts, grant us food," etc. - -The ceremonies performed so far are intended for both external and -internal purification. By their means, the individual is supposed to -have made himself worthy to salute the Lord who resides in the orb of -the rising luminary, and render him homage in true Brahman style by -what is called Arghya. This is an offering of water to any respected -guest. Repeating the Gayatri, the worshipper throws water in the air -from the palms of the hands joined together with the sacred thread -round the thumbs. The Gayatri is the hymn par excellence, and is said -to contain the sum and substance of all Vedic teaching. - -After these items, the worshipper sits down, and does Japam (recitation -of prayers in an undertone). The Gayatri, as repeated, consists of the -Gayatri proper Vyahritis, and Gayatri Siromantra. It runs as follows:-- - - - Om, Bhuh; Om, Bhuvah; - Om, Suvah; Om, Mahaha; - Om, Janaha; Om, Thapaha; - Om, Sathyam. - Om, Thatsaviturvarenyam; - Bhargodevasya dhimahi dhiyo-yonah prachodayat; - Om, Jyotiraso amrutam - Brahma, Bhur, Bhuvasvarum. - - -The Vyahritis are generally taken to refer to the seven worlds, -and the prefixing of the Pranava (Om) means that all these worlds -have sprung from the Supreme Being. The Pranava given above means -"All the seven worlds are (the visible manifestations of) Om, the -all-pervading Brahman. We think of the adorable light of the Lord, -who shines in our hearts, and guides us. May he guide our intellects -aright. Water, light, all things that have savour (such as trees, -herbs, and plants), the nectar of the gods, the three worlds, in fact -everything that is Brahman, the universal soul." - -The mystic syllable Om is the most sacred of all Hindu -utterances. Concerning it, Monier Williams writes that it is "made -up of the three letters A, U, M, and symbolical of the threefold -manifestation of the one Supreme Being in the gods Brahma, Vishnu, -and Siva, and is constantly repeated during the Sandhya service. This -prayer is, as we have seen, the most sacred of all Vedic utterances, -and, like the Lord's Prayer among Christians, or like the Fatihah or -opening chapter of the Kuran among Muhammadans, must always, among -Hindus, take precedence of all other forms of supplication." - -The celebrant next proceeds to invoke the Gayatri Devata thus:--"May -the goddess Gayatri Devata, who grants all our desires, come to us -to make known to us the eternal Lord, who is revealed to us only -through the scriptures. May the Gayatri, the mother of all the Vedas, -reveal to us the eternal truth. Oh! Gayatri, thou art the source of -all spiritual strength. Thou art the power that drivest away the evil -inclinations which are mine enemies. Thou, by conducing to a sound -mind, conducest to a sound body. Thou art the light of the gods, -that dispellest my intellectual darkness, and illuminest my heart -with divine wisdom. Thou art all. In the whole universe there is -naught but thee that is. Thou art the eternal truth that destroys all -sins. Thou art the Pranava that reveals to me the unknown. Come to -my succour, Oh! thou Gayatri, and make me wise." This invocation is -followed by the repetition of the Gayatri 108 or only 28 times. The -celebrant then says:--"The goddess Gayatri resides on a lofty peak -on the summit of mount Meru (whose base is deeply fixed) in the -earth. Oh! thou goddess, take leave from the Brahmans (who have -worshipped thee, and been blessed with thy grace), and go back to thy -abode as comfortably as possible." The Sandhya service is closed with -the following prayer to the rising sun:--"We sing the adorable glory -of the sun god, who sustains all men (by causing rain); which glory -is eternal, and most worthy of being adored with wonder. The sun, -well knowing the inclinations of men, directs them to their several -pursuits. The sun upholds both heaven and earth; the sun observes all -creatures (and their actions) without ever winking. To this eternal -being we offer the oblation mixed with ghi. Oh! sun, may that man -who through such sacrifice offers oblations to thee become endowed -with wealth and plenty. He who is under thy protection is not cut -off by untimely death; he is not vanquished by anybody, and sin has -no hold on this man either from near or from afar." In the evening, -the following prayer to Varuna is substituted:--"Hear, Oh! Varuna, -this prayer of mine. Be gracious unto me this day. Longing for thy -protection, I cry to thee. Adoring thee with prayer, I beg long life -of thee. The sacrificer does the same with the oblations he offers -thee. Therefore, Oh! Varuna, without indifference in this matter, -take my prayer into your kind consideration, and do not cut off our -life. Oh! Lord Varuna, whatever law of thine we, as men, violate day -after day, forgive us these trespasses. Oh! Lord Varuna, whatever -offence we, as men, have committed against divine beings, whatever -work of thine we have neglected through ignorance, do not destroy -us, Oh! Lord, for such sin. Whatever sin is attributed to us by our -enemies, as by gamblers at dice, whatever sins we may have really -committed, and what we may have done without knowing, do thou scatter -and destroy all these sins. Then, Oh! Lord, we shall become beloved of -thee." The Sandhya prayer closes with the Abhivadhana or salutation, -which has been given in the account of marriage. After the Sandhya -service in the morning, the Brahma yagna, or worship of the Supreme -Being as represented in the sacred books is gone through. The first -hymn of the Rig Veda is recited in detail, and then follow the first -words of the Yajur Veda, Sama Veda, Atharvana Veda, the Nirukta, etc. - -The next item is the Tarpana ceremony, or offering of water to the -Devatas, Rishis, and Pitris. The sacred thread is placed over the -left shoulder and under the right arm (upavita), and water is taken -in the right hand, and poured as an offering to the Devatas. Then, -with the sacred thread round the neck like a necklace (niviti), the -worshipper pours water for the Rishis. Lastly, the sacred thread is -placed over the right shoulder (prachina vithi) and water is poured -for the Pitris (ancestors). - -The various ceremonies described so far should be performed by all the -male members of a family, whereas the daily Devatarchana or Devata puja -is generally done by any one member of a family. The gods worshipped -by pious Brahmans are Siva and Vishnu, and their consorts Parvati and -Lakshmi. Homage is paid thereto through images, salagrama stones, or -stone lingams. In the house of a Brahman, a corner or special room -is set apart for the worship of the god. Some families keep their -gods in a small almirah (chest). - -Smarthas use in their domestic worship five stones, viz.:-- - - - 1. Salagrama, representing Vishnu. - 2. Bana linga, a white stone representing the essence of Siva. - 3. A red stone (jasper), representing Ganesha. - 4. A bit of metallic ore, representing Parvathi, or a lingam - representing Siva and Parvathi. - 5. A piece of pebble or crystal, to represent the sun. - - -Smarthas commence their worship by invoking the aid of Vigneswara -(Ganesha). Then, placing a vessel (kalasa) filled with water, they -utter the following prayer. "In the mouth of the water-vessel abideth -Vishnu, in its lower part is Brahma, while the whole company of the -mothers (matris) are congregated in its middle part. Oh! Ganges, -Yamuna, Godavari, Sarasvati, Narmada, Sindhu, and Kaveri, be present -in this water." The conch or chank shell (Turbinella rapa) is then -worshipped as follows:--"Oh! conch shell, thou wast produced in -the sea, and art held by Vishnu in his hand. Thou art worshipped by -all the gods. Receive my homage." The bell is then worshipped with -the prayer:--"Oh! bell, make a sound for the approach of the gods, -and for the departure of the demons. Homage to the goddess Ghanta -(bell). I offer perfumes, grains of rice, and flowers, in token of -rendering all due homage to the bell." The worshipper claps his hands, -and rings the bell. All the tulsi (sacred basil, Ocimum sanctum) -leaves, flowers, sandal paste, etc., used for worship on the previous -day, are removed. "The tulsi is the most sacred plant in the Hindu -religion; it is consequently found in or near almost every Hindu house -throughout India. Hindu poets say that it protects from misfortune, -and sanctifies and guides to heaven all who cultivate it. The Brahmins -hold it sacred to the gods Krishna and Vishnu. The story goes that -this plant is the transformed nymph Tulasi, beloved of Krishna, -and for this reason near every Hindu house it is cultivated in pots, -or in brick or earthen pillars with hollows at the top (brindavanam -or brinda forest), in which earth is deposited. It is daily watered, -and worshipped by all the members of the family. Under favourable -circumstances, it grows to a considerable size, and furnishes a woody -stem large enough to make beads for the rosaries used by Hindus, -on which they count the number of recitations of their deity's -name." [163] Writing in the seventeenth century, Vincenzo Maria -[164] observes that "almost all the Hindus ... adore a plant like our -Basilico gentile, but of a more pungent odour.... Every one before -his house has a little altar, girt with a wall half an ell high, -in the middle of which they erect certain pedestals like little -towers, and in these the shrub is grown. They recite their prayers -daily before it, with repeated prostrations, sprinklings of water, -etc. There are also many of these maintained at the bathing-places, -and in the courts of the pagodas." The legend, accounting for the -sanctity of the tulsi, is told in the Padma Purana. [165] From the -union of the lightning that flashed from the third eye of Siva with -the ocean, a boy was born, whom Brahmadev caught up, and to whom he -gave the name of Jalandhar. And to him Brahmadev gave the boon that -by no hand but Siva's could he perish. Jalandhar grew up strong and -tall, and conquered the kings of the earth, and, in due time, married -Vrinda (or Brinda), the daughter of the demon Kalnemi. Naradmuni, -the son of Brahmadev, stirred up hatred against Siva in Jalandhar, -and they fought each other on the slopes of Kailas. But even Siva -could not prevail against Jalandhar, so long as his wife Vrinda -remained chaste. So Vishnu, who had lived with her and Jalandhar, -and had learnt their secret, plotted her downfall. One day, when she, -sad at Jalandhar's absence, had left her garden to walk in the waste -beyond, two demons met her and pursued her. She ran, with the demons -following, until she saw a Rishi, at whose feet she fell, and asked -for shelter. The Rishi, with his magic, burnt up the demons into thin -ash. Vrinda then asked for news of her husband. At once, two apes laid -before her Jalandhar's head, feet, and hands. Vrinda, thinking that -he was dead, begged the Rishi to restore him to her. The Rishi said -that he would try, and in a moment he and the corpse had disappeared, -and Jalandhar stood by her. She threw herself into his arms, and they -embraced each other. But, some days later, she learnt that he with -whom she was living was not her husband, but Vishnu, who had taken -his shape. She cursed Vishnu, and foretold that, in a later Avatar, -the two demons who had frightened her would rob him of his wife; and -that, to recover her, he would have to ask the aid of the apes who had -brought Jalandhar's head, feet, and hands. Vrinda then threw herself -into a burning pit, and Jalandhar, once Vrinda's chastity had gone, -fell a prey to Siva's thunderbolts. Then the gods came forth from their -hiding place, and garlanded Siva. The demons were driven back to hell, -and men once more passed under the tyranny of the gods. But Vishnu came -not back from Vrinda's palace, and those who sought him found him mad -from grief, rolling in her ashes. Then Parvati, to break the charm -of Vrinda's beauty, planted in her ashes three seeds. And they grew -into three plants, the tulsi, the avali, and the malti. By the growth -of these seeds, Vishnu was released from Vrinda's charm. Therefore -he loved them all, but chiefly the tulsi plant, which, as he said, -was Vrinda's very self. In the seventh incarnation, the two demons, -who had frightened Vrinda, became Ravan and his brother Kumbhakarna, -and they bore away Sita to Lanka. To recover her, Ramchandra had -to implore the help of the two apes who had brought her Jalandhar's -head and hands, and in this incarnation they became Hanuman and his -warriors. But, in the eighth incarnation, which was that of Krishna, -the tulsi plant took the form of a woman Radha, and wedded the gay -and warlike lord of Dwarka. - - -The Shodasopachara, or sixteen acts of homage, are next performed in -due order, viz.-- - - - 1. Avahana, or invocation of the gods. - 2. Asanam, or seat. - 3. Padhya, or water for washing the feet. - 4. Arghya, or oblation of rice or water. - 5. Achamanam, or water for sipping. - 6. Snanam, or the bath. - 7. Vastra, or clothing of tulsi leaves. - 8. Upavastra, or upper clothing of tulsi leaves. - 9. Gandha, or sandal paste. - 10. Pushpa, or flowers. - 11. 12. Dhupa and Dhipa, or incense and light. - 13. Naivedya, or offering of food. - 14. Pradakshina, or circumambulation. - 15. Mantrapushpa, or throwing flowers. - 16. Namaskara, or salutation by prostration. - - -While the five stones already referred to are bathed by pouring water -from a conch shell, the Purusha Suktha, or hymn of the Rig Veda, is -repeated. This runs as follows:--"Purusha has thousands of heads, -thousands of arms, thousands of eyes, and thousands of feet. On -every side enveloping the earth, he transcended this mere space of -ten fingers. Purusha himself is this whole (universe); whatever has -been, and whatever shall be. He is also the lord of immortality, -since through food he expands. Such is his greatness, and Purusha is -superior to this. All existing things are a quarter of him, and that -which is immortal in the sky is three quarters of him. With three -quarters Purusha mounted upwards. A quarter of him was again produced -below. He then became diffused everywhere among things, animate and -inanimate. From him Viraj was born, and from Viraj Purusha. As soon as -born, he extended beyond the earth, both behind and before. When the -gods offered up Purusha as a sacrifice, the spring was its clarified -butter (ghi), summer its fuel, and the autumn the oblation. This -victim, Purusha born in the beginning, they consecrated on the -sacrificial grass. With him as their offering, the Gods, Sadhyas, -and Rishis sacrificed. From that universal oblations were produced -curds and clarified butter. He, Purusha, formed the animals which are -subject to the power of the air (Vayavya), both wild and tame. From -that universal sacrifice sprang the hymns called Rik and Saman, the -Metres, and the Yajus. From it were produced horses, and all animals -with two rows of teeth, cows, goats, and sheep. When they divided -Purusha, into how many parts did they distribute him? What was his -mouth? What were his arms? What were called his thighs and feet? The -Brahman was his mouth; the Rajanya became his arms; the Vaisya was -his thighs; the Sudra sprang from his feet. The moon was produced -from his soul; the sun from his eye; Indra and Agni from his mouth; -Vayu from his breath. From his navel came the atmosphere; from his -head arose the sky; from his feet came the earth; from his ears the -four quarters; so they formed the worlds. When the gods, in performing -their sacrifice, bound Purusha as a victim, there were seven pieces -of wood laid for him round the fire, and thrice seven pieces of fuel -employed. With sacrifice the gods worshipped the sacrifice. These -were the primæval rites. These great beings attained to the heaven, -where the Gods, the ancient Sadhyas, reside." - -Some Smarthas, e.g., the Brahacharnams, are more Saivite than other -sections of Tamil-speaking Brahmans. During worship, they wear round -the neck rudraksha (Elæocarpus Ganitrus) beads, and place on their head -a lingam made thereof. In connection with the rudraksha, the legend -runs that Siva or Kalagni Rudra, while engaged in Tripura Samhara, -opened his third eye, which led to the destruction of the three cities, -of which Rakshasas or Asuras had taken the form. From this eye liquid -is said to have trickled on the ground, and from this arose the -rudraksha tree. The mere mention of the word rudraksha is believed -to secure religious merit, which may be said to be equivalent to the -merit obtained by the gift of ten cows to Brahmans. Rudraksha beads are -valued according to the number of lobes (or faces, as they are called), -which are ordinarily five in number. A bead with six lobes is said to -be very good, and one with two lobes, called Gauri Sankara rudraksha, -is specially valued. Dikshitar Brahmans, and Pandaram priests of the -higher order, wear a two-lobed bead mounted in gold. In a manuscript -entitled Rudrakshopanishad, it is stated that a good rudraksha bead, -when rubbed with water, should colour the water yellow. The Madhvas -worship in the same way as Smarthas, but the objects of worship are -the salagrama stone, and images of Hanuman and Adi Sesha. Food offered -to Adi Sesha, Lakshmi, and Hanuman, is not eaten, but thrown away. The -Madhvas attach great importance to their spiritual guru, who is first -worshipped by a worshipper. Some keep a brindavanam, representing the -grave of their guru, along with a salagrama stone, which is worshipped -at the close of the Devata puja. Sri Vaishnavas keep for domestic -worship only salagrama stones. Like the Madhvas, they are scrupulous -as to the worship of their gurus (acharyas), without whose intervention -they believe that they cannot obtain beatitude. Hence Sri Vaishnavites -insist upon the Samasrayanam ceremony. After the Sandhya service and -Brahma yagna, the guru is worshipped. All orthodox Vaishnavas keep with -them a silk cloth bearing the impressions of the feet of their Acharya, -an abhayastha or impression of the hand of Vishnu in sandal paste, -a few necklaces of silk thread (pavitram), and a bit of the bark of -the tamarind tree growing at the temple at Alvartirunagiri in the -Tinnevelly district. The worshipper puts on his head the silk cloth, -and round his neck the silk necklaces, and, if available, a necklace -of Nelumbium (sacred lotus) seeds. After saluting the abhayastha -by pressing it to his eyes, he repeats the prayer of his Acharya, -and proceeds to the Devatarchana, which consists in the performance -of the sixteen upacharas already described. The salagrama stone is -bathed, and the Purusha Suktha repeated. - -The daily observances are brought to a close by the performance of the -Vaisvadeva ceremony, or offering to Vaisvadevas (all the gods). This -consists in offering cooked rice, etc., to all the gods. Some regard -this as a sort of expiatory ceremony, to wipe out the sin which may -have accidentally been committed by killing small animals in the -process of cooking food. - -The male members of a family take their meals apart from the -females. The food is served on platters made of the leaves -of the banyan (Ficus bengalensis), Butea frondosa, Bauhinia, or -plantain. Amongst Smarthas and Madhvas, various vegetable preparations -are served first, and rice last, whereas, amongst the Sri Vaishnavas, -especially Vadagalais, rice is served first. Before commencing -to eat, a little water (tirtham), in which a salagrama stone has -been bathed, is poured into the palms of those who are about to -partake of the meal. They drink the water simultaneously, saying -"Amartopastaranamasi." They then put a few handfuls of rice into -their mouths, repeating some mantras--"Pranayasvaha, Udanayasvaha, -Somanayasvaha," etc. At the end of the meal, all are served with a -little water, which they sip, saying "Amartapithanamasi." They then -rise together. - -In connection with the salagrama stone, which