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diff --git a/42970-8.txt b/42970-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 2e1289e..0000000 --- a/42970-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,16440 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Gates of India, by Thomas Holdich - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Gates of India - Being an Historical Narrative - -Author: Thomas Holdich - -Release Date: June 17, 2013 [EBook #42970] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE GATES OF INDIA *** - - - - -Produced by Melissa McDaniel and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - -Transcriber's Note: - - Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have - been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. - - Italic text is denoted by _underscores_. - - "crank" on page 147 is a possible typo - "Bamain" on page 213 is a possible typo - "Semetic" on page 225 is a possible typo - "Zoroastian" on page 270 is a possible typo - "Aegospotami" (in index) not found in text - "Kardos" (in index) not found in text - - Spelling differences between the index and the text were resolved - in favor of the text. - - - - - MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED - - LONDON · BOMBAY · CALCUTTA - MELBOURNE - - THE MACMILLAN COMPANY - NEW YORK · BOSTON · CHICAGO - ATLANTA · SAN FRANCISCO - - THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD. - TORONTO - - - - - THE - GATES OF INDIA - BEING - AN HISTORICAL NARRATIVE - - BY - COLONEL SIR THOMAS HOLDICH - K.C.M.G., K.C.I.E., C.B., D.Sc. - - AUTHOR OF - 'THE INDIAN BORDERLAND,' 'INDIA,' 'THE COUNTRIES OF - THE KING'S AWARD' - - _WITH MAPS_ - - - MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED - ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON - 1910 - - - - -PREFACE - - -As the world grows older and its composition both physical and human -becomes subject to ever-increasing scientific investigation, the close -interdependence of its history and its geography becomes more and more -definite. It is hardly too much to say that geography has so far -shaped history that in unravelling some of the more obscure -entanglements of historical record, we may safely appeal to our modern -knowledge of the physical environment of the scene of action to decide -on the actual course of events. Oriental scholars for many years past -have been deeply interested in reshaping the map of Asia to suit their -theories of the sequence of historical action in India and on its -frontiers. They have identified the position of ancient cities in -India, sometimes with marvellous precision, and have been able to -assign definite niches in history to historical personages with whose -story it would have been most difficult to deal were it not -intertwined with marked features of geographical environment. But on -the far frontiers of India, beyond the Indus, these geographical -conditions have only been imperfectly known until recently. It is -only within the last thirty years that the geography of the hinterland -of India--Tibet, Afghanistan, and Baluchistan--have been in any sense -brought under scientific examination, and at the best such examination -has been partial and incomplete. It is unfortunate that recent years -have added nothing to our knowledge of Afghanistan, and it seems -hopeless to wait for detailed information as to some of the more -remote (and most interesting) districts of that historic country. As, -therefore, in the course of twenty years of official wanderings I have -amassed certain notes which may help to throw some light on the -ancient highways and cities of those trans-frontier regions which -contain the landward gates of India, I have thought it better to make -some use of these notes now, and to put together the various theories -that I may have formed from time to time bearing on the past history -of that country, whilst the opportunity lasts. I have endeavoured to -present my own impressions at first hand as far as possible, unbiased -by the views already expressed by far more eminent writers than -myself, believing that there is a certain value in originality. I have -also endeavoured to keep the descriptive geography of such districts -as form the theatre of historical incidents on a level with the story -itself, so that the one may illustrate the other. - -Whilst investigating the methods of early explorers into the -hinterland of India it has, of course, been necessary to appeal to -the original narratives of the explorers themselves so far as -possible. Consequently I am indebted to the assistance afforded by -quite a host of authors for the basis of this compilation. And I may -briefly recount the names of those to whom I am under special -obligation. First and foremost are Mr. M'Crindle's admirable series of -handy little volumes dealing with the Greek period of Indian history, -the perusal of which first prompted an attempt to reconcile some of -the apparent discrepancies between classical story and practical -geography, with which may be included Sir A. Cunningham's _Coins of -Alexander's Successors in Kabul_. For the Arab phase of commercial -exploration I am indebted to Sir William Ouseley's translation, -_Oriental Geography of Ibn Haukel_, and the _Géographie d'Edrisi; -traduite par P. Aimedée Joubert_. For more modern records the official -reports of Burnes, Lord, and Leech on Afghanistan; Burnes' _Travels -into Bokhara, etc.; Cabul_, by the same author; _Ferrier's Caravan -Journeys_; Wood's _Journey to the Sources of the Oxus_; Moorcroft's -_Travels in the Himalayan Provinces_; Vigne's _Ghazni, Kabul, and -Afghanistan_; Henry Pottinger's _Travels in Baloochistan and Sinde_; -and last, but by no means least, Masson's _Travels in Afghanistan, -Beluchistan, the Panjab, and Kalat_, all of which have been largely -indented on. To this must be added Mr. Forrest's valuable compilation -of Bombay records. It has been indeed one of the objects of this book -to revive the records of past generations of explorers whose stories -have a deep significance even in this day, but which are apt to be -overlooked and forgotten as belonging to an ancient and superseded era -of research. Because these investigators belong to a past generation -it by no means follows that their work, their opinions, or their -deductions from original observations are as dead as they are -themselves. It is far too readily assumed that the work of the latest -explorer must necessarily supersede that of his predecessors. In the -difficult art of map compilation perhaps the most difficult problem -with which the compiler has to deal is the relative value of evidence -dating from different periods. Here, then, we have introduced a -variety of opinions and views expressed by men of many minds (but all -of one type as explorer), which may be balanced one against another -with a fair prospect of eliminating what mathematicians call the -"personal equation" and arriving at a sound "mean" value from combined -evidence. I have said they are all of one type, regarded as explorers. -There is only one word which fitly describes that type--magnificent. -We may well ask have we any explorers like them in these days? We know -well enough that we have the raw material in plenty for fashioning -them, but alas! opportunity is wanting. Exploration in these days is -becoming so professional and so scientific that modern methods hardly -admit of the dare-devil, face-to-face intermixing with savage breeds -and races that was such a distinctive feature in the work of these -heroes of an older age. We get geographical results with a rapidity -and a precision that were undreamt of in the early years (or even in -the middle) of the last century. Our instruments are incomparably -better, and our equipment is such that we can deal with the hostility -of nature in her more savage moods with comparative facility. But we -no longer live with the people about whom we set out to write -books--we don't wear their clothes, eat their food, fraternize with -them in their homes and in the field, learn their language and discuss -with them their religion and politics. And the result is that we don't -_know_ them half as well, and the ratio of our knowledge (in India at -least) is inverse to the official position towards them that we may -happen to occupy. The missionary and the police officer may know -something of the people; the high-placed political administrator knows -less (he cannot help himself), and the parliamentary demagogue knows -nothing at all. My excuse for giving so large a place to the American -explorer Masson, for instance, is that he was first in the field at a -critical period of Indian history. Apart from his extraordinary gifts -and power of absorbing and collating information, history has proved -that on the whole his judgment both as regards Afghan character and -Indian political ineptitude was essentially sound. Of course he was -not popular. He is as bitter and sarcastic in his unsparing -criticisms of local political methods in Afghanistan as he is of the -methods of the Indian Government behind them; and doubtless his -bitterness and undisguised hostility to some extent discounts the -value of his opinion. But he knew the Afghan, which we did not: and it -is most instructive to note the extraordinary divergence of opinion -that existed between him and Sir Alexander Burnes as regards some of -the most marked idiosyncrasies of Afghan character. Burnes was as -great an explorer as Masson, but whilst in Afghanistan he was the -emissary of the Indian Government, and thus it immediately became -worth while for the Afghan Sirdar to study his temper and his -weaknesses and to make the best use of both. Thus arose Burnes' -whole-hearted belief in the simplicity of Afghan methods, whilst -Masson, who was more or less behind the scenes, was in no position to -act as prompter to him. It was just preceding and during the momentous -period of the first Afghan war (1839-41) that European explorers in -Afghanistan and Baluchistan were most active. Long before then both -countries had been an open book to the Ancients, and both may be said -geographically to be an open book to us now. There are, however, -certain pages which have not yet been properly read, and something -will be said later on as to where these pages occur. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PAGE - - INTRODUCTION 1 - - - CHAPTER I - - EARLY RELATIONS BETWEEN EAST AND WEST--GREECE AND - PERSIA AND EARLY TRIBAL DISTRIBUTIONS ON THE INDIAN - FRONTIER 11 - - - CHAPTER II - - ASSYRIA AND AFGHANISTAN--ANCIENT LAND ROUTES--POSSIBLE - SEA ROUTES 39 - - - CHAPTER III - - GREEK EXPLORATION--ALEXANDER--MODERN BALKH--THE BALKH - PLAIN AND BAKTRIA 58 - - - CHAPTER IV - - GREEK EXPLORATION--ALEXANDER--THE KABUL VALLEY GATES 94 - - - CHAPTER V - - GREEK EXPLORATION--THE WESTERN GATES 135 - - - CHAPTER VI - - CHINESE EXPLORATIONS--THE GATES OF THE NORTH 169 - - - CHAPTER VII - - MEDIÆVAL GEOGRAPHY--SEISTAN AND AFGHANISTAN 190 - - - CHAPTER VIII - - ARAB EXPLORATION--THE GATES OF MAKRAN 284 - - - CHAPTER IX - - EARLIEST ENGLISH EXPLORATION--CHRISTIE AND POTTINGER 325 - - - CHAPTER X - - AMERICAN EXPLORATION--MASSON--THE NEARER GATES, - BALUCHISTAN AND AFGHANISTAN 344 - - - CHAPTER XI - - AMERICAN EXPLORATION--MASSON (_CONTINUED_)--THE NEARER - GATES, BALUCHISTAN AND AFGHANISTAN 390 - - - CHAPTER XII - - LORD AND WOOD--THE FARTHER GATES, BADAKSHAN AND THE - OXUS 411 - - - CHAPTER XIII - - ACROSS AFGHANISTAN TO BOKHARA--MOORCROFT 442 - - - CHAPTER XIV - - ACROSS AFGHANISTAN TO BOKHARA--BURNES 451 - - - CHAPTER XV - - THE GATES OF GHAZNI--VIGNE 462 - - - CHAPTER XVI - - THE GATES OF GHAZNI--BROADFOOT 470 - - - CHAPTER XVII - - FRENCH EXPLORATION--FERRIER 476 - - - CHAPTER XVIII - - SUMMARY 500 - - - INDEX 531 - - - - -LIST OF MAPS - - - FACE PAGE - - 1. General Orographic Map of Afghanistan and Baluchistan, - showing Arab trade routes (see page 190 _et seq._) - _With Introduction_ - - 2. Sketch of Alexander's Route through the Kabul Valley to - India 94 - - 3. Greek Retreat from India (_Journal of the Society of Arts_, - April 1901) 135 - - 4. The Gates of Makran (_Journal of the Royal Geographical - Society_, April 1906) 284 - - 5. Sketch of the Hindu Kush Passes 500 - - - - - [Illustration: OROGRAPHICAL MAP OF AFGHANISTAN & BALUCHISTAN - COMPILED BY SIR THOMAS H. HOLDICH, K.C.M.G., K.C.I.E., C.B.] - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -Since the gates of India have become water gates and the way to India -has been the way of the sea, very little has been known of those other -landward gates which lie to the north and west of the peninsula, -through which have poured immigrants from Asia and conquerors from the -West from time immemorial. It has taken England a long time to -rediscover them, and she is even now doubtful about their strategic -value and the possibility of keeping them closed and barred. It is -only by an examination of the historical records which concern them, -and the geographical conditions which surround them, that any clear -appreciation of their value can be attained; and it is only within the -last century that such examinations have been rendered possible by the -enterprise and activity of a race of explorers (official and -otherwise) who have risked their lives in the dangerous field of the -Indian trans-frontier. In ancient days the very first (and sometimes -the last) thing that was learned about India was the way thither from -the North. In our times the process has been reversed, and we seek -for information with our backs to the South. We have worked our way -northward, having entered India by the southern water gates, and as we -have from time to time struggled rather to remain content within -narrow borders than to push outward and forward, the drift to the -north has been very slow, and there has never been, right from the -very beginning, any strenuous haste in the expansion of commercial -interests, or any spirit of crusade in the advance of Conquest. - -So late as the early years of the sixteenth century England was but a -poor country, with less inhabitants than are now crowded within the -London area. There was not much to spare, either of money or men, for -ventures which could only be regarded in those days as sheer gambling -speculations. The splendid records of a successful voyage must have -been greatly discounted by the many dismal tales of failure, and -nothing but an indomitable impulse, bred of international rivalry, -could have led the royal personages and the few wealthy citizens who -backed our earliest enterprises to open their purse-strings -sufficiently wide to find the necessary means for the equipment of a -modest little fleet of square-sailed merchant ships. National tenacity -prevailed, however, in the end. The hard-headed Islander finally -succeeded where the more impetuous Southerner failed, and England came -out finally with most of the honours of a long commercial contest. It -was in this way that we reached India, and by degrees we painted -India our own conventional colour in patches large enough to give us -the preponderating voice in her general administration. But as we -progressed northward and north-westward we realized the important fact -that India--the peninsula India--was insulated and protected by -geographical conformations which formed a natural barrier against -outside influences, almost as impassable as the sea barriers of -England. On the north-east a vast wilderness of forest-covered -mountain ranges and deep lateral valleys barred the way most -effectually against irruption from the yellow races of Asia. On the -north where the curving serrated ramparts of the north-east gave place -to the Himalayan barrier, the huge uplifted highlands of Tibet were -equally impassable to the busy pushing hordes of the Mongol; and it -was only on the extreme north-west about the hinterland of Kashmir, -and beyond the Himalayan system, that any weakness could be found in -the chain of defensive works which Nature had sent to the north of -India. Here, indeed, in the trans-Indus regions of Kashmir, sterile, -rugged, cold, and crowned with gigantic ice-clad peaks, there is a -slippery track reaching northward into the depression of Chinese -Turkestan, which for all time has been a recognised route connecting -India with High Asia. It is called the Karakoram route. Mile upon mile -a white thread of a road stretches across the stone-strewn plains, -bordered by the bones of the innumerable victims to the long fatigue -of a burdensome and ill-fed existence--the ghastly debris of former -caravans. It is perhaps the ugliest track to call a trade route in the -whole wide world. Not a tree, not a shrub, exists, not even the cold -dead beauty which a snow-sheet imparts to highland scenery, for there -is no great snowfall in the elevated spaces which back the Himalayas -and their offshoots. It is marked, too, by many a sordid tragedy of -murder and robbery, but it is nevertheless one of the northern gates -of India which we have spent much to preserve, and it does actually -serve a very important purpose in the commercial economy of India. At -least one army has traversed this route from the north with the -prospect before it of conquering Tibet; but it was a Mongol army, and -it was worsted in a most unequal contest with Nature. - -India (if we include Kashmir) runs to a northern apex about the point -where, from the western extension of the giant Muztagh, the Hindu Kush -system takes off in continuation of the great Asiatic divide. Here the -Pamirs border Kashmir, and here there are also mountain ways which -have aforetime let in the irrepressible Chinaman, probably as far as -Hunza, but still a very long way from the Indian peninsula. Then the -Hindu Kush slopes off to the south-westward and becomes the divide -between Afghanistan and Kashmir for a space, till, from north of -Chitral, it continues with a sweep right into Central Afghanistan and -merges into the mountain chain which reaches to Herat. From this -point, north of Chitral, commences the true north-west barrier of -India, a barrier which includes nearly the whole width of Afghanistan -beyond the formidable wall of the trans-Indus mountains. It is here -that the gates of India are to be found, and it is with this outermost -region of India, and what lies beyond it, that this book is chiefly -concerned. - -As the history of India under British occupation grew and expanded and -the painting red process gradually developed, whilst men were ever -reaching north-westward with their eyes set on these frontier hills, -the countries which lay beyond came to be regarded as the "ultima -thule" of Indian exploration, and Afghanistan and Baluchistan were -reckoned in English as the hinterland of India, only to be reached by -the efforts of English adventurers from the plains of the peninsula. -And that is the way in which those countries are still regarded. It is -Afghanistan in its relations to India, political, commercial, or -strategic, as the case may be, that fills the minds of our soldiers -and statesmen of to-day; and the way to Afghanistan is still by the -way of ships--across the ocean first, and then by climbing upward from -the plains of India to the continental plateau land of Asia. It was -not so twenty-five centuries ago. One can imagine the laughter that -would echo through the courts and palaces of Nineveh at the idea of -reaching Afghanistan by a sea route! Think of Tiglath Pilesur, the -founder of the Second Assyrian Empire, seated, curled, and anointed, -surrounded by his Court and flanked by the sculptured art of his -period (already losing some of the freshness and vigour of First -Empire design) in the pillared halls of Nineveh, and counting the -value of his Eastern satrapies in Sagartia, Ariana, and Arachosia, -with outlying provinces in Northern India, whilst meditating yet -further conquests to add to his almost illimitable Empire! No shadow -of Babylon had stretched northward then. No premonition of a yet -larger and later Empire overshadowed him or his successors, -Shalmaneser and Sargon. Northern Afghanistan was to these Assyrian -kings the dumping ground of unconsidered companies of conquered -slaves, a bourne from whence no captive was ever likely to return. No -record is left of the passing of those bands of colonists from West to -East. We can only gather from the writings of subsequent historians in -classical times that for centuries they must have drifted eastward -from Syria, Armenia, and Greece, carrying with them the rudiments of -the arts and industries of the land they had left for ever, and -providing India with the germs of an art system entirely imitative in -design, colour, and relief. The Aryan was before them in India. -Already the foundations were laid for historic dynasties, and Rajput -families were dating their origin from the sun and moon, whilst -somewhere from beneath the shadow of the Himalayas in the foothills of -Nipal was soon to arise the daystar of a new faith, a "light of Asia" -for all centuries to come. - -It is impossible to set a limit to the number and variety of the -people who, in these early centuries, either migrated, or were -deported, from West to East through Persia to Northern Afghanistan, or -who drifted southwards into Baluchistan. Not until the ethnography of -these frontier lands of India is exhaustively studied shall we be able -to unravel the influence of Assyrian, Median, Persian, Arab, or Greek -migrations in the strange conglomeration of humanity which peoples -those countries. Baktra (Balkh), in Northern Afghanistan, must have -been a city of consequence in days when Nineveh was young. Farah, a -city of Arachosia in Western Afghanistan on the borders of Seistan, -must have been a centre from whence Assyrian arts and industries were -passed on to India for ages; for Farah lies directly on the route -which connects Seistan with the southern passes into the Indus valley. -The Indus itself seems to have been the boundary which limited the -efforts of migration and exploration. Beyond the Indus were deserts in -the south and wide unproductive plains of the Punjab in the north, and -it is the deserts of the world's geography which, far more than any -other feature, have always determined the extent of the human tidal -waves and influenced their direction. They are as the promontories and -capes of the world's land perimeter to the tides of the ocean. Beyond -these parched and waterless tracts, where now the maximum temperatures -of sun-heat in India are registered, were vague uncertainties and -mythical wonders, the tales of which in ancient literature are in -strange contrast to the exact information which was obtained of -geographical conditions and tribal distributions in the basins of the -Kabul or Swat rivers, or within the narrow valleys of Makran. - -A recent writer (Mr. Ellsworth Huntington) has expressed in -picturesque and convincing language the nature of the relationship -which has ever existed between man and his physical environments in -Asia, and has illustrated the effect of certain pulsations of climate -in the movement of Asiatic history. The changing conditions of the -climate of High Asia, periods of desiccation and deprivation of -natural water-supply alternating with periods of cold and rainfall, -acting in slow progression through centuries and never ceasing in -their operation, have set "men in nations" moving over the face of -that continent since the beginning of time, and left a legacy of -buried history, to be unearthed by explorers of the type of Stein, -such as will eventually give us the key to many important problems in -race distribution. But more important even than climatic influence is -the direct influence of physical geography, the actual shaping of -mountain and valley, as a factor in directing the footsteps of early -migration. Nowadays men cross the seas in thousands from continent to -continent, but in the days of Egyptian and Assyrian empire it was that -straight high-road which crossed the fewest passes and tapped the best -natural resources of wood and water which was absolutely the -determining factor in the direction of the great human processions; -and although change of climate may have set the nomadic peoples of -High Asia moving with a purpose more extensive than an annual search -for pasturage, and have led to the peopling of India with successive -nations of Central Asiatic origin, it was the knowledge that by -certain routes between Mesopotamia and Northern Afghanistan lay no -inhospitable desert, and no impassable mountain barrier, that -determined the intermittent flow from the west, which received fresh -impulse with every conquest achieved, with every band of captives -available for colonizing distant satrapies. To put it shortly, there -was an easy high-road from Mesopotamia through Persia to Northern -Afghanistan, or even to Seistan, and not a very difficult one to -Makran; and so it came about that migratory movements, either -compulsory or voluntary, continued through centuries, ever extending -their scope till checked by the deserts of the Indian frontier or the -highlands of the Pamirs and Tibet, or the cold wild wastes of -Siberia. - -Thus Afghanistan and Baluchistan, the countries with which we are more -immediately concerned, were probably far better known to Assyrian and -Persian kings than they were to the British Intelligence Office (or -its equivalent) of a century ago. The first landward explorations of -these countries are lost in pre-historic mists, but we find that the -first scientific mission of which we have any record (that which was -led by Alexander the Great) was well supplied with fairly accurate -geographical information regarding the main route to be followed and -the main objectives to be gained. - -In tracing out, therefore, or rather in sketching, the gradual -progress of exploration in Afghanistan and Baluchistan, and the -gradual evolution of those countries into a proper appanage of British -India, we will begin (as history began) from the north and west rather -than from the south and the plains of Hindustan. - - - - -CHAPTER I - -EARLY RELATIONS BETWEEN EAST AND WEST. GREECE AND PERSIA AND EARLY -TRIBAL DISTRIBUTIONS ON THE INDIAN FRONTIER. - - -It is unfortunately most difficult to trace the conditions under which -Europe was first introduced to Asia, or the gradual ripening of early -acquaintance into inter-commercial relationship. Although the eastern -world was possessed of a sound literature in the time of Moses, and -although long before the days of Solomon there was "no end" to the -"making of books," it is remarkable how little has been left of these -archaic records, and it is only by inference gathered from tags and -ends of oriental script that we gradually realize how unimportant to -old-world thinkers was the daily course of their own national history. -India is full of ancient literature, but there is no ancient history. -To the Brahmans there was no need for it. To them the world and all -that it contains was "illusion," and it was worse than idle--it was -impious--to perpetuate the record of its varied phases as they -appeared to pass in unreal pageantry before their eyes. We know that -from under the veil of extravagant epic a certain amount of historical -truth has been dragged into daylight. The "Mahabharata" and the -"Ramayana" contain in allegorical outline the story of early conflicts -which ended in the foundation of mighty Rajput houses, or which -established the distribution of various races of the Indian peninsula. -Without an intimate knowledge of the language in which these great -epics are written it is impossible to estimate fully the nature of the -allegory which overlies an interesting historical record, but it has -always appeared to be sufficiently vague to warrant some uncertainty -as to the accuracy of the deductions which have hitherto been evolved -therefrom. Nevertheless it is from these early poems of the East that -we derive all that there is to be known about ancient India, and when -we turn from the East to the West strangely enough we find much the -same early literary conditions confronting us. - -About 950 years before Christ, two of the most perfect epic poems were -written that ever delighted the world, the _Iliad_ and _Odyssey_ of -Homer. The first begins with Achilles and ends with the funeral of -Hector. The second recounts the voyages and adventures of Ulysses -after the destruction of Troy. With our modern intimate knowledge of -the coasts of the Mediterranean it is not difficult to detect, amidst -the fabulous accounts of heroic adventures, many references to -geographical facts which must have been known generally to the Greeks -of the Homeric period, dealing chiefly with the coasts and islands of -the Western sea. There is but little reference to the East, although -many centuries before Homer's day there was a sea-going trade between -India and the West which brought ivory, apes, and peacocks to the -ports of Syria. The obvious inference to be derived from the general -absence of reference to the mysteries of Eastern geography is that -there was no through traffic. Ships from the East traded only along -the coast-lines that they knew, and ventured no farther than the point -where an interchange of commodities could be established with the slow -crawling craft of the West, the navigation of the period being -confined to hugging the coast-line and making for the nearest -shelter when times were bad. The interchange of commodities between -the rough sailor people of those days did not tend to an interchange -of geographical information. Probably the language difficulty stood in -the way. If there was no end to the making of books it was not the -illiterate and rough sailor men who made them. Nor do sailors, as a -rule, make them now. It is left to the intelligent traveller -uninterested in trade, and the journalistic seeker after sensation, to -make modern geographical records; and there were no such travellers in -the days of Homer, even if the art of writing had been a general -accomplishment. In days much later than Homer we can detect sailors' -yarns embodied in what purport to be authentic geographical records, -but none so early. We have a reference to certain Skythic nomads who -lived on mare's milk, and who had wandered from the Asiatic highlands -into the regions north of the Euxine, which is in itself deeply -interesting as it indicates that as early as the ninth century B.C. -Milesian Greek colonies had started settlements on the shores of the -Black Sea. As the centuries rolled on these settlements expanded into -powerful colonies, and with enterprising people such as the early -Greeks there can be little doubt that there was an intermittent -interchange of commerce with the tribes beyond the Euxine, and that -gradually a considerable, if inaccurate, knowledge of Asia, even -beyond the Taurus, was acquired. The world, for them, was still a flat -circular disc with a broad tidal ocean flowing around its edge, -encompassing the habitable portions about the centre. - -Africa extended southward to the land of Ethiop and no farther, but -Asia was a recognised geographical entity, less vague and nebulous -even than the western isles from whence the Ph[oe]nicians brought -their tin. There were certain fables current among the Greeks touching -the one-eyed Arimaspians, the gold-guarding griffins, and the -Hyperboreans, which in the middle of the sixth century were still -credited, and almost indicate an indefinite geographical conception of -northern Asiatic regions. But it is probable that much more was known -of Asiatic geography in these early years than can be gathered from -the poems and fables of Greek writers before the days of Herodotus and -of professional geography. There were no means of recording knowledge -ready to the hand of the colonist and commercial traveller then; even -the few literary men who later travelled for the sake of gaining -knowledge were dependent largely on information obtained scantily and -with difficulty from others, and the expression of their knowledge is -crude and imperfect. But what should we expect even in present times -if we proceeded to compile a geographical treatise from the works of -Milton and Shakespere? What indeed would be the result of a careful -analysis of parliamentary utterances on geographical subjects within, -say, the last half century? Would they present to future generations -anything approaching to an accurate epitome of the knowledge really -possessed (though possibly not expressed) by those who have within -that period almost exhausted the world's store of geographical record? -The analogy is a perfectly fair one. Geographers and explorers are not -always writers even in these days, and as we work backwards into the -archives of history nothing is more astonishing than the indications -which may be found of vast stores of accurate information of the -earth's physiography lost to the world for want of expression. - -It was between the sixth century B.C. and the days of Herodotus that -Miletus was destroyed, and captive Greeks were transported by Darius -Hystaspes from the Lybian Barké to Baktria, where we find traces of -them again under their original Greek name in the northern regions of -Afghanistan. It was long ere the days of Darius that the hosts of -Assyria beat down the walls of Samaria and scattered the remnants of -Israel through the highlands of Western Asia. Where did they drift to, -these ten despairing tribes? Possibly we may find something to remind -us of them also in the northern Afghan hills. - -It was probably about the same era that some pre-Hellenic race, led -(so it is written) by the mythical hero Dionysos, trod the weary route -from the Euxine to the Caspian, and from the southern shores of the -Caspian to the borderland of modern Indian frontier, where their -descendants welcomed Alexander on his arrival as men of his own faith -and kin, and were recognised as such by the great conqueror. Now all -this points to an acquaintance with the geographical links between -East and West which appears nowhere in any written record. Nowhere can -we find any clear statement of the actual routes by which these -pilgrims were supposed to have made their long and toilsome journeys. -Just the bare facts are recorded, and we are left to guess the means -by which they were accomplished. But it is clear that the old-world -overland connection between India and the Black Sea is a very old -connection indeed, and further, it is clear that what the Greeks may -not have known the Persians certainly did know. When Herodotus first -set solidly to work on a geographical treatise which was to embrace -the existing knowledge of the whole world, he undoubtedly derived a -great deal of that knowledge from official Persian sources; and it may -be added that the early Persian department for geographical -intelligence has been proved by this last century's scientific -investigations to have collected information of which the accuracy is -certainly astonishing. It is only quite recently, during the process -of surveys carried on by the Government of India through the highlands -and coast regions of Baluchistan and Eastern Persia, that anything -like a modern gazetteer of the tribes occupying those districts has -been rendered possible. Twenty-five years ago our military information -concerning ethnographic distributions in districts lying immediately -beyond the north-western frontier was no better than that which is -contained in the lists of the Persian satrapies, given to the world by -Herodotus nearly 500 years before the Christian era. Twenty-five years -ago we did not know of the existence of some of the tribes and peoples -mentioned by him, and we were unable to identify others. Now, however, -we are at last aware that through twenty-four centuries most of them -have clung to their old habitat in a part of the Eastern world where -material wealth and climatic attractions have never been sufficient to -lead to annihilation by conquest. Oppressed and harried by successive -Persian dynasties, overrun by the floatsam and jetsam of hosts of -migratory Asiatic peoples from the North, those tribes have mostly -survived to bear a much more valuable testimony to the knowledge of -the East entertained by the West in the days of Herodotus than any -which can be gathered from written documents. - -The Milesian colonies founded on the southern and western shores of -the Euxine in the sixth and seventh centuries B.C., whilst retaining -their trade connection with the parent city of Miletus (where sprang -that carpet-making industry for which this corner of Asia has been -famous ever since), found no open road to the further eastern trade -through the mountain regions that lie south of the Black Sea. Half a -century after Herodotus we find Xenophon struggling in almost helpless -entanglement amongst these wild mountains comparatively close to the -Greek colonies; and it was there that he encountered the fiercest -opposition from the native tribes-people that he met with during his -famous retreat from Persia. It is always so. Our most active opponents -on the Indian frontier are the mountaineers of the immediate -borderland--the people who _know_ us best, and therefore fear us most. -It was chiefly through Miletus and the Cilician gates that Greek -trade with Persia and Babylon was maintained. There were no Greek -colonies on the rugged eastern coasts of the Black Sea--sufficient -indication that no open trade route existed direct to the Caspian by -any line analogous to that of the modern railway that connects Batum -with Baku. On the north of the Euxine, however, there were great and -flourishing colonies (of which Olbia at the mouth of the Borysthenes, -or Dnieper, was the most famous) which undoubtedly traded with the -Skythic peoples north and west of the Caspian. From these sources came -the legends of Hyperboreans and Griffins and other similar tales, all -flavoured with the glamour of northern mystery, but none of them -pointing to an eastern origin. Recent investigations into the -ethnography of certain tribes in Afghanistan, however, seem to prove -conclusively that even if there was no recognised trade between Greece -and India before Miletus was destroyed by Darius Hystaspes, and Greek -settlers were transported by the Persian conqueror to the borders of -the modern Badakshan, yet there must have been Greek pioneers in -colonial enterprise who had made their way to the Far East and stayed -there. For instance, we have that strange record of settlements under -Dionysos amongst the spurs and foothills of the Hindu Kush, which were -clearly of Greek origin, although Arrian in his history of Alexander's -progress through Asia is unable to explain the meaning of them. - -There is more to be said about these settlements later. The first -actual record of settlement of Greeks in Baktria is that of Herodotus, -to which we have referred as being affected by Darius Hystaspes in the -sixth century before Christ, and the descendants of these settlers are -undoubtedly the people referred to by Arrian as "Kyreneans", who could -be no other than the Greek captives from the Lybian Barke. Their -existence two centuries later than Herodotus is attested by Arrian, -and they were apparently in possession of the Kaoshan pass over the -Hindu Kush at the time of Alexander's expedition. Another body of -Greeks is recorded by Arrian to have been settled in the Baktrian -country by Xerxes after his flight from Greece. These were the -Brankhidai of Milesia, whose posterity are said to have been -exterminated by Alexander in punishment for the crimes of their -grandfather Didymus. The name Barang, or Farang, is frequently -repeated in the mountain districts of Northern Afghanistan and -Badakshan, and careful inquiry would no doubt reveal the fact that -surviving Greek affinities are still far more widely spread through -that part of Asia than is generally known. All these settlements were -antecedent to Alexander, but beyond these recorded instances of Greek -occupation there can be little doubt that (as pointed out by Bellew in -his _Ethnography of Afghanistan_ and supported by later observations) -the Greek element had been diffused through the wide extent of the -Persian sovereignty for centuries before the birth of Alexander the -Great. It is probable that each of the four great divisions of the -ancient Greeks had contributed for a thousand years before to the -establishment of colonies in Asia Minor, and from these colonies bands -of emigrants had penetrated to the far east of the Persian dominions, -either as free men or captives. Amongst the clans and tribal sections -of Afghans and Pathans are to be found to this day names that are -clearly indicative of this pre-historic Greek connection. - -Persia at her greatest maintained a considerable overland trade with -India, and Indian tribute formed a large part of her revenues. All -Afghanistan was Persian; all Baluchistan, and the Indian frontier to -the Indus. The underlying Persian element is strong in all these -regions still, the dominant language of the country, the speech of the -people, whether Baluch or Pathan, is of Persian stock, whilst the -polite tongue of Court officials, if not the Persian of Tehran or -Shiraz, is at least an imitation of it. It is hardly strange that the -Greek language should have absolutely disappeared. We have the -statement of Seneca (referred to by Bellew in his _Inquiry_) that the -Greek language was spoken in the Indus valley as late as the middle of -the first century after Christ; "if indeed it did not continue to be -the colloquial in some parts of the valley to a considerably later -period." As this is nearly two centuries after the overthrow of Greek -dominion in Afghanistan, it at least indicates that the Greek -settlements established four centuries earlier must have continued to -exist, and to be reinforced by Greek women (for children speak their -mother's tongue) to a comparatively late period; and that the triumph -of the Jat over the Greek did not by any means efface the influence of -the Greek in India for centuries after it occurred. It is probable -that when the importation of Greek women (who were often employed in -the households of Indian chiefs and nobles at a time when Greek ladies -married Indian Princes) ceased, then the Greek language ceased to -exist also. The retinue and followers of Alexander's expedition took -the women of the country to wife, and it is not, as is so often -supposed, to the results of that expedition so much as to the long -existence of Greek colonies and settlements that we must attribute the -undoubted influence of Greek art on the early art of India. - -Thus we have a wide field before us for inquiry into the early history -of ethnographical movement in Asia, as it affected the relation -between Europe and Afghanistan. Afghanistan (which is a modern -political development) has ever held the landward gates of India. We -cannot understand India without a study of that wide hinterland -(Afghan, Persian, and Baluch) through which the great restless human -tide has ever been on the move: now a weeping nation of captives led -by tear-sodden routes to a land of exile; now a band of merchants -reaching forward to the land of golden promise; or perchance an army -of pilgrims marching with their feet treading deep into narrow -footways to the shrines of forgotten saints; or perchance an armed -host seeking an uncertain fate; a ceaseless, waveless tide, as -persistent, as enterprising, and infinitely more complicated in its -developments than the process of modern emigration, albeit modern -emigration may spread more widely. - -Living as we do in fixed habitations and hedged in not merely by -narrow seas but by the conventionalities of civilized existence, we -fail to realize the conditions of nomadic life which were so familiar -to our Asiatic ancestors. Something of its nature may be gathered -to-day from the Kalmuk and Kirghiz nomads of Central Asia. A day's -march is not a day's march to them--it is a day's normal occupation. -The yearly shift in search of fresh pasture is not a flitting on a -holiday tour; it is as much a part of the year's life as the change of -raiment between summer to winter. Everything moves; the home is not -left behind; every man, woman, and child of the family has a -recognised share in the general shift. Perhaps that of the Kirghiz man -is the easiest. He smokes a lazy pipe in the bright sunshine and -watches his boys strip off the felt covering of his wicker-built -"kibitka," whilst his wife with floating bands of her white headdress -fluttering in the breeze, and her quilted coat turned up to give more -freedom to her booted legs, gets together the household traps in -compact bundles for the great hairy camel to carry. Her efforts are -not inartistic; long experience has taught her exactly where every -household god can be stowed to the best advantage. Meanwhile the -happy, good-looking Kirghiz girls are racing over the grass country -after sheep, and ere long the little party is making its slow but sure -way over the breezy steppes to the passes of the blue mountains, which -look down from afar on to the warmer plains. And who has the best of -it? The free-roving, untrammelled child of the plain, quite godless, -and taking no thought for the morrow, or the carefully cultured and -tight-fitted product of civilization to whom the motor and the railway -represent the only thinkable method of progression? That, however, is -not the point. What we wish to emphasize is the apparent inability on -the part of many writers on the subject of ancient history and -geography to realize the essential difference between then and now as -regards human migratory movement. - -There is often an apparent misconception that there is more movement -in these days of railways and steamers and motors than existed ten -centuries before Christ. The difference lies not in the comparative -amount of movement but in the method of it. In one sense only is there -more movement--there are more people to travel; but in a broader sense -there is much less movement. Whole nations are no longer shifted at -the will of the conqueror across a continent, trade seekers no longer -devote their lives to the personal conduct of caravans; armies swelled -to prodigious size by a tagrag following no longer (except in China) -move slowly over the face of the land, devouring, like a swarm of -locusts, all that comes in their way. Colonial emigration perhaps -alone works on a larger scale now than in those early times; but -taking it "bye and large," the circulation of the human race, -unrestricted by political boundaries, was certainly more constant in -the unsettled days of nomadic existence than in these later days of -overgrown cities and electric traffic. If little or nothing is -recorded of many of the most important migrations which have changed -the ethnographic conditions of Asia, whilst at the same time we have -volumes of ancient philosophy and mythology, it is because such -changes were regarded as normal, and the current of contemporary -history as an ephemeral phenomenon not worth the labour of close -inquiry or a manuscript record. - -Such a gazetteer as that presented to us by Herodotus would not have -been possible had there not been free and frequent access to the -countries and the people with whom it deals. It is impossible to -conceive that so much accuracy of detail could have been acquired -without the assistance of personal inquiry on the spot. If this is so, -then the Persians at any rate knew their way well about Asia as far -east as Tibet and India, and the Greeks undoubtedly derived their -knowledge from Persia. When Alexander of Macedon first planned his -expedition to Central Asia he had probably more certain knowledge of -the way thither than Lord Napier of Magdala possessed when he set out -to find the capital of Theodore's kingdom in Abyssinia, and it is most -interesting to note the information which was possessed by the Greek -authorities a century and a half before Alexander's time. - -One notable occurrence pointing to a fairly comprehensive knowledge of -geography of the Indian border by the Persians, was the voyage of the -Greek Scylax of Caryanda down the Indus, and from its mouth to the -Arabian Gulf, which was regarded by Herodotus as establishing the fact -of a continuous sea. This voyage, or mission, which was undertaken by -order of Darius who wished to know where the Indus had its outlet and -"sent some ships" on a voyage of discovery, is most instructive. It is -true that the accounts of it are most meagre, but such details as are -given establish beyond a doubt that the expedition was practical and -real. The Persian dominions then extended to the Indus, but there is -no evidence that they ever extended beyond that river into the -peninsula of India. The Indus of the Persian age was not the Indus of -to-day, and its outlet to the sea presumably did not differ materially -from that of the subsequent days of Alexander and Nearkos. Thanks to -the careful investigations of the Bombay Survey Department, and the -close attention which has been given to ancient landmarks by General -Haig during the progress of his surveys, we know pretty certainly -where the course of the Lower Indus must have been, and where both -Scylax and Nearkos emerged into the Arabian Sea. The Indus delta of -to-day covers an area of 10,000 square miles with 125 miles of -coast-line, and it presents to us a huge alluvial tract which is -everywhere furrowed by ancient river channels. Some of these are -continuous through the delta, and can be traced far above it; others -are traceable for only short distances. Without entering into details -of the rate of progression in the formation of Delta (which can be -gathered not only from the abandoned sites of towns once known as -coast ports, but from actual observation from year to year), it may be -safely assumed that the Indus of Alexander and Scylax emptied itself -into the Ran of Kach, far to the south of its present debouchment. The -volume of its waters was then augmented by at least one important -river (the Saraswati), which, flowing from the Himalayas through what -is now known as the Rajputana desert, was the source of widespread -wealth and fertility to thousands of square miles where now there is -nothing to be met with but sandy waste. As far as the Indus the -Persian Empire is known to have extended, but no farther; and it was -important to the military advisers of Darius that something should be -known of the character of this boundary river. - -Wherever the ships sent by Darius may have gone it is quite clear that -they did not sail _up_ the Indus, or there would have been no -objective for an expedition which was organised to determine where the -Indus met the sea by the process of sailing down that river. Moreover, -the voyage up the Indus would have been tedious and slow, and could -only have been undertaken in the cold weather with the assistance of -native pilots acquainted with the ever-shifting bed of the river, -which, so far as its liability to change of channel is concerned, must -have been much the same in the days of Darius as it is at present. The -possibility, therefore, is that Scylax made his way to the Upper Indus -overland, for we are told that the expedition _started_ from the city -of Carpatyra in the Pactyan country. This in itself is exceedingly -instructive, indicating that the Pactyans, or Pathans, or Pukhtu -speaking peoples have occupied the districts of the Upper Indus for -four-and-twenty centuries at least; and coincident with them we learn -that the Aprytæ or Afridi shared the honour of being resident -landowners. Nor need we suppose that the beginning of this history was -the beginning of their existence. The Afridi may have rejoiced in his -native hills ten or twenty centuries before he was written about by -Herodotus. We need not stay to identify the site of Carpatyra. The -Upper Indus valley is full of ancient sites. A century and a half -later Taxilla was the recognized capital of the Upper Punjab, and -Carpatyra meanwhile may have disappeared. Anyhow we hear