has been referred -to several times, the following interesting account thereof [166] -may be quoted:--"Salagrams are fossil cephalopods (ammonites), and -are found chiefly in the bed of the Gandak river, a mountain torrent -which, rising in the lofty mountains of Nepal, flows into the Ganges -at Salagrami, a village from which they take their name, and which is -not far from the sacred city of Benares. In appearance they are small -black shiny pebbles of various shapes, usually round or oval, with a -peculiar natural hole in them. They have certain marks to be described -later, and are often flecked and inlaid with gold [or pyrites]. The -name salagram is of Sanskrit derivation, from sara chakra, the weapon -of Vishnu, and grava, a stone; the chakra or chakram being represented -on the stone by queer spiral lines, popularly believed to be engraved -thereon at the request of Vishnu by the creator Brahma, who, in -the form of a worm, bores the holes known as vadanas, and traces -the spiral coil that gives the stone its name. There is a curious -legend connected with their origin. In ancient times there lived a -certain dancing-girl, the most beautiful that had ever been created, -so beautiful indeed that it was impossible to find a suitable consort -for her. The girl, in despair at her loveliness, hid herself in the -mountains, in the far away Himalayas, and there spent several years in -prayer, till at last Vishnu appeared before her, and asked what she -wanted. She begged him to tell her how it was that the great creator -Brahma, who had made her so beautiful, had not created a male consort -for her of similar perfect form. Then she looked on Vishnu, and asked -the god to kiss her. Vishnu could not comply with her request as she -was a dancing-girl, and of low caste, but promised by his virtue that -she should be reincarnated in the Himalayas in the form of a river, -which should bear the name Gandaki, and that he would be in the river -as her eternal consort in the shape of a salagram. Thereupon the river -Gandaki rose from the Himalayas, and salagrams were found in it. How -the true virtue of the salagram was discovered is another strange -little fable. A poor boy of the Kshatriya or warrior class once found -one when playing by the river side. He soon discovered that when he -had it in his hand, or secreted in his mouth, or about his person, -his luck was so extraordinary at marbles or whatever game he played, -that he always won. At last he so excelled in all he undertook that -he rose to be a great king. Finally Vishnu himself came to fetch him, -and bore him away in a cloud. The mystic river Gandaki is within the -jurisdiction of the Maharaja of Nepal, and is zealously guarded on -both banks, while the four special places where the sacred stones are -mostly picked up are leased out under certain conditions, the most -important being that all true salagrams found are to be submitted to -the Maharaja. These are then tested, the selected ones retained, and -the others returned to the lessee. The first test of the salagrams -to prove if they are genuine is very simple, but later they are put -through other ordeals to try their supernatural powers. Each stone, -as it is discovered, is struck on all sides with a small hammer, -or, in some cases, is merely knocked with the finger. This causes -the soft powdery part, produced by the boring of the worm, to fall -in and disclose the vadana or hole, which may, in the more valuable -salagrams, contain gold or a precious gem. In addition to the real -stone with chakram and vadana formed by natural causes, there are -found in many mountain streams round black pebbles resembling the -true salagram in colour, shape, and size, but lacking the chakram and -vadana. These are collected by Bairagis, or holy mendicants, who bore -imitation vadanas in them, and, tracing false chakrams in balapa or -slate stone, paste them on the pebbles. So skilfully is this fraud -perpetrated that it is only after years of use and perpetual washing -at the daily puja that in time the tracery wears away, and detection -becomes possible. There are over eighteen known and different kinds -of true salagrams, the initial value of which varies according to -the shape and markings of the stone. The price of any one salagram -may be so enhanced after the further tests have been applied, that -even a lakh of rupees (Rs. 1,00,000) will fail to purchase it; and, -should experience prove the stone a lucky one, nothing will, as a -rule, induce the fortunate owner to part with it. The three shapes -of salagrams most highly prized are known as the Vishnu salagram, -the Lakshmi Narasimha salagram, and the Mutchya Murti salagram. The -first has a chakram on it the shape of a garland, and bears marks -known as the shenka (conch) gada padma, or the weapons of Vishnu, -and is peculiar to that god. The second has two chakrams on the left -of the vadana, and has dots or specks all over it. This stone, if -properly worshipped, is believed to ensure to its owner prosperity -and eternal life. The third, the Mutchya Murti, is a long-shaped -flat stone with a vadana that gives it a resemblance to the face of a -fish. It bears two chakrams, one inside and one outside the vadana, -and also has specks and dots on it in the shape of a shoe. There -are four or five varieties of this species, and it also, if duly -worshipped, will infallibly enrich its possessor. One salagram there -is which has no vadana, and is known as the ugra chakra salagram. It -is quite round with two chakrams, but it is not a particularly safe -one to possess, and is described as a 'furious salagrama,' for, if -not worshipped with sufficient ardour, it will resent the neglect, -and ruin the owner. The first thing to do on obtaining a salagram -is to find out whether or not it is a lucky stone, for a stone that -will bring luck to one owner may mean ruin for another. The tests -are various; a favourite one is to place the salagram with its exact -weight of rice together in one place for the night. If the rice has -increased in the morning (and, in some cases, my informant assures me, -it will be found to have doubled in quantity), then the stone is one -to be regarded by its lucky holder as priceless, and on no account to -be parted with. If, on the other hand, the rice measures the same, -or--dreadful omen--has even become less, then let the house be rid -of it as early as possible. If no purchaser can be found, make a -virtue of necessity, and send it as a present to the nearest temple -or mutt (religious institution), where the Gurus know how to appease -the wrath of the Deity with daily offerings of fruits and flowers. A -salagram will never bring any luck if its possession is acquired by -fraud or force. The story runs that once a Brahman, finding one with a -Mahomedan butcher, obtained it by theft. The luckless man speedily rued -the day of his time, for, from that time onwards, nothing prospered, -and he ended his days a destitute pauper. Again, possession of them -without worship is believed by all Hindus to be most unlucky, and, -as none but Brahmans can perform the worship, none but Brahmans will -retain the stones in their keeping. For an orthodox Brahman household, -the ownership of three or more stones is an absolute necessity. These -must be duly worshipped and washed with water, and the water drunk -as tirtha, and sacrifice of boiled rice and other food must be daily -performed. When this is done, speedy success in all the business of -life will fall to the lot of the inmates of the house, but otherwise -ruin and disgrace await them." - -In some temples, the Mula Vigraha, or idol fixed in the inner -sanctuary, is decorated with a necklace of salagrama stones. For -example, at Tirupati the god is thus decorated. - -The following incident in connection with a salagrama stone is -narrated by Yule and Burnell [167]:--"In May, 1883, a salagrama was -the ostensible cause of great popular excitement among the Hindus -of Calcutta. During the proceedings in a family suit before the -High Court, a question arose regarding the identity of a salagrama, -regarded as a household god. Counsel on both sides suggested that the -thing should be brought into court. Mr. Justice Morris hesitated to -give this order till he had taken advice. The attorneys on both sides, -Hindus, said there could be no objection; the Court interpreter, a -high-caste Brahman, said it could not be brought into Court because of -the coir matting, but it might with perfect propriety be brought into -the corridor for inspection; which was done. This took place during -the excitement about the 'Ilbert Bill,' giving natives magisterial -authority in the provinces over Europeans; and there followed most -violent and offensive articles in several native newspapers reviling -Mr. Justice Morris, who was believed to be hostile to the Bill. The -Editor of the Bengallee newspaper, an educated man, and formerly -a member of the Covenanted Civil Service, the author of one of the -most unscrupulous and violent articles, was summoned for contempt of -court. He made an apology and complete retraction, but was sentenced -to two months' imprisonment." - -The sacred chank, conch, or sankhu, which has been referred to in -connection with ceremonial observance, is the shell of the gastropod -mollusc Turbinella rapa. This is secured, in Southern India, by -divers from Tuticorin in the vicinity of the pearl banks. The chank -shell, which one sees suspended on the forehead and round the neck -of bullocks, is not only used by Hindus for offering libations, and -as a musical instrument in temples, but is also cut into armlets, -bracelets, and other ornaments. Writing in the sixteenth century, -Garcia says:--"This chanco is a ware for the Bengal trade, and formerly -produced more profit than now ... and there was formerly a custom -in Bengal that no virgin in honour and esteem could be corrupted -unless it were by placing bracelets of chanco on her arms; but, -since the Patans came in, this usage has more or less ceased." "The -conch shell," Captain C. R. Day writes, [168] "is not in secular use -as a musical instrument, but is found in every temple, and is sounded -during religious ceremonials, in processions, and before the shrines -of Hindu deities. In Southern India, the sankhu is employed in the -ministration of a class of temple servers called Dasari. No tune, -so to speak, can of course be played upon it, but still the tone is -capable of much modulation by the lips, and its clear mellow notes are -not without a certain charm. A rather striking effect is produced when -it is used in the temple ritual as a sort of rhythmical accompaniment, -when it plays the part of kannagolu or talavinyasa." In a petition -from two natives of the city of Madras in 1734, in connection with the -expenses for erecting a town called Chintadrepettah, the following -occurs [169]:--"Expended towards digging a foundation, where chanks -was buried with accustomary ceremonies." A right-handed chank (i.e., -one which has its spiral opening to the right), which was found off -the coast of Ceylon at Jaffna in 1887, was sold for Rs. 700. Such -a chank is said to have been sometimes priced at a lakh of rupees; -and, writing in 1813, Milburn says [169] that a chank opening to the -right hand is greatly valued, and always sells for its weight in -gold. Further, Baldæus narrates the legend that Garroude flew in -all haste to Brahma, and brought to Kistna the chianko or kinkhorn -twisted to the right. The chank appears as a symbol on coins of the -Chalukyan and Pandyan dynasties of Southern India, and on the modern -coins of the Maharajas of Travancore. - -Temple worship is entirely based on Agamas. As Brahmans take part -only in the worship of Siva and Vishnu, temples dedicated to these -gods are largely frequented by them. The duties connected with -the actual worship of the idol are carried out by Gurukkals in -Siva temples, and by Pancharatra or Vaikhanasa Archakas in Vishnu -temples. The cooking of the food for the daily offering is done by -Brahmans called Parcharakas. At the time of worship, some Brahmans, -called Adhyapakas, recite the Vedas. Some stanzas from Thiruvaimozhi or -Thevaram are also repeated, the former by Brahmans at Vishnu temples, -and the latter by Pandarams (Oduvar) at Siva temples. In a typical -temple there are usually two idols, one of stone (mula vigraha) and -the other of metal (utsava vigraha). The mula vigraha is permanently -fixed within the inner shrine or garbagraha, and the utsava vigraha -is intended to be carried in procession. The mula vigrahas of Vishnu -temples are generally in human form, either in a standing posture, or, -as in the case of Ranganatha, Padmanabha, and Govindarajaswami, in a -reclining posture, on Adisesha. Ordinarily, three idols constitute -the mula vigraha. These are Vishnu, Sridevi (Lakshmi), and Bhudevi -(earth goddess). In temples dedicated to Sri Rama, Lakshmana is -found instead of Bhudevi. Sridevi and Bhudevi are also associated -with Vishnu in the utsava vigraha. In all the larger temples, there -is a separate building in the temple precincts dedicated to Lakshmi, -and within the garbagraha thereof, called thayar or nachiyar sannadhi, -is a mula vigraha of Lakshmi. There may also be one or more shrines -dedicated to the Alvars (Vaishnava saints) and the Acharyas--Desikar -and Manavala Mahamunigal. The sect mark is put on the faces of the -mula and utsava vigrahas. The mula vigraha in Siva temples is a lingam -(phallic emblem). In Siva temples, there is within the garbagraha -only one lamp burning, which emits a very feeble light. Hence arise -the common sayings "As dim as the light burning in Siva's temple," -or "Like the lamp in Siva's temple." The utsava vigraha is in the -human forms of Siva and Parvathi. In all important Saivite temples, -Parvathi is housed in a separate building, as Lakshmi is in Vishnu -temples. Vigneswara, Subramanya, and the important Nayanmars also -have separate shrines in the temple precincts. - -So far as ordinary daily worship is concerned, there is not much -difference in the mode of worship between temple and domestic -worship. Every item is done on a large scale, and certain special -Agamic or Tantric rites are added to the sixteen Upacharas already -mentioned. At the present time, there are, especially in the case -of Vishnu temples, two forms of temple worship, called Pancharatra -and Vaikhanasa. In the former, which is like domestic worship in all -essential points, any Brahman may officiate as temple priest. In the -latter, only Vaikhanasa Archakas may officiate. - -All big temples are generally well endowed, and some temples receive -from Government annual grants of money, called tasdik. The management -of the temple affairs rests with the Dharmakarthas (trustees), who -practically have absolute control over the temple funds. All the -temple servants, such as Archakas, Parcharakas, and Adhyapakas, and -the non-Brahman servants (sweepers, flower-gatherers, musicians and -dancing-girls) are subject to the authority of the Dharmakartha. For -their services in the temple, these people are paid partly in money, -and partly in kind. The cooked food, which is offered daily to the -god, is distributed among the temple servants. On ordinary days, the -offerings of cooked food made by the Archakas, and the fruits brought -by those who come to worship, are offered only to the mula vigraha, -whereas, on festival days, they are offered to the utsava vigrahas. - -For worship in Vishnu temples, flowers and tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) -are used. In Siva temples, bilva (bael: Ægle Marmelos) leaves are -substituted for tulsi. At the close of the worship, the Archaka -gives to those present thirtham (holy water), tulsi or bilva leaves, -and vibhuthi (sacred ashes) according to the nature of the temple. At -Vishnu temples, immediately after the giving of thirtham, an inverted -bowl, bearing on it the feet of Vishnu (satari or sadagopam), is placed -by the Archaka first on the head, and then on the right shoulder, -and again on the head, in the case of grown up and married males, -and only on the head in the case of females and young people. The -bowl is always kept near the mula vigraha, and, on festival days, -when the god is taken in procession through the streets, it is carried -along with the utsava vigraha. On festival days, such as Dhipavali, -Vaikunta Ekadasi, Dwadasi, etc., the god of the temple is taken in -procession through the main streets of the town or village. The idol, -thus borne in procession, is not the stone figure, but the portable -one made of metal (utsava vigraha), which is usually kept in the -temple in front of the Mula idol. At almost every important temple, -an annual festival called Brahmotsavam, which usually lasts ten days, -is celebrated. Every night during this festival, the god is seated on -the clay, wooden or metal figure of some animal as a vehicle, e.g., -Garuda, horse, elephant, bull, Hanuman, peacock, yali, etc., and taken -in procession, accompanied by a crowd of Brahmans chanting the Vedas -and Tamil Nalayara Prapandhams, if the temple is an important one. Of -the vehicles or vahanams, Hanuman and Garuda are special to Vishnu, -and the bull (Nandi) and tiger to Siva. The others are common to both -deities. During the month of May, the festival of the god Varadaraja -takes place annually. On one of the ten days of this festival, the -idol, which has gone through a regular marriage ceremony, is placed -on an elaborately decorated car (ratha), and dragged through the main -streets. The car frequently bears a number of carved images of a very -obscene nature, the object of which, it is said, is to avert the evil -eye. Various castes, besides Brahmans, take part in temple worship, -at which the saints of both Siva and Vishnu--Nayanmar and Alvars--are -worshipped. The Brahmans do not entirely ignore the worship of the -lower deities, such as Mariamma, Muneswara, Kodamanitaya, etc. At -Udipi in South Canara, the centre of the Madhva cult, where Madhva -preached his Dvaitic philosophy, and where there are several mutts -presided over by celibate priests, the Brahmans often make a vow -to the Bhuthas (devils) of the Paravas and Nalkes. Quite recently, -we saw an orthodox Shivalli Brahman, employed under the priest of one -of the Udipi mutts, celebrating the nema (festival) of a bhutha named -Panjurli, in fulfilment of a vow made when his son was ill. The Nalke -devil-dancers were sent for, and the dance took place in the courtyard -of the Brahman's house. During the leaf festival at Periyapalayam near -Madras, Brahman males and females may be seen wearing leafy twigs of -margosa (Melia Azadirachta), and going round the Mariamma shrine. - -I pass on to a detailed consideration of the various classes of -Brahmans met with in Southern India. Of these, the Tamil Brahmans, -or Dravidas proper, are most numerous in the southern districts. They -are divided into the following sections:-- - - -I. Smartha. - - (a) Vadama. - (b) Kesigal. - (c) Brahacharnam. - (d) Vathima or Madhema. - (e) Ashtasahasram. - (f) Dikshitar. - (g) Sholiar. - (h) Mukkani. - (i) Kaniyalar. - (j) Sankethi. - (k) Prathamasaki. - (l) Gurukkal. - - -II. Vaishnava. - - A. Vadagalai (northerners). - - (a) Sri Vaishnava. - (b) Vaikhanasa. - (c) Pancharatra. - (d) Hebbar. - - - B. Thengalai (southerners). - - (a) Sri Vaishnava. - (b) Vaikhanasa. - (c) Pancharatra. - (d) Hebbar. - (e) Mandya. - - -I. Smartha--(a) Vadama.--The Vadamas claim to be superior to -the other classes, but will dine with all the sections, except -Gurukkals and Prathamasakis, and, in some places, will even eat with -Prathamasakis. The sub-divisions among the Vadamas are:-- - - - 1. Choladesa (Chola country). - 2. Vadadesa (north country). - 3. Savayar or Sabhayar. - 4. Inji. - 5. Thummagunta Dravida. - - -All these are Smarthas, who use as their sect mark either the -urdhvapundram (straight mark made with sandal paste) or the circular -mark, and rarely the cross lines. They worship both Siva and Vishnu, -and generally read Puranas about Vishnu. Some Vadamas use the Vaishnava -namam as their sect mark, and are called Kiththunamakkarar. They follow -the Smartha customs in every way. There is a common saying "Vadamam -muththi Vaishnavam," i.e., a Vadama ripens into a Vaishnava. This is -literally true. Some Vadama families, who put on the urdhvapundram -mark, and follow the Smartha customs, observe pollution whenever a -death occurs in certain Sri Vaishnava families. This is because the -Sri Vaishnavas are Vadamas recently converted into Vaishnava families. - -(b) Kesigal.--The Kesigals, or Hiranyakesikal (men of the silvery -hair), as they are sometimes called, closely resemble the Vadamas, -but are an exclusive endogamous unit, and highly conservative and -orthodox. They are called Hiranyakesikal or Hiranyakesis because they -follow the Grihya Sutras of Hiranyakesi. It is noted, in the Gazetteer -of the Tanjore district, that they "are peculiar in all having one -common Sutram called the Sathyashada after a common ancestor." - -(c) Brahacharnam (the great sect).--The Brahacharnams are more -Saivite, and more orthodox than the Vadamas. They put on vibhuti -(sacred ashes) and sandal paste horizontal lines as their sect -mark. The sub division Sathyamangalam Brahacharnam seems, however, -to be an exception, as some members thereof put on the Vaishnavite -sect mark at all times, or at least during the month of Purattasi, -which is considered sacred to the god Venkataramana of Tirupati. The -more orthodox Brahacharnams wear a single rudraksha bead, or a necklace -of beads, and some make lingams out of these beads, which they put on -the head during worship. They generally worship five gods, viz., Siva -in the form of a lingam, spatika (crystal) lingam, Vishnu, Ganesa, -and Iswara. It is said that Brahacharnam women can be distinguished -by the mode of tying the cloth, which is not worn so as to reach to -the feet, but reaches only to just below the knees. The Brahacharnams -are sub-divided into the following sections:-- - - - 1. Kandramanicka. - 2. Milaganur. - 3. Mangudi. - 4. Palavaneri or Pazhamaneri. - 5. Musanadu. - 6. Kolaththur. - 7. Maruthancheri. - 8. Sathyamangalam. - 9. Puthur Dravida. - - -It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Tanjore district, that "one -ceremony peculiar to the Milaganur Brahacharnams is that, before the -principal marriage ceremonies of the first day, a feast is given to -four married women, a widow, and a bachelor. This is called the adrisya -pendugal (invisible women) ceremony. It is intended to propitiate -four wives belonging to this sub-division, who are said to have been -cruelly treated by their mother-in-law, and cursed the class. They -are represented to have feasted a widow, and to have then disappeared." - -(d) Vathima.--The Vathimas, or Madhimas, are most numerous in the -Tanjore district, and are thus described in the Gazetteer:--"The -Vattimas are grouped into three smaller sub-sections, of which one -is called 'the eighteen village Vattimas,' from the fact that they -profess (apparently with truth) to have lived till recently in only -eighteen villages, all of them in this district. They have a marked -character of their own, which may be briefly described. They are -generally money-lenders, and consequently are unpopular with their -neighbours, who are often blind to their virtues and unkind to their -failings. [There is a proverb that the Vadamas are always economical, -and the Vathimas always unite together.] It is a common reproach -against them that they are severe to those who are in their debt, -and parsimonious in their household expenditure. To this latter -characteristic is attributed their general abstinence from dholl -(the usual accompaniment of a Brahman meal), and their preference for -a cold supper instead of a hot meal. The women work as hard as the -men, making mats, selling buttermilk, and lending money on their own -account, and are declared to be as keen in money-making and usury as -their brothers. They, however, possess many amiable traits. They are -well known for a generous hospitality on all great occasions, and no -poor guest or Brahman mendicant has ever had reason to complain in -their houses that he is being served worse than his richer or more -influential fellows. Indeed, if anything, he fares the better for his -poverty. Again, they are unusually lavish in their entertainments -at marriages; but their marriage feasts have the peculiarity that, -whatever the total amount expended, a fixed proportion is always paid -for the various items--so much per cent. for the pandal, so much per -cent. for food, and so on. Indeed it is asserted that a beggar who -sees the size of the marriage pandal will be able to guess to a nicety -the size of the present he will get. Nor, again, at their marriages, -do they haggle about the marriage settlement, since they have a scale, -more or less fixed and generally recognised, which determines these -matters. There is less keen competition for husbands among them, -since their young men marry at an earlier age more invariably than -among the other sub-divisions. The Vattimas are clannish. If a man -fails to pay his dues to one of them, the word is passed round, and no -other man of the sub-division will ever lend his money. They sometimes -unite to light their villages by private subscription, and to see to -its sanitation, and, in a number of ways, they exhibit a corporate -unity. Till quite recently they were little touched by English -education; but a notable exception to this general statement existed -in the late Sir A. Seshayya Sastri, who was of Vattima extraction." - -The sub-divisions of the Vattimas are:-- - - - 1. Pathinettu Gramaththu (eighteen villages). - 2. Udayalur. - 3. Nannilam. - 4. Rathamangalam. According to some, this is not a separate - section, but comes under the eighteen village section. - - -(e) Ashtasahasram (eight thousand).--This class is considered to be -inferior to the Brahacharnams and Vadamas. The members thereof are, -like the Brahacharnams, more Saivite than the Vadamas. The females are -said to wear their cloth very elegantly, and with the lower border -reaching so low as to cover the ankles. The sub-divisions of the -Ashtasahasrams are:-- - - - 1. Aththiyur. - 2. Arivarpade. - 3. Nandivadi. - 4. Shatkulam (six families). - - -As their numbers are few, though the sub-divisions are endogamous, -intermarriage is not entirely prohibited. - -(f) Dikshitar.--Another name for this section is Thillai Muvayiravar, -i.e., the three thousand of Thillai (now Chidambaram). There is a -tradition that three thousand people started from Benares, and, when -they reached Chidambaram, they were one short. This confused them, -but they were pacified when Siva explained that he was the missing -individual. The Dikshitars form a limited community of only several -hundred families. The men, like Nayars and Nambutiri Brahmans of -the west coast, wear the hair tuft on the front of the head. They -do not give their girls in marriage to other sections of Brahmans, -and they do not allow their women to leave Chidambaram. Hence arises -the proverb "A Thillai girl never crosses the boundary line." The -Dikshitars are priests of the temple of Nataraja at Chidambaram, -whereat they serve by turns. Males marry very early in life, and -it is very difficult to secure a girl for marriage above the age of -five. The tendency to marry when very young is due to the fact that -only married persons have a voice in the management of the affairs of -the temple, and an individual must be married before he can get a share -of the temple income. The chief sources of income are the pavadam and -kattalai (heaps of cooked rice piled up or spread on a board), which -are offered to the god. Every Dikshitar will do his best to secure -clients, of whom the best are Nattukottai Chettis. The clients are -housed and looked after by the Dikshitars. Concerning the Dikshitars, -Mr. W. Francis writes as follows [170]:--"An interesting feature about -the Chidambaram temple is its system of management. It has no landed -or other endowments, nor any tasdik allowance, and is the property -of a class of Brahmans peculiar to the town, who are held in far more -respect than the generality of the temple-priest Brahmans, are called -Dikshitars (those who make oblations), marry only among themselves, -and in appearance somewhat resemble the Nayars or Tiyans of Malabar, -bringing their topknot round to the front of their foreheads. Their -ritual in the temple more resembles that of a domestic worship than -the forms commonly followed in other large shrines. Theoretically, -all the married males of the Dikshitars have a voice in the management -of the temple, and a share in its perquisites; and at present there -are some 250 of such shares. They go round the southern districts -soliciting alms and offerings for themselves. Each one has his own -particular clientèle, and, in return for the alms received, he makes, -on his return, offerings at the shrine in the name of his benefactors, -and sends them now and again some holy ashes, or an invitation to a -festival. Twenty of the Dikshitars are always on duty in the temple, -all the males of the community (except boys and widowers) doing the -work by turns lasting twenty days each, until each one has been the -round of all the different shrines. The twenty divide themselves into -five parties of four each, each of which is on duty for four days at -one of the five shrines at which daily puja is made, sleeps there at -night, and becomes the owner of the routine offerings of food made at -it. Large presents of food made to the temple as a whole are divided -among all the Dikshitars. The right to the other oblations is sold by -auction every twenty days to one of the Dikshitars at a meeting of the -community. These periodical meetings take place in the Deva Sabha. A -lamp from Nataraja's shrine is brought, and placed there by a Pandaram, -and (to avoid even the appearance of any deviation from the principle -of the absolute equality of all Dikshitars in the management of the -temple) this man acts as president of the meeting, and proposals are -made impersonally through him." As a class the Dikshitars are haughty, -and refuse to acknowledge any of the Sankarachariars as their priests, -because they are almost equal to the god Siva, who is one of them. If -a Sankarachariar comes to the temple, he is not allowed to take sacred -ashes direct from the cup, as is done at other temples to show respect -to the Sanyasi. The Dikshitars are mostly Yejur Vedis, though a few -are followers of the Rig Veda. When a girl attains puberty, she goes -in procession, after the purificatory bath, to every Dikshitar's house, -and receives presents. - -(g) Sholiar.--The Sholiars are divided into the following sections:-- - - - (1) Thirukattiur. - (2) Madalur. - (3) Visalur. - (4) Puthalur. - (5) Senganur. - (6) Avadayar Kovil. - - -Concerning the Sholiars, Mr. C. Ramachendrier writes as follows -[171]:--"The Sholiars of Thiruvanakaval (in the Tanjore district) -belong to the first sub-division, and they form a separate community, -devoting their time to service in the temple. Those who make puja to -the idol are Pradhamasakis, and are called Archakas. Those who serve as -cooks, and attend to other inferior services, are called Arya Nambi, -and those who decorate the idols taken in procession on festive -occasions are termed Therunabuttan. Archakas alone are entitled to -decorate stone images in the chief shrines of the temple, and they -are also called Pandits. According to custom, Sholia Brahmans should -wear front locks, but some of them have adopted the custom of other -Brahmans, while the orthodox section of the community, and the Archakas -of Thiruvanakaval, speak a very low Tamil with a peculiar intonation, -and they do not send their children to English schools. Young boys are -trained by their parents in the temple service, which entitles them, -even when young, to some emoluments. There are amongst them none who -have received either Sanskrit or Tamil education. The Archakas perform -pujas by turn, and, as the Archakaship is to be conferred at a certain -age by anointment by a guru, infant marriage does not obtain among -them to such an extent as among the Dikshitars of Chidambaram. They -eat with the other Smartha Brahmans, but do not intermarry. They -count about 300 in number, including women and children. There is no -intermarriage between them and the other Sholia Brahmans. Those of -Avadayarcovil are also engaged in the service of the temple of that -name. Sholiars of other classes are to be found in Vasishtakudy in the -taluk of Vriddachallam, Vemmaniathur in the taluk of Villupuram, and -Visalur in the taluk of Kumbaconam." In an article on the Sholiars, -[172] it is recorded that "they are a very intelligent people, -and at the same time very vindictive if disturbed. Chanakya, the -Indian Machiavelli and the Minister of Chandragupta, is supposed -to have belonged to this caste. His hatred of the Nanda family, -and the way in which he uprooted each and every member of that race, -has been depicted in the famous Sanskrit drama Mudrarakshasa, which -belongs to the 7th century A.D. Whether on account of his character, -and under the belief that he originated from this caste, or for some -reason which is unaccountable, the Soliyas of modern days are held as -very vindictive people, as the following proverb will show:--'We do -not want to meet with a Soliya even in a picture.'" Another proverb is -to the effect that "the kudumi (hair tuft) on the head of a Sholiar -does not shake without sufficient reason," i.e., it is a sign that -he is bent upon doing some mischief. - -(h) Mukkani.--The Mukkanis are Smarthas confined to the Cochin and -Travancore States. - -(i) Kaniyalar.--Concerning the Kaniyalars, Mr. Ramachendrier writes -as follows:--"Kanialars form a separate class of Smartha Brahmins, -and they live in the district of Tinnevelly and some parts of -Trichinopoly. They do not intermarry with any other class of Smartha -Brahmins, but eat with them. A large number of them, though Smarthas by -birth, wear a mark on their forehead like Vyshnava Brahmins, and serve -as cooks and menial servants in the big temple at Srirangam. Their -women adopt the Vyshnava women's style of wearing cloths, and to all -appearance they would pass for Vyshnava women. The Vyshnava Brahmins -would not allow them to mess in their houses, though they treat rice -and cakes prepared by them in temples and offered to god as pure and -holy, and partake of them." - -(j) Sankethi.--The Sankethis are confined to the Mysore Province. They -speak a very corrupt form of Tamil, mixed with Canarese. The following -account of them is given in the Mysore Census Report, 1891. "They -are found chiefly in the Mysore and Hassan districts. Their colonies -are also found in Kadur and Shimoga. Their number seems to have been -somewhat understated; many of them have probably returned themselves as -Dravidas. So far as language is an indication of race, the Sanketis are -Tamilians, although their dialect is more diluted with Kanarese than -that of any other Kannada ridden Tamil body. Theirs seems to have been -among the earliest immigrations into Mysore from the neighbouring -Tamil country. It is said that some 700 years ago, about 1,000 -families of Smartha Brahmans emigrated from the vicinity of Kanchi -(Conjeeveram), induced doubtless by contemporary politics. They set -out in two batches towards Mysore. They were attacked by robbers on -the road, but the larger party of about 700 families persevered in -the march notwithstanding, and settled near the village of Kausika -near Hassan, whence they are distinguished as Kausika Sanketis. Some -twelve years afterwards, the other party of 300 families found a -resting place at Bettadapura in the Hunsur taluk. This branch has -been called Bettadapura Sanketi. Their religious and social customs -are the same. The Kausika Sanketis occasionally take wives from the -Bettadapura section, but, when the married girl joins her husband, -her connection with her parents and relatives ceases altogether -even in regard to meals. During the Coorg disturbances about the end -of the last (eighteenth) century, many young women of the Sanketis -were captured by the Kodagas (Coorgs), and some of the captives were -subsequently recovered. Their descendants are to this day known as -Sanketis of the West, or Hiriangalas. But they, and another sub-class -called Patnagere Sanketis, do not in all exceed twenty families. The -Sanketis are proverbially a hardy, intensely conservative and -industrious Brahman community. They are referred to as models for -simultaneously securing the twofold object of preserving the study -of the Vedas, while securing a worldly competence by cultivating -their gardens; and, short of actually ploughing the land, they are -pre-eminently the only fraction of the Brahman brotherhood who turn -their hands to the best advantage." - -(k) Prathamasaki.--These follow the white Yajur Veda, and are -hence called Sukla Yejur Vedis. The white Yajus forms the first -fifteen sakas of the Yejur Veda, and this is in consequence -sometimes called Prathamasaka. The Prathamasakis are sometimes -called Katyayana (followers of Katyayana Sutram), Vajusaneya, -and Madyandanas. The two last names occur among their Pravara and -Gotra Rishis. The Prathamasakis are found among all the linguistic -sections. Among Smarthas, Andhras, and Vaishnavas, they are regarded -as inferior. Carnataka Prathamasakis are, on the other hand, not -considered inferior by the other sections of Carnatakas. In the -Tanjore district, the Prathamasakis are said to be known as Madyana -Paraiyans. The following quaint legend is recorded in the Gazetteer -of that district:--"The god of the Tiruvalur temple was entreated by -a pujari of this place (Koiltirumulam) to be present in the village -at a sacrifice in his (the god's) honour. The deity consented at -length, but gave warning that he would come in a very unwelcome -shape. He appeared as a Paraiyan (Pariah) with beef on his back, and -followed by the four Vedas in the form of dogs, and took his part in -the sacrifice thus accoutred and attended. All the Brahmans who were -present ran away, and the god was so incensed that he condemned them -to be Paraiyans for one hour in the day, from noon till 1 P.M., ever -afterwards. There is a class of Brahmans called mid-day Paraiyans, -who are found in several districts, and a colony of whom reside at -Sedanipuram five miles from Nannilam. It is believed throughout the -Tanjore district that the mid-day Paraiyans are the descendants of the -Brahmans thus cursed by the god. They are supposed to expiate their -defilement by staying outside their houses for an hour and a half -every day at mid-day, and to bathe afterwards; and, if they do this, -they are much respected. Few of them, however, observe this rule, and -orthodox persons will not eat with them, because of their omission to -remove the defilement. They call themselves the Prathamasaka." Several -versions of stories accounting for their pollution are extant, and -the following is a version given by Mr. Ramachendrier. "Yagnavalkiar, -who was the chief disciple of Vysampayanar, having returned with his -students from pilgrimage, represented to his priest that Yajur Veda was -unrivalled, and that he and his students alone were qualified for its -propagation. Vysampayanar, feeling provoked by this assertion, which, -he remarked, implied insult to Brahmans, proposed certain penance for -the offence. Yagnavalkiar replied that he and his students had done -many good deeds and performed many religious rites, and that they -were still to do such, and that the insult imputed to them was worthy -of little notice. Vysampayanar required Yagnavalkiar to give back -the Vedas which he had taught him, which he threw out at once. The -matter thrown out having been like cinders, Vysampayanar's disciples -then present, assuming the shape of thithiri birds (fire-eating -birds), swallowed them, and hence the Veda is called Thithiriya Saka -and Ktishna Yajus. Soon after, Yagnavalkiar, without his priest's -knowledge, went to the Sun, and, offering prayers, entreated him to -teach him Vedas. The Sun, thereupon taking the shape of a horse, taught -him the Yajur Veda, which now forms the first fifteen sakas, and he -in turn taught it to his disciples Kanvar, Madhyandanar, Katyayanar, -and Vajasaneyar. It is to be gathered from Varaha Puranam that -Vysampayanar pronounced a curse that the Rig Veda taught by the Sun -should be considered degraded, and that the Brahmans reading it should -become Chandalas (outcastes)." Another version of the legend runs as -follows. Vaisampayanar used to visit the king almost every day, and -bless him by giving akshatha or sacred rice. One day, as Vaisampayanar -could not go, he gave the rice grains to his disciple Yagnavalkiar, -and told him to take them to the king. Accordingly, Yagnavalkiar went -to the king's palace, and found the throne empty. Being impatient by -nature, he left the rice grains on the throne, and returned to his -priest. The king, when he returned home, found his throne changed into -gold, and certain plants were growing round his seat. On enquiry, -he discovered that this marvellous effect was due to the sacred -akshatha. He sent word to Vaisampayanar to send the rice grains by -his disciple who had brought them. Yagnavalkiar refused, and was -told to vomit the Vedas. Readily he vomited, and, going to the Sun, -learnt the Veda from him. As the Sun is always in motion sitting in -his car, the Vedas could not be learnt without mistakes and peculiar -sounds. When he came to his Guru Vaisampayanar, Yagnavalkiar was -cursed to become a Chandala. The curse was subsequently modified, -as the Sun interceded on behalf of Yagnavalkiar. - -(l) Gurukkal.