of Carpatyra -no more, nor has the ingenuity of modern research thrown any certain -light on its position. It is, however, probably near Attok that we -must look for it. Scylax made his way down the Indus in native craft -that from long before his day to the present have retained their -primitive form, a form which was not unlike that of the coast crawling -"ships" of Darius. He proved the existence of an open water-way from -the Upper Punjab to the Persian Gulf, and incidentally his expedition -shows us that the chief lines of communication through the width of -the Persian Empire were well known, and that the road from Susa to the -Upper Indus was open. The outlying satrapies of the Persian Empire -could never have been added one by one to that mighty power without -definite knowledge of the way to reach them. It was not merely a -spasmodic expedition, such as that of Scylax, which pointed the way to -the conquests of the Far East; it was the gathered information of -years of experience, and it was on the basis of this experience -(unwritten and unrecorded so far as we know) that Alexander founded -his plans of campaign. - -The detailed list of peoples included in the satrapies of the Persian -Empire, whilst it is more ethnographical than geographical in its -character, is sufficient proof in itself of the existence of constant -movement between Persia and the borderland of Afghanistan, which -assuredly included commercial traffic. This enumeration has been -compared with a catalogue of tribal contingents which swelled the -great army of Xerxes, an independent statement, and therefore a -valuable test to the general accuracy of Herodotus; and it is still -further confirmed by the list of nations subject to the Persian king -found in the inscriptions of Darius at Behistan and Persepolis. We are -not immediately concerned with the satrapies included in Western Asia -and Egypt, but when Herodotus makes a sudden departure from his rule -of geographical sequence and introduces a satrapy on the remotest east -of the Persian Empire, we immediately recognize that he touches the -Indian frontier. - -The second satrapy most probably corresponds with that part of Central -Afghanistan south of the Kabul River, which lies west of the Suliman -Hills and north of the Kwaja Amran or Khojak. Every name mentioned by -Herodotus certainly has its counterpart in one or other of the tribes -to be found there to this day, excepting the Lydoi (whose history as -Ludi is fairly well known) and the Lasonoi, who have emigrated, the -former into India and the latter to Baluchistan. - -The seventh satrapy, again, comprised the Sattagydai, the Gandarioi, -the Dadikai, and the Aparytai ("joined together"), an association of -names too remarkable to be mistaken. The Sattag or Khattak, the -Gandhari, the Dadi, and the Afridi are all trans-Indus people, and -without insisting too strongly on the exact habitat of each, -originally there can be little doubt that the seventh satrapy included -a great part of the Indus valley. - -The eleventh satrapy is also probably a district of the Indian -trans-frontier, although Bunbury associates the name Kaspioi with the -Caspian Sea. It is far more likely that the Kaspioi of Herodotus are -to be recognized as the people of the ancient Kaspira or Kasmira, and -the Daritæ as the Daraddesa (Dards) of the contiguous mountains. All -Kashmir, even to the borders of Tibet (whence came the story of the -gold-digging ants), was well enough known to the Persians and through -them to Herodotus. - -The twelfth satrapy comprised Balkh and Badakshan--what is now known -as Afghan Turkistan. It was here that, generations before Alexander's -campaign, those Greek settlements were founded by Darius and Xerxes -which have left to this day living traces of their existence in the -places originally allotted to them. In Afghan Turkistan also was -founded the centre of Greek dominion in this part of Asia after the -conquest of Persia, and it is impossible to avoid the conviction that -there was a connection between these two events. The Greeks took the -country from the Bakhi; but there are no people of this name left in -these provinces now. They may (as Bellew suggests) be recognized -again in the Bakhtyari of Southern Persia, but it seems unlikely; and -it is far more probable that they were obliterated by Alexander as his -most active opponents after he passed Aria (Herat) and Drangia -(Seistan). - -The sixteenth satrapy was north of the Oxus, and included Sogdia and -Aria (Herat). South of Aria was the fourteenth satrapy, represented by -Seistan and Western Makran, with "the islands of the sea in which the -King settles transported convicts"; and east of this again was the -seventeenth satrapy covering Southern Baluchistan and Eastern Makran. -It is only during the last twenty-five years that an accurate -geographical knowledge of these uninviting regions has been attained. -The gradual extension of the red line of the Indian border, with the -necessity for preserving peace and security, has gradually enveloped -Makran and Persian Baluchistan, the Gadrosia and Karmania of the -Greeks, and has brought to light many strange secrets which have been -dormant (for they were no secrets to the traveller of the Middle Ages) -for a few centuries prior to the arrival of the British flag in -Western India. It is an inhospitable country which is thus included. -"Mostly desert," as one ancient writer says; marvellously furrowed and -partitioned by bands of sun-scorched rocky hills, all narrow and sharp -where they follow each other in parallel waves facing the Arabian Sea, -or massed into enormous square-faced blocks of impassable mountain -barrier whenever the uniform regularity of structure is lost. And yet -it is a country full not only of interest historical and -ethnographical, such as might be expected of the environment of a -series of narrow passages leading to the western gates of India, but -of incident also. There are amongst these strange knife-backed -volcanic ridges and scarped clay hills valleys of great beauty, where -the date-palms mass their feathery heads into a forest of green, and -below them the fertile soil is moist and lush with cultured -vegetation. But we have described elsewhere this strangely mixed land, -and we have now only to deal with the aspect of it as known to the -Greeks before the days of Alexander. That knowledge was ethnographical -in its quality and exceedingly slight in quantity. Herodotus mentions -the Sagartoi, Zarangai, Thamanai, Uxoi, and Mykoi. These are Seistan -tribes. The Sagartoi were nomads of Seistan, mentioned both amongst -tribes paying tribute and those who were exempt. The Zarangai were the -inhabitants of Drangia (Seistan), where their ancient capital fills -one of the most remarkable of all historic sites. The Zarangai are -said to be recognizable in the Afghan Durani. No Afghan Durani would -admit this. He claims a very different origin (as will be explained), -and in the absence of authoritative history it is never wise to set -aside the traditions of a people about themselves, especially of a -people so advanced as the Duranis. More probable is it that the -ancient geographical appellation Zarangai covers the historic Kaiani -of Seistan supposed to be the same as the Kakaya of Sanscrit. - -The Uxoi may be the modern Hots of Makran--a people who are -traditionally reckoned amongst the most ancient of the mixed -population which has drifted into the Makran ethnographic cul-de-sac, -and who were certainly there in Alexander's time. In eastern Makran, -Herodotus mentions only the Parikanoi and the Asiatic Ethiopian. -Parikan is the Persian plural form of the Sanscrit Parva-ka, which -means "mountaineer." This bears exactly the same meaning as the word -Kohistani, or Barohi, and is not a tribal appellation at all, although -the latter may possibly have developed into the Brahui, the well-known -name of a very important Dravidian people of Southern Baluchistan -(highlanders all of them) who are akin to the Dravidian races of -Southern India. The Asiatic Ethiopian presents a more difficult -problem. During the winter of 1905 careful inquiries were made in -Makran for any evidence to support the suggestion that a tribe of -Kushite origin still existed in that country. It is of interest in -connection with the question whether the earliest immigrants into -Mesopotamia (these people who, according to Accadian tradition, -brought with them from the South the science of civilization) were a -Semitic race or Kushites. It is impossible to ignore the existence of -Kushite races in the east as well as the south. We have not only the -authority of the earliest Greek writings, but Biblical records also -are in support of the fact, and modern interest only centres in the -question what has become of them. Bellew suggests that it was after -the various Kush or Kach, or Kaj tribes that certain districts in -Baluchistan are called Kach Gandava or Kach (Kaj) Makran, and that the -chief of these tribes were the Gadara, after whom the country was -called Gadrosia. This seems mere conjecture. At any rate the term -Kach, sometimes Kachchi, sometimes Katz, is invariably applied to a -flat open space, even if it is only the flat terrace above a river -intervening between the river and a hill, and is purely geographical -in its significance. But it was a matter of interest to discover -whether the Gadurs of Las Bela could be the Gadrosii, or whether they -exhibited any Ethiopian traits. The Gadurs, however, proved to be a -section of the Rajput clan of Lumris, a proud race holding themselves -aloof from other clans and never intermarrying with them. There could -be no mistake about the Rajput origin of the red-skinned Gadur. He was -a Kshatrya of the lunar race, but he might very possibly represent the -ancient Gadrosii, even though he is no descendant of Kush. The other -Rajput tribes with whom the Gadurs coalesce have apparently held their -own in Las from a period quite remote, and must have been there when -Alexander passed that way. - -Asiatic negroes abound in Makran: some of them fresh importations from -Africa, others bred in the slave villages of the Arabian Sea coast, as -they have been for centuries. They are a fine, brawny, well-developed -race of people, and some of the best of them are to be found as -stokers in the P. & O. service; but they do not represent the Asiatic -Ethiopian of Herodotus, who could hardly compile a gazetteer for the -Greeks which should include all the ethnographical information known -to the Persians, any more than our Intelligence Department could -compile a complete gazetteer of the whole Russian Empire. To the -maritime Greek nation the overwhelming preponderance of the huge -Empire which overshadowed them must have created the same feeling of -anxious suspicion that the unwieldy size of Russia presents to us, and -it is not very likely that military intelligence of a really practical -nature was offered gratis to the Greeks by the Persian geographers and -military leaders. It is not surprising, therefore, that Herodotus did -not know all that existed on the far Persian frontier. There are -tribes and peoples about Southern Baluchistan who are as ancient as -Herodotus but who are not mentioned. For instance, the ruling tribe in -Makran until quite recently (when they were ousted by certain Sikh or -Rajput interlopers called Gichki) were the Boledi, and their country -was once certainly called Boledistan. The Boledi valley is one of the -loveliest in a country which is apt to enhance the loveliness of its -narrow bands of luxuriance by their rarety and their narrowness. It is -a sweet oasis in the midst of a barren rocky sea, and must always have -been an object of envy to dwellers outside, even in days when a fuller -water-supply, more widely spread, turned many a valley green which is -now deep drifted with sand. Ptolemy mentions the Boledis, so that they -can well boast the traditional respectability of age-long ancestry. -The Boledis are said to have dispossessed the Persian Kaiani Maliks, -who ruled Makran in the seventeenth century, when they headed what is -known as the Baluch Confederation. This may be veritable history, but -their pride of race and origin, on whatever record it is based, has -come to an end now; it has been left to the present generation to see -the last of them. A few years ago there was living but one -representative of the ruling family of the Boledis, an old lady named -Miriam, who was exceedingly cunning in the art of embroidery, and made -the most bewitching caps. She was, I believe, dependent on the bounty -of the Sultan of Muscat, who possesses a small tract of territory on -the Makran coast. Herodotus apparently knew nothing about the Boledis, -nor can it be doubted that the Greek knowledge of Makran was -exceedingly scanty. Thus, whilst Alexander marched to the Indian -frontier, well supplied with information as to the ways thither when -once he could make Persia his base, he was almost totally ignorant of -the one route out of India which he eventually followed, and which so -nearly enveloped his whole force in disaster. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -ASSYRIA AND AFGHANISTAN--ANCIENT LAND ROUTES--POSSIBLE SEA ROUTES - - -With the building up of the vast Persian Empire, and the gradual -fostering of eastern colonies, and the consequent introduction of the -manners and methods of Western Asia into the highlands of Samarkand -and Badakshan, other nationalities were concerned besides Persians and -Greeks. Captive peoples from Syria had been deported to Assyria seven -centuries before Christ. The House of Israel had been broken up (for -Samaria had fallen in 721 B.C. before the victorious hosts of Sargon), -and some of the Israelitish families had been deported eastwards and -northwards to Northern Mesopotamia and Armenia. With the vitality of -their indestructible race it is at least possible that a remnant -survived as serfs in Assyria, preserving their own customs and -institutions--secretly if not openly--intermarrying, trading, and -money-making, yet still looking for the final restoration of Israel -until the final break-up of the Assyrian Kingdom. They were never -absolutely absorbed, and never forgot to recount their historic -pedigree to their children. - -With the final overthrow of the Assyrian Kingdom we lose sight of the -tribes of Israel, who for more than a century had been mingled with -the peoples of Northern Mesopotamia and Armenia. At least history -holds no record of their further national existence. From time -immemorial in Asia it had been customary for the captives taken in war -to be transported bodily to another field for purposes of colonization -and public labour. When the world was more scantily peopled such -methods were natural and effectual; the increase of working power -gained thereby being of the utmost importance in days when enormous -irrigation canals were excavated, and bricks had to be fashioned for -the construction of walled cities. - -The extent and magnificence of Assyrian building must have demanded an -immense supply of such manual labour for the purpose of brickmaking. -All the mighty works of ancient Egypt, Assyria, and Babylon were -literally "the work of men's hands." In Mesopotamia was captured -labour especially necessary. Stone was indeed available at Nineveh, -but the barrenness of the soil which stretches flatly from the rugged -hills of Kurdistan across Mesopotamia rendered the country -unproductive unless enormous works of irrigation were undertaken for -the distribution of water. Mesopotamia is a country of immense -possibilities, but the wealth of it is only for those who can -distribute the waters of its great rivers over the productive soil. -The yearly inundations of the Euphrates and Tigris are but sufficient -for the needs of a narrow strip of land on either side the rivers, and -the crops of the country undeveloped by canals can only support a -scattered and scanty population. Towards the south there is another -difficulty. The flat soil becomes water-logged and marshy and runs to -waste for want of drainage. There is no stone for building purposes -near Babylon. Approaching Babylon over the windy wastes of -scrub-powdered plain there is nothing to be seen in the shape of a -hill. Long, low, flat-topped mounds stretch athwart the horizon and -resolve themselves on nearer approach into deeply scarred and -weather-worn accretions of debris, or else they are banks of ancient -waterways winding through the steppe, the last remnants of a -stupendous system of irrigation. Then there breaks into view the -solitary erection which stands in the open plain overlooking a wide -vista of marsh and swamp to the west, which represents the ruins -called Birs Nimrud, the Ziggurat or temple which, in successive tiers -devoted to the powers of heaven, supported the shrine of Mercury. It -is by far the most conspicuous object in the Babylonian landscape; -huge, dilapidated, and unshapely, it mounts guard over a silent, -stagnant, swampy plain. - -Now the remarkable feature in all these gigantic remains of antiquity -is that they are built of brick. In the wide expanse of Mesopotamia -plain around there is not a stone quarry to be found. Of Nineveh, we -learn from the masterly records of Xenophon that as he was leading the -surviving 10,000 Greeks in their retreat from the disastrous field of -Babylon back to the sunny Hellespont, some 200 years after the -destruction of Nineveh, he came upon a vast desert city on the Tigris. -The wall of it was 25 feet wide, 100 feet high, with a 20-foot -basement of stone. This was all that was left of Kalah, one of the -Assyrian capitals. A day's march farther north he came on another -deserted city with similar walls. These were the dry bones of Nineveh, -already forgotten and forsaken. Two centuries had in these early ages -been sufficient to blot out the memory of Assyrian greatness so -completely that Xenophon knew not of it, nor recognized the place -where his foot was treading. Barely seventy years ago was the memory -of them restored to man, and tokens of the richness and magnificence -of the art which embellished them first given to the world. The mounds -representing Nineveh and Babylon are some of them of enormous size. -The mound of Mugheir (the ancient Ur) is the ancient platform of an -Assyrian palace, which is faced with a wall 10 feet thick of red -kiln-dried bricks cemented with bitumen. Some of these platforms were -raised from 50 to 60 feet above the plain and protected by massive -stone masonry carried to a height exceeding that of the platform. But -the Babylonian mound of Birs Nimrud, which rises from the plain level -to the blue glazed masonry of the upper tier of the Ziggurat, is -altogether a brick construction. The debris of the many-coloured -bricks now forms a smooth slope for many feet from its base; but -above, where the square blocks of brickwork still hold together in -scattered disarray, you may still dig out a foot-square brick with the -title and designations of Nebuchadnezzar imprinted on its face. These -artificial mounds could only have been built at an enormous cost of -labour. The great mound of Koyunjik (the palace of Nineveh) covers an -area of 100 acres and reaches up 95 feet at its highest point. It has -been calculated that to heap up such a pile would "require the united -efforts of 10,000 men for twelve years, or 20,000 men for six years" -(Rawlinson, _Five Monarchies_), and then only the base of the palace -is reached; and there are many such mounds, for "it seems to have been -a point of honour with the Assyrian Kings that each should build a new -palace for himself" (Ragozin, _Chaldaea_). - -Only conquering monarchs with whole nations as prisoners could have -compassed such results. This, indeed, was one of the great objectives -of war in these early times. It was the amassing of a great population -for manual labour and the creation of new centres of civilization and -trade. Thus it was that the peoples of Western Asia--Egyptians, -Israelites, Jews, Ph[oe]nicians, Assyrians, Babylonians, and even -Greeks--were transported over vast distances by land, and a movement -given to the human race in that part of the world which has infinitely -complicated the science of ethnology. The peopling of Canada by the -French, of North America by the English, of Brazil by the Portuguese, -of Argentina and Chile by Spaniards and Italians, is perhaps a more -comprehensive process in the distribution of humanity and more -permanent in its character. But ancient compulsory movement, if not as -extensive as modern voluntary emigration, was at least wholesale, and -it led to the distribution of people in districts which would not -naturally have invited them. The first process in the consolidation of -a district, or satrapy, was the settlement of inhabitants, sometimes -in supercession of a displaced or annihilated people, sometimes as an -ethnic variety to the possessors of the soil. Tiglath Pileser was the -first Assyrian monarch to consolidate the Empire by its division into -satrapies. Henceforward the outlying provinces of the dominions were -convenient dumping places for such bodies of captives as were not -required for public works at home. - -Nothing would be more natural than that Sargon should deport a portion -of the Israelitish nation to colonize his eastern possessions towards -India, just as Darius Hystaspes later employed the same process to -the same ends when he deported Greeks from the Lybian Barke to -Baktria. There is nothing more astonishing in the fact that we should -find a powerful people claiming descent from Israel in Northern -Afghanistan than that we should find another people claiming a Greek -origin in the Hindu Kush. - -Nor was the importance of peopling waste lands and raising up new -nations out of well-planted colonies overlooked ten centuries before -Christ any more than it is now. Then it was a matter of transporting -them overland and on foot to the farthest eastern limits of these -great Asiatic empires. Always east or south they tramped, for nothing -was known of the geography of the North and West. Eastwards lay the -land of the sun, whence came the Indians who fought in the armies of -Darius, and where gold and ivory, apes and peacocks were found to fill -Ph[oe]nician ships. To-day it is different. The peopling of the world -with whites is chiefly a Western process. Emigrants go out in ships, -not as captives, but almost equally in compact bodies--the best of our -working men to Canada, and many of the best of our much-wanted -domestic servants to South Africa. It is a perpetual process in the -world's economy, and perhaps the chief factor in the world's history; -but in the old, old centuries before the Christian era it was -necessarily a land process, and the geographical distribution of the -land features determined the direction of the human tide. Some twenty -years before the fall of Samaria and the deportation of the ten tribes -of Israel, Tiglath Pileser had effected conquests in Asia which -carried him so far east that he probably touched the Indus. Why he -went no farther, or why Alexander subsequently left the greater part -of the Indian peninsula unexplored, is fully explicable on natural -grounds, even if other explanations were wanting. - -The Indus valley would offer to the military explorers from the West -the first taste of the quality of the climate of the India of the -plains which they would encounter. The Indus valley in the hot weather -would possess little climatic attraction for the Western highlander. -Alexander's troops mutinied when they got far beyond the Indus. Any -other troops would mutiny under such conditions as governed their -outfit and their march. It is more than possible that the great -Assyrian conqueror before him encountered much the same difficulty. It -is clear, however, historically, that the Assyrian knew and trod the -way to Northern Afghanistan (or Baktria), and if we examine the map of -Asia with any care we shall see that there is no formidable barrier to -the passing of large bodies of people from Nineveh to Herat (Aria), or -from Herat to the Indus valley, until we reach the very gates of India -on the north-west frontier. Four centuries later than Tiglath Pileser -the battle of Arbela was fought to a finish between Alexander and -Darius (who possessed both Greek and Indian troops in his army) on a -field which is not so very far to the east of Nineveh, and which is -probably represented more or less accurately by the modern Persian -town of Erbil. The modern town may not be on the exact site of the -action, and we know that the ancient town was some sixty miles away -from the battlefield. However that may be, we learn that in the -general retreat of the Persians which followed the battle, Darius made -his way to Ecbatana, the ancient capital of the Medes. There he -remained for about a year, but hearing of Alexander's advance from -Persepolis in the spring of 330 B.C. he fled to the north-east, with a -view to taking refuge with his kinsman Bessos, who was then satrap of -Baktria. This gives us the clue to the general line of communication -between Northern Mesopotamia and Baktria (or Afghanistan) in ancient -days; and the twenty-five centuries which have rolled by since that -early period have done little to modify that line. - -Until the beginning of the nineteenth century A.D. from the earliest -times with which we can come into contact through any human record, -this high-road (not the only one, but the chief one) must have been -trodden by the feet of thousands of weary pilgrims, captives, -emigrants, merchants, or fighting men--an intermittent tide of -humanity exceeding in volume any host known to modern days--bringing -East into touch with the West to an extent which we can hardly -appreciate. It may be said that the straightest road to Baktria did -not lie through Ecbatana. It did not; but independently of the fact -that Ecbatana was a city of great defensive capacity, and of reasons -both political and military which would have impelled Darius to take -that route, we shall find if we examine the latest Survey of India map -of Western Persia that the geographical distribution of hill and -valley make it the easiest, if not the shortest, route. The -configuration of Western Persia, like that of Makran and Southern -Baluchistan extending to our own north-west frontier, mainly consists -of long lines of narrow ridges curving in lines parallel to the coast, -rocky and mostly impassable to travellers crossing their difficult -ridge and furrow formation transversely, but presenting curiously easy -and open roads along the narrow lateral valleys. Ecbatana once stood -where the modern Hamadan now stands. The road from Arbil (or Erbil) -that carries most traffic follows this trough formation to Kermanshah -and then bends north-eastward to Hamadan. From Hamadan to Rhagai and -the Caspian gates, which was the route followed by Darius in his -flight from Ecbatana, the road was clearly coincident with the present -telegraph line to Tehran from Hamadan, which strikes into the great -post route eastward to Mashad and Herat, one of the straightest and -most uniformly level roads in all Asia. It must always have been so. -Remarkable physical changes have occurred in Asia during these -twenty-five centuries, but nothing to alter the relative disposition -of mountain and plain in this part of Persia, or to change the general -character of its ancient highway. All this part of Persia was under -the dominion of the Assyrian king when the tribes of Israel left Syria -for Armenia. He had but recently traversed the road to India, and he -knew the richness of Baktria (of Afghan Turkistan and Badakshan) and -could estimate what a colony might become in these eastern fields. - -What more natural than that he should draft some of his captives -eastward to the land of promise? There is not an important tribe of -people in all that hinterland of India that has not been drafted in -from somewhere. There is not a people left in India, for that matter, -that can safely call themselves indigenous. From Persia and Media, -from Aria and Skythia, from Greece and Arabia, from Syria and -Mesopotamia they have come, and their coming can generally be traced -historically, and their traditions of origin proved to be true. But -there is one important people (of whom there is much more to be said) -who call themselves Ben-i-Israel, who claim a descent from Kish, who -have adopted a strange mixture of Mosaic law and Hindu ordinance in -their moral code, who (some sections at least) keep a feast which -strangely accords with the Passover, who hate the Yahudi (Jew) with a -traditional hatred, and for whom no one has yet been able to suggest -any other origin than the one they claim, and claim with determined -force; and these people rule Afghanistan. It may be that they have -justification for their traditions, even as others have; they may yet -be proved to stand in the same relationship to the scattered remnants -of Israel as some of the Kafir inhabitants of Northern Afghanistan can -be shown to hold to the Greeks of pre-Alexandrian days. It is -difficult to account for the name Afghan: it has been said that it is -but the Armenian word Aghvan (Mountaineer). If this is so, it at once -indicates a connection between the modern Afghan and the Syrian -captives of Armenia. - -But whilst "men in nations" were thus traversing the highlands of -Persia from Mesopotamia to Northern Afghanistan by highways so ancient -that they may be regarded almost as geographical fixtures as -everlasting as the hills, we do not find much evidence of traffic with -the Central Asian States north of the Oxus. - -Early military excursions into the land of the Skyths were more for -the purpose of dealing with the predatory habits of these warlike -tribes, who afterwards peopled half of Europe as well as India, than -of promoting either trade or geographical inquiry; and it was the -route which led to Northern Afghanistan and Baktria through Northern -Persia which was most attractive from its general accessibility and -promise of profit. It was this way that Northern Kashmir and the -gold-fields of Tibet were touched. The Indian gold which formed so -large a part of the Persian revenues in the time of Darius undoubtedly -came from Northern India and Tibet. Old as are the workings of the -Wynaad gold-fields in the west, and Kolar in the east, of the -peninsula, it is unlikely that either of these sources was known to -Persia. - -The more direct routes to India from Ecbatana, passing through Central -Persia _via_ Kashan, Yezd, and Kirman, terminated on the Helmund or in -Makran, and there is no evidence that the mountain system which faces -the Indus was ever crossed by invading Persian hosts. There was, -indeed, a tradition in Alexander's time that an attempt had been made -to traverse Makran and that it had failed. This, says Arrian, was one -of the reasons why Alexander obstinately chose that route on his -retirement from India. In spite, however, of the geographical -difficulties which render it improbable that the hosts of Tiglath -Pileser (who could have dealt with the Skythians of the north readily -enough) ever broke across the north-western gateways of India's -mountain borderland, there was undoubtedly a close connection between -Assyria and India of which the evidence is still with us. - -Throughout the golden age of the Second Empire of Assyria, after the -subjugation of Babylon and the consolidation of the Empire by Tiglath -Pileser, during the reigns of Sargon and Senacherib (who fought the -first Assyrian naval fight), Esar Haddon (who destroyed Sidon and -removed the inhabitants) and Assur-bani-pal (Sardanapalus), to the -final overthrow of Assyria by Babylon in 625 B.C., when the star of -Nebuchadnezzar arose on the southern horizon, Assyria held the supreme -command of Eastern commerce, and Nineveh dictated the cannons of art -to the world. No event more profoundly affected the commerce of Asia -than the destruction of Sidon and the bodily transfer of its -commercial inhabitants to Assyria. This was the age of Assyrian art, -of literature, and of architecture; Assyrian culture realized its -culminating point in the reign of Assur-bani-pal, when the library at -Nineveh far surpassed any library that the world had ever seen. It was -then that intercourse between Assyria and India became unbroken and -intimate. Then public works of the largest dimensions were undertaken, -and colonies formed for the purpose of developing the riches of the -newly acquired lands in the East. Assyrian art found its way to India, -and the affinity between Assyrian and Indian art is directly traceable -still in spite of the impress subsequently effected by Greece and -Rome. - -The carpets that are spread on the floors of every Anglo-Indian home -and which, as Turkish, Persian, Central Asian, or Indian, are to be -found in every carpet shop in London, usually possess in the -intricacies of their pattern some trace of ancient Assyrian art. As -Sir George Birdwood has long ago pointed out, general similarities -between Assyrian and Indian design in carpet patterns may possibly be -due to a common Turanian origin, pre-Semitic and pre-Aryan; but there -are details of architectural plan in the Southern Indian temples -which, quite as much as the reproduction of the ancient Assyrian "knop -and flower" in its infinite variety of form (all expressing more or -less conventionally the cone and the lotus of the original idea), -testify to an infinitely old art affinity, and at the same time -witness to the wonderful vitality of intelligent design. - -The tree of life so largely interwoven into Eastern fabrics was the -"Asherah" or "grove" sacred to Asshur the supreme god of the -Assyrians, the Lord and Giver of life; and it appears to have been the -development of the "Hom" or lotus, which, although it is a Kashmir -valley plant, is always admirably rendered in Assyrian sculpture. -Eventually the date palm took the place of the Hom in the Euphrates -valley, just as the vine replaced it in Asia Minor and Greece. In -Central Asian rugs we find the cone replaced by the pomegranate, and -the tree of life becomes a pomegranate tree. There is too much -intricacy in such similarity of ornamental detail between Assyrian and -Indian art for the result to have been merely developments from a -common pre-historic stock along separate lines. They are clearly -imitations one of the other, and the similarity is but another link in -the chain of evidence which proves that the highways of Asia -connecting Assyria with India through Persia were well-trodden ways -seven centuries at least before Christ, even if the sea route from the -Red Sea and Euphrates had not then reached the Indus and western coast -of India. - -Whilst all historical evidence points to the Tehran-Mashad route as -the great highway which linked Mesopotamia with Baktria in past ages, -there are certain curious little indications that the southern road -through Persia, viz. Yezd and Kirman, was also well known, for it is a -remarkable fact (which may be taken for what it is worth) that it is -in the villages and bazaars of Sind that the potters may be found -whose conservative souls delight in the reproduction of a class of -ornamental decoration which most clearly indicates an Assyrian origin. -The direct route to Sind from Mesopotamia is not by way of Herat. It -is (as will be subsequently explained) _via_ Kirman and Makran, but -there is absolutely no historical evidence to support the suggestion -that this was a route utilized by the Assyrians; and there is, on the -other hand, Arrian's statement that roads through Makran were unknown -or but legendary. - -It is impossible, however, to ignore the fact that the sea route to -North-western India was utilized in very ancient times; and although -its connection with the northern landward gates of India may appear to -be rather obscure, that connection is a matter which actually concerns -us rather nearly in the present day. For it is by this ancient sea -route that Persia and Baluchistan, Seistan and Afghanistan derive -those supplies of small arms and ammunition which are abundant in -those countries, but which never pass through India. Muskat is the -chief depot for distribution, and the Persian ports of Bandar Abbas, -Jask, or Pasni on the Makran coast are utilized as ports for the -interior, leading by routes which are quite sufficiently good for -caravan traffic towards the point where Afghan territory meets that of -Persia and Baluchistan just south of Seistan. Once in Seistan they are -well behind the passes which split our nearer line of defence in the -trans-Indus hills. Even our command of the sea fails to suppress this -traffic, which has led to such a general distribution of arms of -precision (chiefly of German manufacture), that these countries may -fairly claim to be able to arm their whole population. No recent -researches in the Persian Gulf or on the Persian coast have added much -to the sum of our knowledge respecting the early navigation of these -Eastern seas, but there can be no question as to its immense -antiquity. The Ph[oe]nician settler in Syria and Mesopotamia has been -traced back to his primeval home in the Bahrein Islands, which, if -Herodotus is correct in his estimated date for the founding of Tyre -(2756 years B.C.), takes us back to very early times indeed for the -coast navigation of the Persian Gulf and the Indian Seas. Hiram, King -of Tyre, could look back through long ages to the days when his -Ph[oe]nician forefathers started their well-packed vessels (the -Ph[oe]nicians were famous for their skill in stowing cargo) to crawl -along the coasts of Makran and Western India for the purpose of -acquiring those stores of spices and gold which first made commerce -profitable, or else to make their way westward, guided by the -headlands and shore outlines of Southern Arabia, to gather the riches -from African fields. Makran is full of strange relics of immense age -for which none can account. Since Egyptology has become a recognized -science, who will lay the foundations of such a science for Southern -Arabia and Makran? When will some one arise with the wisdom and the -leisure to write of the power of ancient Arabia, and to trace the -impressions left on the whole world of commerce, of art, of -architecture, and literature by the ancient races who hailed from the -South? - -We cannot tell when the first sea-borne trade passed to and fro -between India and the Erythrean Sea, a creeping, slow-moving trade -making the best shift possible of wind and tide, and knowing no guide -but the pole star of that period, and the rocky headlands and islands -of the Makran coast. Many of the ancient islands exist no more, but -the coast is a peculiarly well-marked one for the mariner still. -Probably the coast trade was earlier than the overland caravan -traffic; but the latter was certainly co-existent with the Assyrian -monarchy when Persia and Central Asia lay at the feet of the conqueror -Tiglath Pileser. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -GREEK EXPLORATION--ALEXANDER--MODERN BALKH--THE BALKH PLAIN AND -BAKTRIA - - -Twenty-two centuries have rolled away since the first military -expedition from Europe was organized and led into the wilds of an Asia -which was probably as civilized then as it is now. Two thousand two -hundred years, and yet along the wild stretches of the Indian -frontier, where a mound here and there testifies to the former -existence of some forgotten camp, or where in the slant rays of the -evening sun faint indications may be traced on the level Punjab flats -of the foundation of a city long since dead, the name of the great -Macedonian is uttered with reverence and awe as might be the name of a -god who can still influence the lives of men, yet qualified by an -affix which indicates a curious survival of the mythological -conception of gods as human beings. You may wander through some of the -valleys cleft through the western frontier hills, where an -intermittent rivulet of water spreads a network of streamlets on the -boulder-covered bed of the nullah, and where the stony hills rise in -barren slopes on either side, and find, perchance half hidden by -weather-worn debris and tufts of stringy verdure, the remains of what -was once an artificial water-channel, stone built and admirably -graded, and you may ask who was responsible for this construction. Not -a man can say. There is no history, no tradition even, connected with -it. It passes their understanding. Doubtless it was the work of -"Sekunder" (Alexander)--that prehistoric, mythological, -incomprehensible, and yet beneficent being who lives in the minds of -the frontier people as the apotheosis of the Deputy Commissioner. Yet -the impression left on India by the Greeks is marvellously small. It -is chiefly to be found in the architecture and the sculpture of the -Punjab. The Greek language disappeared from the Indus valley about the -end of the tenth century A.D., and there is hardly a Greek place-name -now to be recognized anywhere on the Indus banks. But any unusual -relic of the past, the story of which has passed beyond the memory of -the present tribes-people (even though it may be obviously of mediæval -Arabic origin), is invariably attributed to Alexander. It is, however, -chiefly in the sculpture and decorations of Buddhist buildings (which -never existed in Alexander's day) that clear evidence exists of Greek -art conception. The classical features and folded raiment of the -sculptured saints and buddhas, which are found so freely in certain -parts of the Punjab, are obviously derived from original Greek ideals -which may very possibly have been transmitted through Rome. - -With Alexander in India we have nothing to do in these pages. It is as -the first explorer in the regions beyond India, the Afghan and -Baluchistan hinterlands, that he at present concerns us; and it may -fairly be stated that no later expedition combining scientific -research with military conquest ever added more to the sum of the -world's knowledge of those regions than that led by Alexander. For -centuries after it no light arises on the geographical horizon of the -Indian border. Indeed, not until political exigencies caused by -Russia's steady advance towards India compelled a revision of -political boundaries in Persia, Baluchistan, Afghanistan, and India, -was any very accurate idea obtained of the geographical conditions of -Northern and Western Afghanistan, or of Baluchistan, or of Southern -Persia. The mapping of these countries has been recent, and the -progress of it, as year by year the network of Indian triangulation -and topography spread westward and northward, has reopened many -sources of light which, if not altogether new, have lain hidden ever -since the Macedonian conqueror passed over them. Long before the Greek -army mustered on the banks of the Hellespont we have seen that the -highways to the East were well trodden and well known. It was not -likely that Alexander's intelligence department was lacking in -information. For many centuries subsequent to that expedition the rise -of the Parthian power absolutely cut off these old-world trade -communications and set the restless tides of human emigration into new -channels. But in Alexander's time there was nothing in Persia to -interrupt the interchange of courtesies between East and West. - -The great Aryan tide had already flowed from the Central Asian -highlands into India, but Jutes and Skyths had yet to make that great -drift westward which peopled half of Europe with nomadic tribes -speaking kindred tongues--a drift which never rested in its westward -advance till, as Anglians and Saxons, it had enveloped England and -faced its final destiny in an American continent. Assyria had passed -by with arts and commerce rather than with arms, and Persia had -followed in Assyrian tracks. Both had established colonies half-way to -India in the Afghan highlands, Persia with the aid of captive Greeks, -and Assyria with people taken from the Syrian land. The list of -Assyrian and Persian satrapies included all those lands which we now -call the hinterland of India, and which in Alexander's time must have -been absolutely Persianized. But beyond the historical evidence which -can be collected to prove the early, the constant, traffic which -ensued between Mesopotamia, or Asia Minor, and India, after the -consolidation of those two great empires, there is the tradition which -certain Greek writers (notably Arrian) treat rather scornfully, of the -conquest of Upper India by the mythical hero Bacchus. It is never wise -to treat any tradition scornfully, and Arrian is himself obliged to -admit the difficulty of explaining certain records connected with -Alexander's history, without assuming that the tradition was not -groundless. - -Writing of the city of Nysa, Arrian says that "it was built by -Dionysos or Bacchus, when he conquered the Indians; but who this -Bacchus was, or at what time or from whence he conquered the Indians -is hard to determine, whether he was that Theban who from Thebes, or -he who from Timolus, a mountain of Lydia, undertook that famous -expedition into India is very uncertain." There is a Greek epic poem -in hexameter verse, called the "Dionysiaka," or "Bassarika," which -tells of the conquest of India by Bacchus, the greatest of all his -achievements. The author is Nonnus of Panopolis in Egypt, who wrote -about the beginning of the fifth century of our era. Bacchus is said -to have received a command from Zeus to turn back the Indians, who had -extended their conquests to the Mediterranean, and in the execution of -this command he marched through Syria and Assyria. In Assyria he was -entertained with magnificent hospitality. Nothing further is said of -the route he took to reach India. The first battle which took place -in India was on the banks of the Hydaspes, where the Indians were -routed. Then followed as an incident in the war the destruction of the -Indian fleet in a naval battle, which is instructive. It took the -assistance of the goddess of war, Pallas Athene, to bring the campaign -to a conclusion, which terminated with the death of the Indian leader -Deriades. Here, then, is crystallized in verse the tradition to which -Arrian refers, and remembering that we are indebted to two great epics -of India, the "Ramayana" and the "Mahabharata," for such glimmering of -the ancient history of the Aryan occupation of India as we possess, we -may very well conceive that the germs of real historical fact lie -half-concealed in this poem of Nonnus. However that may be, it is -tolerably certain that Alexander found a people in Northern India who -claimed a Greek origin when he arrived there, quite apart from the -colonists of Baktria who had been transported there by Darius -Hydaspes, and that he recognized their claim to distant relationship. - -When Alexander, then, mustered his army in the sunny fields of Macedon -he was preparing for an expedition over no uncertain ways between -Greece and Baktria or Arachosia (Northern and Western Afghanistan). He -knew what lay before him if he could once break through the Persian -barrier; and the strength of that barrier he must have been well aware -lay as much in the stern fighting qualities of the mercenary Greek -legions in the pay of Persia as in the hosts of Persian and Indian -troops which the Persian monarch could array against him. We have -lists of the component forces on both sides. The Macedonian legions -were homogeneous and patriotic. The Persian army was partly European, -but chiefly Asiatic, with a mixed company of Asiatic troops such as -has probably never taken the field since. The opposing forces, indeed, -partook of the nature of the two armies which fought out the issue of -the Russo-Japanese campaign, and the result was much the same. There -was no tie of national sentiment to bind together the unwieldy cohorts -of Persia. They fought for their pay, and they fought well; but when -big battalions are divided in religious sentiment and unswayed by -patriotism, they are no match for Macedonian cohesion, Mahomedan -Jehad, or Japanese Bushido. - -It is quite interesting to examine the details of Alexander's army. -The main body consisted of six brigades of 3000 men, each united to -form an irresistible phalanx. Heavily armoured, with a long shield, a -long sword, and a four-and-twenty foot spear (sarina), the infantryman -of the phalanx must have possessed a powerful physique to enable him -to carry himself and his weapons in the field. The depth of the -phalanx was sixteen ranks, and the first six ranks were so placed that -they could all bring their spears into action at once. The bulk of -the phalanx consisted of Macedonians only. The light infantry, bowmen, -and dartsmen numbered about 6000. A third corps of 6000 men more -lightly armed, but with longer swords than the phalangists (called -Hypaspists), were intermediate. The cavalry consisted of three -classes, light, heavy, and medium, 3000 Macedonian and Thessalian -horsemen, heavily armoured, forming its main strength. The light -cavalry were Thracian lancers. The Royal Horse Guard included eight -Macedonian squadrons of horsemen picked from the best families in -Greece. It is useful to note that there were mounted infantry and -artillery (_i.e._ balistai and katapeltai) with the force. More useful -still to note that none of Alexander's victories were won by the solid -strength of his phalanx; it was the sweeping and resistless force of -his cavalry charges (often led by himself) that gained them. - -Perhaps the most notable feature about this Greek expedition to India -was the fact that it was the first military expedition of which there -is any record which included scientific inquiry as one of its objects. -Alexander had on his personal staff men of literary if not of -scientific acquirements, and it is to them doubtless that we owe a -comparatively clear account of the expedition, although unfortunately -their records have only been transmitted to us by later authors. If we -could but recover originals what a host of doubtful points might be -cleared up! It is true that previous to the date of Alexander one man -of genius, Xenophon, had kept a record of a magnificent military -achievement, and had proved himself to be master of literature as he -was of the science of leading; but Xenophon stands alone, and it may -be doubted whether, during the many centuries which have passed away -since the era of Greek supremacy, any practical leader of men has ever -attained such a splendid position in the ranks of writers of military -history. Alexander appears, at any rate, to have been no historian, -but his staff of cultivated literary assistants and men of letters -included many notable Greek names. - -Alexander crossed the Hellespont in the spring of the year 334 B.C., -and first encountered the Persians near the Granikos River. The battle -was decisive although the losses on either side do not appear to have -been heavy. It was but the augury of what was to follow. The -subsequent advance of the Macedonian troops southward through the -lovely land of Iona, and the reduction of Miletus and Helikarnassos, -brought the first year's campaign to a close. The second year opened -with the conquest of Pamphyllia and Phrygia, the passage of the Tauros -ranges being made in winter. On the return of spring he recrossed the -Tauros and reduced the western hill-tribes of Kilikia. Part of his -force, meanwhile, had occupied the passes into Syria known as the -Syrian gates. Within two days march of the Syrian gates the Persian -hosts again were massed in an open plain under Darius, who had -advanced from the east, waiting to fall upon the Macedonian troops and -crush them as they debouched from the defile. Tired of waiting, -however, Darius moved forward into Kilikia by the Amanian passes to -look for Alexander, and thus it happened that when Alexander finally -emerged from the Syrian gates into the plains of Syria he found his -enemy behind him. He partially retraced his steps and regained the -pass by midnight, and there