--The Gurukkals are all followers of the Bodhayana -Sutras. They are temple priests, and other Brahmans regard them as -inferior, and will not eat with them. Even in temples, the Gurukkals -sprinkle water over the food when it is offered to the god, but do -not touch the food. They may not live in the same quarters with other -Brahmans. No agraharam (Brahman quarter) will ever contain a Gurukkal's -house. There should, strictly speaking, be at least a lane separating -the houses of the Gurukkals from those of other Brahmans. This is, -however, not rigidly observed at the present day. For example, at -Shiyali, Gurukkals and other Brahmans live in the same street. There -are among the Gurukkals the following sub-divisions:-- - - - 1. Tiruvalangad. - 2. Conjeeveram. - 3. Tirukkazhukunram. - - -The Tiruvalangad Gurukkals mark their bodies with vibhuti (sacred -ashes) in sixteen places, viz., head, face, neck, chest, navel, -knees, two sides of the abdomen, back and hands (three places on each -hand). The other two sub-divisions mark themselves in eight places, -viz., head, face, neck, chest, knees and hands. Gurukkals who wish -to become priests have to go through several stages of initiation -called Dikshai (see Pandaram). Gurukkals are Saivites to a greater -extent than the Smarthas, and do not regard themselves as disciples of -Sankaracharya. Those who are orthodox, and are temple priests, should -not see the corpses of Pandarams and other non-Brahman castes. The -sight of such a corpse is supposed to heap sin on them, and pollute -them, so that they are unfit for temple worship. - -II. Vaishnava.--The Vaishnavas, or Sri Vaishnavas, as they are -sometimes called to distinguish them from the Madhvas, who are also -called Vaishnavas, are all converts from Smarthas, though they -profess to constitute a distinct section. Some are converts from -Telugu Smarthas, and are called Andhra Vaishnavas. These do not -mix with other Tamil-speaking Vaishnavas, and retain some of the -Telugu customs. There are two distinct groups of Sri Vaishnavas--the -Vadagalais (northerners) and Thengalais (southerners), who are easily -distinguished by the marks on their foreheads. The Vadagalais put -on a U-shaped mark, and the Thengalais a Y-shaped mark. The white -mark is made with a kind of kaolin called tiruman, and turmeric -rendered red by means of alkali is used for the central streak. The -turmeric, as applied by the more orthodox, is of a yellow instead of -red colour. Orthodox Sri Vaishnavas are very exclusive, and hold that -they co-existed as a separate caste of Brahmans with the Smarthas. But -it was only after Ramanuja's teaching that the Vaishnavas seceded -from the Smarthas, and the ranks were swollen by frequent additions -from amongst the Vadamas. There are some families of Vaishnavas which -observe pollution when there is a death in certain Smartha families, -which belong to the same gotra. Vaishnavas of some places, e.g., -Valavanur, Savalai, and Perangiyur, in the South Arcot district, -are considered low by the orthodox sections of Vaishnavas, because -they are recent converts to Vaishnavism. A good example of Smarthas -becoming Vaishnavas is afforded by the Thummagunta Dravidas, some -of whom have become Vaishnavas, but still take girls in marriage -from Smartha families, but do not give their daughters in marriage -to Smarthas. All Vaishnavas are expected to undergo a ceremony of -initiation into Vaishnavism after the Upanayanam ceremony. At the -time of initiation, they are branded with the marks of the chakram -and sankha (chank) on the right and left shoulders respectively. The -Vaikhanasas and Pancharatras regard the branding as unnecessary. The -ceremony of initiation (samasrayanam) is usually performed by the -head of a mutt. Sometimes, however, it is carried out by an elderly -member of the family of the candidate. Such families go by the name -of Swayam Acharya Purushas (those who have their own men as Acharyas). - -For Vadagalais there are two mutts. Of these, the Ahobila mutt was -formerly at Tiruvallur, but its head-quarters has been transferred -to Narasimhapuram near Kumbakonam. The Parakalaswami mutt is in the -Mysore Province. For Thengalais there are three mutts, at Vanamamalai -and Sriperumbudur in Chingleput, and Tirukoilur in South Arcot. These -are called respectively the Tothadri, Ethirajajhir, and Emberumanar -mutts. There are various points of difference between Vadagalais and -Thengalais, which sometimes lead to bitter quarrels in connection with -temple worship. During the procession of the god at temple festivals, -both Vadagalais and Thengalais go before and after the god, repeating -Sanskrit Vedas and Tamil Prapandhams respectively. Before commencing -these, certain slokas are recited, in one of which the Vadagalais use -the expression Ramanuja daya patram, and the Thengalais the expression -Srisailesa daya patram, and a quarrel ensues in consequence. The main -differences between the two sections are summarised as follows in -the Mysore Census Report, 1891:--"The tenets which form the bone of -contention between the Tengales and Vadagales are stated to number 18, -and seem to cluster round a few cardinal items of controversy:-- - -1. Whether Lakshmi, the consort of Vishnu, is (Vibhu) co-omnipresent -and co-illimitable with Vishnu; - -2. Whether Lakshmi is only the mediatrix for, or the co-bestower of -moksham or final beatitude; - -3. Whether there is any graduated moksham attainable by the good and -blessed, according to their multifarious merits; - -4. Whether prapatti, or unconditional surrender of the soul to god, -should be performed once for all, or after every act of spiritual -rebellion; - -5. Whether it (prapatti) is open to all, or is prescribed only for -those specially prepared and apprenticed; - -6. Whether the indivisibly atomic human soul is entered into, and -permeated or not by the omnipresent creator; - -7. Whether god's mercy is exerted with or without cause; - -8. Whether the same (the divine mercy) means the overlooking (dhosha -darsanam) or enjoyment (dhosha bogyatvam) of the soul's delinquencies; - -9. Whether works (karma) and knowledge (jnana) are in themselves -salvation giving, or only lead to faith (bhakthi) by which final -emancipation is attained; - -10. Whether the good of other (unregenerate) castes should be tolerated -according to their graduated social statuses, or should be venerated -without reference to caste inequalities; - -11. Whether karma (works, rituals, etc.) should or not be bodily and -wholly abandoned by those who have adopted prapatti." - -The points of difference between Vadagalais and Thengalais are -thus described by Mr. V. N. Narasimmiyengar [173]:--"The Tengale -schismatists deny to Lakshmi, the consort of Vishnu, any participation -in creation, and reduce her to the position of a creature; omit to -ring the bell when worshipping their idols; salute each other and -their gods only once; make use of highly abstruse Tamil verses in -room of Sanskrit mantras and prayers; modify the sraddha ceremony -materially, and do not shave their widows. The principal texts cited -by the Tengale Sri Vaishnavas in support of the immunity of their -widows from the rite of tonsure are the following:-- - -Widows should avoid, even when in affliction and danger, shaving, -eating of sweets, betel nut, flowers, sexual intercourse, conversation -with men, and jewels (Sandilyah). - -A woman, whether unmarried or widowed, who shaves her hair, will go -to the hell called Rauravam. When the husband dies, the widow should -perform his due obsequies without shaving. She should never shave on -any occasion, or for any purpose whatever (Sambhuh). - -If any woman, whether unmarried or widowed, shave (her head), she -will dwell in the hell called Rauravam for one thousand karors of -kalpas. If a widow shave (her head) by ignorance, she will cause hair -to grow in the mouths of her ancestors' ghosts on both sides. If she -perform any ceremonies inculcated by the Srutis and Smritis with her -head shaved, she will be born a Chandali (Manuh). - -There is no sin in a devout widow, whose object is eternal salvation, -wearing her hair. If she should shave, she will assuredly go to -hell. A Vaishnava widow should never shave her head. If she do so -through ignorance, her face should not be looked at (Vridd'ha Manuh -in Khagesvara Samhita). - -If any one observe a Brahmachari beggar with his kachche (cloth passed -between the legs, and tucked in behind), a householder without it, -and a widow without hair on her head, he should at once plunge into -water with his clothes (Ananta Samhita). - -It is considered highly meritorious for Vaishnava widows to wear -their hair, as long as they remain in this world (Hayagriva Samhita)." - -In a note on the two sects of the Vaishnavas in the Madras Presidency, -the Rev. C. E. Kennet writes as follows [174]:--"While both the sects -acknowledge the Sanskrit books to be authoritative, the Vadagalai uses -them to a greater extent than the Thengalai. The former also recognises -and acknowledges the female energy as well as the male, though not in -the gross and sensual form in which it is worshipped among the Saivas, -but as being the feminine aspect of deity, and representing the grace -and merciful care of Providence; while the Tenkalai excludes its -agency in general, and, inconsistently enough, allows it co-operation -in the final salvation of a human soul. But the most curious difference -between the two schools is that relating to human salvation itself, and -is a reproduction in Indian minds of the European controversy between -Calvinists and Arminians. For the adherents of the Vadakalais strongly -insist on the concomitancy of the human will for securing salvation, -whereas those of the Tenkalai maintain the irresistability of divine -grace in human salvation. The arguments from analogy used by the two -parties respectively are, however, peculiarly Indian in character. The -former adopt what is called the monkey argument, the Markata Nyaya, -for the young monkey holds on to or grasps its mother to be conveyed -to safety, and represents the hold of the soul on God. The latter use -the cat argument, the Marjala Nyaya, which is expressive of the hold -of God on the soul; for the kitten is helpless until the mother-cat -seizes it nolens volens, and secures it from danger. The late Major -M. W. Carr inserts in his large collection of Telugu and Sanskrit -proverbs the following:-- - -"The monkey and its cub. As the cub clings to its mother, so man seeks -divine aid, and clings to his God. The doctrine of the Vadakalais. - -"Like the cat and her kitten. The stronger carrying and protecting -the weaker; used to illustrate the free grace of God. The doctrine -of the Tenkalais. - -"Leaving the speculative differences between these two sects, I -have now to mention the practical one which divides them, and which -has been, and continues to be, the principal cause of the fierce -contentions and long-drawn law suits between them. And this relates -to the exact mode of making the sectarian mark on the forehead. While -both sects wear a representation of Vishnu's trident, composed of -red or yellow for the middle line or prong of the trident, and of -white earth for those on each side, the followers of the Vadakalai -draw the middle line only down to the bridge of the nose, but those -of the Tenkalai draw it over the bridge a little way down the nose -itself. Each party maintain that their mode of making the mark is the -right one, and the only means of effecting a settlement of the dispute -is to ascertain how the idol itself is marked, whether as favouring the -Vadakalai or Tenkalai. But this has been found hitherto impossible, -I am told, for instance at Conjeveram itself, the head-quarters of -these disputes, owing to the unreliable and contradictory character -of the evidence produced in the Courts." - -The Hebbar and Mandya sections belong to the Mysore Province, in -which the former are very numerous. The latter are few in number, -and confined to Mandya and Melkote. Some families have settled in the -city of Madras, where they are employed as merchants, bank clerks, -attorneys, etc. - -The Mandyas say that they migrated to Mysore from some place near -Tirupati. Though both the Hebbar and Mandya Brahmans speak Tamil, some -details peculiar to Carnatakas are included in the marriage ceremonial. - -The Vaishnava Sholiars are considered somewhat low in the social -scale. Intermarriage takes place between Smartha and Vaishnavite -Sholiars. The Vaikhanasas and Pancharatras are temple priests -(archakas). Both use as their title Dikshitar. Sometimes they are -called Nambi, but this term is more used to denote Satani temple -servants. - -Reference may here be made to the Pattar Brahmans, who are Tamil -Brahmans, who have settled in Malabar. The name is said to be derived -from the Sanskrit bhatta. It is noted, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, -that "the Pattars present no peculiarities distinguishing them from -the ordinary East Coast Brahmans. Like the latter, they engage in -trade and business, and form a large proportion of the official, -legal, and scholastic classes. With the exception of one class known -as Chozhiya or Arya Pattars, they wear their kudumi (top-knot) on -the back of the head in the east coast fashion, and not on the top -and hanging over the forehead, as is done by the genuine Malayali -castes. They also live as a general rule in regular streets or -gramams on the east coast plan. Few Pattars, except in the Palghat -taluk, are large land-owners. As a class, they have embraced modern -educational facilities eagerly, so far as they subserve their material -prospects. Both Pattars and Embrandiris, but especially the latter, -have adopted the custom of contracting sambandham (alliance) with Nayar -women, but sambandham with the foreign Brahmans is not considered to -be so respectable as with Nambudiris, and, except in the Palghat taluk -(where the Nambudiri is rare), they are not allowed to consort with -the women of aristocratic families." - -In connection with the Arya Pattars, it is recorded, in the -Travancore Census Report, 1901, that "the term Aryapattar means -superior Brahmins. But the actual position in society is not quite -that. At Ramesvaram, which may be considered the seat of Aryapattars, -their present status seems to be actually inferior, due probably, it -is believed, to their unhesitating acceptance of gifts from Sudras, -and to their open assumption of their priestly charge. Though at -present a small body in Malabar, they seem to have once flourished in -considerable numbers. In the case of large exogamous but high-caste -communities like the Kshatriyas of Malabar, Brahmin husbands were -naturally in great requisition, and when, owing to their high -spiritual ideals, the Brahmins of Malabar were either Grihasthas -or Snatakas (bachelor Sanyasins dedicating their life to study, -and to the performance of orthodox rites), the supply was probably -unequal to the demand. The scarcity was presumably added to when the -differences between the Kolattunat Royal Family and the Brahmins of -the Perinchellur gramam became so pronounced as to necessitate the -importing of Canarese and Tulu Brahmins for priestly services at their -homes and temples. The first immigration of Brahmins from the east -coast, called Aryapattars, into Malabar appears to have been under -the circumstances above detailed, and at the instance of the Rajas -of Cranganore. With the gradual lowering of the Brahminical ideal -throughout the Indian Peninsula, and with the increasing struggle for -physical existence, the Nambutiris entered or re-entered the field, and -ousted the Aryapattars first from consortship, and latterly even from -the ceremony of tali-tying in families that could pay a Nambutiri. The -Aryapattar has, in his turn, trespassed into the ranks of the Nayars, -and has begun to undertake the religious rite of marriage, i.e., -tali-tying, in aristocratic families among them. There are only two -families now in all Travancore, and they live in the Karunagapalli -taluk. Malayalam is their household tongue; in dress and personal -habits, they are indistinguishable from Malayala Brahmins. The males -marry into as high a class of Brahmins as they could get in Malabar, -which is not generally higher than that of the Potti. The Potti woman -thus married gets rather low in rank on account of this alliance. The -daughter of an Aryapattar cannot be disposed of to a Brahminical -caste in Malabar. She is taken to the Tinnevelly or Madura district, -and married into the regular Aryapattar family according to the rites -of the latter. The girl's dress is changed into the Tamil form on -the eve of her marriage." - -III. Andhra.--The Telugu-speaking Brahmans are all Andhras, who differ -from Tamil Brahmans in some of their marriage and death ceremonies, -female attire, and sectarian marks. Telugu Brahman women wear their -cloth without passing it between the legs, and the free end of the -skirt is brought over the left shoulder. The sect mark consists of -three horizontal streaks of sacred ashes on the forehead, or a single -streak of sandal paste (gandham). In the middle of the streak is a -circular black spot (akshintalu or akshintalu bottu). The marriage -badge is a circular plate of gold, called bottu, attached to a thread, -on which black glass beads are frequently strung. A second bottu, -called nagavali bottu, is tied on the bride's neck on the nagavali -day. During the time when the bridegroom is performing the vrata -ceremony, the bride is engaged in the worship of Gauri. She sits in a -new basket filled with paddy (unhusked rice) or cholam (Andropogon -Sorghum). On the return from the mock pilgrimage (kasiyatra), -the bride and bridegroom sit facing each other on the dais, with -a screen interposed between them. Just before the bottu is tied on -the bride's neck by the bridegroom, the screen is lowered. During -the marriage ceremony, both the bride and bridegroom wear clothes -dyed with turmeric, until the nagavali day. Among Tamil Brahmans, -the bridegroom wears a turmeric-dyed cloth, and the bride may wear a -silk cloth. Immediately after the tying of the bottu, the contracting -couple throw rice over each other, and those assembled pour rice over -their heads. This is called Talambralu. - -Taken as a class, the Telugu Brahmans are very superstitious, and -the females perform a very large number of vratams. Of the vratams -performed by Telugu and Canarese females, both Brahman and non-Brahman, -the following account is given in the Manual of the Nellore district. A -very favourite deity is Gauri, in honour of whom many of the rites -hereafter noticed are performed. These ceremonies give a vivid idea of -the hopes and fears, the aspirations, and the forebodings of Hindu -womanhood. The following ceremonies are practised by girls after -betrothal, and before union with their husbands:-- - -Atlataddi.