from one of the adjoining summits he -"beheld the Persian watch-fires gleaming far and wide over the plain -of Issos." The rapidity of Alexander's movements was only equalled by -the fierce energy of his onslaught when he led his cavalry against the -unwieldy formations of his Persian enemy. It was his own hand that -gained the victory both then and afterwards. - -There is no more stirring story in all history than this progress of -the Macedonian force. Step by step it has been traced out from -Granikos to Issos and from Issos to Arbela; but this is not the place -to recapitulate that part of the story which applies only to Western -Asia. It is not until after the final decisive battle at Arbela, when -Darius fled in hot haste along the south-eastern road to Ecbatana, the -former capital of Media, and thence in the spring of 330 B.C. -retreated with a disorganized force and an intriguing court towards -Baktria, where he hoped to find a refuge with his kinsman Bessos the -satrap of that province, that we really touch on the subject with -which we wish to deal in this book, viz. the high-roads to Afghanistan -in those long past days. Alexander, meanwhile, had received the -submission of Babylon and restored the temple of Belus, and made -himself master of a more spacious empire than the world had yet seen. -It was then that the amazing results of his military success began to -turn his head. From this point the severe simplicity of the Macedonian -soldier is exchanged for the luxury, arrogance, and intolerance of the -despot and conqueror. As Alexander advanced in material strength so -did he slide down the easy descent of moral retrogression, and whilst -we can still admire his magnificence as a military leader we find -little else left to admire about him. From Babylon to the lovely -valley wherein lies Susa, and from Susa to Persepolis, was more or -less of a triumphal march in spite of the fierce opposition of the -satrap Artobaizanes. Of Persepolis we are taught to believe that -Alexander left nothing behind him but blackened ruins--the result of a -drunken orgy. During the winter, amidst snow and ice, he subdued the -Mardians in their mountain fastnesses (for he never left an active foe -on the flank or rear), and with the return of the sweet Persian spring -he renewed his hunt after Darius, turning his face to the north and -east. - -There are two high-roads through Persia to the East--one leading to -Northern Afghanistan and the Oxus regions over Mashad, the other to -Kirman, Seistan, and Kandahar. Along both of them there now runs a -telegraph line connecting with the Russian system _via_ Mashad, and -the Indian system _via_ Kirman. They must always have been -high-roads--the great trade routes to Central Asia and India. Where -the orderly line of telegraph poles now stretches in unending -regularity to mark the dusty highway, there, through more ages than we -can count, the padded foot of the camel must have worn the road into -ridges and ruts as he plodded his weary way with loads of merchandise -and fodder. No geological evolution can have disturbed those tracks -since the Assyrian kings first drew riches from the East and started -colonies on the Baktrian highlands; they are now as they were 1000 -years before Christ, and it is only natural that in the ordinary -course of the same unresting spirit of enterprise the telegraph posts -will sooner or later cast long shadows over a passing railway. The -desert regions of Persia separate these two roads: the wide flat -spaces of sand or "Kavir"; an unending procession of sand-hills on the -glittering fields of salt-bound swamp. The desert is crossable--it has -been fairly well exploited--but nothing so far has been found in it to -justify the expectation of great discoveries of dead and buried -cities, or traces of a former civilization such as once occupied the -deserts of Chinese Turkistan. - -We may well believe that the central deserts of Persia were the same -in Alexander's time as they are in ours. Consequently any large -company of people would have been more or less forced into one or -other of the well-known routes which the geographical configuration of -the country presented to them. In his pursuit of Darius Alexander -followed the northern route to Baktria which strikes a little north of -east from Ecbatana (Hamadan), and in these days leads direct to Tehran -the modern capital of Persia. The tragical fate of Darius, and -Alexander's crocodile grief thereat, belongs to another story. It is -only when he touches the regions beyond Mashad that he figures as one -of the earliest explorers of Afghanistan, and certainly the earliest -of whom we have any certain record. Unfortunately these records say -very little of the nature of those cities and centres of human life -which he found on the Afghan border; nor is there any definite -allusion to be found in the writings of Alexander's historians to the -colonial occupation of Afghanistan which must have preceded the -Persian conquests. We have seen that Assyrian influence was strongly -and continuously felt in India for many centuries after the -consolidation of the Second Assyrian Empire, and the probability that -between the Tigris and the Oxus there must have been intercommunication -from the earliest days of the rise of Assyrian power. - -There is one ragged and time-worn city in Afghan Turkistan which -certainly belongs to the centuries preceding the era of Alexander--it -was the capital of Baktria, the city of Bessos, and it has been a -great centre of commerce, a city of pilgrimage, Buddhist and -Mahomedan, for many a century since. This is Balkh, traditionally -known as the "Mother of cities," whose foundation is variously -ascribed to Nimrud, or to "Karomurs the Persian Romulus," Assyrian or -Persian as the fancy strikes the narrator. Of its extreme antiquity -there can be no doubt. It is certain that at a very early date it was -the rival of Ecbatana, of Nineveh, and of Babylon. Bricks with -inscriptions are said to have been found there some seventy years ago, -and similar bricks should certainly be there still. Officers of the -Russo-Afghan Boundary Commission passed through modern Balkh in 1884, -but no such bricks were found during the very cursory and entirely -superficial examination which was all that could be made of the place; -square bricks, without inscription, of the size and quality of those -which may any day be dug out of the Birs Nimrud at Babylon were -certainly found, and point to a similarity of construction in a part -of the ancient walls, which is surely not accidental. Modern Balkh -consists of about 500 houses of Afghan settlers, a colony of Jews, and -a small bazaar set in the midst of a waste of ruins and many acres of -debris. The walls of the city are 6œ or 7 miles in perimeter; in some -places they are supported by a rampart like the walls of Herat. These, -of course, are modern, as is the fort and citadel, or Bala Hissar, -which stands on a mound to the north-east. The green cupola of the -Masjid Sabz and the arched entrance to the ruined Madrasa testify to -modern Mahomedan occupation, as do the Top-i-Rustam and the -Takht-i-Rustam (two ancient topes) to the fervour of religious zeal -with which its Buddhist inhabitants invested it in the early centuries -of our era. Balkh awaits its Layard, and not only Balkh, for there are -mounds and ruins innumerable scattered through the breadth of the -Balkh plain. - -As one approaches Balkh by the Akcha road from the west, one looks -anxiously around for some outward signs of its extreme antiquity. They -are not altogether wanting, but time and the mellowing hand of Nature -have rounded off the edges of the mounds of debris which lie scattered -over miles of the surrounding country, brushing them over with the -fresh green of vegetation, and leaving no sign by which to judge of -the age of them. It is difficult in this part of Asia to get back -farther than the age of the great destroyer Chenghiz Khan. His time -has passed by long enough to leave but little evidence that the hand -of the destroyer was his hand; but probably nothing visible on the -surface dates back further than the six centuries which have come and -gone since his Mongol hordes were set loose. Beyond these surface -ruins and below them there must be cities arranged, as it were, in -underground flats, one piled on another, strata below strata, till we -reach the debris of the pre-Semitic days of Western and Central Asia, -when the Turanian races who supplied Arcadian civilization to -Mesopotamia peopled the land. Just as we cannot tell exactly when -Babylon first became a city, so are we confounded by the age of Balkh. -Babylon belongs to the time when myths were grouped around the -adventures of a solar hero. Ultimately, however, the Ca-dimissa of the -Accad became the Bab-ili (the "gate of God") of the Semite. It was -always the "gate of God," but whether the presiding deity was always -the Accadian Merodach seems doubtful. Fourteen or fifteen centuries -before Christ there was probably a Balkh as there was a Babylon; and -from time immemorial and a date unreckoned Balkh and Babylon must have -been the two great commercial centres of Asia. What a history to dig -out when its time shall come! - -As the Akcha road leads into the city it passes the outer wall, which -is about 30 feet high, by a gateway which is frankly nothing more than -a gap in the partially destroyed wall. It then skirts along, past a -ziarat gay with red flags, to a gateway in the second wall under the -citadel leading to an avenue of poplars ending with a garden. Here is -a pretentious and fairly comfortable caravanserai, facing a court -which is shaded by magnificent plane trees. At first sight Balkh -appears to consist of nothing but ruins, but ascending the mound, -which is surrounded by the dilapidated fort walls, one can see from -this vantage of about 70 feet how many new buildings are grouped round -the remnants of the old Mahomedan mosque, of which the dome and one -great gateway are all that is left. - -The plain of the ancient Baktria, of which Balkh represents the -capital, lies south of the Oxus River, extending east and west for -some 200 miles parallel to the river after its debouchment from the -mountains of Badakshan. It is flat, with a scattering of prominences -and mounds at intervals denoting the site of some village or fortress -of sufficient antiquity to account for its gradual rise on the -accumulations of its own debris, probably assisted in the first -instance by some topographical feature. Looking south it appears to be -flanked by a flat blue wall of hills, presenting no opportunity for -escalade or passage through them, a blue level line of counterscarp, -which is locally known as the Elburz. This great flanking wall is in -reality very nearly what it appears to be--an unassailable rampart; -but there are narrow ways intersecting it not easily discernible, and -through these ways the rivers of the highlands make a rough passage to -the plains. Wherever they tumble through the mountain gateways and -make placid tracks in the flats below, they are utilized for -irrigation purposes, and so there exists a narrow fringe of -cultivation under the hills, which extends here and there along the -banks of the rivers out into the open Balkh plain. But these rivers -never reach the Oxus. This is not merely because the waters of them -are absorbed in irrigation, but because there is a well-ascertained -tectonic action at work which is slowly raising the level of the -plain. Thus it happens that whilst big affluents from the north bring -rushing streams of much silt-stained water to the great river, no such -affluents exist on the south. The waters of the Elburz streams are all -lost in the Oxus plain ere they reach the river. Nevertheless there -are abundant evidences of the former existence of a vast irrigation -system drawn from the Oxus. The same lines of level mounds which break -the horizon of the plains of Babylon are to be seen here, and they -denote the same thing. They are the containing walls of canals which -carried the Oxus waters through hundreds of square miles of flat -plain, where they never can be carried again because of the alteration -in the respective levels of plain and river. Ten centuries before -Christ, at least, were the plains of Babylon thus irrigated, and just -as the arts of Greece and India rose on the ashes of the arts of -Nineveh, so doubtless was the science of irrigation carried into the -colonial field of Baktria from Assyria, and thus was the city of -"Nimrud" surrounded with a wealth of cultivation which rendered it -famous through Asia for more centuries than we can tell. Whether or no -the science of irrigation drifted eastwards from the west it seems -more than probable that the ruined and decayed water-ways which -intersect the Balkh plain were primarily due to the introduction of -Syrian labour, and account for the presence in that historic region of -a people amongst others who claim descent from captive Israelites. -There are no practical irrigation engineers in the world (excepting -perhaps the Chinese) who can rival the Afghans in their knowledge of -how to make water flow where water never flowed before. It is of -course impossible, on such evidence as we possess as yet, to claim -more than the appearance of a probability based on such an undeniable -possibility as this. - -After the death of Darius his kinsman Bessos escaped into his own -satrapy (probably to Balkh), and there assumed the upright tiara, the -emblem of Persian royalty, taking at the same time the name of -Artaxerxes. - -True to his invariable principle of leaving no unbeaten enemy on the -flank of his advance, Alexander proceeded to subjugate Hyrkania, from -which country he was separated by the Elburz (Persian) mountains. He -crossed those mountains in three divisions by separate passes, and -effected his purpose with his usual thoroughness and without much -difficulty. Having crushed the Mardians he shaped a straight course -eastward to Herat on his way to Baktria, marching by the great highway -which connects Tehran with Mashad. The country around Mashad (part of -Khorasan) was a satrapy of Persia under Satibarzanes, who submitted -without apparent opposition and was confirmed in his government. The -capital of this province was Artakoana, described as a city situated -in a plain of exceptional fertility where the main roads from north to -south and from west to east crossed each other. To no place does such -a description apply so closely as Herat, and it has consequently been -assumed that Herat indicates more or less closely the site of the -ancient city Artakoana, which, indeed, is most probable. But Alexander -had not long passed that city in his march towards Baktria when the -news of the revolt of Satibarzanes reached him with the story of the -loss of the Macedonian escort which had been left with that satrap and -had been massacred to a man. He immediately turned on his tracks, -captured Artakoana, routed the satrap, and by way of leaving a -permanent monument of his victory founded a new city in the -neighbourhood which he called Alexandreia. This is probably the actual -origin of the modern Herat, and it is a tribute to the sagacity of the -Macedonian King that from that time to this it has abundantly proved -its importance as a strategical and commercial centre. - -The forward march to Baktria would have taken the Greek army via -Kushk, Maruchak, and Maimana along the route which is practically the -easiest and safest for a large body of troops. It is the route -followed by the Afghan Boundary Commission in 1885. Alexander, -however, instead of resuming his march on Baktria, elected to crush -another of the Persian satraps who was concerned in the murder of -Darius and who ruled a province to the south of Herat. Crossing the -Hari Rud he therefore marched straight on Farah (Prophthasia), then -the capital of Seistan (Drangiana). Farah is considerably to the north -of any part of the Afghan province of Seistan at present, but it was -undoubtedly Alexander's objective, and the Drangiana of those times -was considerably more extensive than the Seistan of to-day--a fact -which will go some way to account for the exaggerated reports of the -ancient wealth and fertility of that province. Farah is a great -agricultural centre still, and would add enormously to the restricted -cultivable area of Seistan, even if one allows for the effects of sand -encroachment in that unpleasant region. Then occurred the plot against -Alexander's life which was detected at Prophthasia, and the consequent -torture and death of Philotas, who probably had no part in it. It is -one of the many actions of Alexander's life which reveals the ferocity -of the barbarian beneath the genius of the soldier. It was but the -barbarity of his age--a barbarity for the matter of that which lasted -in England till the time of the Georges, and which still survives in -Afghanistan. After a halt in Seistan, probably whilst waiting for -reinforcements, he struck north-eastwards again for Baktria. As it is -generally assumed that the Macedonian force now followed the Helmund -valley route to the Paropamisos, _i.e._ the Hindu Kush and its -extension westwards, it is as well to consider what sort of a country -it is that forms the basin of Helmund. - -It is worth remarking in the first place that the Ariaspian -inhabitants of the Helmund valley had received from Cyrus the name of -Euergetai, or benefactors, because they had assisted him at a time -when he had been in great difficulties. This is enough to satisfy us -that the district was known and had been traversed by a military force -long before Alexander entered it, and that he was making no -venturesome advance in ignorance of what lay before him. The valley of -the Helmund (or Etymander) could not have differed greatly in its -geographical features 300 years before Christ from its present -characteristics. The Helmund of the Seistan basin then occupied a -different channel to its present outlets into the Seistan swamps. How -different it is difficult to tell, for it has frequently changed its -course within historic times, silting up its bed and striking out a -new channel for itself, splitting into a number of streams and -wandering uncontrolled in loops or curves over the face of the flat -alluvial plains to which it brought fertility and wealth. It has been -a perpetual source of political discussion as a boundary between -Afghanistan and Persia, and it has altered the face of the land so -extensively and so often that there is nothing in ancient history -referring to the vast extent of agricultural wealth and the immensity -of its population which can be proved to be impossible, although it -seems likely enough that false inferences have been drawn from the -widespread area of ruined and deserted towns and villages which are -still to be seen and may almost be counted. It is not only that the -water-supply and facilities for irrigation, by shifting their -geographical position, have carried with them the potentialities for -cultivation. Other forces of Nature which seem to be set loose on -Seistan with peculiar virulence and activity have also been at work. -The sweeping blasts of the north-west wind, which rage through this -part of Asia with a strength and persistence unknown in regions more -protected by topographical features, carrying with them vast volumes -of sand and surface detritus, piling up smooth slopes to the windward -side of every obstruction, smoothing off the rough angles of the gaunt -bones of departed buildings, and sometimes positively wearing them -away by the force of attrition, play an important part in the -kaleidoscopic changes of Seistan landscape. Villages that are -flourishing one year may be sand-buried the next. Channels that now -run free with crop-raising water may be choked in a month, and all -the while the great Helmund, curving northward in its course, pours -down its steady volume of silt from the highlands, carrying tons of -detritus into open plains where it is spread out, sun-baked, dried, -wind-blown, and swirled back again to the southward in everlasting -movement. Thus it is that the evidence of hundreds of square miles of -ruins is no direct evidence of an immense population at any one -period. Nor can we say of this great alluvial basin, which is by turns -a smiling oasis, a pestilential swamp, a huge spread of populous -villages, or a howling desert smitten with a wind which becomes a -curse and afflicted with many of the pests and plagues of ancient -Egypt, that at any one period of its history more than another it -deserved the appellation of the "granary of Asia." The Helmund of -Seistan, however, is quite a different Helmund from the same river -nearer its source. Its character changes from the point where it makes -its great bend northward towards its final exit into the lagoons and -swamps of the Hamún. At Chaharburjak, where the high-road to Seistan -from the south crosses the river into Afghan territory, the Helmund is -a wide rippling stream (when not in flood), distinguished, if -anything, for the clearness of its waters. From this point eastwards -it parts two deserts. To the north the great, flat, windswept -Dasht-i-Margo, about as desolate and arid a region as fancy could -depict. To the south the desert of Baluchistan, by no means so -absolutely devoid of interest, with its marshalled sand-dunes -answering to the processes of the winds, its isolated but picturesque -peaks like islands in a sand sea, a few green spots here and there -showing where water oozes out from the buried feet of the rocky hills, -decorated with bunches of flowering tamarisk and perchance a palm or -two--a modified desert, but still a desert. Between the two deserts is -the Helmund, running in a cliff-sided trough which is never more than -a mile or two wide, intensely green and bright in the grass and crop -season, with flourishing villages at reasonable intervals and a -high-road connecting them from which can be counted that strange -multitude of departed cities of the old Kaiani Kingdom, which are -marked by a ragged crop of ruins still upstanding in a weird sort of -procession. Sometimes the high-road sweeps right into the midst of a -roofless palace, through the very walls of the ancient building, and -outside may be found spaces brushed clean by the wind leaving masses -of pottery, glass, and other common debris exposed. - -One constant surprise to modern explorers is the extraordinary -quantity of domestic crockery the remains of which surround old -eastern cities; and almost yet more of a surprise it is how far and -how widespread are certain easily recognized specialities, such, for -instance, as the so-called "celadon." Chips and fragments of celadon -are to be found from Babylon to Seistan, from Seistan to India, in -Afghanistan, Kashmir, Burma, Siam. In Siam are all that remains of -what were probably the original furnaces. Every shower of rain that -falls in this extended cemetery of crumbling monuments reveals small -treasures in the way of rings, coins, seals, etc. Much of the -cultivation and of the extent of population indicated by the ruins in -this narrow valley must have existed in the times of Alexander of -Macedon and the Ariaspians, and we find no difficulty in accepting the -Helmund (or Etymander) as the line of route which he followed for a -certain distance. Indeed, there is much more than a passing -probability that he followed the line which gave him water and -supplies as far as the junction of the Argandab and Helmund, for the -problem of crossing the desert from the Helmund valley to Nushki and -the cultivated districts of Kalat is a serious one--one, indeed, which -gave the Russo-Afghan Boundary Commissioners much anxious thought. But -beyond the Argandab junction it is extremely improbable that Alexander -followed the Helmund. The Helmund and its surroundings have been -carefully surveyed from this point through the turbulent districts of -Zamindawar for 100 miles or more, and again from its source near Kabul -for some fifty miles of its downward flow. The Zamindawar section of -the river affords an open road, although the river, as we follow it -upward, gradually becomes enclosed in comparatively narrow (yet still -fertile) valleys, and rapidly assumes the character of a mountain -stream. North of Zamindawar and south of its exit from the Koh-i-Baba -mountain system to the west of Kabul, no modern explorer has ever seen -the Helmund. It there passes through the Hazara highlands, and -although we have not penetrated that rugged plateau we know very well -its character by repute, and we have seen similar country to the west -where dwell cognate tribes--the Taimani and the Firozkohi. This upland -basin of the Helmund to the west of Kabul and Ghazni, this cradle of a -hundred affluents pouring down ice-cold water to the river, is but a -huge extension southwards of the Hindu Kush, and from it emerge many -of the great rivers of Afghanistan. To the north the rivers of Balkh -and Khulm take a hurried start for the Oxus plains. Westward the Hari -Rud streams off to Herat. South-westward extends the long curving line -of the Helmund, and eastward flow the young branches of the Kabul. A -rugged mountain mass called the Koh-i-Baba, the lineal continuation of -the Hindu Kush, dominates the rolling plateau from the north and -continues westward in an almost unbroken wall to the Band-i-Baian -looking down into the narrow Hari Rud valley. It is a part of the -continental divide of Asia, high, rugged, desolate, and almost -pathless. - -No matter from which side the toiler of the mountains approaches this -elevated and desolate region, whether emerging from the Herat -drainage he essays to reach Kabul, or from the small affluents of the -Helmund he strikes for the one gap which exists between the Hindu Kush -and the Koh-i-Baba which will lead him to Balkh and Afghan Turkistan, -he will have enormous difficulties to encounter. It can be done, -truly, but only with the pains and penalties of high mountaineering -attached. Taken as a whole, the highest uplands above the sources of -the minor rivers which water the bright and fertile valleys of Ghur, -Zamindawar, and Farah may be described much as one would describe -Tibet--a rolling, heaving, desolate tableland, wrinkled and -intersected by narrow mountain ranges, whose peaks run to 13,000 and -14,000 feet in altitude, enclosing between them restricted spaces of -pasture land. The Mongol population, who claim to have been introduced -as military settlers by Chenghiz Khan, live a life of hard privation. -They leave their barren wastes which the wind wipes clear of any tree -growth, for the lower valleys in the winter months, merely resorting -to them in the time of summer pasturage. The winter is long and -severe. It is not the altitude alone which is accountable for its -severity; it is the geographical position of this Central Afghan -upheaval which exposes it to the full blast of the ice-borne northern -winds which, sweeping across Turkistan with destructive energy, reduce -the atmosphere of Seistan to a sand-laden fog, and penetrate even to -the valley of the Indus where for days together they wrap the whole -landscape in a dusty haze. For many months the Hazara highlands are -buried under successive sheets of snowdrift. In summer, like the -Pamirs, they emerge from their winter's sleep and become a succession -of grass-covered downs. There are then open ways across them, and -travellers may pass by many recognizable tracks. But in winter they -are impassable to man and beast. Yet we are asked to believe that -Alexander, who had the best of guides in his pay, and who knew the -highways and byways of Asia as well, if not better, than they are -known now to any military authorities, took his army _in winter_ up -the Helmund valley till it struck its sources somewhere under the -Koh-i-Baba! - -There was no madness in Alexander's methods. His withdrawal from India -through the defiles and deserts of Makran was most venturesome and -most disastrous, but he had a distinct object to gain by the attempt -to pass into Persia that way. Here there was no object. The Helmund -route does not, and did not, lead directly to his objective, Baktria, -and there was another high-road always open, which must have been as -well known then as, indeed, it is well known to-day. There can be very -little doubt that he followed the Argandab to the neighbourhood of the -modern Kandahar (in Arachosia), and from Kandahar to Kabul he took the -same historic straight high-road which was followed by a later -General (Lord Roberts) when he marched from Kabul to Kandahar. This -would give him quite difficulties enough in winter to account for -Arrian's story of cold and privations. It would lead him direct to the -plains of the Kohistan north of Kabul, where there must have ever been -the opportunity of collecting supplies for his force, and where, -separated from him by the ridges of the Hindu Kush, were planted those -Greek colonies of Darius Hystaspes whose assistance might prove -invaluable to his onward movement. It was here, at any rate, not far -from the picturesque village of Charikar, that he founded that city of -Alexandreia, the remains of which appear to have been recently -disturbed by the Amir, and to which we shall make further reference. -Military text-books still speak of the Unai, or Bamian, as a pass -which was traversed by the Greeks. It is most improbable that they -ever crossed the Hindu Kush that way, and the question obviously -arises in connection with this theory of his march--How was it -possible for Alexander to spend the rest of the winter near the -sources of the Helmund? It was not possible. His next step was to -cross the Hindu Kush. This he attempted with difficulty in the spring, -and reached a fertile country in fifteen days. He might have crossed -by the Kaoshan Pass (which local tradition assigns as the pass which -he really selected), or by the Panjshir, which is longer, but in some -respects easier. The Panjshir is the pass usually adopted for the -passage of large bodies of troops by the Afghans themselves, and there -is reported to be, in these days, a well-engineered Khafila road, -which is kept open by forced labour in snow-time, connecting Kabul -with Andarab by this route. The pass of the Panjshir is about 11,600 -feet high, whereas the Kaoshan, though straighter, is 14,300. -Considering the slow rate of movement (fifteen days) it is more -probable that he took the easier route _via_ Panjshir. In either case -he would reach the beautiful and fertile valley of Andarab, and from -that base he could move freely into Baktria. The country had been -ravaged and wasted by Bessos, but that did not delay Alexander. The -chief cities of Baktria surrendered without opposition, and he pushed -forward to the Oxus in his pursuit of Bessos. - -All this would be more interesting if we could trace the route more -closely which was followed to the Oxus. We know, however, that for -previous centuries Balkh had been the capital city, the great trade -emporium of all that region. There is therefore no difficulty in -accepting Balkh as the Greek Baktria. Between Balkh and the Oxus the -plains are strewn with ruins, some of them of vast extent, whilst -other evidences of former townships are to be found about Khulm and -Tashkurghan farther to the east, and on the direct route from Andarab -to the Oxus. Bessos had retreated to Sogdiana of which Marakanda was -capital, and the straight road to Marakanda (Samarkand) crosses the -Oxus at Kilif. The description of the river Oxus at that point tallies -fairly well with Arrian's account of it. It is deep and rapid, and the -hill fortress of Kilif on the right bank, and of Dev Kala and other -isolated rocky hills on the left, hedges in the river to a channel -which cannot have changed through long ages. Elsewhere the Oxus is -peculiarly liable to shift its channel, and has done so from time to -time, forming new islands, taking fresh curves, and actually changing -its destination from the Caspian to the Aral Sea; but at Kilif it must -have ever been deep and rapid, covering a breadth of about -three-quarters of a mile. Across the breadth nowadays is about as -peculiar a ferry as was ever devised. Long, shallow, flat-bottomed -boats, square as to bow and stern, are towed from side to side of the -river by swimming horses. This would not be a matter of so much -surprise if the horses employed for the purpose were powerful animals -from fourteen to fifteen hands in height, but the remarkable feature -about the Kilif stud is the diminutive and ragged crew of underfed -ponies which it produces. And yet two, or even one, of these -inefficient-looking little animals will tow across a barge of twenty -feet or so in length, crowded with weighty bales of Bokhara -merchandise, and filled as to interstices with its owners and their -servants. The ponies are attached to outriggers with a strap from a -surcingle or belly-band buckled to their backs, thus supporting their -weight in the water at the same time that it takes the haulage. With -their heads just above stream, snorting and blowing, they swim with -measured strokes and tow the boat (advancing diagonally in crab-like -fashion to meet the current) straight across the river. The inadequacy -of the means to the end is the first thing which strikes the beholder, -but he is, however, rapidly convinced of the extraordinary hauling -capacity of a swimming horse when properly trained. Alexander crossed -on rafts supported on skins stuffed with straw, and it took him five -days to cross his force in this primitive fashion. - -On the right bank of the river, Bessos was given up by traitors in his -camp and was sent south to "Zariaspa" to await his doom. Zariaspa is -identified with Balkh by some authorities, but the name is probably a -variant on Adraspa which almost certainly was Andarab. Andarab was the -fertile and promising district into which Alexander descended from the -slopes of the Hindu Kush, by whichever route (Kaoshan or Panjshir) he -crossed those mountains. Directly on the route between Andarab and -Balkh is a minor province called Baglan, and a little less than -half-way (after crossing a local pass of no great significance called -Kotal Murgh) is a village or township, nowadays called Zardaspan, -which is sufficiently like Zariaspa to suggest an identity which is at -least plausible though it may be deceptive. But it is the fact that -the town of Baraki which lies farther on the same route is on the -outskirts of Baglan; and in this connection a reference to the theory -put forward by Dr. Bellew in his _Ethnography of Afghanistan_ -(_Asiatic Quarterly_, October 1891) is at least interesting. He points -out that the captive Greeks who were transported in the sixth century -B.C. by Darius Hystaspes from the Lybian Barké to Baktrian territory -were still occupying a village called Barké in the time of Herodotus. -A century later again during the Macedonian campaign, Kyrenes, or -Kyreneans, existed in that region according to Arrian, and it is -difficult to account for them in that part of Asia unless they were -the descendants of those same exiles from Barké, a colony of Kyrene -whom Darius originally transported to Baktria. They were in possession -of the Kaoshan Pass too, and might have rendered very effective aid to -Alexander during his passage across the mountains. Another body of -Greek colonists are recorded to have been settled in this same part of -Baktria by Xerxes after his flight from Greece, namely, the -Brankhidai, whose original settlement appears to have been in Andarab. -As we shall see later, people from Greece or from Grecian colonies -undoubtedly drifted across Asia to Northern Afghanistan in even -earlier times than those of the Persian Empire. There can, indeed, be -very little doubt that Ariaspa, or Andarab, was an important position -for the Greeks to occupy from its strategic value as commanding the -most practicable of the Hindu Kush passes. - -When Bessos, therefore, was deported across the Oxus to Zariaspa it is -probable that he was sent to Andarab; and here too Alexander returned -to winter towards the close of the year 329 B.C. after his -extraordinary success in Sogdia (Bokhara). With his trans-Oxus -campaign we have nothing to do; it is another history, and deeply -interesting as it would be to follow it in detail we must return to -Afghanistan. Nothing in all his Eastern campaign is more remarkable -than the facility with which Alexander recruited his army from Greece -during its progress. Gaps in the ranks were constantly filled up, and -the fighting strength of his force maintained at a high level. His -army was reorganized during the winter, and with the returning spring -he again started expeditions across the Oxus, in the course of which -he captured Roxana, the most beautiful woman in Asia (after the wife -of Darius) and married her. The particular fortress which held this -charming lady was perched on the top of an isolated craggy hill, and -the story of its capture is as thrilling as that of Aornos -subsequently. But, like Aornos, it is difficult to locate it. It might -have been Dev Kala, or Kilif, or any of a dozen such rock-crowned -hills which border the Oxus River. It is about this period that we -read first of his encounters with the Skythic races of Central Asia, -who gave him great trouble at the time and who subsequently subverted -the Greek power in Baktria altogether. In the spring of 327 B.C. he -moved out to invade a mountain district to the "East of Baktria" -(probably modern Badakshan), and subdued the hill-tribes under -Khorienes whom he confirmed in the government of his own country. It -was summer ere he set out finally from Baktria on his Indian -expedition. He recrossed the Paropamisos in ten days and halted at -Alexandreia near Charikar. Then commences the first recorded -expedition of the Kabul River basin. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -GREEK EXPLORATION--ALEXANDER--THE KABUL VALLEY TO THE INDUS - - -Alexander passed the next winter at the city of his own founding, -Alexandreia, in the Koh Daman to the north of Kabul. And from thence -in two divisions he started for the Indus, sending the main body of -his troops by the most direct route, with Taxila (the capital of the -Upper Punjab) for its objective, and himself with lighter brigades -specially organized to subdue certain tribes on the northern flank of -the route who certainly would imperil the security of his line of -communication if left alone. This was his invariable custom, and it -was greatly owing to the completeness with which these flanking -expeditions were carried out that he was able to keep open his -connection with Greece. There have been discussions as to the route -which he followed. Hyphæstion, in command of the main body, -undoubtedly followed the main route which would take him most directly -to the plains of the Punjab, which route is sufficiently well -indicated in these days as the "Khaibar." We hear very little -about his march eastwards. - - [Illustration: SKETCH MAP OF ALEXANDER'S ROUTE] - -In the days preceding the use of fire-arms the march of a body of -troops through defiles such as the Khurd Kabul or the Jagdallak was -comparatively simple. So far from such defiles serving as traps -wherein to catch an enemy unawares and destroy him from the cliffs and -hills on either side, these same cliffs and hills served rather as a -protection. The mere rolling down of stones would not do much -mischief, even if they could be rolled down effectively, which is not -usually the case; and in hand-to-hand encounters the tribespeople were -no match for the armoured Greeks. Alexander's operations would -preserve his force from molestation on its northern flank, and the -rugged ridges and spread of desolate hill-slopes presented by the -Safed Koh and other ranges on the south has never afforded suitable -ground for the collection of fighting bodies of men in any great -strength. General Stewart marched his force from Kabul to Peshawur in -1880 with his southern flank similarly unprotected with the same -successful result, his movements being so timed as to give no -opportunity for a gathering of the Ghilzai clans. On the northern -flank of the Khaibar route, however, there had been large tribal -settlements from the very beginning of things, and it was most -important that these outliers should feel the weight of Alexander's -mailed fist if the road between Kabul and the Indus were ever to be -made secure. He accordingly directed his attention to a more northerly -route to India which would bring him into contact with the Aspasians, -Gauraians, and Assakenians. - -We need not follow the ethnologists who identify these people with -certain tribes now existing with analogous names. There may very -possibly be remnants of them still, but they are not to be identified. -They obviously occupied the open cultivable valleys and alluvial -spaces which are interspersed amongst the mountains of the Kabul River -basin, the Kohistan and Kafiristan of modern maps. The Gauraians -certainly were the people of the Panjkora valley, and there is no -difficulty in assigning to the Aspasians the first great fertile tract -of open valley which would be encountered on the way eastwards. This -is Laghman (or Lamghan) with its noble reach of the Kabul River -meeting a snow-fed affluent, the Alingar, from the Kafir hills. There -is, indeed, no geographical alternative. Similarly with even a cursory -knowledge of the actual geographical conformation of the country, it -is impossible to imagine that Alexander would choose any other route -from Alexandreia towards Laghman than that which carries him past -Kabul. The Koh Daman (the skirts of the hills) which intervene between -Alexandreia (or Bagram) and Kabul is one of the gardens of -Afghanistan. There one may wander in the sweet springtide amidst the -curves and folds of an undulating land, neither hill nor plain, with -the scent of the flowering willow in the air, and the rankness of a -spring growth of flower and grass bordering narrow runlets and -irrigation channels; an unwinking blue above and a varied carpet -beneath, whilst the song of the labourer rises from fields and -orchards. Westward are the craggy outlines of Paghman (a noble -offshoot of the Hindu Kush hiding the loveliness of the Ghorband -valley behind it), down whose scarred and wrinkled ribs slide -waterfalls and streams to gladden the plain. Piled up on steep and -broken banks from the very foot of the mountains are scattered -white-walled villages, and it is here that you may find later in the -year the best fruit in Afghanistan. - -In November a gentle haze rests in soft indecision upon the -dust-coloured landscape--heavier and bluer over the low-lying fields -from which all vegetation has been lifted, lighter and edged with -filmy skirts where it rises from the sun-warmed brow of the hills. It -is a different world from the world of spring--all utterly -sad-coloured and dust-laden; but it is then that the troops and -strings of fruit-laden donkeys take their leisurely way towards the -city, where are open shops facing the narrow shadowed streets with -golden bulwarks of fruit piled from floor to roof. A narrow band of -rugged hills shuts off this lovely plain on the east from the only -valley route which could possibly present itself to an inexperienced -eye as an outlet from the Charikar region to the Kabul River bed, ere -it is lost in the dark defiles leading to the Laghman valley. The -hills are red in the waning light, and when the snow first lays its -lacework shroud over them in network patches they are inexpressibly -beautiful. But they are also inexpressibly rough and impracticable, -and the valley beyond is but a walled-in boulder-strewn trough, which -no general in his senses would select for a military high-road. -Alexander certainly did not march that way; he went to where Kabul is, -and there, at the city of Nikaia, he made sacrifice to the goddess -Athena. If Nikaia was not the modern Kabul it must have been very near -it. Does not Nonnus tell us that it was a stone city near a lake? -There is but one lake in the Kabul valley, and it is that at Wazirabad -close to the city. It is usual to regard Nonnus as a most -untrustworthy authority, but here for once he seems to have wandered -into the straight and narrow path of truth. So far there can be no -reasonable doubt about the direction of this great Pioneer's -explorations in Afghanistan. Beyond this, once again, we prefer to -trust to the known geographical distribution of hill and valley, and -the opportunities presented by physical features of the country, -rather than to any doubtful resemblance between ancient and modern -place, or tribal, names, for determining the successive actions of the -expedition. After the summons to Taxiles, chief of Taxila (itself the -chief city of the Upper Punjab), and the satisfactory reply thereto, -there was nothing to disturb the even course of Alexander's onward -movements but the activity of the mountain tribespeople who flanked -the line of route. - -The valley of Laghman must always have been a populous valley. From -the north the snow-capped peaks of Kafiristan look down upon it, and -from among the forest-clad valleys at the foot of these peaks two -important river systems take their rise, the Alingar and the Alishang, -which, uniting, join the Kabul River in the flat plain, where villages -now crowd in and dispute each acre of productive soil. It is difficult -to reach the Laghman valley from the west. The defiles of the Kabul -River are here impassable, but they can be turned by mountain routes, -and Alexander's force, which included the Hyspaspists, who were -comparatively lightly armed, with the archers, the "companion" cavalry -and the lancers, was evidently picked for mountain warfare. The -heavier brigades were with Hyphæstion who struck out by the -straightest route for Peukelaotis, which has been identified with an -ancient site about 17 miles to the north-east of Peshawur on the -eastern bank of the Swat River, and was then the capital of the -ancient Gandhara. We are told that Alexander's route was rugged and -hilly, and lay along the course of the river called Khoes. Rugged and -hilly it certainly was, but the Khoes presents a difficulty. He could -not actually follow the course of the Kabul River (Kophen) from the -Kabul plain because of the defiles, but he could have followed that -river below Butkak to the western entrance of the Laghman valley where -it unites with the Alingar, or Kao, River. It is impossible to admit -that he reached the Kao River after crossing the Kohistan and -Kafiristan, and then descended that river to its junction with the -Kabul. No cavalry could have performed such a feat. Geographical -conditions compel us to assume that he followed the Kabul River, which -is sometimes called Kao above the junction of the Kao River. - -It is far more impossible to identify the actual sites of Alexander's -first military engagements than it is to say, for instance, at this -period of history, where Cæsar landed in Great Britain, as we have no -means of making exhaustive local inquiries; but subsequent history -clearly indicates that his next step after settling the Laghman tribes -was to push on to the valley of the Choaspes, or Kunar. It was in the -Kunar valley that he found and defeated the chief of the Aspasians. -The Kunar River is by far the most important of the northern -tributaries of the Kabul. It rises under the Pamirs and is otherwise -known as the Chitral River. The Kunar valley is amongst the most -lovely of the many lovely valleys of Afghanistan. Flanked by the -snowy-capped mountains of Kashmund on the west, and the long level -water parting which divides it from Bajaor and the Panjkora drainage -on the east, it appears, as one enters it from Jalalabad, to be hemmed -in and constricted. The gates of it are indeed somewhat narrow, but it -widens out northward, where the ridges of the lofty Kashmund tail off -into low altitudes of sweeping foothills a few miles above the -entrance, and here offer opportunity for an easy pass across the -divide from the west into the valley. This is a link in the oldest and -probably the best trodden route from Kabul to the Punjab, and it has -no part with the Khaibar. It links together these northern valleys of -Laghman, Kunar, and Lundai (_i.e._ the Panjkora and Swat united) by a -road north of the Kabul, finally passing southwards into the plains -chequered by the river network above Peshawur. - -The lower Kunar valley in the early autumn is passing beautiful. Down -the tawny plain and backed by purple hills the river winds its way, -reflecting the azure sky with pure turquoise colour--the opaque blue -of silted water--blinking and winking with tiny sun shafts, and -running emerald green at the edges. Sharp perpendicular columns of -black break the landscape in ordered groups. These are the cypresses -which still adorn in stately rows the archaic gardens of townlets -which once were townships. The clustering villages are thick in some -parts--so thick that they jostle each other continuously. There is -nothing of the drab Punjab about these villages. They are -white-walled and outwardly clean, and in at least one ancient garden -there is a fair imitation of a Kashmir pavilion set at the end of a -white eye-blinding pathway, leading straight and stiff between rows of -cypress, and blotched in spring with inky splashes of fallen -mulberries. The scent of orange blossoms was around when we were -there, luscious and overpowering. It was the oppressive atmosphere of -the typical, sensuous East, and the free, fresh air from the river -outside the mud walls of that jealously-guarded estate was greatly -refreshing when we climbed out of the gardens. All this part of the -river must have been attractive to settlers even in Alexander's time, -and it requires no effort of imagination to suppose that it was here -that his second series of actions took place. Higher up the river the -valley closes, until, long before Chitral is reached, it narrows -exceedingly. Here, in the north, the northern winds rage down the -funnel with bitter fury and make life burdensome. The villages take to -the hill-slopes or cluster in patches on the flat terraces at their -foot. The revetted wall of small hillside fields outline the spurs in -continuous bands of pasture, and at intervals quaint colonies of huts -cling to the hills and seem ready to slither down into the wild rush -of the river below. Such as a whole is the Kunar valley, which, -centuries after Alexander had passed across it, was occupied by Kafir -tribes who may have succeeded the Aspasian peoples, or who may indeed -represent them. All the wild mountain districts west of the Kunar are -held by Kafirs still, and there is nothing remarkable in the fact -(which we shall see later on) that just to the east of the Kunar -valley Alexander found a people claiming the same origin there that -the Kafirs of Kashmund and Bashgol claim now. - -It was during the fighting in the Kunar valley that we hear so much of -that brilliant young leader Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, who was then -shaping his career for a Royal destiny in Egypt. With all the -thrilling incidents of the actual combat we have no space to deal, and -much as they would serve to lighten the prosaic tale of the progress -of Alexander's explorations, we must reluctantly leave them to Arrian -and the Greek historians. We are told that after the Kunar valley -action Alexander crossed the mountains and came to a city at their -base called Arigaion. Assuming that he crossed the Kunar watershed by -the Spinasuka Pass, which leads direct from Pashat (the present -capital of Kunar) into Bajaor, he would be close to Nawagai, the -present chief town of Bajaor. Arigaion would therefore be not far from -Nawagai. The place was burnt down; but recognizing the strategic -importance of the position, he left Krateros to fortify it and make it -the residence not only of such tribespeople as chose to return to -their houses, but also