--On the third day after the full moon, an early meal before -sunrise, the worship of Gauri in the afternoon, and the presentation of -ten cakes to ten matrons upon the dismissal of the deity invoked. The -object is to secure a young agreeable husband. - -Uppu (salt).--This consists in making a present to any matron of a -pot of salt, full to the brim, at the end of the year, with the view -to secure a long enjoyment of the married state. - -Akshayabandar.--This consists in making a present of a pot full of -turmeric to any matron at the end of the year, with a view to avert -the calamity of widowhood. - -Udayakunkuma.--Putting the red kunkuma mark on the foreheads of five -matrons before sunrise, with the object of being always able to wear -the same mark on her own forehead, i.e., never to become a widow. - -Padiharukudumulu.--The presentation of sixteen cakes once a year for -sixteen years to a matron. This is for the attaining of wealth. - -Kartika Gauri Devi.--Exhibiting to a matron the antimony box, with -a preparation of which the eyes are trimmed to give the brilliancy, -and wearing on the head turmeric rice (akshatalu). The object of this -is said to be to give sight to blind relatives. - -Kandanomi.--Abstaining for a year from the use of arum (Amorphophallus -Campanulatus), of which the corms are an article of food), and -presenting a matron with a silver and gold representation of a kanda -to be worn on the neck. The object to be attained is that she who -performs the rite may never have to shed tears. - -Gummadi Gauri Devi.--The presentation at the end of the year to a -matron of a pumpkin in the morning, and another in the afternoon, -with a silver one at food time, and a gold one to be worn round the -neck. This is for the prolongation of married life. - -Gandala Gauri Devi.--The distribution of twenty-five different sorts of -things, twenty-five to be distributed to matrons at the rate of five -of each sort to each. The object of this is to avert evil accidents -of all kinds, which may threaten the husband. - -Chittibottu.--Making the kunkuma marks on the foreheads of five -matrons in the morning, for the attainment of wealth. - -Isalla Chukka.--Rubbing butter-milk, turmeric, kunkuma, and sandalwood -paste on the threshold of the door. The object is the same as in -the last. - -Tavita Navomi.--To avoid touching bran for any purpose, for the -prolongation of married life. - -Nitya Srungaram.--Offering betel nut, and putting the kunkuma mark -on the face of a matron, for the purpose of securing perpetual beauty. - -Nallapusala Gauri Devi.--The presentation to a matron of a hundred -black beads with one gold one, the object being again to avert -widowhood. - -Mocheti Padmam.--The worship of some deity, and the making of the -forehead mark (bottlu) for four matrons in the first year, eight -in the second, and so on, increasing the number by four each year -for twenty-seven years, being the number of certain stars. This -presentation has to be made in silence. The object is the attainment -of enduring wealth. - -Mogamudo sellu.--The performer washes her face thirteen times daily -in a brass vessel, and offers to some matron some rice, a pearl, -and a coral. - -Undrallatadde.--On the thirteenth day after the full moon, taking food -before sunrise, the girl worships the goddess Gauri in the afternoon, -and, at the time of dismissing the deity invoked (udyapana), she -presents five round cakes to as many matrons. The object of this is -to secure her future husband's affections. - -Vara Lakshmi.--The worship of the goddess Lakshmi for the attainment -of wealth and salvation, or to make the best of both worlds. - -Vavila Gauri Devi.--In order to avert the risk of all accidents -for her future lord, the devotee, on each of the four Tuesdays of -the month Sravana, worships the goddess Gauri Devi, and distributes -Bengal gram to married women. - -Savitri Gauri Devi.--The offering of nine different articles on nine -different days after the sun has entered the solstice, the sign of -Capricorn. This is also practised to secure a husband's affection. - -Tsaddikutimangalavaram.--This is a piece of self-mortification, and -consists in eating on every Tuesday for one year nothing but cold -rice boiled the previous day, and feeding a matron with the same. - -The following are some of the ceremonies practised by young women -after attaining a marriageable age:-- - -Prabatcha Adivaram.--Offering worship to a married couple, and limiting -the taking of food to a single meal on Sunday. This is done with the -object of having children. - -Apadaleni Adivaram.--Taking but one meal every Sunday, and making a -presentation to five matrons of five cakes with a flat basket of rice, -body jackets, and other things. This is for the procuring of wealth. - -Adivaram (Sunday).--Total abstinence from some one article of food for -one year, another article the next year, and so on for five years; -also limitation to a single meal every Sunday, and the presentation -of cloths to Brahmans upon the dismissal of the deity invoked for -worship. The object of this seems to be to secure re-union with the -husband after death. - -Chappitti Adivaram.--Abstinence from salt on every Sunday for a year, -with a view to secure the longevity of children. - -Udayapadmam.--To take for one year a daily bath, and to draw the -representation of a lotus with rice-flour every morning near the sacred -tulasi plant (Ocimum sanctum), which is kept in many Hindu households, -growing on an altar of masonry. The object of this is to restore a -dead husband to life again, i.e., to secure re-union in another life. - -Krishna Tulasi.--To avert widowhood, those who perform this rite -present thirteen pairs of cakes in a gold cup to a Brahman. - -Kartika Chalimidi.--The distribution of chalimidi, which is flour -mixed with sugar water, for three years; in the first year one and -a half seer of rice, in the second year two and a half seers, and in -the third year twenty-six seers, the object sought being to restore -life to children that may die, i.e., restoration in another world. - -Kailasa Gauri Devi.--To grind one and a half viss (a measure) of -turmeric without assistance in perfect silence, and then distribute -it among 101 matrons, the object being to avert widowhood. - -Dhairya Lakshmi.--As a charm against tears, matrons light a magic -light, which must have a cotton wick of the weight of one pagoda (a -gold coin), and, instead of a quarter of a viss of ghee, clarified -butter. - -Dhanapalalu.--Giving four different sorts of grain for five years to -a Brahman, to atone for the sin of the catamenial discharge. - -Nadikesudu.--The distribution of five seers each of nine different -sorts of grain, which must be dressed and eaten in the house. This -is done for the procuring of wealth. - -Nityadhanyamu.--Daily giving a handful of grain to any Brahmin with -the object of averting widowhood. - -Phalala Gauri Devi.--This is performed by the presentation of sixteen -fruits of sixteen different species to any married woman, with the -view of securing healthy offspring. - -Pamidipuvulu.--With the view to avert widowhood and secure influence -with their husbands, young wives practise the daily worship of -thirteen flowers for a time, and afterwards present to a Brahmin the -representations of thirteen flowers in gold, together with a lingam -and panavattam (the seat of the lingam). - -Muppadimudupurnamulu.--To avert widowhood, cakes are offered on the -occasion of thirty-three full-moons; on the first one cake is eaten, -on the second two, and so on up to thirty-three. - -Mudukartelu.--For the attainment of wealth, women light seven -hundred cotton wicks steeped in oil at the three festivals of full -moon, Sankuratri (the time when the sun enters the zodiacal sign of -Capricorn), and Sivaratri. - -Magha Gauri Devi.--The worship of the goddess Gauri in the month of -Magham, with a view to avert widowhood. - -Vishnukanta.--For the same purpose, thirteen pairs of cakes are -offered in a new pot to some married woman. - -Vishnuvidia.--To atone for the sin of the catamenial discharge, -food is eaten without salt on the second day after every new moon. - -Sokamuleni Somavaram.--The taking of food without salt every Monday, -for the restoration of children removed by death. - -Chitraguptulu.--Burning twelve wicks daily in oil, for the attainment -of happiness in a future state. - -Sukravaram.--For the acquisition of wealth, women sometimes limit -themselves to one meal on Fridays, and feed five married women on -each occasion of dismissing the deity invoked for worship. - -Saubhagyatadde.--To avert widowhood, another practice is on the third -day after every new moon to distribute, unassisted and in silence, -one and a quarter viss of turmeric among thirteen matrons. - -Kshirabdhi Dvadasi.--Keeping a fast day specially devoted to the -worship of Vishnu, with a view to secure happiness in a future state. - -Chinuku.--A woman takes a stalk of Indian corn fresh pulled up, -and with it pounds rice-flour mixed with milk in a mortar. This is -to avert widowhood in this world, and to secure happiness in the next. - -Women who have lost children frequently perform the following two -ceremonies for restoration to life or restoration in a future state:-- - -Kundella Amavasya (hare's new moon).--To give thirteen different -things to some married woman every new moon for thirteen months. - -Kadupukadalani Gauri Devi.--The presentation of thirteen pairs of -cakes to thirteen matrons. - -The following ceremonies are often performed after the cessation of -the catamenial discharge, to atone for the sin contracted by their -occurrence:-- - -Annamumuttani Adivaram.--The eating of yams and other roots every -Sunday for three years, or, under certain conditions, a longer period. - -Rushipanchami.--On the fifth day of Bhadrapada month to eat five balusu -(Canthium parviflorum) leaves, and to drink a handful of ghee. - -Gomayani.--To eat three balls of cow-dung every morning for a year. - -Lakshvattulu.--To burn one lac (100,000) of wick lights. - -Lakshmivarapu Ekadasi.--From the time when the eleventh day after -new moon falls on a Thursday, to observe a fast, and to worship the -tulasi plant for eleven days. - -Margasira Lakshmivaram.--The mistress of a family will often devote -herself to the worship of Lakshmi on every Thursday of the month of -Margasira, in order to propitiate the goddess of wealth. - -Somisomavaram.--A special worship performed on every new moon that -falls on Monday, with the giving away of 360 articles, two or three on -each occasion. This is performed with the view of attaining atonement -for sins, and happiness in a future state. - -There are many ceremonies performed by women to whom nature has denied -the much-coveted joys of maternity. Among these may be noted:-- - -Asvadhapradakshinam.--In villages is often to be seen a margosa -(Melia Azadirachta)tree, round which a pipul tree (Ficus religiosa) -has twined itself. The ceremony consists in a woman walking round -and round this tree several times daily for a long period. - -The sub-divisions of the Telugu Brahmans are as follows:-- - - -A.--Vaidiki. - - 1. Murikinadu. - 2. Telaganyam. - 3. Velnadu. - 4. Kasalnadu. - 5. Karnakammalu. - 6. Veginadu. - 7. Konesime. - 8. Arama Dravida. - 9. Aradhya. - 10. Prathamasaki. - - -B.--Niyogi. - - 1. Aruvela. - 2. Nandavarikulu. - 3. Kammalu. - 4. Pesalavayalu. - 5. Pranganadu. - - -C.--Tambala. - - -D.--Immigrants. - - 1. Pudur Dravida. - 2. Thummagunta Dravida. - - -All these sections are endogamous, and will eat together, except -the Tambalas, who correspond to the Gurukkals among the Tamil -Brahmans. Vaidikis are supposed to be superior to Niyogis. The former -do not generally grow moustaches, while the latter do. For sradh -ceremonies, Niyogis do not generally sit as Brahmans representing the -ancestors, Vaidikis being engaged for this purpose. In some places, -e.g., the Nandigama taluk of the Kistna district, the Niyogis are -not referred to by the name Brahman, Vaidikis being so called. Even -Niyogis themselves point to Vaidikis when asked about Brahmans. - -Velnadu, Murikinadu, and Veginadu seem to be territorial names, and -they occur also among some of the non-Brahman castes. The Aradhyas are -dealt with in a special article (see Aradhya). Among the Karnakammas -are certain sub-sections, such as Ogoti and Koljedu. They all belong -to Rig Saka. Of the Telaganyams, some follow the Rig Veda, and others -the Yejur Veda (both black and white Yajus). The Nandavarikulu are -all Rig Vedis, and regard Chaudeswari, the goddess of the Devangas, -as their tutelary deity. When a Nandavariki Brahman goes to a Devanga -temple, he is treated with much respect, and the Devanga priest gives -up his place to the Nandavariki for the time being. The Nandavariki -Brahmans are, in fact, gurus or priests to the Devengas. - -A special feature of the Telugu Brahmans is that, like the Telugu -non-Brahman classes, they have house names or intiperulu, of which -the following are examples:--Kota (fort), Lanka (island), Puchcha -(Citrullus Colocynthis), Chintha (tamarind), Kaki (crow). Niyogi -house-names sometimes terminate with the word razu. - -IV. Carnataka.--The sub-divisions of the Carnatakas or -Canarese-speaking Brahmans are as follows:-- - - -A.--Smartha. - - 1. Aruvaththuvokkalu. - 2. Badaganadu. - 3. Hosalnadu. - 4. Hoisanige or Vaishanige. - 5. Kamme (Bobburu, Karna, and Ulcha). - 6. Sirnadu. - 7. Maraka. - - -B.--Madhva. - - 1. Aruvela. - 2. Aruvaththuvokkalu. - 3. Badaganadu. - 4. Pennaththurar. - 5. Prathamasaki. - 6. Hyderabadi. - - -The Carnatakas very closely resemble the Andhras in their ceremonial -observances, and, like them, attach much importance to vratams. The -Madhva Carnatakas are recent converts from Carnataka or Andhra -Smarthas. The Pennaththurars are supposed to be Tamil Brahmans -converted into Madhvas. They retain some of the customs peculiar to -the Tamil Brahmans. The marriage badge, for example, is the Tamil -tali and not the bottu. Intermarriages between Smarthas and Madhvas -of the same section are common. Madhvas, excepting the very orthodox, -will take food with both Carnataka and Andhra Smarthas. - -The Marakas are thus described by Mr. Lewis Rice. [175] "A caste -claiming to be Brahmans, but not recognised as such. They worship the -Hindu triad, but are chiefly Vishnuvites, and wear the trident mark on -their foreheads. They call themselves Hale Kannadiga or Hale Karnataka, -the name Marka [176] being considered as one of reproach, on which -account also many have doubtless returned themselves as Brahmans of -one or other sect. They are said to be descendants of some disciples -of Sankaracharya, the original guru of Sringeri, and the following -legend is related of the cause of their expulsion from the Brahman -caste to which their ancestors belonged. One day Sankaracharya, -wishing to test his disciples, drank some toddy in their presence, -and the latter, thinking it could be no sin to follow their master's -example, indulged freely in the same beverage. Soon after, when passing -a butcher's shop, Sankaracharya asked for alms; the butcher had nothing -but meat to give, which the guru and his disciples ate. According to -the Hindu shastras, red-hot iron alone can purify a person who has -eaten flesh and drunk toddy. Sankaracharya went to a blacksmith's -furnace, and begged from him some red-hot iron, which he swallowed -and was purified. The disciples were unable to imitate their master -in the matter of the red-hot iron, and besought him to forgive their -presumption in having dared to imitate him in partaking of forbidden -food. Sankaracharya refused to give absolution, and cursed them -as unfit to associate with the six sects of Brahmans. The caste is -making a strong effort to be readmitted among Brahmans, and some have -recently become disciples of Parakalaswami. Their chief occupations -are agriculture, and Government service as shanbogs or village -accountants." It is recorded, in the Mysore Census Report, 1891, -that "some of the more intelligent and leading men in the clan give -another explanation (of the legend). It is said that either in Dewan -Purnaiya's time, or some time before, a member of this micro-caste -rose to power, and persecuted the people so mercilessly that, with -characteristic inaptitude, they gave him the nickname Maraka or the -slaughterer or destroyer, likening him to the planet Mars, which, -in certain constellations, is astrologically dreaded as wielding -a fatal influence on the fortunes of mortals. There is, however, -no doubt that, in their habits, customs, religion and ceremonials, -these people are wholly Brahmanical, but still they remain entirely -detached from the main body of the Brahmans. Since the census of 1871, -the Hale Kannadigas have been strenuously struggling to get themselves -classified among the Brahmans. About 25 years ago, the Sringeri Math -issued on behalf of the Smarta portion of the people a Srimukh (papal -bull) acknowledging them to be Brahmans. A similar pronouncement was -also obtained from the Parakal Math at Mysore about three years later -on behalf of the Srivaishnavas among them. And the Local Government -directed, a little after the census of 1881, that they should be -entered as Brahmans in the Government accounts." - -The Madhva Brahmans commence the marriage ceremony by asking the -ancestors of the bridal couple to bless them, and be present throughout -the performance of the rites. To represent the ancestors, a ravike -(bodice) and dhotra (man's cloth) are tied to a stick, which is placed -near the box containing the salagrama stone and household gods. In -consequence of these ancestors being represented, orthodox Vaidiki -Brahmans refuse to take food in the marriage house. When the bridegroom -is conducted to the marriage booth by his future father-in-law, all -those who have taken part in the Kasiyatra ceremony, throw rice over -him. A quaint ceremony, called rangavriksha (drawing), is performed -on the morning of the second day. After the usual playing with balls -of flowers (nalagu or nalangu), the bridegroom takes hold of the -right hand of the bride, and, after dipping her right forefinger -in turmeric and chunam (lime) paste, traces on a white wall the -outline of a plantain tree, of which a sketch has previously been -made by a married woman. The tracing goes on for three days. First -the base of the plant is drawn, and, on the evening of the third day, -it is completed by putting in the flower spikes. On the third night -the bridegroom is served with sweets and other refreshments by his -mother-in-law, from whose hands he snatches the vessels containing -them. He picks out what he likes best, and scatters the remainder -about the room. The pollution caused thereby is removed by sprinkling -water and cow-dung, which is done by the cook engaged for the marriage -by the bridegroom's family. After washing his hands, the bridegroom -goes home, taking with him a silver vessel, which he surreptitiously -removes from near the gods. Along with this vessel he is supposed -to steal a rope for drawing water, and a rice-pounding stone. But -in practice he only steals the vessel, and the other articles are -claimed by his people on their return home. - -Branding for religious purposes is confined to Sri Vaishnavas and -Madhvas. Sri Vaishnava Brahmans are expected to undergo this ordeal -at least once during their life-time, whereas Madhva Brahmans have to -submit to it as often as they visit their guru (head of a mutt). Of -men of other castes, those who become followers of a Vaishnava or -Madhva Acharya (guru) or mutt, are expected to present themselves -before the guru for the purpose of being branded. But the ceremony -is optional, and not compulsory as in the case of the Brahmans. Among -Sri Vaishnavites, the privilege of branding is confined to the elder -members of a family, Sanyasis (ascetics), and the heads of the various -mutts. All individuals, male and female, must be branded, after the -Upanayanam ceremony in the case of males, and after marriage in the -case of females. The disciples, after a purificatory bath and worship -of their gods, proceed to the residence of the Acharya or to the mutt, -where they are initiated into their religion, and branded with the -chakra on the right shoulder and chank on the left. The initiation -consists in imparting to the disciple, in a very low tone, the Mula -Mantram, the word Namonarayanaya, the sacred syllable Om, and a few -mantrams from the Brahma Rahasyam (secrets about god). A person who -has not been initiated thus is regarded as unfit to take part in -the ceremonies which have to be performed by Brahmans. Even close -relations, if orthodox, will refuse to take food prepared or touched -by the uninitiated. Concerning Madhvas, Monier Williams writes as -follows [177]: "They firmly believe that it is a duty of Vaishnavas -to carry throughout life a memorial of their god on their persons, -and that such a lasting outward and visible sign of his presence helps -them to obtain salvation through him. 'On his right armlet the Brahman -wears the discus, on his left the conch shell.' When I was at Tanjore, -I found that one of the successors of Madhva had recently arrived on -his branding visitation. He was engaged throughout the entire day in -stamping his disciples, and receiving fees from all according to their -means." Madhvas have four mutts to which they repair for the branding -ceremony, viz., Vayasaraya, Sumathendra and Mulabagal in Mysore, -and Uttaraja in South Canara. The followers of the Uttaraja mutt are -branded in five places in the case of adult males, and boys after the -thread investiture. The situations and emblems selected are the chakra -on the right upper arm, right side of the chest, and above the navel; -the chank on the left shoulder and left side of the chest. Women, -and girls after marriage, are branded with the chakra on the right -forearm, and the chank on the left. In the case of widows, the marks -are impressed on the shoulders as in the case of males. The disciples -of the three other mutts are generally branded with the chakra on the -right upper arm, and chank on the left. As the branding is supposed -to remove sins committed during the interval, they get it done every -time they see their guru. There is with Madhvas no restriction as to -the age at which the ceremony should be performed. Even a new-born -babe, after the pollution period of ten days, must receive the mark -of the chakra, if the guru should turn up. Boys before the upanayanam, -and girls before marriage, are branded with the chakra on the abdomen -just above the navel. The copper or brass branding instruments (mudras) -are not heated to a very high temperature, but sufficient to singe the -skin, and leave a deep black mark in the case of adults, and a light -mark in that of young people and babies. In some cases, disciples, who -are afraid of being hurt, bribe the person who heats the instruments; -but, as a rule, the guru regulates the temperature so as to suit the -individual. If, for example, the disciple is a strong, well-built -man, the instruments are well heated, and, if he is a weakling, -they are allowed to cool somewhat before their application. If the -operator has to deal with babies, he presses the instrument against -a wet rag before applying it to the infant's skin. Some Matathipathis -(head priests of the mutt) are, it is said, inclined to be vindictive, -and to make a very hot application of the instruments, if the disciple -has not paid the fee (gurukanika) to his satisfaction. The fee is not -fixed in the case of Sri Vaishnavas, whereas Madhvas are expected to -pay from one to three months' income for being branded. Failure to -pay is punished with excommunication on some pretext or other. The -area of skin branded generally peels off within a week, leaving a -pale mark of the mudra, which either disappears in a few months, or -persists throughout life. Madhvas should stamp mudras with gopi paste -(white kaolin) daily on various parts of the body. The names of these -mudras are chakra, chank or sankha, gatha (the weapon of war used by -Bhima, one of the Pandavas), padma (lotus), and Narayana. The chakra -is stamped thrice on the abdomen above the navel, twice on the right -flank, twice on the right side of the chest above the nipple, twice -on the right arm, once on the right temple, once on the left side -of the chest, and once on the left arm. The chank is stamped twice -on the right side of the chest, in two places on the left arm, and -once on the left temple. The gatha is stamped in two places on the -right arm, twice on the chest, and in one spot on the forehead. The -padma is stamped twice on the left arm, and twice on the left side of -the chest. Narayana is stamped on all places where other mudra marks -have been made. Sometimes it is difficult to put on all the marks -after the daily morning bath. In such cases, a single mudra mark, -containing all the five mudras, is made to suffice. Some regard the -chakra mudra as sufficient on occasions of emergency. - -The god Hanuman (the monkey god) is specially reverenced by Madhvas, -who call him Mukyapranadevaru (the chief god). - -V. Tulu.--The Tulu-speaking Brahmans are, in their manners and customs, -closely allied to the Carnatakas. Their sub-divisions are-- - - - 1. Shivalli. - 2. Kota. - 3. Kandavara. - 4. Havik or Haiga. - 5. Panchagrami. - 6. Koteswar. - - -The following interesting account of the Tulu Brahmans is given by -Mr. H. A. Stuart [178]:-- - -"All Tulu Brahmin chronicles agree in ascribing the creation of -Malabar and Canara, or Kerala, Tuluva, and Haiga, to Parasu Rama, -who reclaimed from the sea as much land as he could cover by hurling -his battle-axe from the top of the Western Ghauts. According to Tulu -traditions, after a quarrel with Brahmins who used to come to him -periodically from Ahi-Kshetra, Parasu Rama procured new Brahmins for -the reclaimed tract by taking the nets of some fishermen, and making a -number of Brahminical threads, with which he invested the fishermen, -and thus turned them into Brahmins, and retired to the mountains to -meditate, after informing them that, if they were in distress and -called on him, he would come to their aid. After the lapse of some -time, during which they suffered no distress, they were curious to -know if Parasu Rama would remember them, and called upon him in order -to find out. He promptly appeared, but punished their thus mocking -him by cursing them, and causing them to revert to their old status -of Sudras. After this, there were no Brahmins in the land till Tulu -Brahmins were brought from Ahi-Kshetra by Mayur Varma of the Kadamba -dynasty. A modified form of the tradition states that Parasu Rama -gave the newly reclaimed land to Naga and Machi Brahmins, who were -not true Brahmins, and were turned out or destroyed by fishermen and -Holeyas (Pariahs), who held the country till the Tulu Brahmins were -introduced by Mayur Varma. All traditions unite in attributing the -introduction of the Tulu Brahmins of the present day to Mayur Varma, -but they vary in details connected with the manner in which they -obtained a firm footing in the land. One account says that Habashika, -chief of the Koragas (Pariahs), drove out Mayur Varma, but was in turn -expelled by Mayur Varma's son, or son-in-law, Lokaditya of Gokarnam, -who brought Brahmins from Ahi-Kshetra and settled them in thirty-two -villages. Another makes Mayur Varma himself the invader of the country, -which till then had remained in the possession of the Holeyas (Pariahs) -and fishermen who had turned out Parasu Rama's Brahmins. Mayur Varma -and the Brahmins whom he had brought from Ahi-Kshetra were again -driven out by Nanda, a Holeya chief, whose son Chandra Sayana had, -however, learned respect for Brahmins from his mother, who had been -a dancing-girl in a temple. His admiration for them became so great -that he not only brought back the Brahmins, but actually made over -all his authority to them, and reduced his people to the position -of slaves. A third account makes Chandra Sayana, not a son of a -Holeya king, but a descendant of Mayur Varma and a conqueror of -the Holeya king. Nothing is known from other sources of Lokaditya, -Habashika, or Chandra Sayana, but inscriptions speak to Mayur Varma -being the founder of the dynasty of the Kadambas of Banavasi in North -Canara. His date is usually put down at about 750 A.D. The correctness -of the traditions, which prevail in Malabar as well as in Canara, -assigning the introduction of Brahmins to the West Coast to Mayur -Varma who was in power about 750 A.D., is to some extent corroborated -by the fact that Brahmins attested the Malabar Perumal's grant to the -Christians in 774 A.D., but not that to the Jews about 700 A.D. The -Brahmins are said to have been brought from Ahi-Kshetra, on the banks -of the Godavari, but it is not clear what connection a Kadamba of -Banavasi could have with the banks of the Godavari, and there may be -something in the suggestion made in the North Kanara Gazetteer that -Ahi-Kshetra is merely a sanskritised form of Haiga or the land of -snakes. The tradition speaks of the Brahmins having been brought by -Lokaditya from Gokarnam, which is in the extreme north of Haiga, and -in the local history of the Honalli Matha in Sunda in North Canara, -Gokarnam is spoken of as being Ahi-Kshetra. Gokarnam is believed to -have been a Brahmin settlement in very early times, and there was -probably a further influx of Brahmins there as Muhammadan conquest -advanced in the north. - -"The class usually styled Tulu Brahmins at the present day are the -Shivalli Brahmins, whose head-quarters are at Udipi, and who are -most numerous in the southern part of the district, but the Kota, -Koteshwar, and Haiga or Havika Brahmins are all branches of the same, -the differences between them having arisen since their settlement in -Canara; and, though they now talk Canarese in common with the people -of other parts to the north of the Sitanadi river, their religious -works are still written in the old Tulu-Malayalam character. Tulu -Brahmins, who have settled in Malabar in comparatively late years, are -known as Embrantris, and treated as closely allied to the Nambutiris, -whose traditions go back to Mayur Varma. Some families of Shivalli and -Havika Brahmins in the southern or Malayalam portion of the district -talk Malayalam, and follow many of the customs of the Malabar or -Nambutiri Brahmins. Many of the thirty-two villages in which the -Brahmins are said to have been settled by Mayur Varma are still -the most important centres of Brahminism. Notably may be mentioned -Shivalli or Udipi, Kota and Koteshwar, which have given names to the -divisions of Tulu Brahmins of which these villages are respectively the -head-quarters. When the Brahmins were introduced by Mayur Varma they -are said to have been followers of Bhattacharya, but they soon adopted -the tenets of the great Malayalam Vedantic teacher Sankaracharya, -who is ordinarily believed to have been born at Cranganore in Malabar -in the last quarter of the eighth century, that is, soon after the -arrival of the Brahmins on the west coast. Sankaracharya is known -as the preacher of the Advaita (non-dual) philosophy, which, stated -briefly, is that all living beings are one with the supreme spirit, -and absorption may finally be obtained by the constant renunciation -of material in favour of spiritual pleasure. This philosophy, however, -was not sufficient for the common multitude, and his system included, -for weaker minds, the contemplation of the first cause through a -multitude of inferior deities, and, as various manifestations of Siva -and his consort Parvati, he found a place for all the most important -of the demons worshipped by the early Dravidians whom the Brahmins -found on the West Coast, thus facilitating the spread of Hinduism -throughout all classes. That the conversion of the Bants and Billavas, -and other classes, took place at a very early date may be inferred -from the fact that, though the great bulk of the Tulu Brahmins of South -Canara adopted the teaching of the Vaishnavite reformer Madhavacharya, -who lived in the thirteenth century, most of the non-Brahmin Hindus in -the district class themselves as Shaivites to this day. Sankaracharya -founded the Sringeri Matha in Mysore near the borders of the Udipi -taluk, the guru of which is the spiritual head of such of the Tulu -Brahmins of South Canara as have remained Smarthas or adherents of the -teaching of Sankaracharya. Madhavacharya is believed to have been born -about 1199 A.D. at Kalianpur, a few miles from Udipi. He propounded -the Dvaita or dual philosophy, repudiating the doctrine of oneness -and final absorption held by ordinary Vaishnavites as well as by the -followers of Sankaracharya. The attainment of a place in the highest -heaven is to be secured, according to Madhavacharya's teaching, not -only by the renunciation of material pleasure, but by the practice of -virtue in thought, word and deed. The moral code of Madhavacharya is -a high one, and his teaching is held by some--not ordinary Hindus of -course--to have been affected by the existence of the community of -Christians at Kalianpur mentioned by Cosmos Indico Pleustes in the -seventh century. Madhavacharya placed the worship of Vishnu above -that of Siva, but there is little bitterness between Vaishnavites -and Shaivites in South Canara, and there are temples in which both -are worshipped under the name of Shankara Narayana. He denied that -the spirits worshipped by the early Dravidians were manifestations -of Siva's consort, but he accorded sanction to their worship as -supernatural beings of a lower order. - -"Shivalli Brahmins. The Tulu-speaking Brahmins of the present day are -almost all followers of Madhavacharya, though a few remain Smarthas, -and a certain number follow what is known as the Bhagavat Sampradayam, -and hold that equal honour is due to both Vishnu and Siva. They are -now generally called Shivalli Brahmins, their head-quarters being at -Udipi or Shivalli, a few miles from Madhavacharya's birth-place. Here -Madhavacharya is said to have resided for some time, and composed -thirty-seven controversial works, after which he set out on a -tour. The temple of Krishna at Udipi is said to have been founded by -Madhavacharya himself, who set up in it the image of Krishna originally -made by Arjuna, and miraculously obtained by him from a vessel wrecked -on the coast of Tuluva. In it he also placed one of the three salagrams -presented to him by the sage Veda Vyasa. Besides the temple at Udipi, -he established eight Mathas or sacred houses, each presided over by -a sanyasi or swami. [Their names are Sodhe, Krishnapur, Sirur, Kanur, -Pejavar, Adamar, Palamar, and Puththige.] These exist to this day, and -each swami in turn presides over the temple of Krishna for a period of -two years, and spends the intervening fourteen years touring through -Canara and the adjacent parts of Mysore, levying contributions from the -faithful for his next two years of office, which are very heavy, as he -has to defray not only the expenses of public worship and of the temple -and Matha establishments, but must also feed every Brahmin who comes to -the place. The following description of a Matha visited by Mr. Walhouse -[179] gives a very good idea of what one of these buildings is like: -'The building was two-storeyed, enclosing a spacious quadrangle round -which ran a covered verandah or cloister; the wide porched entrance -opened into a fine hall supported by massive pillars with expanding -capitals handsomely carved; the ceiling was also wooden, panelled -and ornamented with rosettes and pendants as in baronial halls, -and so were the solid doors. Within these was an infinity of rooms, -long corridors lined with windowless cells, apartments for meditation -and study, store-rooms overflowing with all manner of necessaries, -granaries, upper rooms with wide projecting windows latticed instead -of glass with pierced wood-work in countless tasteful patterns, -and in the quadrangle there was a draw-well and small temple, while -a large yard behind contained cattle of all kinds from a goat to an -elephant. All things needful were here gathered together. Outside -sat pilgrims, poor devotees, and beggars waiting for the daily dole, -and villagers were continually arriving with grain, vegetables, -etc.' The periodical change of the swami presiding over the temple -of Krishna is the occasion of a great festival known as the Pariyaya, -when Udipi is filled to overflowing by a large concourse of Madhvas, -not only from the district but from more distant parts, especially -from the Mysore territory. [A very imposing object in the temple -grounds, at the time of my visit in 1907, was an enormous stack of -fire-wood for temple purposes.] The following is a description [180] -of a festival at the Udipi Krishna temple witnessed by Mr. Walhouse: -'Near midnight, when the moon rode high in a cloudless heaven, his -(Krishna's) image--not the very sacred one, which may not be handled, -but a smaller duplicate--was brought forth by four Brahmins and -placed under a splendid canopy on a platform laid across two large -canoes. The whole square of the tank (pond) was lit up by a triple -line of lights. Small oil cressets at close intervals, rockets and -fireworks ascended incessantly, and the barge, also brilliantly lit -up, and carrying a band of discordant music, and Brahmins fanning -the image with silver fans, was punted round and round the tank amid -loud acclamations. After this, the image was placed in a gorgeous -silver-plated beaked palanquin, and borne solemnly outside the temple -to the great idol car that stood dressed up and adorned with an -infinity of tinsel, flags, streamers and flower wreaths. On this it -was lifted, and placed in a jewel shrine amidst a storm of applause -and clapping of hands--these seem the only occasions when Hindus do -clap hands--and then, with all the company of Brahmins headed by the -swamis marching in front, followed by flambeaus and wild music, the -car was slowly hauled by thousands of votaries round the square which -was illuminated by three lines of lights, ascending at intervals into -pyramids. A pause was made half-way, when there was a grand display -of rockets, fire fountains and wheels, and two lines of camphor -and oiled cotton laid along the middle of the road were kindled -and flamed up brilliantly. Then the car moved on to the entrance of -the temple, and the god's outing was accomplished.' Another famous -temple of the Shivallis is Subramanya at the foot of the ghauts on -the Coorg border, and here also Madhavacharya deposited one of Veda -Vyasa's salagrams. It existed before his time, however, and, as