of such of his own soldiers as were unfit for -further service. This seems to have been his invariable custom, and -accounts for the traditions of Greek origin which we still find so -common in the north-western borderland of India. The story of this -part of his expedition reads almost as if it were journalistic. Then, -as now, the tribesmen took to the hills. Then, as now, their position -and approximate numbers could be ascertained by their camp-fires at -night. Ptolemy was intelligence officer and conducted the -reconnaissance, and on his report the plan of attack was arranged. -This was probably the most considerable action fought by Alexander in -the hills north of India. The conflict was sharp but decisive, and the -Aspasians, who had taken up their position on a hill, were utterly -routed. According to Ptolemy 40,000 prisoners and 230,000 oxen were -taken, and the fact that the pick of the oxen were sent to Macedonia -to improve the breed there shows how complete was the line of -communication between Greece and Upper India. The next tribe to be -dealt with were the Assakenians, and to reach them it was necessary to -cross the Gauraios, or Panjkora, which was deep, swift as to current, -and full of boulders. As we find no mention in Arrian's history of the -passage of the Suastos (Swat River) following on that of the Gauraios, -we must conclude that Alexander crossed the Panjkora _below_ its -junction with the Swat, where the river being much enclosed by hills -would certainly afford a most difficult passage. There are other -reasons which tend to confirm this view. - -The next important action which took place was the siege and capture -of the city called Massaga, which was only taken after four days' -severe fighting, during which Alexander was wounded in the foot by an -arrow. M'Crindle[1] quotes the various names given in Sanscrit and -Latin literature, and agrees with Rennel in adopting the site of -Mashanagar, mentioned by the Emperor Baber in his memoirs as lying two -marches from Bajaor on the river Swat, as representing Massaga. M. -Court heard from the Yasufzais of Swat that there was a place called -by the double name of Mashkine and Massanagar 24 miles from Bajaor. It -is not to be found now, but there is in the survey maps a place on the -Swat River about that distance from Nawagai (the chief town in Bajaor) -called Matkanai, close to the Malakand Pass, and this is no doubt the -place referred to. It is very difficult even in these days to get a -really authoritative spelling for place-names beyond, or even within, -the British Indian border; and as these surveys were made during the -progress of the Tirah expedition when the whole country was armed, -such information as could be obtained was often unusually sketchy. If -this is the site of Massaga it would be directly on the line of -Alexander's route from Nawagai eastwards, as he rounded the spurs of -the Koh-i-Mor which he left to the north of him, and struck the -Panjkora some miles below its junction with the Swat. There can be -little doubt that it was near this spot that the historic siege took -place. His next objective were two cities called Ora and Bazira, which -were obviously close together and interdependent. Cunningham places -the position of Bazira, at the town of Rustam (on the Kalapani River), -which is itself built on a very extensive old mound and represents the -former site of a town called Bazar. Rustam stands midway between the -Swat and Indus, and must always have been an important trade centre -between the rich valley of Swat and the towns of the Indus. Ora may -possibly be represented by the modern Bazar which is close by. -Geographically this is the most probable solution of the problem of -Alexander's movements, there being direct connection with the Swat -valley through Rustam which is not to be found farther north. -Alexander would have to cross the Malakand from the Swat valley to the -Indus plains, but would encounter no further obstacles if he moved on -this route. Bazira made a fair show of resistance, but the usual Greek -tactics of drawing the enemy out into the plains was resorted to by -Koenos with a certain amount of success; and when Ora fell before -Alexander, the full military strength of Bazira dispersed and fled for -refuge to the rock Aornos. - -So far we have followed this Greek expedition into regions which are -beyond the limits of modern Afghanistan, but the new geographical -detail acquired during the most recent of our frontier campaigns -enables new arguments to be adduced in favour of old theories (or the -reverse), and this departure from the strict political boundaries of -our subject leads us to regions which are at any rate historically and -strategically connected with it. With Aornos, however, our excursion -into Indian fields will terminate. Round about Aornos historical -controversy has ebbed and flowed for nearly a century, and it is not -my intention to add much to the literature which already concerns -itself with that doubtful locality. I believe, however, that it will -be some time yet before the last word is said about Aornos. Of all the -positions assigned to that marvellous feat of arms performed by the -Greek force, that which was advanced by the late General Sir James -Abbott in 1854 is the most attractive--so attractive, indeed, that it -is hard to surrender it. The discrepant accounts of the capture of the -famous "rock" given by Arrian (from the accounts of Ptolemy, one of -the chief actors in the scene), Curtius, Diodoros, and Strabo -obviously deal with a mountain position of considerable extent, where -was a flattish summit on which cavalry could act, and the base of it -was washed by the Indus. All, however, write as if it were an isolated -mountain with a definite circuit of, according to Arrian, 23 miles and -a height of 6200 feet (according to Diodoros of 12 miles and over 9000 -feet). The "rock" was situated near the city of Embolina, which we -know to have been on the Indus and which is probably to be identified -more or less with the modern town of Amb. The mountain was -forest-covered, with good soil and water springs. It was precipitous -towards the Indus, yet "not so steep but that 220 horse and war -engines were taken up to the summit," all of which Sir James Abbott -finds compatible with the hill Mahaban which is close to Amb, and -answers all descriptions excepting that of isolation, for it is but a -lofty spur of the dividing ridge between the Chumla, an affluent of -the Buner River, and the lower Mada Khel hills, culminating in a peak -overlooking the Indus from a height of 7320 feet. The geographical -situation is precisely such as we should expect under the -circumstances. The tribespeople driven from Bazira (assuming Bazira to -be near Rustam) following the usual methods of the mountaineers of the -Indian frontier, would retreat to higher and more inaccessible -fastnesses in their rugged hills. There is but one way open from -Rustam towards the Indus offering them the chance of safety from -pursuit, and undoubtedly they followed that track. It leads up to the -great divide north of them and then descends into the Chumla valley -leading to that of Buner, and the hills which were to prove their -salvation might well be those flanking the Chumla on the south, rising -as they do to ever higher altitudes as they approach the Indus. This, -in fact, is Mahaban. By all the rules of Native strategy in Northern -India this is precisely the position which they would take up. - -Aornos appears to have been a kind of generic name with the Greeks, -applied to mountain positions of a certain class, for we hear of -another Aornos in Central Asia, and the word translated "rock" seems -to mean anything from a mountain (as in the present case) to a -sand-bank (as in the case of the voyage of Nearkos). No isolated hill -such as would exactly fit in with Arrian's description exists in that -part of the Indus valley, and no physical changes such as alteration -in the course of the Indus, or such as might be effected by the -tectonic forces of Nature, are likely to have removed such a mountain. -Abbott's identification has therefore been generally accepted for many -years, and it has remained for our latest authority to question it -seriously. - -The latest investigator into the archæological interests of the Indian -trans-frontier is Dr. M. A. Stein, the Inspector-General of Education -in India. The marvellous results of his researches in Chinese -Turkistan have rendered his name famous all over the archæological -world, and it is to him that we owe an entirely new conception of the -civilization of Indo-China during the Buddhist period. Dr. Stein's -methods are thorough. He leaves nothing to speculation, and indulges -in no romance, whatever may be the temptation. He takes with him on -his archæological excursions a trained native surveyor of the Indian -survey, and he thus not only secures an exact illustration of his own -special area of investigation, but incidentally he adds immensely to -our topographical knowledge of little known regions. This is specially -necessary in those wild districts which are more immediately -contiguous to the Indian border, for it is seldom that the original -surveys of these districts can be anything more than topographical -sketches acquired, sometimes from a distance, sometimes on the spot, -but generally under all the disadvantages and disabilities of active -campaigning, when the limited area within which survey operations can -be carried on in safety is often very restricted. Thus we have very -presentable geographical maps of the regions of Alexander's exploits -in the north, but we have not had the opportunity of examining special -sites in detail, and there are doubtless certain irregularities in the -map compilation. This is very much the case as regards those hill -districts on the right bank of the Indus immediately adjoining the -Buner valley both north and south of it. Mahaban, the mountain which -in Abbott's opinion best represents what is to be gathered from -classical history of the general characteristics of Aornos, is south -of Buner, overlooking the lower valley close to the Indus River. Dr. -Stein formed the bold project of visiting Mahaban personally, and -taking a surveyor with him. It was a bold project, for there were many -difficulties both political and physical. The tribespeople -immediately connected with Mahaban are the Gaduns--a most unruly -people, constantly fighting amongst themselves; and it was only by -seizing on the exact psychological moment when for a brief space our -political representative had secured a lull in these fratricidal -feuds, that Stein was enabled to act. He actually reached Mahaban -under most trying conditions of wind and weather, and he made his -survey. Incidentally he effected some most remarkable Buddhist -identifications; but so far as the identification of Mahaban with -Aornos is concerned he came to the conclusion that such identification -could not possibly be maintained. This opinion is practically based on -the impossibility of fitting the details of the story of Aornos to the -physical features of Mahaban. It is unfortunate (but perhaps -inevitable) that even in those incidents and operations of Alexander's -expedition where his footsteps can be distinctly traced from point to -point, where geographical conformation absolutely debars us from -alternative selection of lines of action, the details of the story -never do fit the physical conditions which must have obtained in his -time. - -As the history of Alexander is in the main a true history, there is -absolutely no justification for cutting out the thrilling incident of -Aornos from it. There was undoubtedly an Aornos somewhere near the -Indus, and there was a singularly interesting fight for its -possession, the story of which includes so many of the methods and -tactics familiar to every modern north-west frontiersman, that we -decline to believe it to be all invention. But the story was written a -century after Alexander's time, compiled from contemporary records it -is true, but leaving no margin for inquiry amongst survivors as to -details. If, instead of ancient history, we were to turn to the -century-old records of our own frontier expeditions and rewrite them -with no practical knowledge of the geography of the country, and no -witness of the actual scene to give us an _ex parte_ statement of what -happened (for no single participator in an action is ever able to give -a correct account of all the incidents of it), what should we expect? -Some furtive investigator might study the story of the ascent of the -famous frontier mountain, the Takht-i-Suliman (a veritable Aornos!), -during the expedition of 1882-83, and find it impossible to recognize -the account of its steep and narrow ascent, requiring men to climb on -their hands and knees, with the fact that a very considerable force -did finally ascend by comparatively easy slopes and almost dropped on -to the heads of the defenders. Such incidents require explanation to -render them intelligible, and at this distance of time it is only -possible to balance probabilities as regards Aornos. - -Alexander's objective being India, eventually, and the Indus (of -India, not of the Himalayas) immediately, he would take the road -which led straightest from Massaga to the Indus; it is inconceivable -that he would deliberately involve himself and his army in the maze of -pathless mountains which enclose the head of Buner. He would certainly -take the road which leads from Malakand to the Indus, on which lies -Rustam. It has always been a great high-road. One of the most -interesting discoveries in connection with the Tirah campaign was the -old Buddhist road, well engineered and well graded, which leads from -Malakand to the plains of the Punjab--those northern plains which -abound with Buddhist relics. If we identify Bazar, or Rustam, with -Bazireh we may assume with certainty that a retreating tribe, driven -from any field of defeat on the straight high-road which links -Panjkora with the Indus, would inevitably retire to the nearest and -the highest mountain ridge that was within reach. This is certainly -the ridge terminating with Mahaban and flanking the Buner valley on -the south, a refuge in time of trouble for many a lawless people. -Probability, then, would seem to favour Mahaban, or some mountain -position near it. The modern name of this peak is Shah Kot, and it is -occupied by a mixed and irregular folk. Here Dr. Stein spent an -unhappy night in a whirling snow-storm, but he succeeded in examining -the mountain thoroughly. He decided that that position of Mahaban -could not possibly represent Aornos, for the following reasons:--The -hill-top is too narrow for military action; the ascent, instead of -being difficult, is easy from every side; and there is no spring of -water on the summit, which summit must have been a very considerable -plateau to admit of the action described; finally, there is no great -ravine, and therefore no opportunity for the erection of the mound -described by Arrian, which enabled the Greeks to fusilade the enemy's -camp with darts and stones. Can we reconcile these discrepancies with -the text of history? - -After the reduction of Bazira Alexander marched towards the Indus and -received the submission of Peukelaotis, which was then the capital of -what is now, roughly speaking, the Peshawur district. The site of this -ancient capital appears to be ascertained beyond doubt, and we must -regard it as fixed near Charsadda, about 17 miles north-east (not -north-west as M'Crindle has it) from Peshawur. From this place -Alexander marched to Embolina, which is said to be a city close -adjoining the rock of Aornos. On the route thither he is said by -Arrian to have taken "many other small towns seated upon that river," -_i.e_. the Indus; two princes of that province, Cophæus and Assagetes, -accompanying him. This sufficiently indicates that his march must have -been up the right bank of the Indus, which would be the natural route -for him to follow. Arrived at Embolina, he arranged for a base of -supplies at that point, and then, with "Archers, Agrians, Cænus' -Troop" and the choicest, best armed, and most expeditious foot out of -the whole army, besides 200 auxiliary horse and 100 equestrian -archers, he marched towards the "rock" (8 miles distant), and on the -first day chose a place convenient for an encampment. The day after, -he pitched his tents much higher. The ancient Embolina may not be the -modern Amb, but Amb undoubtedly is an extremely probable site for such -a base of supplies to be formed, whether the final objective were -Mahaban or any place (as suggested by Stein) higher up the river. The -fact that there is a similarity in the names Amb and Embolina need not -militate against the adoption of the site of Amb as by far the most -probable that any sagacious military commander would select. A mere -resemblance between the ancient and modern names of places may, of -course, be most deceptive. On the other hand it is often a most -valuable indication, and one certainly not to be neglected. -Place-names last with traditional tenacity in the East, and obscured -as they certainly would be by Greek transliteration (after all, not -worse than British transliteration), they still offer a chance of -identifying old positions such as nothing else can offer excepting -accurate topographical description. Once again, if Embolina were not -Amb it certainly ought to have been. - -Alexander's next movements from Embolina most clearly indicate that he -had to deal with a mountain position. There is no getting away from -it, nor from the fact that the road to it was passable for horsemen, -and therefore not insuperably difficult. At the same time he had to -move as slowly as any modern force would move, for he was traversing -the rough spurs of a hill which ran to 7800 feet in altitude. Further, -the mountain was high enough to render signalling by fire useful. The -"rock" was obviously either a mountain itself or it was perched on the -summit of a mountain. Ptolemy as usual had conducted the -reconnaissance. He established himself unobserved in a temporary -position on the crest, within reach of the enemy, who attempted to -dispossess him and failed; and it was he who (according to the story) -signalled to Alexander. Ptolemy had followed a route, with guides, -which proved rough and difficult, and Alexander's attempt to join him -next day was prevented by the fierce activity of the mountaineers, who -were plainly fighting from the mountain spurs. Then, it is said, -Alexander communicated with Ptolemy by night and arranged a combined -plan of attack. When it "was almost night" of the following day -Alexander succeeded in joining Ptolemy, but only after severe fighting -during the ascent. Then the combined forces attacked the "rock" and -failed. All this so far is plain unvarnished mountain warfare, and the -incidents follow each other as naturally as in any modern campaign. It -becomes clear that the "rock" was a position on the crest of a high -mountain, the ascent of which was rendered doubly difficult by fierce -opposition. But it was practicable. Nothing is said about cavalry -ascending. Why, then, did Alexander take cavalry? This question leads -to another. Why do our frontier generals always burden themselves with -cavalry on these frontier expeditions? They cannot act on the -mountain-sides, and they are useless for purposes of pursuit. The -answer is that they are most valuable for preserving the line of -communication. Without the cavalry Alexander had no overwhelming force -at his disposal, and it would not be very hazardous if we assumed that -the force which actually reached the crest of the mountain was a -comparatively small one--much of the original brigade being dispersed -on the route. - -Dr. Stein found the ascent too easy to reconcile with history. This -might possibly be the effect of long weather action of the slopes of -mountains subject to severe snow-falls. Twenty-three centuries of wind -and weather have beaten on those scarred and broken slopes since -Alexander's day. Those twenty-three centuries have had such effect on -the physical outlines of land conformation elsewhere as absolutely to -obliterate the tracks over which the Greek force most undoubtedly -passed. What may have been the exact effect of them on Mahaban, -whether (as usual) they rounded off sharp edges, cut out new channels, -obliterated some water springs and gave rise to others, smoothing -down the ruggedness of spurs and shaping the drainage, we cannot say. -Only it is certain that the slopes of Mahaban--and its crest for that -matter--are not what they were twenty-three centuries ago. We shall -never recognize Aornos by its superficial features. Then, in the Greek -story, follows the episode of filling up the great ravine which yawned -between the Greek position and the "rock" on which the tribespeople -were massed, and the final abandonment of the latter when, after three -days' incessant toil, a mound had been raised from which it could be -assailed by the darts and missiles of the Greeks. Arrian tells the -story with a certain amount of detail. He states that a "huge rampart" -was raised "from the level of that part of the hill where their -entrenchment was" by means of "poles and stakes," the whole being -"perfected in three days." On the fourth day the Greeks began to build -a "mound opposite the rock," and Alexander decided to extend the -"Rampart" to the mound. It was then that the "Barbarians" decided to -surrender. - -In the particular translation from which I have quoted (Rookes, 1829) -there is nothing said about the "great ravine" of which Stein writes -that it is clearly referred to by "all texts," and a very little -consideration will show that it could never have existed. No matter -what might have been the strength of Alexander's force it could only -have been numbered by hundreds and not by thousands, when it reached -the summit of the mountain. We might refer to the modern analogy of -the expedition to the summit of the Takht-i-Suliman, where it was -found quite impossible to maintain a few companies of infantry for -more than two or three days. Numbers engaged in action are -proverbially exaggerated, especially in the East; but the physical -impossibility of keeping a large force on the top of a mountain must -certainly be acknowledged. Even supposing there were a thousand men, -and that no guards were required, and no reliefs, and that the whole -force could apply themselves to filling up a "large ravine" with such -"stakes and poles" as they could carry or drag from the -mountain-slopes, it would take three months rather than three days to -fill up any ravine which could possibly be called "large." General -Abbott, as a scientific officer, was probably quite correct in his -estimate of the "Rampart" as some sort of a "trench of approach with a -parapet." There could not possibly have been a "great mound built of -stakes and poles for crossing a ravine." It may be noted that -Ptolemy's defensive work on his first arrival on the summit is called -(or translated) "Rampart," and yet we know that it could only have -been a palisade or an abattis. The story told by Arrian (and possibly -maltreated by translators) is doubtless full of inaccuracies and -exaggerations, but we decline to believe that it is pure invention. -There is nothing in it, so far, which absolutely militates against the -Mahaban of to-day (that refuge for Hindustani fanatics at one time, -and for the discontented tribesfolk of the whole countryside through -all time) being the Aornos of Arrian. No appearance of "precipices" -is, however, to be found in the survey of the summit which accompanied -Dr. Stein's report, and no opportunity for the defeated tribesmen to -fall into the river. The story runs that the defeated mountaineers -retreating from the victorious Greeks fell over the precipices in -their hot haste, and that many of them were drowned in the Indus. This -is indeed an incident which might be added as an effective addition to -any tall story of a fight which took place on hills in the immediate -neighbourhood of a river; but under no conceivable circumstances could -it be adjusted to the formation of the Mahaban hill, even if it were -admitted that armoured Greeks were any match in the hills for the -fleet-footed and light-clad Indians. Probably the incident is purely -decorative, but we need not therefore assume that the whole story is -fiction. It has been pointed out by Sir Bindon Blood, who commanded -the latest expedition to the Buner valley, that failing Mahaban there -is north of the Buner River, immediately overlooking the Indus, a peak -called Baio with precipitous flanks on the river side, which would fit -in with the tale of Aornos better even than Mahaban. The Buner River -joins the Indus through an impassable gorge steeply entrenched on -either side, and a mile or two above it is the peak of Baio. So far as -the Indus is concerned, that river presents no difficulties, for boats -can be hauled up it far beyond Baio--even to Thakot. Looking northward -or westward from above Kotkai one sees the river winding round the -foot of the lower spurs of the Black Mountain on its left or eastern -bank. Beyond is Baio on its right bank, towering (with a clumsy fort -on its summit) over the Indus and forming part of a continuous ridge, -beyond which again in the blue distance is the line of hills over -which is the Ambela Pass at the head of the Chumla valley. (It is -curious how the nomenclature hereabouts echoes faintly the Greek -Embolina.) Above Baio is the ford of Chakesar, from which runs an -old-time road westward to Manglaor, once the Buddhist capital of Swat. -It would be all within reach of either Indians or Greeks, so we need -not quite give up the thrilling tale of Aornos yet, even if Dr. Stein -defeats us on Mahaban. - -Then follows the narrative of an excursion into the country of the -Assakenoi and the capture of the elephants, which had been taken for -safety into the hills. The scene of this short expedition must have -been near the Indus, and was probably the valley of the Chumla or -Buner immediately under Mahaban, to the north. There was in those -far-off days a different class of vegetation on the Indus banks to -any which exists at present. We know that a good deal of the Indus -plain below its debouchment from the hills was a reedy swamp in -Alexander's time, and it was certainly the haunt of the rhinoceros for -centuries subsequently, and consequently quite suitable for elephants, -and it is probable that for some little distance above its debouchment -the same sort of pasturage was obtainable. Most interesting perhaps of -all the incidents in Arrian's history is that which now follows. We -are told that "Alexander then entered that part of the country which -lies between the Kophen and the Indus, where Nysa is said to be -situate." Other authorities, however, Curtius (viii. 10), Strabo (xv. -697), and Justin (xii. 7), make him a visitor to Nysa before he -crossed the Choaspes and took Massaga. All this is very vague; the -river he crossed immediately before taking Massaga was certainly the -Gauraios or Panjkora. - -There is a certain element of confusion in classical writings in -dealing with river names which we need not wait to investigate; nor is -it a matter of great importance whether Alexander retraced his steps -all the way to the country of Nysa (for no particular reason), or -whether he visited Nysa as he passed from the Kunar valley to the -Panjkora. The latter is far more probable, as Nysa (if we have -succeeded in identifying that interesting relic of pre-Alexandrian -Greek occupation) would be right in his path. Various authorities have -placed Nysa in different parts of the wide area indicated as lying -between the Kophen (Kabul) and the Indus, but none, before the Asmar -Boundary Commission surveyed the Kunar valley in the year 1894, had -the opportunity of studying the question _in loco_. Even then there -was no possibility of reaching the actual site which was indicated as -the site of Nysa; and when subsequently in 1898 geographical surveys -of Swat were pushed forward wherever it was possible for surveyors to -obtain a footing, they never approached that isolated band of hills at -the foot of which Nysa once lay. The result of inquiries instituted -during the progress of demarcating the boundary between Afghanistan -and the independent districts of the east from Asmar have been given -in the _R.G.S. Journal_, vol. vii., and no subsequent information has -been obtained which might lead me to modify the views therein -expressed, excepting perhaps in the doubtful point as to _when_, in -the course of his expedition, Alexander visited Nysa. In the first -engraved Atlas sheet of the Indian Survey dealing with the regions -east of the Kunar River, the name of Nysa, or Nyssa, is recorded as -one of the most important places in that neighbourhood, and it is -placed just south of the Koh-i-Mor, a spur, or extension, from the -eastern ridges of the Kunar valley. From what source of information -this addition to the map was made it is difficult to say, now that the -first compiler of those maps (General Walker) has passed away. But it -was undoubtedly a native source. Similarly the information obtained at -Asmar, that a large and scattered village named _Nusa_ was to be found -in that position, was also from a native (Yusufzai) source. No -possible cause can be suggested for this agreement between the two -native authorities, and it is unlikely that the name could have been -invented by both. At the same time Nysa, or Nusa, is not now generally -known to the borderland people near the Indian frontier, and it is -certainly no longer an important village. It is probably no more than -scattered and hidden ruins. Above it towers the three-peaked hill -called the Koh-i-Mor, whose outlines can be clearly distinguished from -Peshawur on any clear day, and on that hill grows the wild vine and -the ivy, even as they grow in glorious trailing and exuberant masses -on the scarped slopes of the Kafiristan hills to the west. - -We may repeat here what Arrian has to say about Nysa. "The city was -built by Dionysos or Bacchus when he conquered the Indians, but who -this Bacchus was, or at what time or from whence he conquered the -Indians is hard to determine. Whether he was that Theban who from -Thebes or he who from Tmolus, a mountain of Lydia, undertook that -famous expedition into India ... is very uncertain." So here we have a -clear reference to previous invasions of India from Greece, which were -regarded as historical in Arrian's time. However, as soon as -Alexander arrived at Nysa a deputation of Nysæans, headed by one -Akulphis, waited on him, and, after recovering from the astonishment -that his extraordinary appearance inspired, they presented a petition. -"The Nysæans entreat thee O King, for the reverence thou bearest to -Dionysos, their God, to leave their city untouched ... for Bacchus ... -built this city for an habitation for such of his soldiers as age or -accident had rendered unfit for military service.... He called this -city Nysa (Nuson) after the name of his nurse ... and the mountain -also, which is so near us, he would have denominated Meros (or the -thigh) alluding to his birth from that of Jupiter ... and as an -undoubted token that the place was founded by Bacchus, the ivy which -is to be found nowhere else throughout all India, flourishes in our -territories." Alexander was pleased to grant the petition, and ordered -that a hundred of the chief citizens should join his camp and -accompany him. It was then that Akulphis, with much native shrewdness, -suggested that if he really had the good of the city at heart he -should take two hundred of the worst citizens instead of one hundred -of the best--a suggestion which appealed at once to Alexander's good -sense, and the demand was withdrawn. Alexander then visited the -mountain and sacrificed to Bacchus, his troops meanwhile making -garlands of ivy "wherewith they crowned their heads, singing and -calling loudly upon the god, not only by the name of Dionysos, but by -all his other names." A sort of Bacchic orgy! - -But who were the Nysæans, and what became of them? In Arrian's -_Indika_ he says: "The Assakenoi" (who inhabited the Swat valley east -of Nysa) "are not men of great stature like the Indians ... not so -brave nor yet so swarthy as most Indians. They were in old times -subject to the Assyrians; then after a period of Median rule submitted -to the Persians ... the Nysaioi, however, are not an Indian race, but -descendants of those who came to India with Dionysos"; he adds that -the mountain "in the lower slopes of which Nysa is built" is -designated Meros, and he clearly distinguishes between Assakenoi and -Nysaioi. M. de St. Martin says that the name Nysa is of Persian or -Median origin; but although we know that Assyrians, Persians, and -Medes all overran this part of India before Alexander, and all must -have left, as was the invariable custom of those days, representatives -of their nationality behind them who have divided with subsequent -Skyths the ethnographical origin of many of the Upper Indian valley -tribes of to-day, there seems no sound reason for disputing the origin -of this particular name. - -Ptolemy barely mentions Nysa, but we learn something about the Nysæans -from fragments of the _Indika_ of Megasthenes, which have been -collected by Dr. Schwanbeck and translated by M'Crindle. We learn that -this pre-Alexandrian Greek Dionysos was a most beneficent conqueror. -He taught the Indians how to make wine and cultivate the fields; he -introduced the system of retiring to the slopes of Meros (the first -"hill station" in India) in the hot weather, where "the army recruited -by the cold breezes and the water which flowed fresh from the -fountains, recovered from sickness.... Having achieved altogether many -great and noble works, he was regarded as a deity, and obtained -immortal honours." - -Again we read, in a fragment quoted by Strabo, that the reason of -calling the mountain above Nysa by the name of Meron was that "ivy -grows there, and also the vine, although its fruit does not come to -perfection, as the clusters, on account of the heaviness of the rains, -fall off the trees before ripening. They" (the Greeks) "further call -the Oxydrakai descendants of Dionysos, because the vine grew in their -country, and their processions were conducted with great pomp, and -their kings, on going forth to war, and on other occasions, marched in -Bacchic fashion with drums beating," etc. - -Again we find, in a fragment quoted by Polyænus, that Dionysos, "in -his expedition against the Indians, in order that the cities might -receive him willingly, disguised the arms with which he had equipped -his troops, and made them wear soft raiment and fawn-skins. The spears -were wrapped round with ivy, and the thyrsus had a sharp point. He -gave the signal for battle by cymbals and drums instead of the -trumpet; and, by regaling the enemy with wine, diverted their thoughts -from war to dancing. These and all other Bacchic orgies were employed -in the system of warfare by which he subjugated the Indians and the -rest of Asia." - -All these lively legends point to a very early subjugation of India by -a Western race (who may have been of Greek origin) before the -invasions of Assyrian, Mede, or Persian. It could not well have been -later than the sixth century B.C., and might have been earlier by many -centuries. The Nysæans, whose city Alexander spared, were the -descendants of those conquerors who, coming from the West, were -probably deterred by the heat of the plains of India from carrying -their conquests south of the Punjab. They settled on the cool and -well-watered slopes of those mountains which crown the uplands of Swat -and Bajaur, where they cultivated the vine for generations, and after -the course of centuries, through which they preserved the tradition of -their Western origin, they welcomed the Macedonian conqueror as a man -of their own faith and nation. It seems possible that they may have -extended their habitat as far eastward as the upper Swat valley and -the mountain region of the Indus, and at one time may have occupied -the site of the ancient capital of the Assakenoi, Massaga, which there -is reason to suppose stood near the position now occupied by the town -of Matakanai; but they were clearly no longer there in the days of -Alexander, and must be distinguished as a separate race altogether -from the Assakenoi. As the centuries rolled on, this district of Swat, -together with the valley of Dir, became a great headquarters of -Buddhism. It is from this part of the trans-frontier that some of the -most remarkable of those sculptures have been taken which exhibit so -strong a Greek and Roman influence in their design. They are the -undoubted relics of stupas, dagobas, and monasteries belonging to a -period of a Buddhist occupation of the country, which was established -after Alexander's time. Buddhism did not become a State religion till -the reign of Asoka, grandson of that Sandrakottos (Chandragupta) to -whom Megasthenes was sent as ambassador; and it is improbable that any -of these buildings existed in the time of the Greek invasion, or we -should certainly have heard of them. - -But along with these Buddhist relics there have been lately unearthed -certain strange inscriptions, which have been submitted by their -discoverer, Major Deane,[2] to a congress of Orientalists, who can -only pronounce them to be in an unknown tongue. They have been found -in the Indus valley east of Swat, most of them being engraved on stone -slabs which have been built into towers, now in ruins. The towers are -comparatively modern, but it by no means follows that these -inscriptions are so. It is the common practice of Pathan builders to -preserve any engraved or sculptured relic that they may find, by -utilizing them as ornamental features in their buildings. It has -probably been a custom from time immemorial. In 1895 I observed -evidences of this propensity in the graveyard at Chagan Sarai, in the -Kunar valley, where many elaborately carved Buddhist fragments were -let into the sides of their roughly built "chabutras," or sepulchres, -with the obvious purpose of gaining effect thereby. No one would say -where those Buddhist fragments came from. The Kunar valley appears at -first sight to be absolutely free from Buddhist remains, although it -would naturally be selected as a most likely field for research. These -undeciphered inscriptions may possibly be found to be vastly more -ancient than the towers they adorned. It is, at any rate, a notable -fact about them that some of them "recall a Greek alphabet of archaic -type." So great an authority as M. Senart inclines to the opinion that -their authors must be referred to the Skythic or Mongolian invaders of -India; but he refers at the same time to a sculptured and inscribed -monument in the Louvre, of unknown origin, the characters on which -resemble those of the new script. "The subject of this sculpture seems -to be a Bacchic procession." What if it really is a Bacchic -procession, and the characters thereon inscribed prove to be an -archaic form of Greek--the forgotten forms of the Nysæan alphabet? - -Whilst surveying in the Kunar valley along the Kafiristan borderland, -I made the acquaintance of two Kafirs of Kamdesh, who stayed some -little time in the Afghan camp, in which my own tent was pitched, and -who were objects of much interest to the members of the Boundary -Commission there assembled. They submitted gracefully enough to much -cross-examination, and amongst other things they sang a war-hymn to -their god Gish, and executed a religious dance. Gish is not supreme in -their mythology, but he is the god who receives by far the greatest -amount of attention, for the Kafir of the lower Bashgol is ever on the -raid, always on the watch for the chance of a Mahomedan life. It is, -indeed, curious that whilst tolerant enough to allow of the existence -of Mahomedan communities in their midst, they yet rank the life of a -Mussulman as the one great object of attainment; so that a Kafir's -social position is dependent on the activity he displays in searching -out the common enemy, and his very right to sing hymns of adoration to -his war-god is strictly limited by the number of lives he has taken. -The hymn which these Kafirs recited, or sang, was translated word by -word, with the aid of a Chitrali interpreter, by a Munshi, who has the -reputation of being a most careful interpreter, and the following is -almost a literal transcript, for which I am indebted to Dr. MacNab, of -the Q.O. Corps of Guides:-- - - O thou who from Gir-Nysa's (lofty heights) was born - Who from its sevenfold portals didst emerge, - On Katan Chirak thou hast set thine eyes, - Towards (the depths of) Sum Bughal dost go, - In Sum Baral assembled you have been. - Sanji from the heights you see; Sanji you consult? - The council sits. O mad one, whither goest thou? - Say, Sanji, why dost thou go forth? - -The words within brackets are introduced, otherwise the translation is -literal. Gir-Nysa means the mountain of Nysa, Gir being a common -prefix denoting a peak or hill. Katan Chirak is explained to be an -ancient town in the Minjan valley of Badakshan, now in ruins; but it -was the first large place that the Kafirs captured, and is apparently -held to be symbolical of victory. This reference connects the Kamdesh -Kafirs with Badakshan, and shows these people to have been more -widespread than they are at present. Sum Bughal is a deep ravine -leading down to the plain of Sum Baral, where armies are assembled for -war. Sanji appears to be the oracle consulted before war is -undertaken. The chief interest of this verse (for I believe it is only -one verse of many, but it was all that our friends were entitled to -repeat) is the obvious reference in the first line to the mountain of -Bacchus, the Meros from which he was born, on the slopes of which -stood the ancient Nysa. It is, indeed, a Bacchic hymn (slightly -incoherent, perhaps, as is natural), and only wants the accessories of -vine-leaves and ivy to make it entirely classical. - -That eminent linguistic authority, Dr. Grierson, thinks that the -language in which the hymn was recited is derived from what Sanscrit -writers said was the language of the Pisacas, a people whom they -dubbed "demons" and "eaters of raw flesh," and who may be represented -by the "Pashai" dwellers in Laghman and its vicinity to-day. Possibly -the name of the chief village of the Kunar valley Pashat may claim the -same origin, for Laghman and Kunar both spread their plains to the -foot of the mountains of Kafiristan. - -The vine and the ivy are not far to seek. In making slow progress -through one of the deep "darras," or ravines, of the western Kunar -basin, leading to the snow-bound ridges that overlook Bashgol, I was -astonished at the free growth of the wild vine, and the thick masses -of ivy which here and there clung to the buttresses of the rugged -mountain spurs as ivy clings to less solid ruins in England. The -Kafirs have long been celebrated for their wine-making. Early in the -nineteenth century, when the adventurer Baber, on his way to found the -most magnificent dynasty that India has ever seen at Delhi, first -captured the ancient city of Bajaor, and then moved on to the valley -of Jandoul--now made historic by another adventurer, Umra Khan--he was -perpetually indulging in drinking-parties; and he used to ride in from -Jandoul to Bajaor to join his cronies in a real good Bacchic orgy more -frequently than was good for him. He has a good deal to say about the -Kafir wine in that inimitable Diary of his, and his appreciation of -it was not great. It was, however, much better than nothing, and he -drank a good deal of it. Through the kindness of the Sipah Salar, the -Amir's commander-in-chief, I have had the opportunity of tasting the -best brand of this classical liquor, and I agree with Baber--it is not -of a high class. It reminded me of badly corked and muddy Chablis, -which it much resembled in appearance. - - [Illustration: GREEK RETREAT FROM INDIA] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] _Ancient India_, "Invasion by Alexander the Great." Appendix. - -[2] The late Sir H. Deane. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -GREEK EXPLORATION--THE WESTERN GATES OF INDIA - - -South of the Khaibar route from Peshawur to Kabul and separated from -it by the remarkable straight-backed range of Sufed Koh, is an -alternative route _via_ the Kuram valley, at the head of which is the -historic Peiwar Pass. From the crest of the rigid line of the Sufed -Koh one may look down on either valley, the Kabul to the north or the -Kuram to the south; and but for the lack of any convenient lateral -communications between them, the two might be regarded as a twin -system, with Kabul as the common objective. But there is no -practicable pass across the Sufed Koh, so that no force moving along -either line could depend on direct support from the other side of the -mountains. It will be convenient here to regard the Kuram as an -alternative to the Kabul route, and to consider the two together as -forming a distinct group. - -The next important link between Afghanistan and the Indian frontier -south of the Kuram, is the open ramp of the Tochi valley. The Tochi -does not figure largely in history, but it has been utilized in the -past for sudden raids from Ghazni in spite of the difficulties which -Nature has strewn about its head. The Tochi, and the Gomul River south -of it, must be regarded as highways to Ghazni, but there is no -comparison between the two as regards their facilities or the amount -of traffic which they carry. All the carrying trade of the Ghazni -province is condensed into the narrow ways of the Gomul. Trade in the -Tochi hardly extends farther than the villages at its head. About the -Gomul there hangs many a tale of adventure, albeit adventure of rather -ancient date, for it is exceedingly doubtful if any living European -has ever trod more than the lower steps of that ancient staircase. -Then, south of the Gomul, there follows a whole series of minor passes -and byways wriggling through the clefts of the mountains, scrambling -occasionally over the sharp ridges, but generally adhering closely to -the line of some fierce little stream, which has either split its way -through the successive walls of rock offered by the parallel uptilted -ridges, or else was there, flowing gently down from the highlands, -before these ridges were tilted into their present position. There are -many such streams, and the history of their exploration is to be found -in the modern Archives of the Survey of India. They may have been used -for centuries by roving bands of frontier raiders, but they have no -history to speak of. South of the Gomul, they all connect Baluchistan -with India, for Baluchistan begins, politically, from the Gomul; and -they are of minor importance because, by grace of the determined -policy of the great maker of the Baluch frontier, Sir Robert Sandeman, -their back doors and small beginnings in the Baluch highlands are all -linked up by a line of posts which runs from Quetta to the Gomul _via_ -the Zhob valley. Whoever holds the two ends of the Zhob holds the key -of all these back doors. There is not much to be said about them. No -great halo of historical romance hangs around them; and yet the stern -grandeur of some of these waterways of the frontier hills is well -worth a better descriptive pen than mine. I know of one, in the depths -of a fathomless abyss, whose waters rage in wild fury over fantastic -piles of boulders, tossing up feathers of white spray to make glints -of light on the smooth apron of the limestone walls which enclose and -overshadow it, which is matchless in its weird beauty. From rounded -sun-kissed uplands, where olive groves shelve down long spurs, the -waters come, and with a gradually deepening and strengthening rush -they swirl into the embrace of the echoing hills, passing with swift -transition from a sunny stream to a boiling fury of turgid water under -the rugged cliffs of the pine-clad Takht-i-Suliman. Then the stream -sets out again, babbling sweetly as it goes, into the open, just a -dimpled stream, leaving lonely pools in silent places on its way, and -breaking up into a hundred streamlets to gladden the mountain people -with the gift of irrigation. - -It is impossible to describe these frontier waterways. There is -nothing like them to be found amidst scenes less wild and less -fantastic than their frontier cradles. But full of local light and -colour (and local tragedy too) as they surely are, they are -unimportant in the military economy of the frontier, and their very -wildness and impassability have saved them from the steps of the great -horde of Indian immigrants. When, however, we reach still farther -southward to the straight passes leading to Quetta, we are once again -in a land of history. It is there we find by far the most open gates -and those most difficult to shut, although the value of them as -military approaches is very largely discounted by the geographical -conditions of Western India at the point where they open on to the -Indus frontier. - -Quetta, Kalat, and Las Bela, standing nearly in line from north to -south, are the watch-towers of the western marches. Quetta and Kalat -stand high, surrounded by wild hill country. Magnificent cliff-crowned -mountains overlooking a wilderness of stone-strewed spurs embrace the -little flat plain on which Quetta lies crumpled. Here and there on the -plain an isolated smooth excrescence denotes an extinct volcano. Such -is the Miri, now converted into the protecting fort of Quetta. The -road from Quetta to the north-west, _i.e._ to Kandahar and Herat, has -to pass through a narrow hill-enclosed space some eight miles from -Quetta; and this physical gateway is strengthened and protected by all -the devices of which military engineering skill is capable, whilst -midway between Quetta and Kandahar is the formidable Khojak range -which must always have been a trouble to buccaneers from the -north-west. From Quetta to the south-east extends that road and that -railway which, intersecting the complicated rampart of frontier hills, -finally debouches into the desert plains round Jacobabad in Sind. -Kalat is somewhat similarly situated. High amongst the mountains, -Kalat also commands the approaches to an important pass to the plains, -_i.e._ the Mula, a pass which in times gone by was a commercial -high-road, but which has long been superseded by the Quetta passes of -Harnai and Bolan (or Mashkaf). Las Bela is an insignificant Baluch -town in the valley of the Purali, and at present commands nothing of -value. But it was not always insignificant, as we shall see, and if -its military value is not great at present, Las Bela must have stood -full in the tide of human immigration to India for centuries in the -past. It is a true gateway, and the story of it belongs to a period -more ancient than any. - -Owing to the peculiar geographical conformation of the country, Quetta -holds in her keeping all the approaches from the west, thus -safeguarding Kalat. The Kalat fortress is only of minor importance as -the guardian of the Mula stairway to the plains of India. It is the -extraordinary conformation of ridge and valley which forms the great -defensive wall of the southern frontier. Only where this wall is -traversed by streams which break through the successive ridges -gathering countless affluents from left and right in their -course--affluents which are often as straight and rectangular to the -main stream as the branches of a pear-tree trained on a wall are to -the parent stem--is it possible to find an open road from the plains -to the plateau. - -For very many miles north of Karachi the plains of Sind are faced by a -solid wall of rock, so rigid, so straight and unscalable (this is the -Kirthar range) as to form a veritably impracticable barrier. There is -but one crack in it. For a short space at its southern end, however, -it subsides into a series of minor ridges, and it is here that the -connection between Karachi and Las Bela is to be found. These southern -Las Bela approaches (about which there is more to be said) are not -only the oldest, but they have been the most persistently trodden of -any in the frontier, and they would be just as important in future as -they have been in the past but for their geographical position. They -are commanded from the sea. No one making for the Indus plains can -again utilize these approaches who does not hold command of the -Arabian Sea. In this way, and to this extent, the command of the -Arabian Sea and of the Persian Gulf beyond it becomes vitally -important to the security of India. Omitting for the present the Gomul -gateway (the story of the exploration of which belongs to a later -chapter), and in order to preserve something of chronological sequence -in this book, it is these most southern of the Baluchistan passes -which now claim our attention. - -Until quite lately these seaboard approaches to India have been almost -ignored by historians and military strategists (doubtless because so -little was known about them), and the pages of recent text-books are -silent concerning them. They lead outwards from the lower Indus -valleys through Makran, either into Persia or to the coast ports of -the Arabian Sea. From extreme Western Persia to the frontiers of India -at Quetta, or indeed to the Indus delta, it is possible for a laden -camel to take its way with care and comfort, never meeting a -formidable pass, never dragging its weary limbs up any too steep -incline, with regular stages and more or less good pasturage through -all the 1400 or 1500 miles which intervene between Western Persia and -Las Bela. From the pleasant palm groves of Panjgur in Makran to India, -it might indeed be well to have an efficient local guide, and indeed -from Las Bela to Karachi the road is not to be taken quite haphazard; -nevertheless, if the camel-driver knew his way, he could not only -lead his charge comfortably along a well-trodden route, but he might -turn chauffeur at the end of his long march and drive an exploring -party back in a motor. - -In the illimitable past it was this way that Dravidian peoples flocked -down from Asiatic highlands to the borderland of India. Some of them -remained for centuries either on the coast-line, where they built -strange dwellings and buried each other in earthen pots, or they were -entangled in the mass of frontier hills which back the solid Kirthar -ridge, and stayed there till a Turco-Mongol race, the Brahuis (or -Barohis, _i.e._ "men of the hills"), overlaid them, and intermixing -with them preserved the Dravidian language, but lost the Dravidian -characteristics. According to their own traditions a large number of -these Brahuis were implanted in their wild and almost inaccessible -hills by the conqueror Chenghiz Khan, and some of them call themselves -Mingals, or Mongols, to this day. This seems likely to be true. It is -always best to assume in the first instance that a local tradition -firmly held and strongly asserted has a basis of fact to support it. -Here are a people who have been an ethnological puzzle for many years, -talking the language of Southern Indian tribes, but protesting that -they are Mongols. Like the degenerate descendants of the Greeks in the -extreme north-west, or like the mixed Arab peoples of the Makran coast -and Baluchistan, these half-bred Mongols have preserved the -traditions of their fathers and adopted the tongue of their mothers. -It is strange how soon a language may be lost that is not preserved by -the women! What we learn from the Brahuis is that a Dravidian race -must once have been where they are now, and this supports the theory -now generally admitted, that the Dravidian peoples of India entered -India by these western gateways. - -No more interesting ethnographical inquiry could be found in relation -to the people of India than how these races, having got thus far on -their way, ever succeeded in getting to the south of the peninsula. It -could only have been the earliest arrivals on the frontier who passed -on. Later arrivals from Western Persia (amongst whom we may reckon the -Medes or Meds) remained in the Indus valley. The bar to frontier -progress lies in the desert which stretches east of the Indus from the -coast to the land of the five rivers. This is indeed India's second -line of defence, and it covers a large extent of her frontier. -Conquerors of the lower Indus valley have been obliged to follow up -the Indus to the Punjab before striking eastwards for the great cities -of the plains. Thus it is not only the Indus, but the desert behind -it, which has barred the progress of immigration and conquest from -time immemorial, and it is this, combined with the command given by -the sea, which differentiates these southern gates of India from the -northern, which lead on by open roads to Lahore, Delhi, and the heart -of India. - -The answer to the problem of immigration is probably simple. There was -a time when the great rivers of India did not follow their courses as -they do now. This was most recently the case as regards the Indus and -the rivers of Central India. In the days when there was no Indus delta -and the Indus emptied itself into the great sandy depression of the -Rann of Katch, another great lost river from the north-east, the -Saraswati, fed the Indus, and between them the desert area was -immensely reduced if it did not altogether disappear. Then, possibly, -could the cairn-erecting stone-monument building Dravidian sneak his -way along the west coast within sight of the sea, and there indeed has -he left his monuments behind him. Otherwise the Dravidian element of -Central Southern India could only have been gathered from beyond the -seas; a proposition which it is difficult to believe. However, never -since that desert strip was formed which now flanks the Indus to the -east can there have been a right-of-way to the heart of India by the -gateways of the west. The earliest exploration of these western roads, -of which we can trace any distinct record, was once again due to the -enterprise of the Greeks. We need not follow Alexander's victorious -footsteps through India, nor concern ourselves with the voyage of his -fleet down the Indus, and from the mouth of the Indus to Karachi. -General Haig, in his pamphlet on the Indus delta, has traced out his -route[3] with patient care, demonstrating from observations taken -during the course of his surveys the probable position of the -coast-line in those early days. - -From Karachi to the Persian Gulf, a voyage undertaken 300 years B.C., -of which a log has been kept from day to day, is necessarily of -exceeding interest, if only as an indication of a few of the changes -which have altered the form of that coast-line in the course of -twenty-two centuries. This old route from Arabia to the west coast of -India can hardly be left unnoticed, for it illustrates the earliest -beginning of those sea ways to India which were destined finally to -supplant the land ways altogether. I have already pointed out that, -judged by the standard of geographical aptitude only, there is no -great difficulty in reaching Persia from Karachi. But geographical -distribution of mountain, river, and plain is not all that is -necessary to take into account in planning an expedition into new -territory. There is also the question of supplies. This was the rock -on which Alexander's enterprise split. In moving out of India towards -Persia he adopted the same principle which had stood him in good stead -on the Indus, viz. the maintenance of communication between army and -fleet. Naturally he elected to retire from India by a route which as -far as possible touched the sea. This was his fatal mistake, and it -cost him half his force. - -We need not trouble ourselves further with the ethnographical -conditions of that extraordinary country, Makran, in Alexander's time; -nor need we follow in detail the changes which have taken place in the -general configuration of the coast-line between India and the Persian -Gulf during the last 2000 years, references to which will be found in -the _Journal of the Royal Society of Arts_ for April 1901. Apart from -the enormous extension of the Indus delta, and in spite of the -disappearance of many small islands off the coast, the general result -has been a material gain by the land on the sea in all this part of -the Asiatic coast-line. - -Alexander left Patala about the beginning of September 326 B.C. to -push his way through the country of the Arabii and Oritæ to Gadrosia -(or Makran) and Persia. The Arabii occupied the country between -Karachi and the Purali (or river of Las Bela), and the Oritæ and -Gadrosii apparently combined with other tribes to hold the country -that lay beyond the Purali (or Arabius). He had previously done all -that a good general can do to ensure the success of his movements by -personally reconnoitring all the approaches to the sea by the various -branches of the Indus; by pacifying the people and consolidating his -sovereignty at Patala so as to leave a strong position behind him -entirely subject to Greek authority; and by dividing his force so as -to utilize the various arms with the best possible effect. This force -was comprised in three divisions; one under Krateros included the -heavy transport and invalids, and this was despatched to Persia by a -route which was evidently as well known in that day as it is at -present. It is never contended by any historian that Alexander did not -know his way out of India. On the contrary, Arrian distinctly -insinuates that it was the perversity of pride, the "ambition to be -doing something new and astonishing" which "prevailed over all his -scruples" and decided him to send his crank Indus-built galleys to the -Euphrates by sea, and himself to prove that such an army led by "such -a general" could force a passage through the Makran wilderness where -the only previous records were those of disaster. He had heard that -Cyrus and Semiramis had failed, and that decided him to make the -attempt. - -We can follow Krateros no farther than to point out that his route was -by the Mulla (and not the Bolan) Pass to Kalat and Quetta. Thence he -must have taken the Kandahar route to the Helmund, and following that -river down to the fertile and well-populated plains of lower Seistan -(or Drangia) he crossed the Kirman desert by a well-known modern -caravan route, and joined Alexander at or near Kirman; for Alexander -was "on his way to Karmania" at the time that Krateros joined him, and -not at Pura (the capital of the Gadrosii) as suggested by St. John. -One interesting little relic of this march was dug up by Captain -Mackenzie, R.E., during the construction of the fort on the Miri at -Quetta. A small bronze figure of Hercules was brought to light, and it -now rests in the Asiatic Society's Museum at Calcutta. - -Alexander, as we have said, left Patala about the beginning of -September. But where was Patala? Probably it was neither Hyderabad (as -suggested by General Cunningham) nor Tatta (as upheld by other -authorities), but about 30 miles S.E. of the former and 60 miles -E.N.E. of the latter, in which locality, indeed, there are ruins -enough to satisfy any theory. From Patala we are told by Arrian that -he marched with a sufficient force to the Arabius; and that is all. -But from Quintus Curtius we learn that it was nine marches to Krokala -(a point easier of identification than most, from the preservation of -the name which survived through mediæval ages in the Karak--the -much-dreaded pirate of the coast--and can now be recognized in -Karachi) and five marches thence to the Arabius. He started in cool -monsoon weather. His route, after leaving Krokala, is determined by -the natural features of the country as then existing. There was no -shore route in these days. Alexander followed the subsequent mediæval -route which connected Makran with Sind in the days of Arab ascendancy, -a route that has been used as a highway into India for nearly eight -centuries. It is not the route which now connects Karachi and Las -Bela, but belongs to the later mediæval phase of history. As the sea -then extended at least to Liari, in the basin of the Purali or -Arabius, we are obliged to locate the position of his crossing that -river as being not far south of Las Bela; where in Alexander's time it -was "neither wide nor deep," and in these days is almost entirely -absorbed in irrigation. This does not, I admit, altogether tally with -the five marches of Quintus Curtius. It would amount to over a hundred -miles of marching, some of which would be heavy, though not very much -of it; but the discrepancy is not a serious one. The Arabius may have -been far to the east of its present channel--indeed, there are old -channels which indicate that it was so, and it does not follow that -the river was crossed at the point at which it was struck. The reason -for placing this crossing so far north is that room is required for -subsequent operations. After crossing, we are told that Alexander -"turned to his left towards the sea" (from which he was evidently -distant some space), and with a picked force he made a sudden descent -on the Oritæ. He marched one night only through desert country and in -the morning came to a well-inhabited district. Pushing on with cavalry -only, he defeated the Oritæ, and then later joining hands with the -rest of his forces, he penetrated to their capital city. For these -operations he must necessarily have been hedged in between the Purali -and Hala range, which he clearly had not crossed as yet. Now we are -expressly told by Arrian that the capital city of the Oritæ was but a -village that did duty for the capital, and that the name of it was -Rambakia. The care of it was committed to Hephæstion that he might -colonize it after the fashion of the Greeks. But we find that -Hephæstion certainly did not stay long there, and could only have left -the native village as he found it, with no very extensive -improvements. - -It would be most interesting to decide the position of Rambakia. What -we want to find is an ancient site, somewhere approaching the -sea-coast, say 30 or 40 miles from the crossing of the Purali, in a -district that might once have been cultivated and populous. We have -found two such sites--one now called Khair Kot, to the north-west of -Liari, commanding the Hala Pass; and another called Kotawari, -south-west of Liari, and very near the sea. The latter has but -recently been uncovered from the sand, but an existing mud wall and -its position on the coast indicate that it is not old enough for our -purpose. The other, Khair Kot, is an undoubted relic of mediæval Arab -supremacy. It is the Kambali of Idrisi on the high-road from Armail -(now Bela) to the great Sind port of Debal, and the record of it -belongs to another history. Nevertheless, Khair Kot is exactly where -we should expect Rambakia to be, and quite possibly where Rambakia -was. Amongst the coins and relics collected there, there is, however, -no trace of Greek inscription; but that this corner of the Bela -district was once flourishing and populous there is ample evidence. - -From Rambakia Alexander proceeded with half his targeteers and part of -his cavalry to force the pass which the Gadrosii and Oritæ had -conjointly seized "with the design of stopping his progress." This -pass might either have been the turning pass at the northern end of -the Hala, or it might have been on the water-parting from which the -Phur River springs farther on. I should think it was probably the -former, where there is better room for cavalry to act. - -Immediately after defeating the Oritæ (who apparently made little -resistance) Alexander appointed Leonatus, with a picked force, to -support the new Governor of Rambakia (Hephæstion having rejoined the -army), and left him to make arrangements for victualling the fleet -when it arrived, whilst he pushed on through desert country into the -territory of the Gadrosii by "a road very dangerous," and drawing down -towards the coast. He must then have followed the valley of the Phur -to the coast, and pushed on along the track of the modern telegraph -line till he reached the neighbourhood of the Hingol River. We are -indebted to Aristobulus for an account of this track in Alexander's -time. It was here that the Ph[oe]nician followers of the army -gathered their myrrh from the tamarisk trees; here were the mangrove -swamps, and the euphorbias, which still dot the plains with their -impenetrable clumps of prickly "shoots or stems, so thick set that if -a horseman should happen to be entangled therewith he would sooner be -pulled off his horse than freed from the stem," as Aristobulus tells -us. Here, too, were found the roots of spikenard, so precious to the -greedy Ph[oe]nician followers. These same products formed part of the -coast trade in the days when the Periplus was written, 400 years -later, though there is little demand for them now. - -It was somewhere near the Hingol River that Alexander made a -considerable halt to collect food and supplies for his fleet. His -exertions and his want of success are all fully described by Arrian, -as well as the rude class of fishing villages inhabited by -Ichthyophagi, all the latter of which might well be cut out of the -pages of Greek history and entered in a survey report as modern -narrative. After this we have but slight indications in Arrian's -history of Alexander's route to Pura, the capital of Gadrosia. Three -chapters are full of most graphic and lively descriptions of the -difficulties and horrors of that march. We only hear that he reached -Pura sixty days after leaving the country of the Oritæ, and there is -no record of the number of troops that survived. Luckily, however, the -log kept by the admiral of the fleet, Nearkhos, comes into our -assistance here, and though it is still Arrian's history, it is -Nearkhos who speaks. - -We must now turn back to follow the ships. I cannot enter in detail -into the reasons given by General Haig, in his interesting pamphlet on -the Indus Delta Country, for selecting the Gharo creek as the -particular arm of the Indus which was finally selected for the passage -of the fleet seaward. I can only remark that whilst the nature of the -half-formed delta of that period is still open to conjecture, so that -I see no reason why the island of Krokala, for instance, should not -have been represented by a district which bears a very similar name -nowadays, I fully agree that the description of the coast as given by -Nearkhos can only possibly apply to that section of it which is -embraced between the Gharo creek and Karachi. - -It is only within very recent times that the Gharo has ceased to be an -arm of the Indus. For the present, at any rate, we cannot do better -than follow so careful an observer as General Haig in his conclusions. -There can be little doubt that Alexander's haven, into which the fleet -put till the monsoon should moderate, and where it was detained for -twenty days, was _somewhere near_ Karachi. That it was the modern -Karachi harbour seems improbable. Of all parts of the western coast of -India, that about Karachi has probably changed its configuration most -rapidly, and there is ample room for conjecture as to where that haven -of refuge of 2000 years ago might actually have been. Let us accept -the fleet of river-built galleys, manned with oars, and open to every -phase of wind and weather, as having emerged from it about the -beginning of October, and as having reached the island of Domai, which -I am inclined to identify with Manora. - -Much difficulty has been found in making the estimate of each day's -run, as given in stadia, tally with the actual length of coast. I -think the difficulty disappears a good deal if we consider what means -there were of making such estimates. Short runs in the river between -known landmarks are very fairly consistent in the Greek accounts. On -the basis of such short runs, and with a very vague idea of the effect -of wind and tide, the length of each day's run at sea was probably -reckoned at so much per hour. There could hardly have been any other -way of reckoning open to the Greeks. They recognized no landmarks -after leaving Karachi. Even had they been able to use a log-line it -would have told them but little. Wind and current (for the currents on -this part of the sea mostly follow the monsoon wind) were either -against them or on their beam all the way to the Hingol, and they -encountered more than one severe storm which must have broken on them -with the full force of a monsoon head wind. From the point where the -fleet rounded Cape Monze and followed the windings of the coast to the -harbour of Morontobara the estimates, though excessive, are fairly -consistent; but from this point westward, when the full force of -monsoon wind and current set against them, the estimates of distance -are very largely in excess of the truth, and continue so till the -pilot was shipped at Mosarna who guided them up the coast of Persia. -Thenceforward there is much more consistency in their log. It must not -be supposed that Nearkhos was making a voyage of discovery. He was -following a track that had often been followed before. It was clear -that Alexander knew the way by sea to the coasts of Persia before he -started his fleet, and it is a matter of surprise rather than -otherwise that he did not find a pilot amongst the Malli, who, if they -are to be identified with the Meds, were one of the foremost sea-going -peoples of Asia. His Ph[oe]nician and Greek sailors evidently were -strangers to the coast, and some of his mixed crew of soldiers and -sailors had subsequently to be changed for drafts from the land -forces. - -We cannot now follow the voyage in detail, nor could we, even if we -would, indicate the precise position of those islands of which Arrian -writes between Cape Monze and Sonmiani; some of them may now be -represented by shoals known to the coasting vessels, whilst others may -be connected with the mainland. I have no doubt myself that -Morontobara (the "woman's haven") is represented by the great -depression of the Sirondha lake. Between Morontobara and Krokala -(which about answers to Ras Kachari) they touched at the mouth of the -Purali, or Arabius, not far from Liari, having an island which -sheltered them from the sea to windward, which is now part of the -mainland. Near by the mouth of the Arabius was another island "high -and bare" with a channel between it and the mainland. This, too, has -been linked up with the shore formation, and the channel no longer -exists, but there is ample evidence of the ancient character of this -corner of the coast. Between the Arabius and Krokala (three days' -sail) very bad weather was made, and two galleys and a transport were -lost. It was at Krokala that they joined hands with the army again. -Here Nearkhos formed a camp, and it was "in this part of the country" -that Leonatus defeated the Oritæ and their allies in a great battle -wherein 6000 were slain. Arrian adds that a full account of the action -and its sequel, the crowning of Leonatus with a golden crown by -Alexander, is given in his other work, but as a matter of fact the -other account is so entirely different (representing the Oritæ as -submitting quietly) that we can only suppose this to have been a -separate and distinct action from the cavalry skirmish mentioned -before. - -It must be noted that the coast hereabouts has probably largely -changed. A little farther west it is changing rapidly even now, and it -is idle to look for the names given by the Greeks as marking any -positive locality known at present. Hereabouts at any rate was the -spot where Alexander with such difficulty had collected ten days' -supplies for the fleet. This was now put on board, and the bad or -indifferent sailors exchanged for better seamen. From Krokala, a -course of 500 stadia (largely over-estimated) brought them to the -estuary of the Hingol River (which is described a winter torrent under -the name of Tomeros), and from this point all connection between the -fleet and the army appears to have been lost. It was at the mouth of -the Hingol that a skirmish took place with the natives which is so -vividly described by Nearkhos, when the Greeks leapt into the sea and -charged home through the surf. Of all the little episodes described in -the progress of the voyage this is one of the most interesting; for -there is a very close description given of certain barbarians clothed -in the skins of fish or animals, covered with long hair, and using -their nails as we use fish-knives, armed with wooden pikes hardened in -the fire, and fighting more like monkeys than men. Here we have the -real aboriginal inhabitants of India. Not so very many years ago, in -the woods of Western India, a specimen almost literally answering to -the description of Nearkhos was caught whilst we were in the process -of surveying those jungles, and he furnished a useful contribution to -ethnographical science at the time. Probably these barbarians of -Nearkhos were incomparably older even than the Turanian races which we -can recognize, and which succeeded them, and which, like them, have -been gradually driven south into the fastnesses of Central and -Southern India. - -Makran is full of Turanian relics connecting it with the Dravidian -races of the south; but there is no time to follow these interesting -glimpses into prehistoric ethnography opened up by the log of -Nearkhos. Nor, indeed, can we follow the voyage in detail much -farther, for we have to take up the route of Alexander, about which -very much less has hitherto been known than can be told about the -voyage of Nearkhos. We may, however, trace the track of Nearkhos past -the great rocky headland of Malan, still bearing the same name that -the Greeks gave it, to the commodious harbour of Bagisara, which is -likely enough the Damizar, or eastern bay, of the Urmara headland. The -Padizar, or western bay, corresponds more nearly with the name -Bagisara, but as they doubled a headland next day it is clear they -were on the eastern side of the Isthmus. The Pasiris whom he mentions -have left frequent traces of their existence along the coast. Kalama, -reached on the second day from Bagisara, is easily recognizable in the -Khor Khalmat of modern surveys, and it is here again that we can trace -a very considerable extension of the land seawards that would -completely have altered the course of the fleet from the coasting -track of modern days. The island of Karabine, from which they procured -sheep, may very well have been the projecting headland of Giaban, now -connected by a low sandy waste with the mainland. It could never have -been the island of Astola, as conjectured by M'Crindle and others. -From Kalama to Kissa (now disappeared) and Mosarna, along the coast -called Karbis (now Gazban), the course would again be longer than at -present, for there is much recent sand formation here; and when we -come to Mosarna itself, after doubling the headland of Jebel Zarain, -we find the harbour completely silted up. It may be noted that this -western bay of Pasni was probably exactly similar to the Padizar of -Urmara or of Gwadur, and that there is a general (but not universal) -tendency to shallowing on the western sides of all the Makran -headlands. Here they took the pilot on board, and after this there was -little difficulty. - -In three more days they made Barna (or Badara), which answers to -Gwadur, where were palm trees and myrtles, and we need follow them for -the present no farther. Colonel Mockler, who was well acquainted with -the Makran coast, but hardly, perhaps, appreciated all the changes -which the coast-line has undergone (neither, indeed, did I till the -surveys were complete), has traced the course of that historic fleet -with great care. He has pointed out correctly that two islands (Pola -and Karabia) have disappeared from the eastern neighbourhood of the -Gwadur headland and one (Derenbrosa) from its western extremity; and -he might have added that yet another is breaking up, and rapidly -disappearing off the headland of Passabandar, near Gwadur. He has -identified Kyiza (or Knidza), the small town built on an eminence not -far from the shore, which was captured by stratagem, beyond doubt, and -has traced the fleet from point to point with a careful analysis of -all existing records that I cannot pretend to imitate. We cannot, -however, leave Nearkhos without a passing reference to that island on -the coast of the Ichthyophagi, and which was sacred to the sun, and -which was, even in those days, enveloped in such a halo of mystery and -tradition that even Arrian holds Nearkhos up to contempt for expending -"time and ingenuity in the not very difficult task of proving the -falsehood" of these "antiquated fables." I have been to that island, -the island of Astola, and the tales that were told to Nearkhos are -told of it still. There, off the southern face of it, is the "sail -rock," the legendary relic of a lost ship which may well have been the -transport which Nearkhos did undoubtedly lose off its rocky shores. -There, indeed, I did not find the Nereid of such fascinating manners -and questionable customs as Nearkhos describes on the authority of the -inhabitants of the coast, but sea-urchins and sea-snakes abounded in -such numbers as to make the process of exploration quite sufficiently -exciting; and there were not wanting indications of those later days -when the Meds (now an insignificant fish-eating people scattered in -the coast hamlets) were the dreaded pirates of the Arabian Sea, and -used to convey the crews of the ships they captured to that island, -where they were murdered wholesale. It is curious that the name given -by Nearkhos is Nosala, or Nuhsala. In these days it is Astola, or more -properly Hashtala, sometimes even called Haftala. I am unable to -determine the meaning of the termination to which the numerals are -prefixed. Another name for it is Sangadip, which is also the mediæval -name for Ceylon. There can be no doubt about the identity of this -island of sun worship and historic fable. - -We must now turn to Alexander. We left him near the mouth of the -Hingol, then probably four or five miles north of its present -position, and nearer the modern telegraph line. So far he had almost -step by step followed out the subsequent line of the Indo-Persian -telegraph, and at the Hingol he was not very far south of it. Near -here Leonatus had had his fight with the Oritæ, and Alexander had -spent much time (for it must be remembered that he started a month -before his fleet, and that the fleet and Leonatus at least joined -hands at this point) in collecting supplies of grain from the more -cultivated districts north, and was prepared to resume his march along -the coast, true to his general tactical principle of keeping touch -with his ships. But an obstacle presented itself that possibly he had -not reckoned on. The huge barrier of the Malan range, abutting direct -on the sea, stopped his way. There was no "Buzi" pass (or goat track) -in those days, such as finally and after infinite difficulty helped -the telegraph line over, though there was indeed an ancient stronghold -at the top, which must have been in existence before his time, and was -likely enough the original city of Malan. He was consequently forced -into the interior, and here his difficulties began. - -We should be at a loss to follow him here, but for the fact that there -is only one possible route. He followed up the Hingol till he could -turn the Malan by an available pass westward. Nothing here has altered -since his days. Those magnificent peaks and mountains which surround -the sacred shrine of Hinglaz are, indeed, "everlasting hills," and it -was through them that he proceeded to make his way. It would be a -matter of immense interest could one trace any record of the Hinglaz -shrine in classical writings, but there is none that I know of. And -yet I believe that shrine which, next possibly to Juggernath, draws -the largest crowds of pilgrims (Hindu and Mussulman alike) of any in -India, was in existence before the days of Alexander. For the shrine -is sacred to the goddess Nana (now identified with Siva by Hindus), -and the Assyrian or Persian goddess Nana is of such immense antiquity -that she has furnished to us the key to an older chronology even than -that of Egypt. The famous cylinder of Assurbanipal, King of Assyria, -tells us that in the year 645 B.C. he destroyed Susa, the capital of -Elam, and from its temple he carried back the Chaldean goddess Nana, -and by the express command of the goddess herself, took her from -whence she had dwelt in Elam, "a place not appointed her," and -reinstated her in her own sanctuary at Urukh (now Warka in -Mesopotamia), whence she had originally been taken 1635 years before -by a conquering king of Elam, who had invaded Accad territory. Thus -she was clearly a well-established deity in Mesopotamia 2280 years -B.C. Alexander, however, would have left that Ziarat hidden away in -the folds of the Hinglaz mountain on his left, and followed the -windings of the Hingol River some forty miles to its junction with a -stream from the west, which would again give him the chance of -striking out parallel to the coast. - -We should be in some doubt at what particular point Alexander left the -Hingol, but for the survival of names given in history as those of a -people with whom he had to contend, viz. the Parikanoi, the Sagittæ, -and the Sakæ, names not mentioned by Arrian. Now, Herodotus gives the -Parikanoi and Asiatic Ethiopians as being the inhabitants of the -seventeenth satrapy of the Persian Empire, and Bellew suggests that -the Greek Parikanoi is a Greek transcript of the Persian form of -Parikan, the plural of the Sanscrit Parvá-ka--or, in other words, the -_Ba-rohi_--or men of the hills. However this may be, there is the bed -of the stream called Parkan skirting the north of the Taloi range and -leading westwards from the Hingol, and we need look no farther for the -Parikanoi. In support of Bellew's theory it may be stated that it is -not only in the heart of the Brahui country, but the Sajidi are still -a tribe of Jalawan Brahuis, of which the chief family is called Sakæ, -and that they occupy territory in Makran a little to the north of the -Parkan. There is every reason why Alexander should have selected this -route. It was his first chance of turning the Malan block, and it led -most directly westwards with a trend towards the sea. But at the time -of the year that he was pushing his way through this low valley -flanked by the Taloi hills, which rose to a height of 2000 feet above -him on his left, there would not be a drop of water to be had, and the -surrounding wilderness of sandy hillocks and scanty grass-covered -waste would afford his troops no supplies and no shelter from the -fierce autumn heat. All the miseries of his retreat were concentrated -into the distance (about 200 miles) between the Hingol and the coast. - -The story of that march is well told by Arrian. It was here that -occurred that gallant episode when Alexander proudly refused to drink -the small amount of water that was offered him in a helmet, because -his army was perishing with thirst. It must have been near the harbour -of Pasni, once again almost on the line of the present telegraph, that -Alexander emerged from the sand-storm with but four horsemen on to -the sea-coast at last, and instantly set to work to dig wells for his -perishing troops. Thenceforward Arrian tells us only that he marched -for seven days along the coast till he reached the well-known highway -to Karmania, when he turned inland, and his difficulties were at an -end. Now, that well-known highway was almost better known then than it -is now. He could only leave the coast near the Dasht River at Gwadur, -and strike across into the valley of the Bahu, which would lead him -through a country subsequently great in Arabic history, over the yet -unsuspected sites of many famous cities, to Bampur, the capital of -Gadrosia. From leaving the coast to Bampur the duration of his march -with an exhausted force would be little less than a month. Working -backward again from that same point (which may be regarded as an -obligatory one in his route) the seven days' weary drag through the -sand of the coast would carry him no farther than from the -neighbourhood of Pasni, and that is why I have selected that point for -the historic episode of his guiding his army by chance and emerging on -to the shore unexpectedly, rather than the neighbourhood of the Basol -River, to which the Parkan route should naturally have led him. He -clearly lost his way, as Arrian says he did, or else the estimated -number of marches is wrong. We are told by Arrian that he reached -Pura, the capital of Gadrosia, on the sixtieth day after leaving the -country of the Oritæ. This is a little indefinite, as he may be -considered to have left the country of the Oritæ when he started to -collect supplies from the northern district, and we do not know how -long he was on this reconnaissance. Probably, however, the date of -leaving the coast and striking inland up the Hingol River is the date -referred to by Arrian, in which case we may estimate that he spent -about twenty-four days negotiating the fearful country opened up to -him on the Parkan route ere he touched the seashore again. This is by -no means an exaggerated estimate if we consider the distance -(something short of 200 miles) and the nature of his army. A -half-armed mob, which included women and children, and of which the -transport consisted of horses and mules and wooden carts dragged by -men, cannot move with the facilities of a modern brigade. Nor would a -modern brigade move along that line with the rapidity that has -distinguished some of our late man[oe]uvres in South Africa. On the -whole, I think the estimate a probable one, and it brings us to -Bampur, the ancient capital of Gadrosia. - -We have now followed Alexander out of India into Persia. Thenceforward -there are no great geographical questions to decipher, or knots to be -untied. His progress was a progress of triumph, and the story of his -retreat well ends with the thrilling tale of his meeting again with -Nearkhos, after the latter had harboured his fleet at the mouth of the -Minab River and set out on the search for Alexander, guided by a -Greek who had strayed from Alexander's army. Blackened by exposure and -clothed in rags, Nearkhos was unrecognized till he announced himself -to the messenger sent to look for him. Even Alexander himself at first -failed to recognize his admiral in the extraordinary apparition that -was presented to him in his camp, and could only believe that his -fleet must have perished and that Nearkhos and Arkias were sole -survivors. We can imagine what followed. Those were days of ready -recognition of service and no despatches, and all Persia was open to -the conquerors to choose their reward. - -After Alexander's time many centuries elapsed before we get another -clear historic view into Makran, and then what do we find? A country -of great and flourishing cities, of high-roads connecting them with -well-known and well-marked stages; armies passing and re-passing, and -a trade which represented to those that held it the dominant -commercial power in the world, flowing steadily century after century -through that country which was fatal to Alexander, and which we are -rather apt now to consider the fag-end of the Baluchistan wilderness. -The history of Makran is bound up with the history of India from time -immemorial. Not all the passes of all the frontiers of India put -together have seen such traffic into the broad plains of Hindustan as -for certainly three, and possibly for eight, centuries passed through -the gateways of Makran. As one by one we can now lay our finger on -the sites of those historic cities, and first begin faintly to measure -the importance of Makran to India ere Vasco da Gama first claimed the -honour of doubling the Cape and opened up the ocean highway, we can -only be astonished that for four centuries more Makran remained a -blank on the map of the world. - -FOOTNOTE: - -[3] _Indus Delta Country_, 1894. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -CHINESE EXPLORATIONS--THE GATES OF THE FAR NORTH - - -There are many gateways into India, gateways on the north as well as -the north-west and west, and although these far northern ways are so -rugged, so difficult, and so elevated that they can hardly be regarded -as of political or strategic importance, yet they are many of them -well trodden and some were once far better known than they are now. -Opinions may perhaps differ as to their practical value as military or -commercial approaches under new conditions of road-making, but they -never have, so far, been utilized in either sense, and the interest of -them is purely historical. These are the ways of the pilgrims, and we -are almost as much indebted to Chinese records for our knowledge of -them as we are to the researches of modern explorers. - -For many a century after Alexander had left the scene of his Eastern -conquests historical darkness envelopes the rugged hills and plains -which witnessed the passing of the Greeks. The faith of Buddha was -strong before their day, but the building age of Buddhism was later. -No mention is to be found in the pages of Greek history of the -magnificent monuments of the creed which are an everlasting wonder of -the plains of Upper India. Such majestic testimony to the living force -of Buddhism could hardly have passed unnoticed by observers so keen as -those early Greeks; and when next we are dimly lighted on our way to -identify the lines of movement and the trend of commerce on the Indian -frontier, we find a new race of explorers treading their way with -pious footsteps from shrine to shrine, and the sacred books and -philosophic teaching of a widespreading faith the objects of their -quest. The Chinese pilgrim Fa Hian was the first to leave a permanent -record of his travels. His date is about A.D. 400, and he was only one -of a large number of Chinese pilgrims who knew the road between India -and China far better than any one knew it twenty-five years ago. - -Although the northern approaches to India from the direction of China -are rather far afield, yet recent revelations resulting from the -researches of such enterprising travellers as Sven Hedin and Stein, -confirming the older records, require some short reference to the -nature of those communications between the outside world of Asia and -India which distinguished the early centuries of our era. In those -early centuries there was to be found in that western extension of -the Gobi desert which we call Chinese Turkistan, in the low-lying -country, mostly sand-covered, which stretches to a yellow horizon -northward beneath the shimmering haze of an almost perpetual dust -veil, very different conditions of human existence to those which now -prevail. The zone of cultivation fed by the streams of the Kuen Lun -was wider, stretching farther into the desert. Rivers ran fuller of -water, carrying fertility farther afield; great lakes spread -themselves where now there are but marshes and reeds, and cities -flourished which have been covered over and buried under accumulating -shifting sand for centuries. A great central desert there always has -been within historic period, but it was a desert much modified by -bordering oases of green fertility, and a spread of irrigated -cultivation which is not to be found there now. - -Amongst the most interesting relics recovered from some of these -unearthed cities are certain writings in Karosthi and Brahmi (Indian) -script, which testify to the existence of roads and posts and a -regular system of communication between these cities of the plain, -which must have been in existence in those early years of the -Christian era when Karosthi was a spoken language in Northern India. -All this now sand-buried country was Buddhist then, and a great city -overlooked the wide expanse of the Lop Lake, and the rivers of the -southern hills carried fertility far into the central plain. When the -pilgrim Fa Hian trod the weary road from Western China to Chinese -Turkistan by way of Turfan and the Buddhist city of Lop, he followed -in a groove deep furrowed by the feet of many a pilgrim before him, -and a highway for devotees for many a century after. - -Strange as it may seem, the ancient people of this desert waste--the -people who now occupy the cultivated strip of land at the foot of the -Kuen Lun mountains which shut them off from Tibet--are an Indian race, -or rather a race of Indian extraction, far more allied to the -Indo-European than to any Mongol, Chinese, Tibetan, or Turk race with -which they may have been recently admixed. Did they spread northward -from India through the rugged passes of Northern Kashmir, taking with -them the faith of their ancestors? We do not know; but there can be -little doubt that the Chanto of the Lop basin and of Turfan is the -lineal successor of the people who welcomed the Chinese pilgrims in -their search after truth. Buddhist then and Mahomedan now, they seem -to have lost little of their genial spirit of hospitality to -strangers. - -Khotan (Ilchi) was the central attraction of Western Turkistan, one at -least of the most blessed wayside fountains of faith, the ultimate -sources of which were only to be found in India. Those ultimate -sources have long left India. They are concentrated in Lhasa now, -which city is still the sanctuary of Buddhism to the thousands of -pilgrims who make their way from China on the east and Mongolia on the -north as full of devout aspiration and of patient searching after -spiritual knowledge as was ever a Chinese pilgrim of past ages. Not -only was Western Turkistan full of the monuments and temples of -Buddhism scattered through the length of the green strips of territory -which bordered the dry steppe of the central depression watered on the -north by the Tarim River, and on the south by the many mountain -streams which rushed through the gorges of the Kuen Lun, but there was -an evident extension of outward and visible signs of the faith to the -northward, embracing the Turfan basin, which in many of its physical -characteristics is but a minor repetition of that of Lop, and possibly -even as far west as the great Lake Issyk Kul. Thus the old pilgrim -route to India from Western China, which was chosen by the devotee so -as to include as many sacred shrines as could possibly be made to -assist in adding grace to his pilgrimage, was a very different route -to that now followed by the pious Mongolian or Western Chinaman to -Lhasa. - -Avoiding the penalties of the Nan Shan system of mountains which -guards the Tibetan plateau on the north-east, these early pilgrims -held on their journey almost due west, and, skirting the Mongolian -steppe within sight of the Tibetan frontier hills, they reached -Turfan; then turning southward, they passed on to the Lop Nor lake -region by a well-ascertained route, which at that time intersected the -well-watered and fertile land of Lulan. There is water still in the -lower Tarim and in the Konche River beds, but it has proved in these -late years to be useless for agricultural development owing to the -increasing salinity of the soil. Several recent attempts at -recolonizing this area have resulted in total failure. From the Lop -Lake to Khotan _via_ Cherchen the old-world route was much the same as -now, but the width of fertility stretched farther north from the Kuen -Lun foothills, and the temples of Buddhism were rich and frequent, and -thus were pious pilgrims refreshed and elevated every step of the way -through this Turkistan region. Khotan appears to have been the local -centre of the faith. No lake spread out its blue waters to catch the -sky reflections here, but from the cold wastes of Tibet, through the -gorges of the great Kuen Lun range, the waters of a river flowed down -past the temples and stupas of Ilchi to find their way northward -across the sands to the Tarim. - -The high ritual of Buddhism in its ancient form was strange and -imposing. When we read Fa Hian's account of the great car procession, -we are no longer surprised at the effect which Buddhist symbolism -exercised on its disciples. Fa Hian and his fellow-travellers were -lodged in a sanghârâma, or temple of the "Great Vehicle," where were -three thousand priests "who assemble to eat at the sound of the -_ghantâ_. On entering the dining hall their carriage is grave and -demure, and they take their seats in regular order. All of them keep -silence; there is no noise with their eating bowls; when the -attendants give more food they are not allowed to speak to one another -but only to make signs with the hand." "In this country," says Fa -Hian, "there are fourteen great sanghârâmas. From the first day of the -fourth month they sweep and water the thoroughfares within the city -and decorate the streets. Above the city gate they stretch an awning -and use every kind of adornment. This is when the King and Queen and -Court ladies take their place. The Gomâti priests first of all take -their images in the procession. About three or four li from the city -they make a four-wheeled image car about 30 feet high, in appearance -like a moving palace adorned with the seven precious substances. They -fix upon it streamers of silk and canopy curtains. The figure is -placed in the car with two Bodhisatevas as companions, while the Devas -attend on them; all kinds of polished ornaments made of gold and -silver hang suspended in the air. When the image is 100 paces from the -gate the King takes off his royal cap, and changing his clothes for -new ones proceeds barefooted, with flowers and incense in his hand, -from the city, followed by his attendants. On meeting the image he -bows down his head and worships at its feet, scattering the flowers -and burning the incense. On entering the city the Queen and Court -ladies scatter about all kinds of flowers and throw them down in wild -profusion. So splendid are the arrangements for worship!"[4] Thus -writes Fa Hian, and it is sufficient to testify to the strength of -Buddhism and the magnificence of its ritual in the third century of -our era, when India still held the chief fountains of inspiration ere -the holy of holies was transferred to Lhasa and the pilgrim route was -changed. - -So far, then, we need not look for the influence exercised by the most -recent climatic pulsation of Central Asia which has dried up the -water-springs and allowed the sand-drifts to accumulate above many of -the minor townships of the Lop basin, in order to account for the -trend of Asiatic religious history towards Tibet. It was the gradual -decay of the faith, and its final departure from its birthplace in the -plains of India in later centuries, which sent pilgrims on another -track, and left many of the northern routes to be rediscovered by -European explorers in the nineteenth century. Most of the Chinese -pilgrims visited Khotan, but from Khotan onward their steps were bent -in several directions. Some of them visited Ki-pin, which has been -identified with the upper Kabul River basin. Here, indeed, were -scattered a wealth of Buddhist records to be studied, shrines to be -visited, and temples to be seen. The road from Balkh to Kabul and from -Kabul to the Punjab was pre-eminently a Buddhist route. Balkh, Haibak, -and Bamian all testify, as does the neighbourhood of Kabul itself, to -the existence of a lively Buddhist history before the Mahomedan -Conquest, and between Kabul and India there are Buddhist remains near -Jalalabad which rival in splendour those of the Swat valley and the -Upper Punjab. All these places were objects of devout attention -undoubtedly, but to reach Kabul _via_ Balkh from Khotan it would be -necessary to cross the Pamirs and Badakshan. It is not easy to follow -in detail the footsteps of these devotees, but it is obvious that -until they entered the "Tsungling" mountains they remained north of -the great trans-Himalayan ranges and of the Hindu Kush. The Tsungling -was the dreaded barrier between China and India, and the wild tales of -the horrors which attended the crossing of the mountains testify to -the fact that they were not much easier of access or transit at the -beginning of the Christian era than they are now. - -The direct distance between Khotan and Balkh is not less than 700 -miles, and 700 miles of such a mountain wilderness as would be -involved by the passing of the Pamirs into the valley of the Oxus and -the plains of Badakshan would represent 900 to 1000 of any ordinary -travelling. And yet there appear to be indications of a close -connection between these two centres of Buddhism. The great temple a -mile or two to the west of Khotan, called the Nava Sanghârâma, or -royal new temple, is the same as that to the south-west of Balkh, -according to a later traveller, Hiuen Tsiang, while the kings of -Khotan were said to be descended from Vaisravana, the protector of the -Balkh convent. No modern traveller has crossed Badakshan from the -Pamirs to Balkh, but the general conformation of the country is fairly -well ascertained, and there can be no doubt that the journey would -occupy any pilgrim, no matter how devout and enthusiastic, at least -two and a half months, and another month would be required to traverse -the road from Balkh _via_ Hiabak, or Baiman, over the Hindu Kush to -Kabul. - -Now we are told that Fa Hian journeyed twenty-five days to the Tsen-ho -country, from whence, by marching four days southward, he entered the -Tsungling mountains. Another twenty-five days' rugged marching took -him to the Kie-sha country, a country "hilly and cold" in "the midst -of the Tsungling mountains," where he rejoined his companions who had -started for Ki-pin. It is therefore clear that he did not rejoin them -at Kabul, nor could they have gone there; and the question -arises--Where is Kie-sha? The continuation of Fa Hian's story gives -the solution to the riddle. Another month's wandering from Kie-sha -across the Tsungling mountains took him to North India. It was a -perilous journey. The terrors of it remained engraved on the memory of -the saint after his return to his home in China. Great "poison -dragons" lived in those mountains, who spat poison and gravel-stones -at passing pilgrims, and few there were who survived the encounter. -The impression conveyed of furious blasts of mountain-bred winds is -vivid, and many travellers since Fa Hian's time have suffered -therefrom. "On entering the borders" of India he came to a little -country called To-li. To-li seems to be identified beyond dispute with -Darel, and with this to guide us we begin to see where our pilgrims -must have passed. Fifteen days more of Tsungling mountain-climbing -southwards took him to Wuchung (Udyana), where he remained during the -rains. Thence he went "south" to Sin-ho-to (Swat), and finally -"descended" into Gandara, or the Upper Punjab. - -From these final stages of his journey India-ward there is little -difficulty in recognizing that Kie-sha must be Kashmir. In the first -place, Kashmir lies on the most direct route between Chinese Turkistan -and India. Nor is it possible to believe that the wealth of Buddhist -remains which now appeal to the antiquarian in that delightful garden -of the Himalayas were not more or less due to the first impulse of the -devotees of the early faith to plant the seeds of Buddhism where the -passing to and fro of innumerable bands of pilgrims would of -necessity occur. Through Kashmir lay the high-road to High Asia, at -that time included in the Buddhist fold, where Indian language had -crystallized and corroborated the faith that was born in India. Thus -it was that glorious temples arose amidst the groves and on the slopes -of Kashmir hills, and even in the days of Fa Hian, when Buddhism was -already nine centuries old, there must have been much to beguile the -pilgrim to devotional study. In short, Kashmir could not be overlooked -by any devotee, and whether the direct route thither was taken from -Khotan, or whether Kashmir was visited in due course from Northern -India, we may be certain that it was one of the chief objectives of -Chinese pilgrimage. - -Fa Hian says so little about the kingdom of Kie-sha which can be made -use of to assist us, that it is not easy to identify the part of -Kashmir to which he refers. Twenty-five days after entering the -Tsungling mountains would enable him to reach the valley of Kashmir by -the Karakoram Pass, Leh, and the Zoji-la at the head of the Sind -valley. It is not a matter of much consequence for our purposes which -route he took, as it is quite clear that all these northern routes -were open to Chinese pilgrim traffic from the very earliest times. The -alternative route would be to the head of the Tagdumbash Pamir, over -the Killik Pass, and by Hunza to Gilgit and Astor. The Hunza country -(Kunjut) has always had an attraction for the Chinese. It has been -conquered and held by China, and is still reckoned by its inhabitants -as part of the Chinese Empire. Hunza and Nagar pay tribute to China to -this day. - -If we remember that the pains and penalties of a pilgrimage over any -of the Hindu Kush passes, or by the Karakoram (the chief trade route -through all time), to India, is as nothing to the trials which modern -Mongolian pilgrims undergo between China and Lhasa, over the terrible -altitudes of the Tibetan plateau, there will be little to surprise us -in these earlier achievements. Pioneers of exploration in the true -sense they were not, for the Himalayan byways must have been as well -known to them as were the Asiatic highways to Alexander ere he -attempted to reach India. We may assume, however, that Fa Hian entered -the central valley of Kashmir from Leh, for it gives a reasonable -pretext for his choice of a route out of it. It is not likely that he -would go twice over the same ground. He witnessed the pomp and -pageantry of Buddhist ritual in Kie-sha. The King of the country had -kept the great five-yearly assembly. He had "summoned Sramanas from -the four quarters, who came together like clouds." Silken canopies and -flags with gold and silver lotus-flowers figure amongst the -ritualistic properties, and form part of the processional arrangements -which end with the invariable offerings to the priests. "The King, -taking from the chief officer of the Embassy the horse he rides, with -its saddle and bridle, mounts it, and then, taking white taffeta, -jewels of various kinds, and things required by the Sramanas, in union -with his ministers, he vows to give them all to the priests. Having -thus given them, they are redeemed at a price from the priests." No -mention is made of the price, but as the Kashmiri of the past has been -excellently well described by another pilgrim as a true prototype of -the Kashmiri of the present, it is unlikely that the King lost much by -the deal. - -The description of Kie-sha as "in the middle of the Tsungling range" -would hardly apply to any country but Kashmir, and the fact is noted -that from Kie-sha towards India the vegetation changes in character. -Having crossed Tsungling, we arrive at North India, says Fa Hian, but -to reach the "little country called To-li" (Darel) he would have to -cross by the Burzil Pass into the basin of the Indus, and then follow -the Gilgit River to a point under the shadow of the Hindu Koh range, -opposite the head-waters of the Darel. Crossing the Hindu Koh, he -would then drop straight into this "little country." Remembering -something of the nature of the road to Gilgit ere our military -engineers fashioned a sound highway out of the rocky hill-sides, one -can sympathize with the pious Fa Hian when recalling in after years -the frightful experiences of that journey. - -A few miles beyond Gilgit the rough evidences of a ruined stupa, and a -still rougher outline of a Buddhist figure cut on the rocks which -guard a narrow gorge leading up the Hindu Koh slopes, points to the -take-off for Darel. No modern explorer has followed that route, except -one of the native explorers of the Indian survey who travelled under -the soubriquet of "the Mullah." The Mullah made his way through the -Darel valley to the Indus, and describes it as a difficult route. -There is little variation in the tale of troubled progress, but "the -Mullah" makes no mention of Buddhist relics, nor is it likely that -they would have appealed to him had he seen them. There can be little -doubt, however, that Darel holds some hidden secrets for future -enterprise to disclose. "Keeping along Tsungling, they journeyed -southward for fifteen days," says Fa Hian. "The road is difficult and -broken with steep crags and precipices in the way. The mountain-side -is simply a stone wall standing up 10,000 feet. Looking down, the -sight is confused and there is no sure foothold. Below is a river -called Sintu-ho (Indus). In old days men bored through the walls to -make a way, and spread out side ladders, of which there are seven -hundred in all to pass. Having passed the ladders, we proceed by a -hanging rope bridge to cross the river." All this agrees fairly well -with the Mullah's account of ladders and precipices, and locates the -route without much doubt. The Darel stream joins the Indus some 30 to -35 miles below Chilas, where the course of the latter river is -practically unsurveyed. Crossing the Indus, Fa Hian came to Wuchung, -which is identified with Udyana, or Upper Swat, and there he remained -during the rains. The Indus below the Darel junction is confined -within a narrow steep-sided gorge with hills running high on either -side, those on the east approaching 15,000 and 16,000 feet. There are -villages, groups of flat-roofed shanties, clinging like limpets to the -rocks, but there is little space for cultivation, and no record of -Buddhist remains north of Buner. No systematic search has been -possible. - -Investigations such as led to the remarkable discovery by Dr. Stein of -the site of that famous Buddhist sanctuary marking the spot where -Buddha, in a former birth, offered his body to the starving tigress on -Mount Banj, south of Buner, have never been possible farther north, on -account of the dangerous character of the hill-people of those -regions. Other Chinese pilgrims, Song Yun (A.D. 520) and Huec Sheng, -have recorded that after leaving the capital of ancient Udyana (near -Manglaor, in Upper Swat) they journeyed for eight days south-east, and -reached the place where Buddha made his body offering. "There high -mountains rose with steep slopes and dizzy peaks reaching to the -clouds," etc. "There stood on the mountain the temple of the collected -bones which counted 300 priests." But there is no mention of other -Buddhist sites of importance in the valley of the Indus. Leaving -Udyana, Fa Hian and his companions went south to the country of -Su-ho-to (Lower Swat), and finally ("descending eastward") in five -days found themselves in Gandhara--or the Upper Punjab. Nine days' -journey eastward from the point where they reached Gandhara they came -to the place of Buddha's body-offering, or Mount Banj. Such, in brief -outline, is the story of one pilgrim's journey across the Himalayas to -India. Other pilgrims undoubtedly entered India _via_ the Kabul River -valley, but we need hardly follow them. There were hundreds of them, -possibly thousands, and the pains and penalties of the pilgrimage but -served to add merit to their devotion. - -The point of the story lies in its revelation as regards connection -between Central Asia and India in the early centuries A.D. Clearly -there was no pass unknown or unvisited by the Chinese. Not merely the -direct routes, but all the connecting ways which linked up one -Buddhist centre with another were equally well known. What has -required from us a weary process of investigation to overcome the -difficulties of map-making, was to them, if not exactly an open book, -certainly a geographical record which could be turned to practical -use, and it is instructive to note the use that was made of it. As a -pious duty, bristling with difficulty and danger, travel over the -wandering tracks which pass through the northern gates of the -Himalayas was regarded with fervour; but it may be taken for granted -that less pious-minded adventurers than the Chinese pilgrims would -most certainly have made good use of that geographical knowledge to -exploit the riches of India had such a proceeding been possible. We -know that attempts have been made. From the earliest times the Mongol -hordes of China and Central Asia have been directed on India, and no -gateway which could offer any possible hope of admittance has been -neglected. Baktria (Badakshan), lying beyond the mountain barrier, had -been at their mercy. The successors to Alexander's legions in that -country were swamped and dispersed within a century or two of the -foundation of the Greek kingdom; and the Kabul River way to India has -let in army after army. But these northern passes have not only barred -migratory Asiatic hordes through all ages, but have proved too much -even for small organized Mongol military expeditions. - -The Chinese hosts, who apparently thought little of crossing the -Tibetan frontier over a succession of Alpine passes such as no Western -general in the world's history has ever encountered, failed to -penetrate farther than Kunjut. The Mongol invasion of Tibet early in -the sixteenth century (which is so graphically described in the -Tarikh-i-Rashidi by Mirza Haidar) was tentatively pushed into Kashmir -_via_ Ladakh, and was defeated by the natural difficulties of the -country--not by the resistance of the weak-kneed Kashmiri--much, -indeed, as a similar expedition to Lhasa was defeated by cold and -starvation. No modern ingenuity has as yet contrived a method of -dealing with the passive resistance of serrated bands of mountains of -such altitude as the Himalayas. No railway could be carried over such -a series of snow-capped ramparts; no force that was not composed of -Asiatic mountaineers could attempt to pass them with any chance of -success; and these northern lines, these eternal defences of Nature's -making may well be left, a vast silent wilderness of peaks, -undisturbed by man's puny efforts to improve their strength. Certainly -the making of highways in the midst of them is not the surest means of -adding to their natural powers of passive obstruction, although such -public works may possibly be deemed necessary in the interests of -peace and order preservation amongst the "snowy mountain men." - -Chinese pilgrims no longer tread those rocky mountain-paths (except in -the pages of Rudyard Kipling's entrancing work), and the tides of -devotion have set in other directions--to Mecca or to Lhasa; but the -fact that thousands of Buddhist worshippers yearly undertake a journey -which, for the hardships entailed by cold and starvation between the -western borders of China and Lhasa, should surely secure for them a -reserve of merit equal to that gathered by their forefathers from the -"Tsungling" mountains, might possibly lead to the question whether the -plateau of Eastern Tibet does not afford the open way which is not to -be found farther west. If a Chinese force of 70,000 men could advance -into the heart of Tibet, and finally administer a severe defeat on the -Gurkhas (which surely occurred in 1792) in Nepal, it is clear that -such a force could equally well reach Lhasa. It is also certain that -the stupendous mountain-chains and the elevated passes, which are the -ruling features of the eastern entrance into Tibet from China, far -exceed in natural strength and difficulty those which intervene -between the plains of India and Lhasa. We are therefore bound to admit -that it might be possible for an unopposed Chinese force to invade -India by Eastern Tibet; possibly even by the valley of Assam. There -is, however, no record that such an attempt has ever been made. The -savage and untamable disposition of the eastern Himalayan tribes, and -their intense hostility to strangers may have been, through all time, -a strong deterrent to any active exploitation of their country; and -the density of the forests which close down on the narrow ways which -intersect their hills, give them an advantage in savage tactics such -as was not possessed by the fighting Gurkha tribe in Nepal. But -whatever the reason may be, there is apparently no record of any -Chinese force descending through the Himalayas into the eastern plains -of India by any of the many ways afforded by the affluents of the -Brahmaputra. We may, I think, rest very well assured that no such -attempt could possibly be made by any force other than Chinese, and -that it is not likely that it ever will be made by them. We do not (at -present) look to the north-east (to China) for the shadows of coming -events in India. We look to the north, and looking in that direction -we are quite content to write down the approach to India by any -serious military force across Tibet or through the northern gateways -of Kashmir to be an impossibility. - -The footsteps of the Buddhist pilgrim point no road for the tread of -armies. In the interests of geographical research it is well to follow -their tracks, and to learn how much wiser geographically they were in -their day than we are now. It is well to remember that as modern -explorers we are as hopelessly behind them in the spirit of -enterprise, which reaches after an ethical ideal, as we are ahead of -them in the process of attaining exact knowledge of the world's -physiography, and recording it. - -FOOTNOTE: - -[4] _Buddhist Records of the Western World_, vol. i. p. 27. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -MEDIÆVAL GEOGRAPHY--SEISTAN AND AFGHANISTAN - - -It was about eight centuries before Buddhism, debased and corrupted, -tainted with Siva worship and loaded with all the ghastly -paraphernalia of a savage demonology, had been driven from India -across the Himalayas, that the Star of Bethlehem had guided men from -the East to the cradle of the Christian faith--a faith so like -Buddhism in its ethical teaching and so unlike in its spiritual -conceptions,--and during those eight centuries Christianity had -already been spread by Apostles and missionaries through the broad -extent of High Asia. Thereupon arose a new propaganda which, spreading -outwards from a centre in south-west Arabia, finally set all humanity -into movement, impelling men to call the wide world to a recognition -of Allah and his one Prophet by methods which eventually included the -use of fire and sword. The rise of the faith of Islam was nearly -coincident (so far as India was concerned) with the fall of Buddhism. -Thenceforward the gentle life-saving precepts of Gautama were to be -taught in the south, and east, and north; in Ceylon, Burma, China, and -Mongolia after being first firmly rooted in Tibet and Turkistan, but -never again in the sacred groves of the land of their birth. And this -raging religious hurricane of Islam swept all before it for century -after century until, checked at last in Western Europe, it left the -world ennobled by many a magnificent monument, and, by adding to the -enlightenment of the dark places of the earth, fulfilled a mission in -the development of mankind. With it there arose a new race of -explorers who travelled into India from the west and north-west, -searching out new ways for their commerce, and it is with them now and -their marvellous records of restless commercial activity that we have -to deal. Masters of the sea, even as of the land, no military and -naval supremacy which has ever directed the destinies of nations was -so widespread in its geographical field of enterprise as that of the -Arabs. The whole world was theirs to explore. Their ships furrowed new -paths across the seas, even as their khafilas trod out new highways -over the land; and at the root of all their movement was the -commercial instinct of the Semite. After all it was the eternal -question of what would pay. Their progenitors had been builders of -cities, of roads, of huge dams for water storage and irrigation, and -directors for public works in Europe, Asia, and Africa. The might of -the sword of Islam but carved the way for the slave-owner and the -merchant to follow. Thus it is that mediæval records of exploration in -Afghanistan and Baluchistan are mostly Arab records; and it is from -them that we learn the "open sesame" of India's landward gates, long -ere the seaports of her coasts were visited by European ships. - -Nothing in the history of the world is more surprising than the rapid -spread of Arab conquests in Asia, Africa, and Western Europe at the -close of the seventh century of our era, excepting, perhaps, the -thoroughness of the subsequent disappearance of Arab influence, and -the absolute effacement of the Arabic language in those countries -which Arabs ruled and robbed. In Persia, Makran, Central Asia, or the -Indus valley, hardly a word of Arabic is now to be recognized. -Geographical terms may here and there be found near the coast, -surviving only because Arab ships still skirt those shores and the -sailor calls the landmarks by old-world names. Even in the English -language the sea terms of the Arab sailor still live. What is our -"Admiral" but the "Al mir ul bahr" of the Arabian Sea, or our "Barge" -but his "Barija," or warship! But in Sind, where Arab supremacy lasted -for at least three centuries, there is nothing left to indicate that -the Arab ever was there. - -The effacement of the Arab in India is chiefly due to the Afghan, the -Turk, and the Mongol. Mahmud of Ghazni put the finishing blow to Arab -supremacy in the Indus valley, when he sacked Multan about the -beginning of the eleventh century; and subsequently the destroying -hordes of Chenghiz Khan and Tamerlane completed the final downfall of -the Empire of the Khalifs. - -Between the beginning of the eighth century and that of the eleventh -the whole world of the Indian north-west frontier and its broad -hinterland, extending to the Tigris and the Oxus, was much traversed -and thoroughly well known to the Arab trader. In Makran we have seen -how they shaped out for themselves overland routes to India, -establishing big trade centres in flourishing towns, burying their -dead in layers on the hill-sides, cultivating their national fruit, -the date, in Makran valleys, and surrounding themselves with the -wealth and beauty of irrigated agriculture. The chief impulse to Arab -exploration emanated from the seat of the Khalifs in Mesopotamia, and -the schools of Western Persia and Bagdad appear to have educated the -best of those practical geographers who have left us their records of -travel in the East; but there are indications of an occasional influx -of Arabs from the coasts of Southern Arabia about whom we learn -nothing whatever from mediæval histories. It will be at any rate -interesting to discuss the general trend of exploration and travel, -associated either with pilgrimage or commerce, which distinguished the -days of Arab supremacy, and which throws considerable light on the -geography of the Indian borderland before its political features were -rearranged by the hand of Chenghiz Khan and his successors. This has -never yet been attempted by the light of recent investigations, and -even now it can only be done partially and indifferently from the want -of completed maps. The borderland which touches the Arabian -Sea--Southern Baluchistan--has been completely explored and mapped, -and the more obvious inferences to be derived from that mapping have -already been made. But Seistan, Karmania, the highways and cities of -Turkistan (Tocharistan) and Badakshan have not, so far as I know, been -outlined in any modern work based on Arab writings and collated with -the geographical surveys of the Russo-Afghan Boundary Commission and -their reports. It was after all but a cursory examination of a huge -area of most interesting country that was possible within the limited -time devoted to boundary demarcation labours in 1883-85; but the -physical features of this part of Asia being now fairly well defined, -there is a good deal to be inferred with reasonable probability from -the circumstance that highways and cities must ever be dependent for -their location on the distributions of topography. - -The first impression produced by the general overlook of all the -historic area which lies between Eastern Persia and the sources on the -Oxus, is one of surprise. There is so little left of this great busy -world of Arab commerce. It seems to have dropped out of the world's -economy, and certain regions to have reverted to a phase of pristine -freedom from sordid competition, which argues much for a decreased -population and a desiccated area of once flourishing lands. - -There are no forests and jungles in Western Afghanistan, or at least -only in restricted spaces on the mountain-slopes, so that there is no -wild undergrowth uprooting and covering the evidences of man's busy -habitation such as we find in Ceylon and the Nepal Tarai; where may be -seen strange staring stone witnesses of the faith of former centuries, -half hidden amidst the wild beauty and luxuriance of tropical forest -growth. There is nothing indeed quite so interesting. Nature has -spread out smooth grass slopes carpeted with sweet flowers in summer, -but frozen and windswept in winter; and beneath the surface we know -for a surety that the buried remains of centuries of busy traffic and -marketing lie hidden, but there is frequently no sign whatever above -ground. It is difficult to account for the utter want of visible -evidence. In the processes of clearing a field for military action, -when it becomes essential to remove some obstructive mud-built village -and trace a clear and free zone for artillery fire, it is often found -that the work of destruction is exceedingly difficult. Only with the -most careful management can the debris be so dispersed that it affords -no better cover to the enemy than the village which it once -represented. As for effacing it altogether, only time, with the -assistance of wind and weather, can accomplish that. But it is -remarkable with what completeness time succeeds. I have stood on the -site of a buried city in Sind--a city, too, of the mediæval era of -Arab ascendency--and have recognized no trace of it but what appeared -to be the turbaned effigies of a multitude of faithful mourners in -various expressive attitudes of grief and despair, who represented the -ancient cemetery of the city. The city had been wiped off the land as -clean as if it had been swept into the sea, but the burying places -remained, and the stone mourners continue mourning through the -centuries. - -The architectural order of these Khalmat tombs is quite Saracenic, and -the vestiges of geometrical design which relieve the plain surface of -the stone work and accentuate the lines of arch and moulding, are all -clean cut and clear. At the end of each tomb, set up on a pedestal, -the folded turban testifies in hard stone to the faith of the occupant -beneath. The sharp edges of the slabs and the clearness of the -ornamental carving are sufficient to prove that the age of these tombs -and monuments cannot be so very remote, although remote enough to have -led to the effacement of the township to which they belong. Sometimes -a mound, where no mound would naturally occur, indicates the base of -one of the larger buildings. Sometimes in the slanting rays of the -evening sun certain shadows, unobserved before, take shape and -pattern themselves into the form of a basement; and almost always -after heavy rain strange little ornaments, beads, and coins, glass -bangles, rings, etc., are washed out on the surface which tell their -own tale as surely as does the widespread and infinitely varied -remnants of household crockery. This last feature is sometimes quite -amazing in its variety and extent, and the quality of the local finds -is not a bad indication of the quality of the local household which -made use of it. "Celadon" ware is abundant from Karachi to Babylon, -and some of it is of extraordinary fineness and beauty of glaze. Pale -sage green is invariably the colour of it, and the tradition of luck -which attaches to it is common from China to Arabia. - -In places where vanished towns were in existence as late as the -eighteenth century (for instance, in the Helmund valley below Rudbar), -debris of pottery may be found literally in tons. In other places, -still living, where generations of cities have gradually waxed and -waned in successive stages, each in turn forming the foundation of a -new growth, it is very difficult to derive any true historical -indication from the debris which is to be found near the surface. -Nothing but systematic and extensive excavation will suffice to prove -that the existing conglomeration of rubbishy bazaars and ruined -mosques is only the last and most unworthy phase of the existence of a -city the glory of whose history is to be found in the world-wide -tradition of past centuries. And so it happens that, moving in the -footsteps of these old mediæval commercial travellers, with the story -of their travels in one's hand, and the indications of hill and plain -and river to testify to the way they went, and a fair possibility of -estimating distances according to their slipshod reckoning of a "day's -journey," one may possess the moral certainty that one has reached a -position where once there stood a flourishing market-town without the -faintest outward indication of it. Without facilities for digging and -delving, and the time for careful examination, there must necessarily -be a certain amount of conjecture about the exact locality of some -even of the most famous towns which were centres of Arab trade through -High Asia. Some indeed are to be found still under their ancient -names, but others (and amongst them many of great importance) are no -longer recognizable in the place where once they palpitated with -vigorous Eastern life. - -The area of Asia which for three or four centuries witnessed the -monopoly of Arab trade included very nearly the whole continent. Asia -Minor may be omitted from that area, and the remoter parts of China; -but all the Indian borderland was literally at their feet; and we can -now proceed to trace out some of their principal lines of route and -their chief halting-places in those districts of which the mediæval -geography has lately become known. - -It is not at all necessary, even if it were possible, to follow the -records of all the eminent Arab travellers who at intervals trod these -weary roads. In the first place they often copied their records from -one another, so that there is much vain repetition in them. In the -second place they are not all equally trustworthy, and their writing -and spelling, especially in place-names, wants that attention to -diacritical marks which in Eastern orthography is essential to correct -transliteration. It is perhaps unfortunate that the most eminent -geographer amongst them should not have been a traveller, but simply a -compiler. - -Abu Abdulla Mohamed was born at Ceuta in Morocco towards the end of -the eleventh century. Being descended from a family named Idris, he -came to be known as Al Idrisi. The branch of the family from which -Idrisi sprang ruled over the city of Magala. He travelled in Europe -and eventually settled at the Court of Roger II. in Sicily. Here he -wrote his book on geography. He quotes the various authors whom he -consulted in its compilation, and derived further information from -travellers whose accounts he compared and tested. The title of his -work is _The Delight of those who seek to wander through the Regions -of the World_, and it is from the French translation of this work by -Jaubert that the following notes on the countries lying beyond the -western borders of India are taken. This account may be accepted as -representing the condition of political and commercial geography -throughout those regions at the end of the eleventh century, some -eighty years or so after the borders of India had been periodically -harried by Mahmud of Ghazni, and not very long before the Mongol host -appeared on the horizon and made a clean sweep of Asiatic -civilization. - -To the west of the Indian frontier in those early days lay the Persian -provinces of Makran and Sejistan (Seistan), which two provinces -between them appear to represent a great part of modern Baluchistan. -The "Belous" were not yet in Baluchistan; they lived north of the -mountains occupied by the "Kufs," with whom they are invariably -associated in Arab geography. "The Kufs," says Idrisi, "are the only -people who do not speak Persian in the province of Kerman. Their -mountains reach to the Persian Gulf, being bordered on the north by -the country of Najirman (?Nakirman), on the south and east by the sea -and the Makran deserts, on the west by the sea and the 'Belous' -country and the districts of Matiban and Hormuz." These are doubtless -the "Bashkird" mountains, and the "species of Kurd, brave and savage" -which inhabited them under the name of Kufs probably represent the -progenitors of the present inhabitants. - -The "Bolous" or "Belous" lived in the plains to the north "right up -to the foot of the mountains," and these are the people (according to -Mr. Longworth Dames) who, hailing originally from the Caspian -provinces, are the typical Baluch tribespeople of to-day. - -These mountains, which Idrisi calls the "cold mountains," extend to -the north-west of Jirift and are "fertile, productive, and wooded." -"It is a country where snow falls every year," and of which "the -inhabitants are virtuous and innocent." There have been changes since -Idrisi's time, both moral and physical, but here is a strong item of -evidence in favour of the theory of the gradual desiccation which has -enveloped Southern Baluchistan and dried up the water-springs of -Makran. What Idrisi called the "Great Desert" is comprehensive. All -the great central wastes of Persia, including the Kerman desert as -well as the basin of the Helmund south of the hills, the frontier -hills of the Sind border up to Multan, were a part of it, and they -were inhabited by nomadic tribes of "thieves and brigands." - -Modern Seistan is a flat, unwholesome country, distributed -geographically on either side of the Helmund between Persia and -Afghanistan. It owes its place in history and its reputation for -enormous productiveness to the fact that it is the great central basin -of Afghanistan, where the Helmund and other Afghan rivers run to a -finish in vast swamps, or lagoons. Surrounded by deserts, Seistan is -never waterless, and there was, in days which can hardly be called -ancient, a really fine system of irrigation, which fertilized a fairly -large tract of now unproductive land on the Persian side of the river. -The amount of land thus brought under cultivation was considerable, -but not considerable enough to justify the historic reputation which -Seistan has always enjoyed as the "Granary of Asia." This traditional -wealth was no doubt exaggerated from the fact that the fertility of -Seistan (like that of the Herat valley, which is after all but an -insignificant item in Afghan territory) was in direct contrast to the -vast expanse of profitless desert with which it was surrounded--a -green oasis in the midst of an Asiatic wilderness. - -The Helmund has taken to itself many channels in the course of -measurable time. Its ancient beds have been traced and mapped, and -with them have been found evidences of closely-packed townships and -villages, where the shifting waters and consequent encroachment of -sand-waves leave no sign of life at present. - -Century after century the same eternal process of obliteration and -renovation has proceeded. Millions of tons of silt have been deposited -in this great alluvial basin. Levels have changed and the waters have -wandered irresponsibly into a network of channels westward. Then the -howling, desiccating winds of the north-west have carried back -sand-waves and silt, burying villages and filling the atmosphere for -hundreds of miles southward with impalpable dust, crossing the Helmund -deserts even to the frontier of India. There is no measurable scale -for the force of the Seistan winds. They scoop up the sand and sweep -clean the surface of the earth, polishing the rounded edges of the -ragged walls of the Helmund valley ruins. It is a notable fact that no -part of these ruins face the wind. All that is left of palaces and -citadels stands "end on" to the north-west. For a few short months in -the year the wind is modified, and then there instantly arises the -plague of insects which render life a burden to every living thing. -And yet Seistan has played a most important part in the history of -Asia, and may play an important rôle again. - -Arab records are very full of Seistan. The earliest of them that give -any serious geographical information are the records of Ibn Haukel, -but there are certainly indications in his account which engender a -suspicion that he never really visited the country. He mentions the -capital Zarinje (of which the ruins cover an enormous area to the east -of Nasratabad, the present capital) and writes of it as a very large -town with five gates, one of which "leads to Bist." There were -extensive fortifications, and a bazaar of which he reckons the annual -revenue to be 1000 direms. - -There were canals innumerable, and always the wind and the windmills. -It is curious that he traces the Helmund as running to Seistan first -and then to the Darya-i-Zarah. This is in fact correct, only the -Darya-i-Zarah (or Gaod-i-Zireh, as we know it) receives no water from -the Helmund until the great Hamún (lagoons) to the north of Nasratabad -are filled to overflow. He also mentions two rivers as flowing into -the Zarah--one from Farah (an important place in his time), which is -impossible, as it would have to cross the Helmund; and one from Ghur. -This indicates almost certainly that the name Zarah was not confined, -as it is now, to the great salt swamp south of Rudbar on the Helmund, -but it included the Hamúns north of Nasratabad, into which the Farah -River and the Ghur River do actually empty themselves. At present -these two great lake systems are separated by about 120 miles of -Helmund River basin, and are only connected occasionally in flood time -by means of the overflow (called Shelag) already referred to. The -mention of Bist, and of the bridge of boats across the river at that -point, is important, for it is clear that about the year A.D. 950 one -high-road for trade eastward was across the desert, _i.e._ _via_ the -Khash Rud valley from Zarinje to about the meridian of 63 E.L. and -then straight over the desert to Bist (Kala Bist of modern mapping). -The further mention of robats (or resting-places) _en route_, -indicates that it was well kept up and a much traversed high-road. -Subsequently Girishk appears to have become the popular crossing-place -of the river, but it is well to remember that the earlier route still -exists, and could readily be made available for a flank march on -Kandahar. - -From Idrisi's writings we learn that a century later, _i.e._ about the -end of the eleventh century, the Seistan province extended far beyond -its present limits. Bamian and Ghur (_i.e._ the central hills of -Afghanistan) were _vis-à-vis_ to that province; Farah was included; -and probably the whole line of the frontier hills from the Sulimanis, -opposite Multan, to Sibi and Kalat. It was an enormous province, and a -new light breaks on its traditional wealth in grain and agricultural -produce when we understand its vast extent. - -The regions of Ghur and Dawar bordered it to the north, and there is a -word or two to be said about both hereafter. Ghur in the eleventh -century included the valley of Herat and all the wedge of mountainous -country south of it to Dawar, but how far Seistan extended into the -heart of the mountain system which culminates to the south-west of -Kabul it is difficult to say. It is difficult to understand the -statement that Bamian, for instance, bordered Seistan, with Ghur in -between, unless, indeed, in these early days of Ghur's history (for -Ghur was only conquered by the Arabs in A.D. 1020, and was still far -from intertwining its history with that of Ghazni when Idrisi wrote) -the greatness of Bamian overshadowed the light of the lesser valleys -of Ghur, and Bamian was the ruling province of Central Afghanistan. -This, indeed, seems possible. The district of Dawar to the south of -Ghur has always been something of a mystery to geographers. Described -by Idrisi as "vast, rich, and fertile," and "the line of defence on -the side of Ghur, Baghnein, and Khilkh," it would be impossible to -place it without a knowledge of the towns mentioned, were it not that -we are told that Derthel, one of the chief towns of Dawar, is on the -Helmund, and that one crosses the river there "in order to reach -Sarwan." This at once indicates the traditional ford at Girishk as the -crossing-place, and Zamindawar as the Dawar of Idrisi. Khilkh then -becomes intelligible also as a town of the Khilkhi (the people who -then occupied Dawar, described as Turkish by Idrisi, and probably -identified with the modern Ghilzai), and finds its modern -representative in the Kalat-i-Ghilzai which crowns the well-known rock -on the road from Kandahar to Kabul. "The country is inhabited by a -people called Khilkh," says Idrisi. "The Khilkhs are of a Turkish -race, who from a remote period have inhabited this country, and whose -habitations are spread to the north of India on the flank of Ghur and -in western Seistan." Thus the position of the Ghilzai in the -ethnography of Central Afghanistan appears to have been established -long before the days of Mongol irruption. Then as now they formed a -very important tribal community. - -It is, however, sometimes difficult to reconcile Idrisi's account of -the routes followed by his countrymen in this part of Asia with -existing geographical features. Deserts and mountains must have been -much the same as they are now, and the best, if not the only, way to -unravel the geographical tangle is to take his itinerary and see where -it leads us. Of Baghnein on the southern borders of Seistan, he says -it is an "agreeable country, fertile and abundant in fruits." From -there (_i.e_. the country, not the town) to Derthel one reckons one -day's journey through the nomad tribes of Bechinks, Derthel being -"situated on the banks of the Helmund and one of the chief towns of -Dawar." - -So we have to cross an open uncultivated region for 40 miles or so -from Baghnein to reach Derthel, on the Helmund. Again, "one crosses -the Helmund at Derthel to reach Sarwan--a town situated about one -day's journey off," on which depends a territory which produces -everything in abundance. "Sarwan is bigger than Fars, and more rich in -fruit and all sorts of productions. Grapes are transported to Bost (or -Bist), a town two days distant passing by Firozand, which possesses a -big market, and is on the traveller's right as he travels to Benjawai, -which is _vis-à-vis_ to Derthel." "Rudhan (?Rudbar) is a small town -south of the Helmund." - -The Helmund valley has been surveyed from Zamindawar to its final exit -into the Seistan lagoons, and we know that at Girishk there is a very -ancient ford, which now marks, and has always marked, the great -highway from Kandahar to Herat. South of Girishk, at the junction of -the Arghandab with the Helmund, we find extensive and ancient ruins at -Kala Bist; and south of that again there are many ruins at intervals -in the Helmund valley; but these latter are comparatively recent, -dating from the time of the Kaiani Maliks of the eighteenth century. - -Assuming that the Helmund fords have remained constant, and placing -Derthel on one side of the river at Girishk and Benjawai on the other, -we find on our modern maps that from the ford it is a possible day's -journey to Kala Sarwan, higher up the Helmund, where "fruit and grapes -are to be had in abundance," and from whence they might certainly have -been sent to Bist, where grapes do not grow. Baghnein, separated from -Derthel by a strip of nomad country, one day's journey wide, might -thus be on either side the Helmund; but its contiguity to Ghur seems -to favour a position to the west, rather than to the east, of the -river, somewhere east of the plains of Bukwa about Washir. - -Now it is certain that no Arab traveller, crossing the Helmund desert -from the west by the direct route recently exploited in British Indian -interests below Kala Bist and south of the river, could by any -possibility have reached a grape-growing and highly-cultivated country -in one day's journey. The inference, then, is tolerably clear. Arab -traders and travellers never made use of this southern route. Nor -should we ourselves make use of such a route as that _via_ Nushki and -the Koh-i-Malik Siah, were we not forced into it by Afghan policy. The -natural high-road from the east of Persia and Herat to India is _via_ -the plains of Kandahar and the ford of Girishk, and the Arabs, with -all Khorasan at their feet, were not likely to travel any other way. - -Undoubtedly the system of approach to the Indus valley, open to Arab -traffic from Syria and Bagdad, most generally used and most widely -recognized was that through the Makran valleys to Karachi and Sind, -whilst the inland route, _via_ Persia and Seistan, made the well-known -ford of the Helmund at Girishk, or the boat bridge at Kala Bist, its -objective, and passed over the river to the plains about Kandahar. But -it is a very remarkable, and possibly a significant, fact that the -continuation of the route to Sind and the Indus valley from the plains -about Kandahar is not mentioned by any Arab writer. Did the Arabs -descend through any of the well-known passes of the frontier--the -Mulla, Bolan, Saki-Sarwar, or Gomul--into the plains of India? -Possibly they did so; but in that case it is difficult to account for -so important a geographical feature as the frontier passes of Sind -being ignored by the greatest geographer of his day. - -Following Idrisi's description of the Helmund province we have a brief -itinerary from the Helmund ford (Derthel or Benjawai) to Ghazni, said -to be nine days' journey inland. None of the places mentioned are to -be identified in modern maps except Cariat, which is more than -probably Kariut, a rich and fertile district in the Arghandab valley -in the direct line to Kalat-i-Ghilzai. This route passes well to the -north-east of Kandahar, which was apparently of little account in -Idrisi's days. Although there are extensive ruins at Kushk-i-Nakhud, -indicated by a huge artificial mound half-way between Girishk and -Kandahar, there is nothing in Idrisi's writings by which they can be -identified. - -Ghazni was then a large town "surrounded by mud walls and a ditch. -There are many houses and permanent markets in Ghazni; much business -is done there. It is one of the 'entrepots' of India. Kabul is nine -days' journey from it." This is not much to say of the city which had -been enriched by the spoils carried away from Muttra and Somnath, and -by the treasures amassed during seventeen fierce raids of that Mahmud -who, by repeated conquests, made all Northern and Western India -contribute to his treasury. - -Later, in 1332, the Arab traveller, Ibn Batuta, writes of Ghazni as a -small town set in a waste of ruins--a description which fits it not -inaptly at the present day; but in Idrisi's time, before the wars with -Ghur led to its destruction, whilst still the wealth of a great part -of India supported its magnificence, and whilst it was still the -theme of glowing panegyric by contemporary historians, one would -expect a rather more enthusiastic notice. But even Kabul (nine days' -journey distant from Ghazni) is only recognized as "_L'une des grandes -villes de l'Inde, entourée de murs_," with a "_bonne citadelle et au -dehors divers faubourgs_."