the -name indicates, it is dedicated to the worship of Siva. In addition -to this, it is the principal centre of serpent worship in the district. - -"Many of the Shivalli Brahmins are fair complexioned with well-cut -intelligent features. A number of them own land which they cultivate by -tenants or by hired labourers, and there are several wealthy families -with large landed properties, but the great bulk of them are either -astronomers, astrologers, tantris, purohitas, worshippers in temples, -or professional beggars. They have been backward in availing themselves -of English education, and consequently not many of them are to be -found holding important posts under Government or in the professions, -but a few have come to the front in late years. A good many of them -are village accountants and teachers in village schools. The women, as -is usually the case among all classes, are fairer than the men. Their -education is even more limited, but they are said to be well trained -for the discharge of household and religious duties. They wear the -cloth falling as low as the feet in front, but not usually so low -behind, especially on festive occasions, the end being passed between -the legs and tucked into the fold of the cloth round the waist. Like -all Brahmin women in Canara, they are fond of wearing sweet-scented -flowers in their hair. The language of the Shivalli Brahmins is Tulu, -except to the north of the Sitanadi river, where close intercourse with -the ruling Canarese classes above the ghauts for several centuries has -led to the adoption of that language by all classes. Their religious -books are in Sanskrit, and, even north of the Sitanadi river, they -are written in the old Tulu-Malayalam character. Their houses are -all neat, clean, and provided with verandahs, and a yard in front, -in which stands, in a raised pot, a plant of the tulasi or sacred -basil. Some of the houses of the old families are really large and -substantial buildings, with an open courtyard in the centre. Men and -widows bathe the whole body every day before breakfast, but married -women bathe only up to the neck, it being considered inauspicious for -them to bathe the head also. In temples and religious houses, males -bathe in the evening also. An oil bath is taken once a week. They -are, of course, abstainers from animal food and spirituous liquors, -and a prohibition extends to some other articles, such as onions, -garlic, mushrooms, etc. At times of marriages, deaths or initiations, -it is usual to give feasts, which may be attended by all Dravida -Brahmins. The Shivallis have 252 gotras, and the names of the following -seem to be of totemistic origin:-- - - - Kudrettaya, from kudre, a horse, taya, belonging to. - Talitaya, palmyra palm. - Manolitaya, name of a vegetable. - Shunnataya, chunam, lime. - Kalambitaya, a kind of box. - Nellitaya, the Indian gooseberry. - Goli, banyan tree. - Ane, elephant. - - -"These names were obtained from one of the eight swamis or gurus of the -Udipi math, and according to him they have no totemistic force at the -present day. Girls must be married before maturity, and the ordinary -age now-a-days is between five and eleven. The age of the bridegroom -is usually between fifteen and five and twenty. A maternal uncle's -daughter can be married without consulting any horoscope, and during -the marriage ceremonies it is customary for a bridegroom's sister to -obtain from him a formal promise that, if he has a daughter, he will -give her in marriage to her son. Widows take off all their ornaments, -and wear a red or white cloth. They ought not to attend any auspicious -ceremonies or festivals, but of late years there has been a tendency -to relax the severity of the restrictions on a widow's freedom, and -a young widow is allowed to keep her head unshaven, and to wear a -few ornaments. A few Shivallis in the Malayalam-speaking portion of -the Kasaragod taluk follow the customs and manners of the Malayalam -Brahmins, and amongst these a girl does not lose caste by remaining -unmarried until she comes of age. - -"Koteshwar Brahmins are a small body, who take their name from -Koteshwar in the Coondapoor taluk. They are practically the same as -the Shivalli Brahmins, except that, like all classes in that taluk, -they talk Canarese. - -"Havika, Haviga, or Haiga Brahmins are the descendants of the section -of the Brahmins brought in by Mayur Varma, who settled within the -tract known as Haiga, which comprised the southern part of North Canara -and the extreme northern part of South Canara. They did not, like the -Shivallis, adopt the teaching of Madhavacharya, but remained followers -of Sankaracharya, and they now speak Canarese, though their religious -and family records are written in old Tulu-Malayalam character. Though -originally of the same stock, a distinction has arisen between them -and the Shivalli Brahmins, and they do not intermarry, though they may -eat together. A number of Havika Brahmins are to be found scattered -throughout South Canara, engaged for the most part in the cultivation -of areca palm gardens, in which they are very expert. A very well-to-do -colony of them is to be found in the neighbourhood of Vittal in the -Kasaragod taluk, where they grow areca nuts which are valued only -second to those grown in the magane of the Coondapoor taluk above the -ghauts. The Havika Brahmins, perhaps owing to their residing for many -generations in the comparatively cool shade of the areca nut gardens, -are specially fair even for west coast Brahmins. This fairness of -complexion is particularly noticeable in the women, who do not differ -much in their manners and customs from the Shivalli Brahmin women, -except that they take a prominent part in the work of the gardens, and -never on any occasion wear the end of their cloth passed through the -legs and tucked up behind. The Havik widows are allowed more freedom -than in most other classes. Some Havik Brahmins in the Malayalam -portion of the Kasaragod taluk have, like the Shivallis in the same -locality, adopted the language and customs of the Malayali Brahmins. - -"Kota Brahmins, so called from a village in the northern part of -the Udipi taluk, are, like the Haviks, Smarthas or followers of -Sankaracharya, and now speak Canarese, but the breach between them -and the Shivallis is not so wide, as intermarriages occasionally take -place. In the Coondapoor taluk and the northern part of the Udipi -taluk, the Kotas occupy a place in the community corresponding to -that taken by the Shivallis throughout the rest of the district. - -"Saklapuris, of whom there are a few in the district, are what may be -called a dissenting sect of Havikas who, a few years ago, renounced -their allegiance to the Ramchandrapura matha in favour of one at -Saklapuri near the boundary between North and South Canara. Like the -Havikas, they speak Canarese. - -"Kandavaras obtain their name from the village of Kandavar in the -Coondapoor taluk. They are commonly known as Udapas, and they all -belong to one gotram, that of Visvamitra. They are, therefore, -precluded from marrying within the caste, and take their wives and -husbands from the ranks of the Shivalli Brahmins. They are, indeed, -said to be the descendants of a Shivalli Brahmin who settled in -Kandavar about seven or eight centuries ago. The head of the Annu Udapa -family, which is called after this ancestor, is the hereditary head -of the caste, and presides over all panchayats or caste councils. They -speak Canarese. Their title is Udapa or Udpa." - -In a note on the Brahmans of South Canara, Mr. T. Raghaviah writes as -follows [181]:--"The sentimental objection to manual labour, which is -so predominant in the East Coast Brahmin, and the odium attached to -it in this country, which has crystallised into the religious belief -that, if a Brahmin cultivates with his own hand, the fire of his -hand would burn down all that he touches, have entirely disappeared -in South Canara. In the rural parts of the district, and especially -at the foot of the Western Ghauts, it is an exceedingly common -sight to see Brahmins engaging themselves in digging, ploughing -or levelling their lands, trimming their water-courses or ledges, -raising anicuts across streams, and doing a hundred other items of -manual work connected with agriculture. Brahmin women busy themselves -with cutting green leaves for manure, making and storing manure and -carrying it to their lands or trees, and Brahmin boys are employed in -tending and grazing their own cattle. This is so much the case with -a class of Brahmins called Haviks that there is a proverb that none -but a Havik can raise an areca garden. You find, as a matter of fact, -that nearly all the extensive areca plantations in the district are in -the hands of either the Havik Brahmins or the Chitpavans allied much -to the Mahratta Brahmins of Bombay. These plantations are managed by -these Brahmins, and new ones are raised with the aid of a handful of -Holeyas, or often without even such aid." - -VI. Oriya.--The Oriya Brahmans of the Ganjam district belong to the -Utkala section of the Pancha Gaudas. Between them and the Pancha -Dravidas there is very considerable difference. None of the sections -of the Pancha Dravidas adopt the gosha system as regards their females, -whereas Oriya Brahman women are kept gosha (in seclusion). Occasionally -they go out to bring water, and, if on their way they come across any -males, they go to the side of the road, and turn their backs to the -passers-by. It is noted, in the Manual of the Vizagapatam district, -that Oriya Brahmans "eat many kinds of meat, as pea fowl, sambur -(deer), barking deer, pigeons, wild pig, and fish." Fish must be one -of the dishes prepared on festive occasions. As a rule, Oriya Brahmans -will accept water from a Gaudo (especially a Sullokondia Gaudo), and -sometimes from Gudiyas and Odiyas. Water touched by Dravida Brahmans -is considered by them to be polluted. They call the Dravidas Komma (a -corruption of Karma) Brahmans. The Oriya Brahmans are more particular -than the Dravidas as regards the madi cloth, which has already been -referred to. A cloth intended for use as a madi cloth is never given -to a washerman to be washed, and it is not worn by the Oriya Brahmans -when they answer the calls of nature, but removed, and replaced after -bathing. Marriage with a maternal uncle's daughter, which is common -among the Dravida Brahmans, would be considered an act of sacrilege -by Oriyas. When an Oriya Brahman is charged with being a meat eater, -he retorts that it is not nearly so bad as marrying a mathulakanya -(maternal uncle's daughter). The marriage tali or bottu is dispensed -with by Oriya Brahmans, who, at marriages, attach great importance -to the panigrahanam (grasping the bride's hand) and saptapadi (seven -steps). The Oriya Brahmans are both Smarthas and Vaishnavas who are -generally Paramarthos or followers of Chaitanya. The god Jagannatha -of Puri is reverenced by them, and they usually carry about with them -some of the prasadham (food offered to the god) from Puri. They are -divided into the following twelve sections:-- - - - (1) Santo (samanta, a chief). - (2) Danua (gift-taking). - (3) Padhiya (one who learns the Vedas). - (4) Sarua (saru, tubers of the arum Colocasia antiqitorum). - (5) Holua (holo, yoke of a plough). - (6) Bhodri (Bhadriya, an agraharam on the Ganges). - (7) Barua (a small sea-port town). - (8) Deuliya (one who serves in temples). - (9) Kotokiya (kotaka, palace. Those who live in palaces as - servants to zamindars). - (10) Sahu (creditor). - (11) Jhadua (jungle). - (12) Sodeibalya (those who follow an ungodly life). - - -It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that "the Santos -regard themselves as superior to the others, and will not do purohit's -work for them, though they will for zamindars. They are also very -scrupulous about the behaviour of their womenkind. The Danuas live -much by begging, especially at the funerals of wealthy persons, but -both they and the Padhiyas know the Vedas, and are priests to the -zamindars and the higher classes of Sudras. The Saruas cultivate the -'yam' (Colocasia), and the Holuas go a step further, and engage in -ordinary cultivation--actual participation in which is forbidden -to Brahmans by Manu, as it involves taking the lives of worms and -insects. A few of the Saruas are qualified to act as purohits, but -the Holuas hardly ever are, and they were shown in the 1891 census to -be the most illiterate of all the Brahmans of the Presidency. Few of -them even perform the Sandhya and Tarpana, which every Brahman should -scrupulously observe. Yet they are regarded as ceremonially pure, -and are often cooks to the zamindars. Regarding the sixth class, -the Bhodris, a curious legend is related. Bhodri means a barber, -and the ancestor of the sub-division is said to have been the son -of a barber who was brought up at Puri with some Santo boys, and so -learned much of the Vedas and Shastras. He left Puri and went into -Jeypore, wearing the thread and passing himself off as a Brahman, and -eventually married a Brahman girl, by whom he got children who also -married Brahmans. At last, however, he was found out, and taken back to -Puri, where he committed suicide. The Brahmans said they would treat -his children as Brahmans if a plant of the sacred tulsi grew on his -grave, but, instead of tulsi, a plant of tobacco appeared there, and -so his descendants are Bhodris or barber Brahmans, and even Karnams, -Gaudos, and Mahantis decline to accept water at their hands. They -cultivate tobacco and 'yams,' but nevertheless officiate in temples, -and are purohits to the lower non-polluting castes. Of the remaining -six divisions, the Baruas are the only ones who do purohit's work -for other castes, and they only officiate for the lower classes of -Sudras. Except the Sodeibalyas, the others all perform the Sandhya -and Tarpana. Their occupations, however, differ considerably. The -Baruas are pujaris in the temples, and physicians. The Deuliyas are -pujaris and menials in zamindars' houses, growers of 'yams,' and even -day labourers. The Kotokiyas are household servants to zamindars. The -Sahus trade in silk cloths, grain, etc., and are money-lenders. The -Jhaduas are hill cultivators, and traders with pack-bullocks. The -last of the divisions, the Sodeibalyas, are menial servants to the -zamindars, and work for daily hire." - -VII. Sarasvat and Konkani.--Both these classes belong to the Gauda -branch, and speak the Konkani language. The original habitation of -the Konkanis is said to have been the bank of the Sarasvati, a river -well known in early Sanskrit works, but said to have subsequently -lost itself in the sands of the desert, north of Rajputana. As they -do not abstain from fish, the other Brahmans among whom they have -settled regard them as low. The full name as given by the Konkanis -is Gauda Sarasvata Konkanastha. All the Konkani Brahmans found -in South Canara are Rig Vedis. Like the Shivalli Brahmans, they -have numerous exogamous septs, which are used as titles after their -names. For example, Prabhu is a sept, and Krishna Prabhu the name of -an individual. A large majority of the Konkani Brahmans are Madhvas, -and their god is Venkataramana of Tirupati, to whom their temples in -South Canara are dedicated. Other Brahmans do not go to the Konkani -temples, though non-Brahmans do so. A very striking feature of the -Konkani temples is that the god Venkataramana is not represented by -an idol, but by a silver plate with the image of the god embossed -on it. There are three important temples, at Manjeshwar, Mulki, -and Karkal. To these are attached Konkani Brahmans called Darsanas, -or men who get inspired. The Darsana attached to the Mulki temple -comes there daily about 11 A.M. After worship, he is given thirtham -(holy water), which he drinks. Taking in his hands the prasadam -(offering made to the god), he comes out, and commences to shiver -all over his body for about ten minutes. The shivering then abates, -and a cane and long strip of deer skin are placed in his hands, -with which he lashes himself on the back, sides, and head. Holy -water is given to him, and the shivering ceases. Those who have -come to the temple put questions to the Darsana, which are answered -in Konkani, and translated. He understands his business thoroughly, -and usually recommends the people to make presents of money or jewels -to Venkataramana, according to their means. In 1907, a rich Guzerati -merchant, who was doing business at Mangalore, visited the temple, -and consulted the Darsana concerning the condition of his wife, -who was pregnant. The Darsana assured him that she would be safely -delivered of a male child, and made him promise to present to the -temple silver equal in weight to that of his wife, should the prophecy -be realised. The prediction proving true, the merchant gave silver, -sugar-candy, and date fruits, to the required weight at a cost, -it is said, of five thousand rupees. At the Manjeshwar temple, the -Darsana is called the dumb Darsana, as he gives signs instead of -speaking. At a marriage among the Konkanis, for the Nagavali ceremony -eight snakes are made out of rice or wheat flour by women and the -bridal couple. By the side of the pot representing Siva and Parvati, -a mirror is placed. Close to the Nagavali square, it is customary to -draw on the ground the figures of eight elephants and eight Bairavas -in flour. - -The following account of the Konkanis is given in the Cochin Census -Report, 1901:--"The Konkanis are a branch of the Sarasvat sub-division -of the Pancha Gaudas. Judged from their well-built physique, handsome -features and fair complexion, they appear to belong ethnically -to the Aryan stock. The community take their name from their Guru -Sarasvata. Trihotrapura, the modern Tirhut in Behar, is claimed as the -original home of the community. According to their tradition, Parasu -Rama brought ten families, and settled them in villages in and around -Gomantaka, the modern Goa, Panchrakosi, and Kusasthali. When Goa was -conquered by Vijayanagar, they placed themselves under the protection -of the kings of that country. For nearly a quarter of a century after -the conquest of Goa by the Portuguese, they continued unmolested under -the Portuguese Governors. During this period, they took to a lucrative -trade in European goods. With the establishment of the Inquisition -at Goa, and the religious persecution set on foot by the Portuguese, -the community left Goa in voluntary exile. While some submitted to -conversion, others fled to the north and south. Those that fled to the -south settled themselves in Canara and at Calicut. Receiving a cold -reception at the hands of the Zamorin, they proceeded further south, -and placed themselves under the protection of the Rulers of Cochin -and Travancore, where they flourish at the present day. The Christian -converts, who followed in the wake of the first batch of exiles, -have now settled themselves at the important centres of trade in the -State as copper-smiths, and they are driving a very profitable trade -in copper-wares. The Brahman emigrants are called Konkanis from the -fact of their having emigrated from Konkan. In the earliest times, -they are supposed to have been Saivites, but at present they are -staunch Vaishnavites, being followers of Madhavacharya. They are never -regarded as on a par with the other Brahmans of Southern India. There -is no intermarriage or interdining between them and other Brahmans. In -Cochin they are mostly traders. Their occupation seems to have been -at the bottom of their being regarded as degraded. They have their -own temples, called Tirumala Devaswams. They are not allowed access to -the inner structure surrounding the chief shrine of the Malayali Hindu -temples; nor do they in turn allow the Hindus of this coast to enter -corresponding portions of their religious edifices. The Nambudris are, -however, allowed access even to the interior of the sacred shrine. All -caste disputes are referred to their high priest, the Swamiyar of Kasi -Mutt, who resides at Mancheswaram or Basroor. He is held in great -veneration by the community, and his decisions in matters religious -and social are final. Some of their temples possess extensive landed -estates. Their temple at Cochin is one of the richest in the whole -State. The affairs of the temple are managed by Konkani Yogakkars, -or an elected committee. Nayars and castes above them do not touch -them. Though their women use coloured cloths for their dress like the -women of the East Coast, their mode of dress and ornaments at once -distinguish them from other Brahman women. Amongst them there are -rich merchants and landholders. Prabhu, Pai, Shenai, Kini, Mallan, -and Vadhyar, are some of the more common titles borne by them." - -In conclusion, brief mention may be made of several other immigrant -classes. Of these, the Desasthas are Marathi-speaking Brahmans, who -have adopted some of the customs of the Smartha and Madhva Carnatakas, -with whom intermarriage is permitted. A special feature of the -marriage ceremonies of the Desasthas is the worship of Ambabhavani -or Tuljabhavani, with the assistance of Gondala musicians, who sing -songs in praise of the deity. The Chitpavan Brahmans speak Marathi -and Konkani. In South Canara they are, like the Haviks, owners of -areca palm plantations. Karadi Brahmans, who are also found in South -Canara, are said to have come southward from Karhad in the Bombay -Presidency. There is a tradition that Parasu Rama created them from -camel bones. - -Brahmani.