[5] - -There is little to interest us, however, in tracing out the routes -that linked up Ghazni and Kabul with the Helmund. They have been the -same through all time, with just the difference of place-names. Towns -and villages, caravanserais and posts, have come and gone, but that -historic road has been marked out by Nature as one of the grandest -high-roads in Asia, from the days of Alexander to those of Roberts. -Two minars tapering to the sky on the plain before Ghazni are all that -are left of its ancient glories, and one cannot but contrast the -scattered debris of that once so famous city with the solid endurance -of the far greater and older architectural efforts in Egypt and -Assyria. Southern Afghanistan is indeed singularly poor and empty of -historic monuments. Even now were Kabul, Kandahar, and Herat, its -three great cities, to be flattened out by a widespread earthquake -there would be little that was not of Buddhist origin left for the -future archæologist to make a stir about. - -Idrisi writes of the Kingdom of Ghur as apart from Herat, although a -great part of the long Herat valley was certainly included. He calls -it a country "mountainous and well inhabited, where one finds springs, -rivers, and gardens--easy to defend and very fertile. There are many -cultivated fields and flocks. The inhabitants speak a language which -is not that of the people of Khorasan, and they are not Mohammedans." -Who were they? The Khilkhis or Ghilzais we know at that time -overspread the southern hills of Dawar; but who were the people -speaking a strange language in the land of the Chahar Aimak where now -dwell the Taimanis, unless they were the Taimanis themselves whose -traditions date from the time of Moses? - -More recently the Ghilzais have left Zamindawar, and the Taimanis have -been pressed backward and upward into the central hills by the Afghan -Durani clans, who circle round westward, forming a fringe on the -foothills between Herat and Kandahar, and who have now completely -monopolized Zamindawar. Here, indeed, the truculent Nurzai and -Achakzai, and other elements of the Durani section of Afghan -ethnography, flourish exceedingly, and it is in this corner of -Afghanistan, bordering on the Herat highway to India, that nearly all -the fanatics and ghazis of the country are bred. They presented so -turbulent and uncompromising a front to strangers in 1882 that there -was great difficulty in getting a fair survey of the land of the -Chahar Aimak or of Zamindawar. - -The mediæval provinces of Ghur and Bamain figure so largely in the -records of Arab geography, and appear to have been so fully open to -commerce during the centuries succeeding the Arab conquests, that one -naturally wonders whether there can have been any remarkable change in -the physical configuration of those regions which, in these later -days, has rendered them more inaccessible and unapproachable. The Arab -accounts of trade routes flit easily from point to point, taking -little reckoning of long distances and gigantic ice-bound passes, or -the perils of a treacherous climate. An itinerary which deals with -stupendous mountains and extreme altitudes has little more of -descriptive illustration in these Arab records than such as would -apply to camel tracks across the sandy desert or over the flat plain. -Nor is the distance which figures as a "day's journey" sensibly -changed to suit the route. Forty miles or so across the backbone of -the Hindu Kush is written of in much the same terms as if it were -forty miles over the plains. Giving the Arab travellers all credit for -far greater powers of endurance and determination than we moderns -possess, we must still believe that there is a great deal of -exaggeration (or forgetfulness) in these heroic records of the past. -It is unlikely that the physical conditions of the country have -materially changed. - -So little has been written of this central region of modern -Afghanistan (within which lie the ruins of more than one kingdom), so -little has it been traversed by modern explorers, that it may be -useful to give some slight general description of the country with -which these records deal, including Bamain and Kabul and the mountain -system occupied by the Taimani and Hazara tribes as well as the -prolific region of Zamindawar with the routes which traverse it. - -No part of Afghanistan has been subject to more speculative theories, -or requires more practical elucidation, than this mountain region in -which so large a share of the drama of Afghan history has been played. -Before the days of the Anglo-Russian agreement on the subject of the -northern boundaries of Afghanistan nothing was known of its geography, -beyond what might be gathered from the doubtful records of Ferrier's -journey--and that was very little. The geography of a country shapes -its history just as surely in the East as in the West, and we have -consequently much new light thrown on the interesting story of the -rise and fall of the Ghur dynasties by the fairly comprehensive -surveys of the region of their turbulent activities which were carried -out in 1882-83. - -From these sources we obtain a very fair idea of the general -conformation of Central Afghanistan, _i.e._ that part of Afghanistan -which is occupied by the tribes known as the Chahar Aimak, _i.e._ the -Jamshidis, the Hazaras, Firozkohis, and Taimanis. It consists in the -first place of a huge irregular tableland--or uplift--which has been -deeply scored and eroded by centuries of river action, the rivers -radiating from the central mass of the Koh-i-Babar to the west of -Kabul and flowing in deep valleys either directly northward towards -the Oxus, due west towards Herat (eventually to turn northward), or -south-west in irregular but more or less parallel lines to the Helmund -lagoons in Seistan. - -The Kabul River basin also finds its head near the same group of river -sources. The central mountain mass, the Koh-i-Babar, is high, rocky, -generally snow-capped and impassable. To the north it sends down long, -barren, and comparatively gentle spurs to the main plateau level, -which is deeply cut into by the northern system of rivers, including -the Murghab and the Balkh Ab. But the strangest feature in this -network of hydrography is the long, deep, narrow valley (almost -ditch-like in its regularity) which has been eroded by the Hari Rud -River as it makes its way due west, cutting off the sources of the -northern group from those of the Helmund or south-western group. It is -a most remarkable valley, depressed to a depth of 1000 to 2000 feet -below the general plateau level, bounded on the north by a -comparatively level line of red-faced cliffs, and on the south by -another straight flat-backed range called the Band-i-Baian (or farther -west, the Sufed Koh), which has been carved into the semblance of a -range by the parallel valleys of the Hari Rud on the north and the -Tagao Ishlan on the south, which hug the range between them. - -No affluents of any consequence join either stream. Either separate or -together they make their way with straight determination westward -towards Herat. South of this curious ditch rise the many streamlets -which work their way, sometimes through comparatively open valleys -where the floor level has been raised by the centuries of detritus, -sometimes through steep and narrow gorges where the harder rock of the -plateau formation presents more difficulties to erosion, into the -great Helmund basin. These are affluents of the Adraskand, the Farah -Rud, and the Helmund, all of which have the same bourne in the Seistan -depression. High up between the Farah Rud and the Helmund affluents -isolated rugged peaks and short ranges crease and crumple the surface -of the inhospitable land of the Hazaras, who occupy all the highest of -the uplands and all the sources of the streams, a hardy, handy race of -Mongols, living in wild seclusion, but proving themselves to be one of -the most useful communities amongst the many in Afghanistan. We have -some of them as sepoys in the Indian Army. Lower down in the same -river basins, where the gentle grass-covered valleys sweep up to the -crests of the hills, cultivation becomes possible. Here flocks of -sheep dot the hill-sides, and the land is open and free; but there are -still isolated and detached ribs of rocky eminence rising to 11,000 -and 12,000 feet, maintaining the mountainous character of the scenery, -and rivers are still locked in the embrace of occasional gorges which -admit of no passing by. This is the land of that very ancient people, -the Taimanis. - -The fierce and lawless Firozkohis live in the Murghab basin on the -plateau north of the Hari Rud, the Jamshidis to the west of them in -the milder climate of the lower hills, into which the plateau -subsides. - -Whilst we are chiefly concerned in tracing out the mediæval commercial -routes of Afghanistan, we may briefly summarize the events which prove -that those traversed between Herat and the central kingdoms were -important routes, worn smooth by the feet of armies as well as by the -tread of pack-laden khafilas. They are still very rough and they -present solid difficulties here and there, but in the main they are -passable commercial roads, although little commerce wends its way -about them now. - -In the Middle Ages the Kingdom of Ghur included the Herat valley as -far as Khwaja Chist above Obeh in the valley of the Hari Rud, as well -as all the hill country to the south-east. About the earliest mention -of Ghur by any traveller is that of Ibn Haukel, who speaks of Jebel al -Ghur, and talks of plains, ring-fenced with mountains, fruitful in -cattle and crops, and inhabited by infidels (_i.e._ non-Mussulmans). -The later history of Ghur is inextricably intertwined with that of -Ghazni. - -Mahmud of Ghazni frequently invaded the hills of Ghur which lay to the -west of him, but never made any practical impression on the Ghuri -tribespeople. In 1020, however, Mahomedans conquered Ghur effectually -from Herat. About a century later (this is after the time of Idrisi, -whose records we are following) a member of the ruling Ghuri family -(Shansabi) was recognized as lord of Ghur, and it was one of his sons -(Alauddin) who inflicted such terrible reprisals on Ghazni when he -sacked and destroyed that city and its people. It was about this time -(according to some authorities) that the kingdom of Bamian was founded -by another member of the same family; but we find Bamian distinctly -recognized as a separate kingdom by Idrisi a century or so earlier. -From 1174 to 1214 Bamian was the seat of government of a branch of -this family ruling all Tokharistan (Turkistan), during which period -Seistan and Herat were certainly tributary to Ghur. Ghur then became -so powerful, that it was said that prayers in the name of the Ghuri -were read from uttermost India to Persia, and from the Oxus to Hormuz. - -In 1214 Ghur was reduced first by Mahomedans from Khwarezm (Khiva), -and shortly afterwards by Chenghis Khan and his Mongol hosts. About -the middle of the thirteenth century, however, a recrudescence of -power appeared under the Kurt (or Tajik) dynasty subject to the -supreme government of the Mongols. Seistan, Kabul, and Tirah were -then ruled from Herat as the capital of Ghur. Timur finally broke up -Herat and Ghur in 1383, since which time its history has been as -obscure as the geography of the region which surrounded it. Such in -brief is the stormy tale of Ghur, and it leads to one or two -interesting deductions. There was evidently constant and ready -communication with Herat, Bamian, and Ghazni. The capital of Ghur must -have been an important town, situated in a fertile and fairly populous -district, which, although it was mountainous, yet enjoyed an excellent -climate. It must have been a military centre too, with fortresses and -places of defence. During its later history it is clear that Ghur was -often governed from Herat, but in earlier mediæval days Ghur possessed -a distinct capital and a separate entity amongst Afghan kingdoms, and -was able to hold its own against even so powerful an adversary as -Mahmud of Ghazni, whilst its communications were with Bamian on the -north-east rather than with Kabul, which was then regarded as an -"Indian" city. We can at any rate trace no record of a direct route -between Ghur and Kabul. - -In the twelfth century we read that the capital of Ghur was known as -Firozkohi, which name (says Yule) was probably appropriated by the -nomad Aimak tribe now called Firozkohi; but within the limits of what -is now recognized as the habitat of the Firozkohi (_i.e._ the plateau -which forms the basin of the Upper Murghab), it is impossible to find -any place which would answer to what we know of the general condition -of the surroundings and climate of the capital of Ghur, and which -would justify a claim to be considered a position of commanding -eminence. The altitude of the Upper Murghab branches is not more than -6000 to 7000 feet above sea-level, at which height the climate -certainly admits of agriculture, but no place that has been visited, -nor indeed any position in the valleys of the Upper Murghab affluents, -corresponds in any way to what we are told of this capital. - -If we look for the best modern lines of communication through Central -Afghanistan we shall certainly find that they correspond with mediæval -routes, fitting themselves to the conformation of the country. Central -Afghanistan is open to invasion from the north, west, and south, but -not directly from the east. The invasion of Ghur from Ghazni, for -instance, must have been directed by Kalat-i-Gilzai, Kariut, and Musa -Kila (in Zamindawar), to Yaman, which lies a little to the east of -Ghur (or Taiwara). So far as we know there are no passes leading due -west from Ghazni to the heart of the Taimani country. - -From the south the Helmund and its affluents offer several openings -into the heart of the Hazara highlands to the east of Taimani land, -amidst the great rocky peaks of which the positions were fixed from -stations on the Band-i-Baian. But there is no certain information -about the inhabited centres of Hazara population; and from what we -know of that desolate region of winter snow and wind, there never -could have been anything to tempt an invader, nor would any sound -commercial traveller have dreamt of passing that way from Seistan to -Bamian and Kabul. The idea that Alexander ever took an army up the -Helmund valley, and over the Bamian passes, must be regarded as most -improbable in spite of the description of Quintus Curtius, who -undoubtedly describes a route which presented more difficulties than -are quite appropriate to the regular Kandahar to Kabul road. On the -other hand, from Seistan by the Farah Rud there is a route which is -open to wheeled traffic all the way to Daolatyar on the upper Hari -Rud. Daolatyar may be regarded as the focus of several routes trending -north-eastward from Seistan, with the ultimate objective of Bamian and -the populous valleys of Ghur. - -One of the chief affluents of the Farah Rud is now known as the Ghur, -and we need look no farther than this valley for the central interest -of the Ghur kingdom, although the exact position of the capital may -still be open to discussion. Between the Tagao Ghur and the Farah Rud -are the Park Mountains, which are almost Himalayan in general -characteristics and beauty, with delightful valleys and open spaces, -terraced fields, well-built two-storied wooden houses, pretty -villages, orchards with an abundance of walnuts and vines trailing -over the trees; the Ghur valley itself being broad and open with a -clear river of sweet water in its midst. This is near its junction -with the Farah Rud. Above this, for a space, the valley narrows to a -gorge and there is no passing along it, whilst above the gorge again -it becomes wide, cultivated, and well populated, and this is where the -Taimani headquarters of Taiwara are found. Taiwara is locally known as -Ghur, and may be absolutely on the site of the ancient capital, for -there are ruins enough to support the theory. Beyond an intervening -band of hills to the south are two valleys full of cultivation and -trees, wherein are two important places, Nili and Zarni, which -likewise boast of extensive ruins, whilst at Jam Kala, hard by, there -is perched on a high spur above the road with only one approach, a -remarkable stone-built fort. Yaman, to the east of Taiwara, in the -Helmund drainage, is a permanent Taimani village. Here also are very -ancient ruins, and the people say that they date from the time of -Moses. At that time they say that cups were buried with the dead, one -at the head and one at the foot of the corpse. Our native surveyor -Imám Sharif saw one of these cups with an inscription on it, but was -unable to secure the relic. - -Nili and Zarni are in direct connection with Farah, with no -inconvenient break in the comparatively easy line of communication; -and they all (including Taiwara) are in direct communication with -Herat, by a good khafila route (_i.e._ good for camels). But the -routes differ widely, that from Herat to Taiwara by Farsi being more -direct, whilst the route from Herat to Zarni by Parjuman (which is -well kept up between these two places) passes well to the south. All -these places, again, are connected with the Hari Rud valley at Khwaja -Chist (the Ghur frontier) by a good passable high-road, which first -crosses the hills between Zarni and Taiwara, then passes under the -shadow of a remarkable mountain called Chalapdalan, or Chahil Abdal -(12,700 feet high--about which many mysterious traditions still -hover), over the Burma Pass into the Farah Rud drainage, thence over -another pass into the valleys of the Tagao Ishlan, and finally over -the Band-i-Baian into the Hari Rud valley at Khwaja Chist. - -This is the route described by Idrisi as connecting Ghur with Herat, -as we shall see. The Ghur district is linked up with Daolatyar and -Bamian by the Farah Rud line of approach, or by a route, described as -good, which runs east into the Hazara highlands, and then follows the -Helmund. The latter is very high. There is therefore absolutely no -difficulty in traversing these Taimani mountain regions in almost any -direction, and the facility for movement, combined with the beauty and -fertility of the country, all point unmistakably to Taiwara and its -neighbourhood as the seat of the Ghuri dynasty of the Afghan kings. - -The picturesque characteristics of Ghur extend southward to Zamindawar -on its southern frontier, the valleys of the Helmund, the Arghandab, -the Tarnak, and Arghastan--this is a land of open, rolling watersheds, -treeless, but covered with grass and flowers in spring, and crowned -with rocky peaks and ridges of rugged grandeur alternating with the -rich beauty of pastoral fields. The summer of their existence is in -curious contrast to the stern winter of the storm-swept highlands -above them, or the dreary expanse of drab sand-dusted desert below. -The route upstream to the backbone of the mountains, and so over the -divide to the kingdom of Bamian, was once a well-trodden route. - -Since so many routes converge on Daolatyar at the head of the Hari Rud -valley, one would naturally look for Daolatyar to figure in mediæval -geography as an important centre. It is not easy, however, to identify -any of the places mentioned by Idrisi as representing this particular -focus of highland routes. Between Ghur and Herat, or between Ghur and -Ghazni, the difficulty lies in the number and extent of populous -towns, any one of which may represent an ancient site, to say nothing -of ruins innumerable. Between Taiwara and Herat we get no information -from Idrisi till we reach Khwaja Chist on the frontier. He merely -mentions the existence of a khafila road, and then he counts seven -days' journey between Khwaja Chist and Herat, reckoning the first as -"short." - -The names of the halting-places between Khwaja Chist and Herat are -Housab, Auca, Marabad, Astarabad, Bajitan (or Najitan), and Nachan. -Auca I have no hesitation in identifying with Obeh. There is a large -village at Marwa which might possibly represent Marabad, and Naisan -would correspond in distance with Nachan, but this is mere guesswork; -to identify the others is impossible, without further examination than -was undertaken when surveying the ground. - -The story of the commerce of Central Asia, which centred itself in -Herat in the days of Arab supremacy, has a strong claim on the student -of Eastern geography, for it is only through the itineraries of these -wandering Semetic merchants and travellers that we can arrive at any -estimation of the peculiar phase of civilization which existed in Asia -in the mediæval centuries of our era; a period at which there is good -reason to suppose that civilization was as much advanced in the East -as in the West. It is not the professional explorers, nor yet the -missionaries (great as are their services to geography), who have -opened up to us a knowledge of the world's highways and byways -sufficient to lead to general map illustration of its ancient -continents, so much as the everlasting pushing out of trade -investigations in order to obtain the mastery of the road to wealth. - -India and its glittering fame has much to answer for, but India (that -is to say, the India we know, the peninsula of India) was so much -more get-at-able by sea than by land even in the early days of -navigation, that we do not learn so much about the passes through the -mountains into India as the way of the ships at sea, and the coast -ports which they visited. According to certain Arab writers large -companies of Arabs settled in the borderland and coasts of India from -the very earliest days. Indeed, there are evidences of their existence -in Makran long before the days of Alexander; but there is very little -evidence of any overland approach to India across the Indus. -Hindustan, to the mediæval Arab, commenced at the Hindu Kush, and -Kabul and Ghazni were "Indian" frontier towns; and the invasions and -conquests of India dating back to Assyrian times include no more than -the Indus basin, and were not concerned with anything farther south. -The Indus, with its flanking line of waterless desert, was ever a most -effectual geographical barrier. - -The Arabs entered India and occupied the Indus valley through Makran, -and throughout their writings we find, strangely, little reference to -any of the Indian frontier passes which we now know so well. But in -the north and north-west of Afghanistan, in the Seistan and the Oxus -regions, they were thoroughly at home both as traders and travellers; -and with the assistance of their records we can make out a very fair -idea of the general network of traffic which covered High Asia. The -destroying hordes of the subsequent Mongol invasions, and the -everlasting raids of Turkmans and Persians on the border, have clean -wiped out the greater number of the towns and cities mentioned by -them, and the map is now full of comparatively modern Turkish and -Persian names which give no indication whatever of ancient occupation. -There are, nevertheless, some points of unmistakable identity, and -from these we can work round to conclusions which justify us in -piecing together the old route-map of Northern Afghanistan to a -certain extent. This is not unimportant even to modern geographers. -The roads of the old khafila travellers may again be the roads of -modern progress. We know, at any rate, that the Arabs of 1000 years -ago were much the same as the Arabs of to-day in their manners and -methods. Their routes were camel routes, not horse routes, and their -day's journey was as far as a camel could go in a day, which was far -in the wider and more waterless spaces of desert or uninhabited -country, and very much shorter when convenient halting-places -occurred. These Arab itineraries are bare enumeration of place-names -and approximate distances. As for any description of the nature of the -road or the scenery, or any indication of altitude (which they -possibly had no means of judging), there is not a trace of it; and the -difficulties of transliteration in place-names are so great as to -leave identification generally a matter of mere guesswork. - -One of the most interesting geographical centres from which to take -off is Herat, and it may be instructive to note what is said about -Herat itself and its connections with the Oxus and Seistan. Herat, -says Idrisi, is "great and flourishing, it is defended inside by a -citadel, and is surrounded outside by 'faubourgs.' It has many gates -of wood clamped with iron, with the exception of the Babsari gate, -which is entirely of iron. The Grand Mosque of the town is in the -midst of the bazaars.... Herat is the central point between Khorasan, -Seistan, and Fars." Ibn Haukel (tenth century) mentions a gate called -the Darwaza Kushk, which is evidence that Kushk was of importance in -those days, though no separate mention is made of that place; and he -adds that the iron gate was the Balkh gate, and was in the midst of -the city. The strategical value of the position was clearly -recognized. - -That grand edifice, the Mosalla, with its mosques and minars, which -stood outside the walls of Herat and was the glory of the town in 1883 -(when it was destroyed in the interests of military defence), had no -previous existence in any other form than that which was given it when -it was built in the twelfth century. - -Both Ibn Haukel and Idrisi mention a mountain about six miles from -Herat, from which stone was taken for paving (or mill-stones), where -there was neither grass nor wood, but where was a place (in Ibn -Haukel's time, but not mentioned by Idrisi) "inhabited, called Sakah, -with a temple or Church of Christians." Idrisi says this mountain was -"on the road to Balkh, in the direction of Asfaran." This would seem -to indicate that Asfaran, "on the road to Balkh," must be Parana (or -Parwana), an important position about a day's march north of Herat. -Ibn Haukel says nothing about the road to Balkh, which can only be -northward from Herat, but merely mentions that the mountain was on the -desert or uncultivated side of Herat, where was a river which had to -be crossed by a bridge. This could only be _south_ of Herat. Asfaran -is also stated to be on the road to _Seistan_ and to have had four -places dependent on it, one of which was Adraskand; and the route to -Asfaran from Herat is further described as three days' journey -(Idrisi). Ibn Haukel also describes Asfaran as possessing four -dependent towns, and places it between Farah and Herat, or _south_ of -Herat. As Adraskand[6] is a well-known place between Herat and Farah, -we must assume that this is either another Asfaran, or that Idrisi has -made a mistake in copying Ibn Haukel. It might possibly be represented -by Parah, twenty-five miles south-west of Herat, although the limited -area of cultivable ground around renders this unlikely. Subzawar would -indicate a far more promising position for an important trade centre -such as Asfaran must have been, and would accord better with the three -days' journey from Herat of Idrisi, or the itinerary from Farah given -by Ibn Haukel, while the extensive ruins around testify to its -antiquity. Asfaran was almost certainly Subzawar. - -Considering the interest which may once again surround the question of -communications from Herat to India, it may be useful to point out that -the route connecting Farah with Herat 1000 years ago remains -apparently unchanged. The bridge called the Pul-i-Malun, over the Hari -Rud, must have been in existence then, and there was another bridge -over the Farah River one day's march below Farah, on the highway -between Herat and Seistan. To the west of Herat, on the ruin-strewn -road to Sarakhs, we have one or two interesting geographical -propositions. - -Idrisi mentions a place possessing considerable local importance -"before Herat had become what it is now," about 9 miles west of Herat, -called Kharachanabad. This can easily be recognized in the modern -Khardozan, a walled but very ancient town, which is about 8œ miles -distant. Between it and the walls of the city there is now no place of -importance, nor does it appear likely, for local reasons, that there -ever could have been any. Another place, called Bousik, or Boushinj -(Pousheng, according to Ibn Haukel), is said to be half the size of -Sarakhs, built on the flat plain 6 miles distant from the mountains, -surrounded with walls and a ditch, with brick houses, and inhabitants -who were commercial, rich, and prosperous, and "who drink the water of -the river that runs to Sarakhs." This indicates a site on the banks of -the Hari Rud. The only modern place of importance which answers this -description is the ancient town of Zindajan, which is about 6 miles -from the mountains, and which (according to Ferrier) still bears the -name of Foosheng. This name, however, was not recognized by the Afghan -Boundary Commission. "To the west of Bousik are Kharkerde and Jerkere. -One reckons two days' journey to this last town, which is well -populated, smaller than Kuseri, but where there is plenty of water and -cultivation. From Jerkere to Kharkerde is two days' journey." These -two places are obviously on the road to Nishapur. There is an ancient -"haoz," or tank, below the isolated hill of Sangiduktar, near the -Persian frontier, which might well represent what is left of Jerkere, -and Kharkerde lies beyond it, on the road to Rue Khaf (itself a very -ancient site, probably representing Rudan), near Karat. Another place -which has a very ancient and troubled history is Ghurian, about -thirteen miles west of Zindajan. This is readily identified as the -Koure of Idrisi, which is described as twelve miles from Bousik, on -the left of the high-road westward, and about three miles from it. - -This corresponds exactly with Ghurian, and proves that the high-road -has retained its position through ages. Koure is described as an -important town, but there is no mention of walls or defences. Another -place, second only in importance to Bousik, is Kouseri. It is in fact -said to be equal to Bousik, and to possess "running water and -gardens." There can be little doubt that this is Kuhsan (or Kusan), -one of the most important towns of the Herat valley. - -This great high-road, intersecting the plain from the north-west gate -of the city, is a pleasant enough road in the spring and summer -months. For a space it runs singularly free from crowded villages and -close cultivation, and the tread of a horse's hoof is amongst -low-growing flowers of the plain, a dwarf yellow rose with maroon -centre being the most prominent. Then, as one skirts the Kaibar River -as it runs to a junction with the Hari Rud from the northern hills, -cultivation thickens and villages increase. - -The road next hugs the Hari Rud, and, passing the high-walled town of -Zindajan to the south, runs, white and even and hard, with the scarlet -and purple of poppies and thistles fringing it, between long gravel -slopes of open dasht and the twin-peaked ridge of Doshak, to Rozanak -and Kuhsan. Kuhsan is a little to the south of the Kaman-i-Bihist. It -was here that the British Commission of the Russo-Afghan Boundary -gathered in the late autumn of 1884, one half from England and the -other half from India. The drab squares of the cultivated plain were -bare then, in November, and the poplars on the banks of the river were -scattering yellow leaves to the blasts of the bitter north-west winds -of autumn which sweep through Khorasan and Seistan, making of life a -daily burden. But there came a marvellous change in the spring-time, -when the world was scarlet and green below and blue above; when the -sand-grouse began to chatter through the clear sky; then -Kaman-i-Bihist (the bow of Paradise) justified its name. The old Arab -of the trading days who wandered northward to Sarakhs must have loved -this place. - -Stretching Sarakhs-ward are the hills, rocky and broken along the -river edge, but gradually giving place eastward to easy rounded -slopes, softened by rain and snow, and washed into smooth spurs with -treacherous waterways between which become quagmires under the -influence of a north-western "shamshir." The extraordinary effect of -denudation which yearly results from the heavy rain-storms which are -so frequent in spring and early summer in these hills must have -absolutely changed their outlines during the centuries which have -elapsed since the Semitic trader trod them. A summer storm-cloud -charged with electricity may burst on their summits, and the whole -surface of the slopes at once becomes soft and pulpy. Mud avalanches -start on the steeper grades and carry down thousands of tons of slimy -detritus in a crawling mass, and spread it out in fans at their feet. -It is not safe to say that the modern passes of the Paropamisus north -of Herat--the Ardewan and the Babar--were the passes of mediæval -commerce, although the Ardewan is marked by certain wells and ruined -caravanserais which show that it has long been used. It seems possible -that these passes may have shifted their positions more than once. -There was undoubtedly a well-trodden route from Bousik, which carried -the traveller more directly to Sarakhs than would the Ardewan or even -the Chashma Sabz Pass. This road followed the river more closely than -any railway ever will. It turned the river gorge to the east, and -probably passed through the hills by the Karez Ilias route, which runs -almost due north to Sarakhs. The only certain indication which we can -find in Idrisi is the statement that the "silver hill" (_i.e._ the -hill of the silver mine) is on the road from Herat to Sarakhs. The -Simkoh (silver hill) is still a well-known feature in the broken range -of the Paropamisus, near that route. But it is difficult after -centuries of disturbing forces, natural and artificial, to identify -the sites of many of the towns and markets mentioned by Idrisi, who -places Badghis to the west of Bousik, and gives the "silver hill" as -one of its "dependencies." There were two considerable towns, Kua (or -Kau) and Kawakir, said to have been near the silver hill, and there is -mention of a place called Kilrin in this neighbourhood. Probably the -ruins at Gulran represent the latter, but Kua and Kawakir are not -identified. Gulran was one of the most fascinating camps of the Afghan -Boundary Commission. On the open grass slopes stretching in gentle -grades northward, bordered by the line of red Paropamisan cliffs to -the south and west and by the open desert stretching to Merv on the -north, it was, during one or two early months of the year, quite an -ideal camping-ground. - -It was here that the wild asses of the mountains made a raid on the -humble four-footed followers of the Commission, and signified their -extreme disgust at the free use which was made of their -feeding-grounds; thus witnessing to the condition of primeval -simplicity into which that once populous district had subsided after -centuries of border raid and insecurity. The remains of an old karez, -or underground irrigation channel, not far north of Gulran, testified -to a former condition of cultivation and prosperity. - -From Gulran (which is connected with the Herat plains directly by the -pass called Chashma Sabz) roads stretch northwards and north-eastwards, -without obstacle, to the open Turkistan plains, where ancient sites -abound. Idrisi's indications, however, are but a very uncertain -foundation for identifying most of them. The "dependencies" of Badghis -are said to be Kua, Kughanabad, Bast, Jadwa, Kalawun, and Dehertan, -the last place being built on a hill having neither vegetation nor -gardens; but "lead is found there, and a small stream." - -The great trade centres of Turkistan, north of the Paropamisus, in -mediæval days were undoubtedly near Panjdeh, at the confluence of the -Kushk and Murghab rivers, and at Merv-el-Rud, or Maruchak. Two or -three obvious routes lead from the passes above Kaman-i-Bihist, or -above Herat, to Panjdeh and Maruchak. One is indicated by the drainage -of the Kushk River, and the other by that of the Kashan, which is more -or less parallel to the Kushk to the east of it, with desolate Chol -country in between. From Herat the most direct route to Panjdeh and -Merv is by the Babar Pass, or by Korokh, the Zirmast Pass, and Naratu. -Korokh (Karuj) is mentioned both by Ibn Haukel and Idrisi as being -situated three marches from Herat, surrounded by entrenchments, and in -the "gorge of mountains," with gardens and orchards and vines. The -Korokh of to-day is between the mountains, but only some twenty-five -miles from Herat. This modern Korokh has, however, many evidences of -great antiquity, and it is on the high-road to an important group of -passes leading past Naratu to Bala Murghab and Maruchak. The most -remarkable feature about Korokh is a grove of pine trees closely -resembling the "stone" pine of Italy, which mass themselves into a -dark blotch on the landscape and mark Korokh in this treeless country -most conspicuously. There are no other trees of the same sort to be -found now in this part of Asia, but I was told that they once were -abundant in the Herat valley, which renders it possible that the -"arar" trees, mentioned by Ibn Haukel as a peculiar source of revenue -to Bousik, may have been of this species. Naratu, again, is very -ancient, and its position among the hills (for it is a hill-fortress) -seems to identify it with Dahertan. Undoubtedly this was one of the -most important of the old routes northward, and it is a route of which -account should be taken to-day. - -In the Kuskh River more than one ancient site was observed, Kila Maur -being obviously one of the most important, whilst in the Kashan stream -there were evidences of former occupation at Torashekh and at -Robat-i-Kashan. Whilst there is a general vague resemblance between -the names of certain old Arab towns and places yet to be found in the -Herat valley and Badghis, it is only here and there that it has been -possible to identify the precise position of a mediæval site. The -dependencies of Badghis, enumerated by Idrisi, require the patient and -careful researches of a Stein to place them accurately on the basis -of such vague definitions as are given. We are merely told that -Kanowar and Kalawun are situated at a distance of three miles one from -the other, and that between them there is neither running water nor -gardens. "The people drink from wells and from rain-water. They -possess cultivated fields, sheep, and cattle." Such a description -would apply excellently well to any two contiguous villages in the -Chol country anywhere between the Kushk and the Kashan. Those rolling, -wave-like hills, with their marvellous spread of grass and flowers in -summer, and their dreary, wind-scoured bareness in winter, are -excellent for sheep and cattle at certain seasons of the year; but -water is only to be found at intervals, and there are much wider -distances than three miles where not even wells are to be found. - -Writing again of Herat, Idrisi says that, starting towards the east in -the direction of Balkh, one encounters three towns in the district of -Kenef: Tir, Kenef, and Lakshur; and that they are all about equally -distant, it being one day's journey to Tir, one more to Kenef, and -another to Lakshur (Lacschour). Tir is a rich town where the "prince -of the country" resides, larger than Bousik, full of commerce and -people, with brick-built houses, etc. Kenef is as large, but more -visited by foreigners; and Lakshur is equal to either. They are all of -them big towns of commercial importance, Lakshur being bounded on the -west by the Merv-el-Rud province, of which the capital is -Merv-el-Rud. - -Assuming for the present that Maruchak, on the Murghab, represents -Merv-el-Rud (Merv of the River), where are we to place these three -important sites, so that the last shall be east of the Maruchak -province and only three days' journey from Herat? The distance from -Herat to Maruchak is not less than 150 miles, and it is called by -Idrisi a six days' journey. Starting towards the east can only refer -to the Balkh route already referred to, _i.e._ _via_ Korokh and the -Zirmast Pass. It cannot mean the Hari Rud valley, for that leads to -Bamian rather than Balkh. By the Korokh route, however, it is possible -to follow a more direct line to Balkh than any which would pass by -Maruchak or Bamian. There is on this route, east of Naratu and -south-east of Maruchak, a place called Langar which might possibly -correspond to Lakshur, and it is not more than 70 to 80 miles from -Herat. From Langar there is an easy pass leading over the -Band-i-Turkistan more or less directly to Maimana and Balkh, and it -seems probable that this was a recognized khafila route. Tir is an -oft-repeated name in the Herat district. The river itself was called -Tir west of Herat, and there is the bridge of Tir (Tir-pul) just above -Kuhsan. The mountains, again, to the north-east are known as Tir -Band-i-Turkistan, and the Tir mentioned as on the road to Balkh must -certainly have been east of Herat. Of Kenef I can trace no evidence. -It must have been close to Korokh. - -That this route, through the Korokh valley and across the -water-parting by the Zirmast Pass to Naratu, was the high road between -Herat and Balkh I have very little doubt. It was the route selected -for mail service during the winter when the Afghan Boundary Commission -camp was at Bala Murghab, on the Murghab River, and it was seldom -closed by snow, although the Zirmast heights rise to over 7000 feet, -and the Tir Band-i-Turkistan (which represents the northern _rebord_ -or revetment of the uplands which contain the Murghab drainage) cannot -be much less. The intense bitterness of a Northern Afghan winter is -more or less spasmodic. It is only the dreaded shamshir (the -"scimitar" of the north-west) which is dangerous, and travelling is -possible at almost every season of the year. The condition of the -mountain ways and passes immediately above Bala Murghab is not that of -steep and difficult tracks across a rugged and rocky divide. In most -cases it is possible to ride over them, or, indeed, off them, in -almost any direction; but as these mountains extend eastward they -alter the character of their crests. From Herat to Maruchak this is -not, however, the direct road; the Kushk River, or the Kashan, -offering a much easier line of approach. - -All our investigations in 1884 tended to prove beyond dispute that -Maruchak represents the famous old city of Merv-el-Rud, the "Merv of -the River," to which every Arab geographer refers. Sir Henry Rawlinson -sums up the position in the Royal Geographical Society's _Proceedings_ -(vol. viii.), when he points out that there were two Mervs known to -the ancient geographer. One is the well-known Russian capital in -trans-Caspia, the "Merv of the Oasis," a city which, in conjunction -with Herat and Balkh, formed the tripolis of primitive Aryan -civilization. It was to this place that Orodis, the Parthian king, -transported the Roman soldiers whom he had taken prisoners in his -victory over Crassus, and here they seemed to have formed a -flourishing colony. - -Merv was in early ages a Christian city, and Christian congregations, -both Jacobite and Nestorian, flourished at Merv from about A.D. 200 -till the conquest of Persia by the Mahomedans. Merv the greater has as -stirring a history as any in Asia, but Merv-el-Rud, which was 140 -miles south of the older Merv, is altogether of later date. This city -is said to have been built by architects from Babylonia in the fifth -century A.D., and was flourishing at the time of the Arab invasion. -All this Oxus region (Tokharistan) was then held by a race of -Skytho-Aryans (white Huns) called Tokhari or Kushan, and their -capital, Talikhan, was not far from Maruchak. Now, Merv-el-Rud is the -only great city named in history on the Upper Murghab, above Panjdeh, -before the end of the fourteenth century A.D. After that date, in the -time of Shah Rokh (Timur's son), the name Merv-el-Rud disappears, and -Maruchak takes its place in all geographical works, the inference -being that, Merv-el-Rud being destroyed in Timur's wars, Maruchak was -built in its immediate neighbourhood. This surmise of Rawlinson's is -confirmed by the appearance of Maruchak, which is but an insignificant -collection of inferior buildings surrounded by a mud wall, with a -labyrinth of deep canal cuttings in front of it and a rough irregular -stretch of untilled country around. Merv-el-Rud must have been a much -greater place. - -There are, however, abundant evidences of grass-covered ruins, both -near Maruchak and at the junction of the Chaharshamba River with the -Murghab some 10 miles above Maruchak. Sir Henry Rawlinson points out -the strategic value of this point, as the Chaharshamba route leads -nearly straight into the Oxus plains and to Balkh. At the point of the -junction of the two rivers the valley of the Murghab hardly affords -room enough for a town of such importance as we are led to believe -Merv-el-Rud to have been, even after making all due allowance for -Oriental exaggeration. It is only about Maruchak that the valley -widens out sufficiently to admit of a large town. It seems probable, -therefore, that the site of Maruchak must be near the site of -Merv-el-Rud, although it does not actually command the entrance to -the Chaharshamba valley and the road to Afghan Turkistan. - -On this road, some 30 miles from the junction of the rivers, there is -to be seen on the slopes which flank the southern hills, the jagged -tooth-edged remains of a very old town (long deserted) which goes by -the name of Kila Wali. It is here, or close by, that the Tochari -planted their capital Talikan, at one time the seat of government of a -vast area of the Oxus basin. There is, however, another Talikan[7] in -Badakshan to the east of Balkh, and there are symptoms that some -confusion existed between the two in the minds of our mediæval -geographers. Ibn Haukel writes of Talikan as possessing more wholesome -air than Merv-el-Rud, and he refers to the river running between the -two. This is evidently in reference to the capital of Tocharistan at -Kila Wali. Again when he writes of Talikan as the largest city in -Tocharistan, "situated on a plain, near mountains," he is correct -enough as applied to Kila Wali, but this has nothing to do with -Andarab and Badakshan with which we find it directly associated in the -context. - -On the other hand the Talikan in Badakshan was one of a group of -important cities whose connection with India lay through Andarab and -the northern passes of the Hindu Kush. Between Maruchak and Panjdeh, -along the banks of the Murghab, are ruins innumerable, the sites of -other towns which it is impossible to identify with precision. There -can be little doubt, however, that the remains of the bridge which -once spanned the river at a point between Maruchak and Panjdeh marked -the site of Dizek (or Derak, according to Idrisi), which we know to -have been built on both sides of the river, and that Khuzan existed -near where Aktapa now is (_i.e._ near Panjdeh). The name Dizek is -still to be recognized, but it is applied to a curious sequence of -ancient Buddhist caves which have been carved out of the cliffs at -Panjdeh, and not to any site on the river banks. - -The confusion which occasionally exists between places bearing the -same name in mediæval geographical annals is very obvious in Idrisi's -description of Merv. The greater Merv (the Russian provincial capital) -is clearly mixed up in his mind with the lesser Merv when, in -describing the latter, he says that Merv-el-Rud is situated in a plain -at a great distance from mountains, and that its territory is fertile -but sandy; three grand mosques and a citadel adorn an eminence and -water is brought to it by innumerable canals, all of which is -applicable to Merv but not to Merv-el-Rud. He then continues with a -description of the greater Merv, which is quite apropos to that -locality, and makes it clear incidentally that Khiva (not Merv) -represents the ancient Khwarezm. Again, he enumerates towns and places -of Mahomedan origin which are "dependent" on "Merv." Amongst them we -find Mesiha, a pretty, well-cultivated place one day's journey to the -west of Merv; Jirena (Behvana), a market-town 9 miles from Merv, and 3 -from Dorak (? Dizek), a place situated on the banks of the river; then -Dendalkan, an important town two days from Merv on the road to -Sarakhs; Sarmakan, a large town to the left of Dorak and 3 miles -farther, Dorak being situated on the banks of the river at 12 miles -from Merv in the direction of Sarakhs; Kasr Akhif (or Ahnef), a little -town at one day's distance from Merv on the road to Balkh; Derah, a -small town 12 miles from Kasr Ahnef where grapes were abundant. Here, -says Idrisi, the river divides the town in two parts which are -connected by a bridge. It is quite impossible to straighten out this -geographical enumeration, unless we assume that it refers to -Merv-el-Rud and not to Merv. Then Mesiha becomes a possibility, and -might be looked for among the ruined sites on the Kushk -River--possibly at Kila Maur. Dorak, at 12 miles from Merv in the -direction of Sarakhs, and Dendalkan at two days' journey in the same -direction, would still be on the river banks. Kasr Ahnef we know to -have been built after the Arab invasion in the valley of the Murghab, -about 12 miles from Khuzan (identified by Rawlinson with Ak Tepe) and -15 from Merv-el-Rud, and must have been situated near the -Band-i-Nadir, where the desert road to Balkh enters the hills. Ak Tepe -must once have been a place of great importance, both strategically -(as it commands the position of the two important highways southward -to Herat, the Kushk and the Murghab valleys) and commercially. But -apparently its importance did not survive to Arab times. Dendalkan was -certainly near Ak Tepe. - -In making our surveys of this historic district it was exceedingly -difficult to associate the drab and dreary landscape of this Chol -(loess) country and its intersecting rivers with such a scene of busy -commercial life as the valleys must have presented in Arab times. The -Kushk is at best a "dry" river, as its name betokens, an -unsatisfactory driblet in a world of sandy desolation. Reeds and -thickets hide its narrow ways, and it is only where its low banks -recede on either hand as it emerges into the flat plains above Panjdeh -that there is room for anything that could by courtesy be called a -town. The Murghab River shows better promise. - -Below Maruchak, where towns once crowded, it widens into green spaces, -and the multiplicity and depth of the astonishing system of canals -which distribute the waters of the river on its left bank leave no -room to doubt the strength of the former population that constructed -them. Where the pheasants breed now in myriads, in reedy swamps and -scrubby thickets, there may lie hidden the foundations of many an old -town with its caravanserais, its mosques, and its baths. The economic -value of the Murghab River is still great in Northern Afghanistan. No -one watching the sullen flood pouring past Bala Murghab in the winter -time and looking up to the dark doors of the mountains from whence it -seems to emerge, could have any idea of the wealth and fertility and -the spread of its usefulness which is to be found on the far side of -those doors. From its many cradles in the Firozkohi uplands to its -many streamlets reaching out round Merv and turning the desert into a -glorious field of fertility, the Murghab does its duty bravely in the -world of rivers, and well deserves all that has ever been written in -its praise by past generations of geographers. - -Amongst the many high-roads of Northern Afghanistan which are -mentioned by the Arab writers, none is more frequently referred to -than the road from Herat to Balkh, _i.e._ to Afghan Turkistan. -Intervening between Herat and Afghan Turkistan there is immediately -north the easy round-backed range called by various names which have -been lumped under the term Paropamisus, down the northern slopes of -which the Kushk and Kashan made a fairly straight way through the sea -of rounded slopes and smooth steep-sided hills which constitute the -Chol. But this range is but an extension of the southern rampart of -the Firozkohi upland, which forms the upper basin of the Murghab and -overlooks the narrow valley of the Hari Rud. - -The northern rampart or buttress of that upland is the Tir -Band-i-Turkistan, the western flank of which is turned by the Murghab -River as it makes its way northward. So that there are several ways by -which Afghan Turkistan may be reached from Herat. Setting aside the -Hari Rud route to Bamian or Kabul, which would be a difficult and -lengthy detour for the purpose of reaching Balkh, there is the route -we have already mentioned _via_ Korokh, Naratu, and Langar, and thence -over the Band-i-Turkistan, or down the Murghab. But there is another -and probably the most trodden way, _via_ the Kashan to the Murghab -valley at the junction of the Chaharshamba River, and up that river to -the divide at its head, passing over into the Kaisar drainage, and so, -either to Andkhui and the Oxus, or to Maimana and Balkh. This was the -route made use of generally by the Russo-Afghan Boundary Commission, -and the existence of ancient tanks (called "Haoz") and of "robats" (or -halting-places) at regular intervals in the Kashan valley, testifies -to its use at no very ancient date. - -The entrance to the Chaharshamba valley is very narrow, so narrow as -to preclude the possibility of any large town ever having occupied -this position; but it opens out as one passes the old Kila Wali ruins -where there is ample space for the old capital of Tocharistan to have -existed. On the north, trailing streams descend from the Kara Bel -plateau (a magnificent grass country in summer and a cold scene of -windy desolation in winter), and their descent is frequently through -treacherous marshes and shining salt pitfalls, making it exceedingly -difficult to follow them to the plateau edge. To the south are the -harder features of the Band-i-Turkistan foothills, the crest of the -long black ridge of this Band being featureless and flat, as is -generally the case with the boundary ridges and revetments of a -plateau country. Over the Chaharshamba divide (at about 2800 feet) and -into the Kaisar drainage is an introduction to a country that is -beautiful with the varied beauty of low hill-tops and gentle slopes, -until one either by turning north, debouches into the flat desert -plains of the Oxus at Daolatabad, or continuing more easterly, arrives -at Maimana, the capital of the little province of Almar, the centre of -a small world of highly cultivated and populous country, and a town -which must from its position represent one or other of the ancient -trade centres mentioned by Idrisi. Here we leave behind the long lines -of Turkman kibitkas looking like rows of black bee-hives in the -snow-spread distance, and find the flat-roofed substantial houses of a -settled Uzbek population, with flourishing bazaars and a general -appearance of well-being inside the mud walls of the town. - -Idrisi writes that Talikan is built at the foot of a mountain which is -part of the Jurkan range (Band-i-Turkistan), and that it is on the -"paved" route between Merv and Balkh. This at once indicates that -route as an important one compared with other routes (there being a -desert route across the Karabel plateau from near Panjdeh in addition -to those already mentioned), although there is no sign of any serious -road-making to be detected at present. Sixty miles from Talikan, on -the road to Balkh, Idrisi places Karbat, a town not so large as -Talikan but more flourishing and better populated. The distance -reckoned along the one possible route here points to Maimana, which is -just 60 miles from Talikan, but there is no other indication of -identity. Karbat was a dependency of the province of Juzjan (or -Jurkan, probably Guzwan), and 54 miles to the east of it was the town -of Aspurkan, a small town, itself 54 miles from Balkh. Now Balkh, by -any possible route, is at least 130 to 140 miles from Maimana, but if -we