--A class of Ambalavasis. (See Unni.) - -Brihaspati Varada.--The name, indicating those who worship their god -on Thursday, of a sub-division of Kurubas. - -Brinjari.--A synonym of Lambadi. - -Budubudike.--The Budubudike or Budubudukala are described in the -Mysore Census Report as being "gipsy beggars and fortune-tellers -from the Marata country, who pretend to consult birds and reptiles to -predict future events. They are found in every district of Mysore, but -only in small numbers. They use a small kind of double-headed drum, -which is sounded by means of the knotted ends of strings attached -to each side of it. The operator turns it deftly and quickly from -side to side, when a sharp and weird sound is emitted, having a rude -resemblance to the warbling of birds. This is done in the mornings, -when the charlatan soothsayer pretends to have divined the future fate -of the householder by means of the chirping of birds, etc., in the -early dawn. They are generally worshippers of Hanumantha." The name -Budubudike is derived from the hour-glass shaped drum, or budbudki. - -For the following account of the Budubudukalas, I am indebted to a -recent article [182]:--"A huge parti-coloured turban, surmounted by -a bunch of feathers, a pair of ragged trousers, a loose long coat, -which is very often out at elbows, and a capacious wallet underneath -his arm, ordinarily constitute the Budubudukala's dress. Occasionally, -if he can afford it, he indulges in the luxury of wearing a tiger or -cheetah (leopard) skin, which hangs down his back, and contributes to -the dignity of his calling. Add to this an odd assortment of clothes -suspended on his left forearm, and the picture is as grotesque as it -can be. He is regarded as able to predict the future of human beings by -the flight and notes of birds. His predictions are couched in the chant -which he recites. The burden of the chant is invariably stereotyped, -and purports to have been gleaned from the warble of the feathered -songsters of the forest. It prognosticates peace, plenty and prosperity -to the house, the birth of a son to the fair, lotus-eyed house-wife, -and worldly advancement to the master, whose virtues are as countless -as the stars, and have the power to annihilate his enemies. It also -holds out a tempting prospect of coming joy in an unknown shape from -an unknown quarter, and concludes with an appeal for a cloth. If the -appeal is successful, well and good. If not, the Budubudukala has -the patience and perseverance to repeat his visit the next day, the -day after that, and so on until, in sheer disgust, the householder -parts with a cloth. The drum, which has been referred to above as -having given the Budubudukala his name, is not devoid of interest. In -appearance it is an instrument of diminutive size, and is shaped like -an hour-glass, to the middle of which is attached a string with a knot -at the end, which serves as the percutient. Its origin is enveloped in -a myth of which the Budubudukala is naturally very proud, for it tells -him of his divine descent, and invests his vocation with the halo of -sanctity. According to the legend, the primitive Budubudukala who first -adorned the face of the earth was a belated product of the world's -creation. When he was born or rather evolved, the rest of humankind -was already in the field, struggling for existence. Practically -the whole scheme was complete, and, in the economy of the universe, -the Budubudukala found himself one too many. In this quandary, he -appealed to his goddess mother Amba Bhavani, who took pity upon him, -and presented him with her husband the god Parameswara's drum with -the blessing 'My son, there is nothing else for you but this. Take -it and beg, and you will prosper.' Among beggars, the Budubudukala -has constituted himself a superior beggar, to whom the handful of -rice usually doled out is not acceptable. His demand, in which more -often than not he succeeds, is for clothes of any description, good, -bad or indifferent, new or old, torn or hole. For, in the plenitude of -his wisdom, he has realised that a cloth is a marketable commodity, -which, when exchanged for money, fetches more than the handful of -rice. The Budubudukala is continually on the tramp, and regulates -his movements according to the seasons of the year. As a rule, he -pays his visit to the rural parts after the harvest is gathered, for -it is then that the villagers are at their best, and in a position -to handsomely remunerate him for his pains. But, in whatever corner -of the province he may be, as the Dusserah approaches, he turns his -face towards Vellore in the North Arcot district, where the annual -festival in honour of the tribal deity Amba Bhavani is celebrated." - -The insigne of the Budubudike, as recorded at Conjeeveram, is said -[183] to be a pearl-oyster. The Oriya equivalent of Budubudike is -stated [184] to be Dubaduba. - -Bujjinigiyoru (jewel-box).--A sub-division of Gangadikara Vakkaliga. - -Bukka.--Described, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a "sub-caste -of Balija. They are sellers of saffron (turmeric), red powder, combs, -etc., and are supposed to have been originally Komatis." They are -described by the Rev. J. Cain as travelling about selling turmeric, -opium, and other goods. According to the legend, when Kanyakamma threw -herself into the fire-pit (see Komati), they, instead of following her -example, presented to her bukka powder, turmeric, and kunkuma. She -directed that they should live apart from the faithful Komatis, -and live by the sale of the articles which they offered to her. - -Buragam.--A sub-division of Kalingi. - -Burgher.--A name commonly applied to the Badagas of the Nilgiri -hills. In Ceylon, Burgher is used in the same sense as Eurasian -in India. - -Burmese.--A few Burmese are trained as medical students at Madras for -subsequent employment in the Burmese Medical service. At the Mysore -census, 1901, a single Burman was recorded as being engaged at the -Kolar gold fields. Since Burma became part of the British dominions -in 1886, there has been emigration to that developing country from -the Madras Presidency on a large scale. The following figures show -the numbers of passengers conveyed thence to Burma during the five -years, 1901-05:-- - - - 1901 84,329 - 1902 80,916 - 1903 100,645 - 1904 127,622 - 1905 124,365 - - -Busam (grain).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. - -Busi (dirt).--An exogamous sept of Mutracha. - -Byagara.--Byagara and Begara are synonyms of Holeya. - - - - - - - -NOTES - - -[1] "Deccan, Hind, Dakhin, Dakhan; dakkina, the Prakr. form of -Sskt. dakshina, 'the south.' The southern part of India, the -Peninsula, and especially the table-land between the Eastern and -Western Ghauts." Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson. - -[2] History of Creation. - -[3] Malay Archipelago, 1890. - -[4] See article Kadir. - -[5] Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula, 1906. - -[6] Globus, 1899. - -[7] Madras Museum Bull., II, 3, 1899. - -[8] Op. cit. - -[9] Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson. - -[10] Mem. Asiat. Soc., Bengal, Miscellanea Ethnographica, 1, 1906. - -[11] Manual of the Geology of India, 2nd edition, 1893. - -[12] Anatomy of Vertebrated Animals, 1871. - -[13] See Annual Report, Archæological Survey of India, 1902-03. - -[14] Bull, Museum d'Histoire Naturelle, 1905. - -[15] Introduction to the Study of Mammals, living and extinct, 1891. - -[16] Anthropology. Translation, 1894. - -[17] I have only seen one individual with woolly hair in Southern -India, and he was of mixed Tamil and African parentage. - -[18] See article Maravan. - -[19] Op. cit. - -[20] Ethnology, 1896. - -[21] Proc. R. Soc. N. S. Wales, XXIII, part III. - -[22] "It is evident that, during much of the tertiary period, Ceylon -and South India were bounded on the north by a considerable extent of -sea, and probably formed part of an extensive southern continent or -great island. The very numerous and remarkable cases of affinity with -Malaya require, however, some closer approximation to these islands, -which probably occurred at a later period." Wallace. Geographical -Distribution of Animals, 1876. - -[23] See Breeks, Primitive Tribes and Monuments of the Nilgiris; -Phillips, Tumuli of the Salem district; Rea, Prehistoric Burial Places -in Southern India; R. Bruce Foote, Catalogues of the Prehistoric -Antiquities in the Madras Museum, etc. - -[24] Contributions to the Craniology of the People of the Empire of -India, Part II. The aborigines of Chuta Nagpur, and of the Central -Provinces, the People of Orissa, Veddahs and Negritos, 1900. - -[25] Other cranial characters are compared by Sir William Turner, -for which I would refer the reader to the original article. - -[26] The People of India, 1908. - -[27] Contemporary Science Series. - -[28] Madras Museum Bull., II, 3, 1899. - -[29] The cephalic indices of various Brahman classes in the Bombay -Presidency, supplied by Sir H. Risley, are as follows:--Desastha, -76.9; Kokanasth, 77.3; Sheni or Saraswat, 79; Nagar, 79.7. - -[30] Measured by Mr. F. Fawcett. - -[31] The Pattar Brahmans are Tamil Brahmans, settled in Malabar. - -[32] According to the Brahman chronology, Mayura Varma reigned from -455 to 445 B.C., but his probable date was about 750 A.D. See Fleet, -Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay Presidency, 1882-86. - -[33] Histoire générale des Races Humaines, 1889. - -[34] Les Nègres d'Asie, et la race Nègre en général. Revue -Scientifique, VI July, 1906. - -[35] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, 1891. - -[36] Linguistic Survey of India, IV, 1906. - -[37] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[38] The Todas, 1906. - -[39] Madras Journ., Lit. and Sci., V., 1837. - -[40] Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages. 2nd Ed., 1875. - -[41] Outlines of the Toda Grammar appended to Marshall's Phrenologist -among the Todas. - -[42] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[43] Malabar Law and Custom. - -[44] F. Fawcett. Journ. Anth. Soc., Bombay, 1, 1888. - -[45] Malabar Law and Custom. - -[46] Wigram, Malabar Law and Custom. - -[47] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[48] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[49] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[50] Manual of the Madura district. - -[51] Description of the Character, Manners and Customs of the People -of India. - -[52] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[53] Mysore Census Report, 1891, 1901; Rice, Mysore and Coorg -Gazetteer. - -[54] Hindu Manners and Customs. Ed. 1897. - -[55] Mysore Census Report, 1901. - -[56] Ambalam is an open space or building, where affairs connected -with justice are transacted. Ambalakkaran denotes the president of -an assembly, or one who proclaims the decision of those assembled in -an ambalam. - -[57] Anuloma, the product of the connection of a man with a woman of -a lower caste; Pratiloma, of the connection of a man with a woman of -a higher caste. - -[58] Madras Mail, 1906. - -[59] A. P. Smith, Madras Review, 1902. - -[60] Cochin Census Report, 1901. - -[61] Houses where pilgrims and travellers are entertained, and fed -gratuitously. - -[62] C. Hayavadana Rao. Tales of Komati Wit and Wisdom, 1907. - -[63] Wigram, Malabar Law and Custom. - -[64] Madras Journ. Lit. and Science, XI, 176, 1840. - -[65] Historical Sketches of the South of India. - -[66] Ellis. Kural. - -[67] Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer, 1876-78. - -[68] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[69] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[70] Folk-songs of Southern India. - -[71] Manual of the Nilagiri district. - -[72] The Todas, 1906. - -[73] Account of the Primitive Tribes and Monuments of the Nilagiris, -1873. - -[74] Gazetteer of the Nilgiris. - -[75] Madras Christian College Magazine, 1892. - -[76] Gazetteer of the Nilgiris. - -[77] Manual of Coorg. - -[78] Pioneer, 4th October 1907. - -[79] Description of a singular Aboriginal Race inhabiting the summit -of the Neilgherry Hills. - -[80] The Todas, 1906. - -[81] Op. cit. - -[82] Op. cit. - -[83] Madras Mail, 1907. - -[84] The bridge spanning the river of death, which the blessed cross -in safety. - -[85] Report, Government Botanic Gardens, Nilgiris, 1903. - -[86] E. Schmidt. Reise nach Sudindien, 1894. - -[87] The World's Peoples, 1908. - -[88] H. H. Wilson, Essays and Lectures, chiefly on the Religion of -the Hindus, 1862. - -[89] Hindu Castes and Sects. - -[90] The Mystics, Ascetics, and Saints of India, 1903. - -[91] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[92] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[93] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[94] A Native: Pen and Ink Sketches of South India. - -[95] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[96] Manual of the S. Canara district. - -[97] Yule and Burnell. Hobson-Jobson. - -[98] Calcutta Review. - -[99] Indian Review, VII, 1906. - -[100] See G. Krishna Rao. Treatise on Aliya Santana Law and Usage, -Mangalore, 1898. - -[101] Calcutta Review. - -[102] Malabar Law and Custom, 3rd ed., 1905. - -[103] The Law of Partition and Succession, from the text of -Varadaraja's Vyavaharaniranya by A. C. Burnell (1872). - -[104] Calcutta Review. - -[105] Report of the Malabar Marriage Commission, 1891. - -[106] Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer. - -[107] Rev. J. Cain, Ind. Ant., V, 1876. - -[108] M. Paupa Rao Naidu. The Criminal Tribes of India. No. III, -Madras, 1907. - -[109] Op. cit. - -[110] Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, -Bawariya, 1906. - -[111] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, 1891. - -[112] Journey through Mysore, Canara and Malabar, 1807. - -[113] Gentu or Gentoo is "a corruption of the Portuguese -Gentio, gentile or heathen, which they applied to the Hindus in -contradistinction to the Moros or Moors, i.e., Mahommedans. It -is applied to the Telugu-speaking Hindus specially, and to their -language." Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson. - -[114] Historical Sketches of the South of India: Mysore, 1810-17. - -[115] By law, to constitute dacoity, there must be five or more in -the gang committing the crime. Yule and Burnell, op. cit. - -[116] Circumcision is practised by some Kallans of the Tamil country. - -[117] Madras Mail, 1902. - -[118] Mysore Census Report, 1901. - -[119] Madras Mail, 1905. - -[120] Op. cit. - -[121] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[122] Agricultural Ledger Series, Calcutta, No. 7, 1904. - -[123] Jeypore. Breklum, 1901. - -[124] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[125] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[126] Op. cit. - -[127] Taylor. Catalogue Raisonné of Oriental Manuscripts. - -[128] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[129] Journey from Madras through Mysore, Canara and Malabar. - -[130] Ind. Ant. XVIII, 1889. - -[131] Hobson-Jobson. - -[132] Decadas de Asia. - -[133] J. S. F. Mackenzie, Ind. Ant. IV, 1875. - -[134] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[135] Sanskrit hymn repeated a number of times during daily ablutions. - -[136] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[137] J. S. F. Mackenzie, Ind. Ant. IV, 1875. - -[138] See F. S. Mullaly. Notes on Criminal Classes of the Madras -Presidency. - -[139] History of Railway Thieves, Madras, 1904. - -[140] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[141] Occasional Essays on Native South Indian Life. - -[142] Gazetteer of the Central Provinces, 1870. - -[143] Report of the Ethnological Committee of the Central Provinces. - -[144] Wilson. Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms. - -[145] Manual of Malabar. - -[146] Devil worship of the Tuluvas, Ind. Ant. XXIII, XXIV, and XXV, -1894-96. - -[147] Occasional Essays on Native South Indian Life. - -[148] Madras Mail, 1905. - -[149] Madras Census Report, 1901. - -[150] Manual of the Vizagapatam district. - -[151] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[152] Manual of the Ganjam district. - -[153] Madras Census Report, 1891. - -[154] Manual of the North Arcot district. - -[155] Religious Thought and Life in India. - -[156] Christianity and Caste, 1893. - -[157] In the Vedic verse the word used for my brothers literally -means your husbands. - -[158] A hotri is one who presides at the time of sacrifices. - -[159] Madras Christian College Magazine, March, 1903. - -[160] Religious Thought and Life in India. - -[161] See Thurston, Ethnographic Notes in Southern India, 1906, -pp. 229-37. - -[162] Op. cit. - -[163] Watt, Dict. Economic Products of India. - -[164] Viaggio all' Indie orientali, 1672. - -[165] See Note on the Tulsi Plant. Journ. Anthrop. Soc., Bombay, -VIII, I, 1907. - -[166] Madras Mail, 1906. - -[167] Hobson-Jobson. - -[168] Music and Musical Instruments of Southern India and the Deccan, -1891. - -[169] Oriental Commerce. - -[170] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district. - -[171] Collection of the Decisions of High Courts and the Privy -Council on the Hindu Law of Marriage and the Effect of Apostacy after -marriage. Madras, 1891. - -[172] Madras Mail, 1904. - -[173] Ind. Ant. III, 1874. - -[174] Ind. Ant. III, 1874. - -[175] Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer, 1877. - -[176] Said to be derived from ma, a negation, and arka, sun, in -allusion to their not performing the adoration of that luminary which -is customary among Brahmans. - -[177] Brahmanism and Hinduism. - -[178] Manual of the South Canara district. - -[179] Fraser's Magazine, May 1875. - -[180] Loc. cit. - -[181] Indian Review, VII, 1906. - -[182] Madras Mail, 1907. - -[183] J. S. F. Mackenzie, Ind. Ant., IV, 1875. - -[184] Madras Census Report, 1901. - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Castes and Tribes of Southern India, by -Edgar Thurston - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA *** - -***** This file should be named 42991-8.txt or 42991-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/2/9/9/42991/ - -Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project -Gutenberg. - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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