assume Aspurkan to have been just half-way (as Idrisi makes it) -between Maimana and Balkh, we find Sar-i-pul (a small place -indifferently supplied with water, and thus answering Idrisi's -description of Aspurkan) almost exactly in that position. In support -of this identification of Aspurkan with Sar-i-pul there is the name -Aspardeh close to Sar-i-pul. Other places are mentioned by Idrisi as -flourishing centres of trade and industry in this singularly favoured -part of Afghanistan, where the low spurs and offshoots of the -Band-i-Turkistan break gently into the Oxus plains. He says that -Anbar, one day's march to the south-west of Aspurkan, was a larger -place than Merv-el-Rud, with vineyards and gardens surrounding it and -a fair trade in cloth. There, both in summer and winter, the chief of -the country resided. Two days from Aspurkan, and one from Karbat, was -the Jewish colony of Yahudia, a walled town with a good commercial -business. This colony is also mentioned by Ibn Haukel as situated in -the district of Jurkan. From Yahudia to Shar (a small town in the -hills) was one day's march. The main road south-west from Sar-i-pul -has probably remained unchanged through the centuries. It runs to -Balangur (? Bala Angur) and Kurchi, the former being 10 miles and the -latter 30 from Sar-i-pul. Either might represent the site of Anbar. -Twenty miles from Kurchi is Belchirag, and Belchirag is about 25 from -Maimana. It would thus represent the site of the ancient Yahudia -fairly well, whilst 25 to 30 miles from Belchirag we find Kala Shahar, -a small town in the mountains, still existing. Jurkan is described as -a town by Idrisi (and as a district by Ibn Haukel), built between two -mountains, three short marches from Aspurkan, and Zakar is another -commercial town two marches to the south-east. I should identify -Jirghan of our maps with Jurkan, and Takzar with Zakar. - -All this part of Afghan Turkistan is rich in agricultural -possibilities. The Uzbek population of the towns and the Ersari -Turkmans of the deserts beyond Shibarghan are all agriculturists, and -the land is great in fruit. They are a peaceful people, hating the -Afghan rule and praying for British or any other alternative. -Shibarghan is an insignificant walled town with a small garrison of -Afghan Kasidars; always in straits for water in the dry season. The -road between Shibarghan and Sar-i-pul is flat, skirting the edge of -the rolling Chol to the east of it. Sar-i-pul itself is but a small -walled town in rotten repair, sheltering a few Kasidars and two guns, -but no regular Afghan troops. There are a few Jews there who make and -sell wine, and a few Peshawur bunniahs (shopkeepers). - -From Sar-i-pul a direct road runs to Bamian and Kabul _via_ Takzar to -the south-east, and strikes the hill country almost at once after -leaving Sar-i-pul. It surmounts a high divide (about 11,000 feet), and -crosses the Balkh Ab valley to reach Bamian. There is another route up -the Astarab stream leading to Chiras at the head of the Murghab River -and into the Hazara highlands; but these were never trade routes -except for local purposes. The Hazaras send down to the plain their -camel hair-cloth and receive many of the necessities of life in -exchange, but there is no through traffic. - -The characteristics of the Astarab road are typical of this part of -Afghanistan. After passing Jirghan the valley is shut in by -magnificent cliffs from 700 to 1000 feet high. The vista is closed by -snow peaks to the south, which, with the brilliancy of up-springing -crops on the banks of the river, form a picture of almost Alpine -beauty. There is, curiously enough, an entire absence of forest in -the valley, but blocks of a soft white clay mixed with mica lend a -weird whiteness to its walls, dazzling the eye, and making patchwork -of Nature's colouring. Snakes abound in great numbers, mostly -harmless, but the deadly "asp-i-mar" is amongst them. There is a -yellow variety which is freely handled by the Uzbeks, who call this -snake Kamchin-i-Shah-i-Murdan. About eight miles beyond Jirghan the -Uzbek population ceases. From this point there are only Firozkohis and -some few Taimanis who have been ejected from the Hari Rud valley for -their misdeeds. They are all robbers by profession, supporting -existence by slave trading. They kidnap girls and boys from the Hazara -villages of the highlands and trade them to the Uzbeks in exchange for -guns, ammunition, and horses. These Taimani robbers are by no means -the only slave dealers. Nearly every well-to-do establishment in -Afghan Turkistan has one or two Hazara slaves. The prices paid, of -course, vary, but 300 krans each was paid for two girls bought in -1883. Expert native authorities have a very high opinion of the -handiness of Hazara slave girls. They are good at needlework, turning -out most exquisite embroidery, and they are never idle. - -The narrowness of the Astarab gorge renders it impossible to follow -the river along the whole of its course. The road finally leaves the -valley and strikes up to the plateau on its left bank. One remarkably -persistent feature in these valley formations is the existence of two -plateau levels, or terraces; that immediately overlooking the valley -being sometimes 100 feet lower than the second platform which is -thrown back for a considerable distance, leaving a broad terrace -formation between the line of its cliff edge and that bordering the -stream. Occasionally there is more than one such terrace indicating -former geologic floors of the valley. - -On gaining the plateau level a very remarkable scene opens out--a -broad green dasht, or plain, slopes away to a sharp line westwards -bordered by glittering cliffs and intersected by the white line of the -road. In the midst of this setting of white and green are the remains -of what must once have been a town of considerable importance, which -goes by the name locally of the Shahar-i-Wairan, or ancient city. Such -buildings as remain are of sun-dried brick; there appears to be no -indication of the usual wall or moat surrounding this city, and -nothing suggestive of a canal or "karez"; nothing, in short, but -scattered ruins covering about one and a half square miles. The -kabristan (or graveyard) was easily recognizable, and its vast size -furnished some clue to the size of the city. All history, all -tradition even, about this remarkable place seems lost in oblivion; -but a city of such pretensions must have had a fair place in geography -from very early times. It seems improbable, however, that it could -have been more than a summer residence in its palmy days, for winter -at this elevation (nearly 7000 feet) and in such an exposed locality -would be very severe indeed. The only indication which can be derived -from Idrisi's writings is the reference to the small town in the -mountains called Shah (Shahar) one day's march from the Jewish colony -of Yahudia. As already explained there is a Kila Shahar some 25 to 30 -miles from Yahudia (if we accept the position of Belchirag as more or -less representing that place), but the Shahar-i-Wairan is nearer by -some 10 miles, and fits better into the geographical scheme. I should -be inclined to identify the Shahar-i-Wairan with the ancient Shahar -(or Shah) and the Kila Shahar as a later development of the same -place. The point, however, to be specially noted about this -geographical theory is that there is no route by which camels can pass -either over the Band-i-Turkistan or the mountains enclosing the Balkh -Ab from the district of Sangcharak southward. The province of -Sangcharak, which corresponds roughly to the ancient district of -Jurkan (or Gurkan), is rich throughout, with highly cultivated valleys -and a dense population, but it is a sort of geographical cul-de-sac. - -Communication with the plains of the Oxus and with Balkh (by the lower -reaches of the Balkh Ab) is easy and frequent, but there never could -have been a khafila road over the rugged plateau land and mountains -which divide it from the basin of the Helmund. - -From time immemorial efforts have been made to reach Kabul by the -direct route from Herat which is indicated by the remarkable lie of -the Hari Rud valley. It was never recognized as a trade route, -although military expeditions have passed that way; and it has always -presented a geographical problem of great interest. From Herat -eastwards, past Obeh as far as Daolatyar, there is no great difficulty -to be overcome by the traveller, although the route diverges from the -main valley for a space. Between Daolatyar and the head of -Sar-i-jangal stream (which is the source and easternmost affluent of -the Hari Rud) the valley is well populated and well cultivated, with -abundant pasturage on the hills. But the winter here is severe. From -the middle of November to the middle of February snow closes all the -roads, and even after its disappearance the deep clayey tracks are -impassable even for foot travellers. In the neighbourhood of a small -fort called Kila Sofarak, about 40 miles from Daolatyar, there is a -parting of the ways. Over the water-parting at the head of the stream -by the Bakkak Pass a route leads into the Yakulang valley, a -continuation of the Band-i-Amir, or river of Balkh, which, in the -course of its passage through the gorges of the mountains, here forms -a series of natural aqueducts uniting seven narrow and deep lakes. -Inexpressibly wild and impressive is the character of the scenery -surrounding those deep-set lakes in the depths of the Afghan hills. - -Near the lakes are the ruins of two important towns or fortresses, -Chahilburj, and Khana Yahudi. On a high rock between them are the -ruins of Shahr-i-Babar the capital of kings who ruled over a country -most of which must have been included in the Hazara highlands, and was -probably more or less conterminous with the Bamian of Idrisi. Between -the Yakulang and the Bamian valley is a high flat watershed. Looking -north-west a vast broken plateau, wrinkled and corrugated by minor -ranges, and scored by deep valleys and ravines, fills up the whole -space from the mountains standing about the source of the Murghab and -Hari Rud to the Kunduz River of Badakshan. - -So little is this part of modern Afghanistan known, that it may be as -well to give a short description of the existing lines of -communication connecting the Oxus plains and Herat with Bamian and -Kabul, before attempting to follow out their mediæval adaptation to -commercial intercourse. - -From Balkh, or Mazar-i-Sharif, or from Deh Dadi (the new fortified -position near Mazar) the most direct routes southward either follow -the Balkh Ab valley to Kupruk and the Zari affluent, and then crossing -the Alakah ridge pass into the river valley again, and so reach the -Band-i-Amir and the head of the river at Yakulang; or passing by the -Darra Yusuf (a most important affluent of the Balkh River) attain more -directly to Bamian. Balkh and Mazar lie close together on the open -plain, and about 10 miles to the south of them rises the northern wall -of the plateau called Elburz, through which the Balkh River, and other -drainage of the plateau, forces its passage. Thus the whole course of -the Balkh River, from its head to within a mile or two of Balkh, lies -within a deep and narrow ditch cut out from the plateau which fills up -the space from the Elburz to the great divide of Central Afghanistan. -East and west of the Balkh River the plateau increases in elevation as -it reaches southward, culminating in knolls or peaks 12,000 and 13,000 -feet high about the latitude 35° 30', and falling gently where it -encloses the actual sources of the river. It is this plateau, or -uplift, which forms the dominant topographical feature of Northern -Afghanistan. - -West of the Balkh Ab it is represented by the Firozkohi uplands, which -contain the head valleys of the Murghab, bordered on the north by the -Tirband-i-Turkistan from the foot of which stretch away towards the -Oxus the endless sand-waves of the Chol, and by the highlands of -Maimana and Sangcharak, and which trend northward to within a few -miles of Balkh. At Balkh its northern edge is well defined by the -Elburz, but between Balkh and Maimana it is more or less merged into -the great loess sand sea, and its limitations become indefinite. East -of the longitude of Balkh it is lost in a distance whither our -surveyors have not traced its outlines, but where without doubt it -fills a wide area north of the Hindu Kush, determining the nature of -the Badakshan River sources and shaping itself into a vast upland -region of mountain and deep sunk gully, and generally preserving the -same characteristics throughout, till it overlooks the valley of the -Oxus. That part of it which embraces the affluents of the Balkh Ab and -the Kunduz is described as intensely wild and dreary, traversed by -irregular folds and ridges which rise in more or less rounded slopes -to great altitudes, hiding amongst them deep-seated valleys and -gulches, wherein is to be found all that there is of cultivation and -beauty. From above it presents the aspect of a huge drab-coloured, -hill-encumbered desert where man's habitation is not, and Nature has -sunk her brightest efforts out of sight. These efforts are to be found -in the valleys, which are excavated by ages of erosion, steep sided, -with precipitous cliffs overhanging, and a narrow green ribbon of -fertility winding through the flat floor of them. - -Across those dreary uplands, or else wandering blindfold along the -bottom of the river troughs, run the roads and tracks of the country; -some of them being the roads of centuries of busy traffic. A little -apart from the obvious route supplied by the lower course of the Balkh -Ab, and more important as leading more directly to the crest of the -main divide, is the road from Mazar to the Band-i-Amir district which -is practically the best road to Kabul. This strikes on to the plateau -and crosses several minor passes over spurs dividing the heads of -certain eastern affluents of the Balkh Ab before it drops into the -trough of the Darra Yusuf. Following the course of this river, and -skirting the towns of Kala Sarkari and Sadmurda, it strikes off from -its head over a pass called Dandan Shikan (the "tooth-breaker") into -the Kamard valley which runs eastwards into the big river of -Badakshan--the Kunduz. From Kamard over three passes into the -Saigan--another valley draining deeply eastwards into the Kunduz. From -this again, two parallel routes and passes southward connect Saigan -with the Bamian depression. Here the river of Bamian also runs east, -parallel to Saigan and Kamard (the three forming three parallel -depressions in the general plateau land), but meeting an affluent -draining from the east, the two join and curve northward into the -Kunduz. - -This new affluent from the east is important, for it leads over the -easy Shibar Pass into the head of the Ghorband valley and to Charikar. -Finally, there is the well-travelled route from Bamian, leading -southward over the Hajigak Pass into the Helmund valley at -Gardandiwal, where it crosses the river and then proceeds _via_ the -Unai Pass and Maidan to Kabul. Such is the general system of the Balkh -communications with Kabul. - -From Tashkurghan, east of Mazar, there are other routes equally -important. There is a direct road southward, which starts through an -extraordinary defile, where perpendicular walls of slippery rock -enclose a narrow cleft which hardly admits the passing of a loaded -mule to Ghaznigak and Haibak. From Haibak you may follow up the -Tashkurgan River to its head and then drop over the Kara Pass into -Kamard at Bajgah, and so to Bamian again; or you may avoid Bamian -altogether and striking off south-east from Haibak over the plateau, -slip down into the Kunduz drainage at Baghlan, and then follow it to -its junction with the Andarab at Dosh. This position at Dosh gives -practical command of all the passes over the Hindu Kush into the Kabul -basin, for the Andarab drains along the northern foot of the Hindu -Kush, and commands the back doors of all passes between the Chapdara -(or Chahardar) and the Khawak. - -The most trodden route to-day is that which is the most direct between -Kabul and Mazar, _i.e._ the route _via_ Bamian and the Darra Yusuf. -This is the route taken by the late Amir when he met his cousin Ishak -Khan in the field of Afghan Turkistan and defeated him. It is not the -route taken by the Afghan Boundary Commission in returning from the -same field in 1885. They returned by Haibak and Dosh and deploying -along the northern foot of the Hindu Kush, crossed by nearly every -available pass either into the Ghorband valley or that of the -Panjshir. - -It would almost appear from mediæval geographical record that there -was no way between Herat and Kabul that did not lead to the Bamian -valley. This is very far from accurately representing the actual -position, for Bamian lies obviously to the north of the direct line of -communication. Bamian was undoubtedly a place of great significance, -probably more important as a Buddhist centre than Kabul, more valuable -as a centre trade-market subsequently than the Indian city, as Kabul -was called. But its significance has disappeared, and it is now far -more important for us to know how to reach Kabul directly from the -west than how to pass through Bamian. The route to Bamian and Kabul -from Herat diverges at the small deserted fort of Sofarak, and follows -the Lal and the Kerman valleys at the head of the Hari Rud. Crossing -the Ak Zarat Pass southward there is little difficulty in traversing -the Besud route to the Helmund, from whence the road to Kabul over the -Unai Pass is open. The Bakkak Pass northward is the only real -difficulty between Herat and Bamian; much worse, indeed, than anything -on the route between Herat and Kabul direct; so that we have -determined the existence of a fairly easy route by the Hari Rud from -Herat to Kabul, and another route, with but one severe pass, between -Herat and Bamian. We must, however, remember that we are dealing with -Alpine altitudes. Overlooking the Yakulang head of the Balkh River are -magnificent peaks of 13,000 and 14,000 feet, and the passes are but a -few thousand feet lower. The valley of the Bamian, deep sunk in the -great plateau level, is between 8000 and 9000 feet above sea-level, -and the passes leading out of it are over 10,000 feet. To the south is -the magnificent snow-capped array of the Koh-i-Baba (or probably -Babar, from the name of the ancient people who occupied Bamian), the -culminating group of the central water-parting of Afghanistan running -to 16,000 and 17,000 feet. It is altitude, nothing but sheer altitude, -which is the effectual barrier to approach through the mountains which -divide the Oxus and Kabul basins. Rocky and "tooth-breaking" as may be -the passes of these northern hills they are all practicable at certain -times and seasons, but for months they are closed by the depth of -winter snows and the fierce terror of the Asiatic blizzard. The deep -valleys traversing the storm-ridden plateau are often beautiful -exceedingly, and form a strange contrast to the dull grey expanse of -rocky ridge and treeless plain of the weird plateau land; but in order -to reach them, or to pass from one to the other, high altitudes and -rugged pathways must always be negotiated. - -In the days before the Mahomedan conquest, the pilgrim days of devout -Chinese searchers after truth, the footsteps of the Buddhist devotees -can be very plainly traced. Balkh was a specially sacred centre; and -the magnificence of the Bamian relics are also celebrated. We should -not have known precisely the route followed by the pilgrims had they -not left their traces half-way between Balkh and Bamian at Haibak. -Here in the heart of this stony and rugged wilderness is an open -cultivated plain, green with summer crops and streaked with the dark -lines of orchard foliage. Little white houses peep out from amongst -the greenery, and there is a kind of Swiss summer holiday air -encompassing this mountain oasis which must have enchanted the -votaries of Buddha in their time. The Buddhist architects of old were -unsurpassed, even by the Roman Catholic Monks of later ages in the -selection of sites for their monasteries and temples. The sweet -seductions which Nature has to offer in her mountain retreats were as -a thanksgiving to the pilgrim, weary footed and sore with the terrible -experiences of travel which was far rougher than anything which even -the most devoted Hajji can place to the credit of his account with the -recording angel of the present day, and they were appreciated -accordingly. Haibak, although not quite on the straight line to -Bamian, was not to be overlooked as a resting-place, and here one of -the quaintest of all these northern religious relics was literally -unearthed by Captain Talbot[8] during the progress of the Russo-Afghan -surveys. A small circular stupa was discovered cut out of solid rock -below the ground level. It was surrounded by a ditch, and crowned by a -small square-built chamber which was also cut out of the rock _in -situ_. There was nothing to indicate the origin or meaning of a stupa -in such a position, and time was wanting for anything more than a -superficial examination; but here we had the evidence of Buddhist -occupation and Buddhist worship forming a distinct link between Balkh -and Bamian, and marking one resting-place for the weary pilgrim. As -for caves, the country round Haibak appears to be studded with them. - -So long must this strange region of ditch-like valleys, carved out of -the wrinkled central highlands of Afghanistan, have existed as the -focus of devout pilgrimage, if not of commercial activity, under the -Bamian kings, that the absence of any record descriptive of the routes -across it is rather surprising. Above the surface of the plateau the -long grey folds of the hills follow each other in monotonous -succession, with little relief from vegetation and unmarked by forest -growth. It is generally a scene of weary, stony desolation through -which narrow, white worn tracks thread their way. In the valleys it is -different. Cut squarely out of the plateau these intersecting valleys, -cliff bound on either side with reddish walls such as border the -valley of Bamian, offer fair opportunity for colonization. Where the -valleys open out there is space enough for cultivation, which in early -summer makes pretty contrast with the ruddy hills that hedge it. Where -it spreads out from the mouth of the gorges nourished by hundreds of -small channels which carry the water far afield, it is in most -charming contrast to the gaunt ruggedness of the hills from whence it -emerges. Such is the general outlook from the Firozkohi plateau, -looking northward into the Oxus plains when the yellow dust haze, -driven southward by the north-western winds, lifts sufficiently from -athwart the plains to render it possible to see towards Maimana or -into the valley of Astarab. - -The valley of Bamian stands at a level of about 8500 feet; the passes -out of it northward to Balkh or southward to Kabul rise to 11,000 and -12,000 feet. It is the mystery of its unrecorded history and the local -evidences of the departed glory of Buddhism, which render Bamian the -most interesting valley in Afghanistan. Massive ruins still look down -from the bordering cliffs, and for six or seven miles these cliffs are -pierced by an infinity of cave dwellings. Little is left of the -ancient city but its acropolis (known as Ghulghula), which crowns an -isolated rock in the middle of the valley. Enormous figures (170 and -120 feet high) are carved out of the conglomerate rock on the sides of -the Bamian gorge. Once coated with cement, and possibly coloured, or -gilt, these images must have appealed strongly to the imagination of -the weary pilgrim who prostrated himself at their feet. "Their golden -lines sparkle on every side," says Huen Tsang, who saw them in the -year A.D. 630, when he counted ten convents and 1000 monks of the -"Little Vehicle" in the valley of Bamian. - -Twelve hundred and fifty years later the great idols were measured by -theodolite and tape, and duly catalogued as curiosities of the world's -museum. We know very little of the later history of Bamian. The city -was swept off the face of the valley by Chengiz Khan; and Nadir Shah, -in later times, left the marks of his artillery on the face of cliffs -and images. Moslem destroyers and iconoclasts have worked their wicked -will on these ancient monuments, but they witness to the strength and -tenacity of a faith that still survives to sway a third of the human -race. - -Chahilburj and Shahr-i-Babar (31 miles above Chahilburj at the -junction of the Sarikoh stream with the Band-i-Amir) with the ruined -fortresses of Gawargar and Zohak, wonderful for the multiplicity of -its lines of defence, all attest to the former position of Bamian in -Afghan history and explain its prominence in mediæval annals. And yet -there is not much said about the road thither from Balkh, or onward to -the "Indian city" of Kabul. - -Idrisi just mentions the road connecting Balkh with Bamian, which he -describes as follows: "From Balkh to Meder (a small town in a plain -not far from mountains) three days' journey. From Meder to Kah -(well-populated town with bazaar and mosque) one day's journey. From -Kah to Bamian three days." Bamian he describes as of about the same -extent as Balkh, built on the summit of a mountain called Bamian, from -which issue several rivers which join the Andarab, possessing a -palace, a grand mosque, and a vast "faubourg"; and he enumerates -Kabul, Ghazni, and Karwan (which we find elsewhere to be near -Charikar) amongst others as dependencies of Bamian. - -It is not easy to identify Meder and Kah. The total distance from -Balkh to Bamian is at least 200 miles by the most direct route _via_ -the Darra Yusuf. Forty miles a day through such a country must be -regarded as a fine performance, even for Arab travellers who would -think little of 50 or 60 miles over the flats of Turkistan. However, -we must take the record as we find it, and assume that the camels of -those days (for the Arabs never rode horses on their journeys) were -better adapted for work in the hills than they are at present. - -The inference, however, is strong that not very much was really known -about this mountain region south of the Balkh plain. To the pilgrim it -offered no terrors; but to the merchant, with his heavily laden -caravan, it is difficult to conceive that 800 or 900 years ago it -could have been much easier to negotiate than it is to the Bokhara -merchants of to-day, who take a much longer route between the Oxus and -Kabul than that which carries them past Bamian. - -The province of Badakshan to the east (the ancient Baktria) is still -but indifferently explored. It is true that certain native explorers -of the Indian Survey have made tracks through the country, passing -from the Pamir region to the Oxus plains; but no English traveller has -recently done more than touch the fringe of that section of the Hindu -Kush system which includes Kafiristan and its extension northwards, -encircled by the great bend of the Oxus River. Kafiristan has ever -been an unexplored region--a mountain wilderness into which no call of -Buddhism ever lured the pilgrim, no Moslem conqueror (excepting -perhaps Timur) ever set his foot, until the late Amir Abdurrahmon -essayed to reduce that region and make it part of civilized -Afghanistan. Even he was content to leave it alone after a year or two -of vain hammering at its southern gates. Kafiristan formed part of the -mediæval province, or kingdom, of Bolor; but it is always written of -as the home of an uncouth and savage race of people, with whom it was -difficult to establish intercourse. Kafiristan is, however, in these -modern days very much curtailed as the home of the Kafir. Undoubtedly -many of the border tribes fringing the country (Dehgans, Nimchas, -etc.), who are now to be numbered amongst the most fanatical of Moslem -clans, are comparatively new recruits to the faith, and therefore -handle the new broom with traditional ardour; but they were not so -long ago members of the great mixed community of Kafirs who, driven -from many directions into the most inaccessible fastnesses of the -hills by the advance of stronger races north and south, have occupied -remote valleys, preserving their own dialects, mixing up in strange -confusion Brahman, Zoroastian, and Buddhist tenets with classical -mythology, each valley with apparently a law and a language of its -own, until it is impossible to unravel the threads of their -complicated relationship. Here we should expect to find (and we do -find) the last relics of the Greek occupation of Baktria, and here are -certainly remnants of a yet more ancient Persian stock, with all the -flotsam and jetsam of High Asia intermingled. They are, from the point -of view of the Kabul Court, all lumped together as Kafirs under two -denominations, Siahposh and Lalposh; and not till scientific -investigation, such as has not yet reached Afghanistan, can touch them -shall we know more than we do now. No commercial road ever ran through -the heart of Kafiristan, but there were two routes touching its -eastern and western limits, viz. that on the east passing by Jirm, and -that on the west by Anjuman, both joining the Kokcha River, which are -vaguely referred to by our Arab authorities. That by Jirm is certainly -impracticable for any but travellers on foot. - -Badakshan (_i.e._ the province) was apparently full of well-populated -and flourishing towns 1000 years ago. The names of many of them are -given by Idrisi, but it is not possible to identify more than a few. -The ancient Khulm (50 miles east of Balkh) was included in Badakshan. -In Idrisi's day it was a place "of which the productions and -resources were very abundant: there is running water, cultivated -fields, and all sorts of vegetable productions." From thence to -Semenjan "a pretty town, in every way comparable to Khulm, commercial, -populated, and encircled with mud walls," two days' journey. Then we -have "from Balkh to Warwalin" (a town agreeable and commercial with -others dependent on it), two days. From Warwalin to Talekan, two days. -Talekan is described as only one-fourth the size of Balkh, on the -banks of a big river in a plain where there are vineyards. And then, -strangely enough, we find "from Balkh to Khulm west of Warwalin is a -two-days' journey. From Semenjan to Talekan, two days." - -This is a puzzle which requires some adjustment. From Balkh to Khulm -is about 50 miles and may well pass as two days' journey. But from -Balkh to Warwalin is also said to be a two-days' journey, and from -Warwalin to Talekan two days, whilst Khulm is two days _west_ of -Warwalin. The difficulty lies in the fact that all these places must -be on a line running almost due _east_ from Balkh. It was and is the -great high-road of Badakshan in the Oxus plains. Moreover, Talekan has -been fixed by native surveyors at a point about 150 miles east of -Balkh which fully corresponds in its physical features to the -description given of that place above. If, however, we assume 150 -miles to represent six days' journey instead of four, the difficulty -vanishes. We then have Balkh to Khulm, two days; Khulm to Warwalin, -two days; and Warwalin to Talekan, two days. This would place Warwalin -somewhere about Kunduz, which is, indeed, a very probable position for -it. - -Semenjan is important. Two days from Talekan; two days from Khulm; -five days from Andarab. - -Andarab is fortunately a fixed position. The description given of it -by Idrisi places it at the junction of the Kaisan (or Kasan) stream -with the Andarab, both of which retain their ancient names. Andarab is -a very old and a very important position in all itineraries, from -Greek times till now, and it may be important again. But seeing that -Khulm is separated from Talekan by four days, it is difficult to -distinguish between Semenjan and Warwalin which is also two days from -each of those places. This illustrates the problems which beset the -unravelling of Arab itineraries. Seeing, however, that Talekan and -Warwalin have already been confused once, it is, I think, justifiable -to assume that the same mistake has occurred again. Such an assumption -would place Semenjan about where Haibak is, and where some central -town of importance must have always been, judging from its important -geographical position. Haibak is rather more than a hundred miles from -Andarab by the only practicable khafila route, which is a very fair -five-days' journey. This would indicate that the route followed by the -English Commission for the settlement of the Russo-Afghan frontier -from Balkh to Kabul was one of those recognized as trade routes in -the tenth and eleventh centuries. The location of one other town in -Badakshan is of interest, and that is a town called by Idrisi -"Badakshan," which gave its name to the province. The first assumption -to make is that the modern capital Faizabad is on or near the site of -the ancient one. Let us see how it fits Idrisi's itinerary. The -information is most meagre. From Talekan to Badakshan, seven days. -From Andarab to the same town (going east), four days. Badakshan is -described as a town "not very large but possessing many dependencies -and a most fertile soil. The vine and other trees grow freely, and the -country is watered by running streams. The town is defended by strong -walls, and it possesses markets, caravanserais, and baths. It is a -commercial centre. It is built on the west bank of the Khariab, the -largest river of those which flow to the Oxus." It is elsewhere stated -that the Khariab is another name for the Oxus or Jihun. It is added -that horses are bred there and mules; and rubies and lapis lazuli -found in the neighbourhood and distributed through the world. Musk -from Wakhan is brought to Badakshan. Also Badakshan adjoins Canouj, a -dependency of India. The two provinces which are found immediately -beyond the Oxus (under one government) are Djil and Waksh, which lie -between the Khariab (? Oxus) and Wakshab rivers, of which the first -bathes the eastern part of Djil and the other the country of Waksh. -The Waksh joins the Oxus from the north near the junction of the -latter with the Kunduz. Then follow the names of places dependent on -Waksh, of which Helawerd and Menk seem to be the chief. - -Now Faizabad is about 70 miles from Talekan, and about 160 at least -from Andarab. From Andarab the route strikes east at first, but after -crossing the Nawak Pass, over a spur of the Hindu Kush (which is -itself crossed near this point by the Khawak), it turns and passes -down the valley of Anjuman to Jirm and Faizabad. Jirm is on the left -bank of the Kokcha or Khariab--Faizabad being on the right,--and its -altitude (4800 feet) would certainly admit of vine-growing and may be -suitable for horse-breeding; but it must be admitted that in both -these particulars Faizabad has the advantage, although Jirm is the -centre of the mining industry in lapis lazuli, if not in rubies. Jirm -is about 130 miles from Andarab, and 80 (with a well-marked road -between) to Talekan. To fit Idrisi's itinerary we should have to -select a spot in the Anjuman valley some sixty miles south of Jirm. -This would involve an impossible altitude for either wine or horses -(in that latitude), so we are forced to conclude that the itinerary is -wrong. If it were exactly reversed and made seven days from Andarab -and four from Talekan, Jirm would represent the site of the ancient -capital exactly. Some such adjustment as this is necessary in order to -meet the requirements, and Idrisi's indications of the climate. On -the whole, I am inclined to believe that Jirm represents the ancient -capital. However that may be, it is important to note that the Anjuman -route from the pass at the head of the Panjshir valley was a -recognized route in the Middle Ages, and emphasizes the importance of -the Andarab position in Afghanistan. We have seen that from the very -earliest times, prior to the Greek invasion of India, this was -probably the region of western settlements in Baktria. It is about -here that we find the greatest number of indications (if place-names -are to be trusted) of Greek colonization. It is one of the districts -which are to be recognized as distinctly the theatres of Alexander's -military movements during his famous expedition. It commands four, if -not five, of the most important passes across the Hindu Kush. The -surveyor who carried his traverse up to the head of the Andarab and -over the Khawak Pass into the Panjshir found a depression in the Hindu -Kush range which admitted of two crossings (the Til and Khawak) at an -elevation of about 11,650 feet, neither of which presented any great -physical difficulty apart from that of altitude, both leading by -comparatively easy grades into the upper Panjshir valley. - -It is reported that since the Russo-Afghan Commission surveyors passed -that way, the late Amir has constructed a passable road for commercial -purposes, which can be kept open by the employment of coolie labour in -removing the snow, and that khafilas pass freely between Kabul and -Badakshan all the year round. In the tenth century there is ample -evidence that it was a well-trodden route, for we find it stated that -from Andarab to Hariana (travelling southward) is three days' journey. -"Hariana is a small town built at the foot of a mountain and on the -banks of a river, which, taking its source near Panjshir (Banjohir) -traverses that town without being utilized for irrigation until, -reaching Karwan, it enters into the territory of India and joins its -waters to the Nahrwara (Kabul) River. The inhabitants of Hariana -possess neither trees nor orchards. They only cultivate vegetables, -but they live by mining. It is impossible to see anything more perfect -than the metal which is extracted from the mines of Panjshir, a small -town built on a hill at one day's distance from Hariana and of which -the inhabitants are remarkable for violence and wickedness -(mechanceté) of their character. The river, which issues from -Panjshir, runs to Hariana as we have said." ... "From there (? -Hariana) to Karwan, southward, two days' journey." "The town of Karwan -is small but pretty, its environs are agreeable, bazaars frequent, -inhabitants well-off. The houses are built of mud and bricks. Situated -on the banks of a river which comes from Panjshir, this town is one of -the principal markets of India." - -From this account it is clear that the village of Panjshir must have -been somewhere near the modern Khawak, and Hariana about 20 miles -lower down the stream. But the site is not identified. Karwan was -obviously near the site of the modern Charikar, and might possibly be -Parwan, a very ancient site. It is worthy of note that in the tenth -century all the Kabul province was "India." Of all the passes -traversing the Hindu Kush we have mention only of this, the Khawak, -and (indirectly) of the group which connect Kabul with Bamian; and it -may be doubted whether in the Middle Ages any use was made of the -Shibar, Chapdara, or others that lie between the Kaoshan and Irak for -commercial purposes. - -There is, however, strong inference that the Greeks made use of the -Kaoshan, or Parwan, which is also commanded from Andarab. The -excellent military road constructed by the late Amir from Charikar, up -the Ghorband valley and over the Chapdara Pass, is a modern -development. - -Here, however, we must take leave of the routes to India, which are -sufficiently dealt with elsewhere, and returning to Badakshan see if -we can unravel some of the mediæval geography of the region which -stretches eastward to the Oxus affluents and the Pamirs. We know that -between Khotan and Balkh there was a very well-trodden pilgrim route -in the earlier days of our era (from the first century to the tenth), -when both these places were full of the high-priests of Buddhism. Was -it also a commercial route? The shortest way to determine its -position is to examine the map and see which way it must have run at a -time when (if we are to believe Mr. Ellsworthy Huntington's theories -of periodic fluctuations of climate in High Asia) all that vastly -elevated region was colder, less desiccated, and possibly more fertile -than now, whilst its glaciers and lakes were larger and more -extensive. - -Before turning eastward into the highlands and plateau of Asia it is -interesting to note that north of the Oxus the districts of Jil (which -was the region of mountains) and Waksh were both well known, and -boasted many important commercial centres. The two districts (under -one government) lay between the Wakshab which joins the Oxus from the -north to the north-east of Khulm, and the Khariab, which is clearly -another river than the Khariab (now the Kokcha) of Badakshan, and -which is probably the Oxus itself (see preceding note). These -trans-Oxus regions take us afield into the Khanates of Central Asia -beyond Afghanistan, and we can only note in passing that 1000 years -ago Termez was the most important town on the Oxus, commanding as it -did the main river crossing from Bokhara to Khulm and Balkh; Kabadian -also being very ancient. Termez may yet again become significant in -history. - -References to the Pamir region are very scanty, and indicate that not -much was known about them. The most direct road from Khotan in Chinese -Turkistan to Balkh, a well-worn pilgrim route of the early centuries -of our era, is that which first strikes north-west to Yarkand, and -then passing by the stone fort of Tashkurghan (one of the ancient -landmarks of Central Asian travel) follows the Tashkurghan River to -its head, passes over the Wakhjir Pass from the Tagdumbash Pamir into -the valley of the Wakhab (or Panja) River and follows that river to -Zebak in Badakshan. So far it is a long, difficult, and toilsome route -rising to an altitude of 15,000 to 16,000 feet, but after passing -Zebak to Faizabad and so on through Badakshan to Balkh, it is a -delightful road, full of picturesque beauty and incident. At certain -seasons of the year no part of it would appear formidable to such -earnest and determined devotees as the Chinese Buddhist pilgrims. From -Huen Tsang's account, however, it would seem that a still more -northerly route was usually preferred, one which involved crossing the -Oxus at Termez or Kilif. It is a curious feature in connection with -Buddhist records of travel (even the Arab records) that no account -whatever seems to be taken of abstract altitude, _i.e._ the altitude -of the plains. So long as the mountains towered above the pilgrims' -heads they were content to assume that they were traversing lowlands. -Never does it seem to have occurred to them that on the flat plains -they might be at a higher elevation than on the summits of the Chinese -or Arabian hills. The explanation undoubtedly lies in the fact that -they had no means of determining elevation. Hypsometers and aneroids -were not for them. The gradual ascents leading to the Pamir valleys -did not impress them, and so long as they ascended one side of a range -to descend on the other, the fact that the descent did not balance the -ascent was more or less unobserved. Wandering over the varied face of -the earth they were content to accept it as God made it, and ask no -questions. Recent investigations would lead us to suppose that in the -palmy days of Buddhist occupation of Chinese Turkistan, when Lop Nor -spread out its wide lake expanse to reflect a vista of towns and -villages on its banks, refreshing the earth by a thousand rivulets not -then impregnated with noxious salts; when high-roads traversed that -which is now but a moving procession of sand-waves following each -other in silent order at the bidding of the eternal wind; when men -made their arrangements for posting from point to point, and forgot to -pay their bills made out in the Karosthi language, the climate was -very different from what it is now. - -It was colder, moister, and the zones of cultivation far more -extensive, but it may also be that these regions were not so highly -elevated; indeed, there is good reason for believing that the eternal -processes of expansion and contraction of the earth's crust, never -altogether quiescent, is more marked in Central Asia than elsewhere, -and that the gradual elevation, which is undoubtedly in operation now, -may have also affected the levels of river-beds and intervening -divides, and thrown out of gear much of the original natural -possibilities for irrigation. However that may be, it is fairly -certain that no great amount of trade ever crossed the Pamirs. Marco -Polo crossed them, passing by Tashkurghan and making his way eastwards -to Cathay, and has very little to say about them except in admiration -of the magnificent pasturage which is just as abundant and as -nutritious now as it was in his time. Idrisi's information beyond the -regions of the Central Asian Khanates and the Oxus was very vague. He -says that on the borders of Waksh and of Jil are Wakhan and Sacnia, -dependencies of the country of the Turks. From Wakhan to Tibet is -eighteen journeys. "Wakhan possesses silver mines, and gold is taken -from the rivers. Musk and slaves are also taken from this country. -Sacnia town, which belongs to the Khizilji Turks, is five days from -Wakhan, and its territory adjoins China." Wakhan probably included the -province of the same name that now forms the extreme north-eastern -extension of Afghanistan, but the Tibet, which was eighteen days' -journey distant, in nowise corresponds with the modern Tibet. Assuming -that it was "Little Tibet" (or Ladakh), which might perhaps correspond -in the matter of distance, we should still have some difficulty in -reconciling Idrisi's description of the "Ville de Tibet" with any -place in Ladakh. He says "the town of Tibet is large, and the country -of which it is the capital carries the name." This country belongs to -the "Turks Tibetians." Its inhabitants entertain relations with -Ferghana, Botm,[9] and with the subjects of the Wakhan; they travel -over most of these countries, and they take from them their iron, -silver, precious stones, leopard skins, and Tibetan musk. This town is -built on a hill, at the foot of which runs a river which discharges -into the lake Berwan, situated towards the east. It is surrounded with -walls, and serves as the residence of a prince, who has many troops -and much cavalry, who wear coats of mail and are armed _de pied en -cap_. They make many things there, and export robes and stuff of which -the tissue is thick, rough, and durable. These robes cost much, and -one gets slaves and musk destined for Ferghana and India. There does -not exist in the world creatures endowed with more beautiful -complexions, with more charming figures, more perfect features, and -more agreeable shape than these Turk slaves. They are disrobed and -sold to merchants, and it is this class of girl who fetches 300 -dinars. The country of Bagnarghar lies between Tibet and China, -bounded on the north by the country of the Kirkhirs (Kiziljis in -another MS.), possibly Kirghiz. - -The course of the river on which the town is built, no less than the -name of the lake into which that river falls and the description of -the Turk slave girls (as of the cavalry), is quite inapplicable to -anything to be found in modern Tibet. I have little doubt that the -Tibet of Idrisi was a town on the high-road to China, which followed -the Tarim River eastward to its bourne in Lake Burhan. Lake Burhan is -now a swamp distinct from Lob, but 1000 years ago it may have been a -part of the Lob system, and Bagnarghar a part of Mongolia. The -description of the slave girls would apply equally well to the Turkman -women or to the Kirghiz, but certainly not to the flat-featured, -squat-shaped Tibetan, although there are not wanting good looks -amongst them. Then follows, in Idrisi's account, a list of the -dependencies of Tibet and some travellers' tales about the musk-deer. -It is impossible to place the ancient town of Tibet accurately. There -are ruined sites in numbers on the Tarim banks, and amongst them a -place called Tippak, but it would be dangerous to assume a connection -between Tibet and Tippak. This is interesting (and the interest must -be the excuse for the digression from Afghanistan), because it -indicates that modern Chinese Turkistan was included in Tibet a -thousand years ago, and it further throws a certain amount of light on -the origin of the remarkable concentration of Buddhist centres in the -Takla Makan. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[5] Joubert's translation. - -[6] Adraskand is mentioned as "a little place with cultivation, -gardens, and plenty of sweet water," and as one of the four towns -under the domination of Asfaran. This corresponds fairly well with the -modern town of Kila Adraskand of the same name. On the same southern -route from Herat, undoubtedly, was "Malin Herat, at one day's journey, -a town surrounded by gardens." The picturesque ruins of the bridge -called the Pul-i-Malun, across the Hari Rud, on the Kandahar road, is -evidence of the former existence of a town of Malun, of which no trace -remains to-day, but which must have corresponded very closely with -Rozabagh. - -[7] Talikhan in modern maps. - -[8] Now Colonel the Hon. M. G. Talbot, R.E. - -[9] The name or term Bot is locally applied now to certain Himalayan -districts as well as to Tibet. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -ARAB EXPLORATION--MAKRAN - - -Between Arabia and India is the strange land of Makran, in the -southern defiles and deserts of which country Alexander lost his way. -Had he by chance separated himself from the coast and abandoned -connection with his fleet he might have passed through Makran by more -northerly routes to Persia, and have made one of those open ways which -Arab occupation opened up to traffic 1000 years later. Makran is not -an attractive country for the modern explorer. It is not yet a popular -field for enterprise in research (though it well may become so), and a -few words of further description are necessary to explain how it was -that the death-trap of Alexander proved to be the road to wealth and -power of the subsequent Arab. - - [Illustration: SKETCH MAP OF ANCIENT & MEDIÆVAL MAKRAN - TO ILLUSTRATE PAPER BY COL. T. H. HOLDICH.] - -From the sun-swept Arabian Sea a long line of white shore, with a -ceaseless surf breaking on it, appears to edge it on the north. This -is backed by other long lines of level-topped hills, seldom rising to -conspicuous peaks or altitudes, but just stretched out in long -grey and purple lines with a prominent feature here and there to serve -as a useful landmark to mariners. Now and then when the shoreline is -indented, the hills actually face the sea and there are clean-cut -scarped cliffs presenting a square face to the waves. At such points -the deep rifted mountains of the interior either extend an arm to the -ocean, as at Malan, or it may be that a narrow band of ancient ridge -leaves jagged sections of its length above sea-level, parallel to the -coast-line, and that between it and the hills of the interior is a -sandy isthmus with sea indentation forming harbours on either side. -This country, for a width of about 100 miles, is called Makran. It is -the southernmost region of Southern Baluchistan, a country -geologically of recent formation, with a coastal uplift from the -sea-bottom of soft white sand strata capped here and there by -laterite. Such a formation lends itself to quaint curiosities in hill -structure. A protecting cap may preserve a pinnacle of soft rock, -whilst all around it the persistence of weather action has cut away -the soil. Gigantic cap-crowned pillars and pedestals are balanced in -fantastic array about the mountain slopes; deep cuttings and gorges -are formed by denudation, and from the gullies so fashioned amongst -these hills there may tower up a scarped cliff edge for thousands of -feet, with successive strata so well defined that it possesses all the -appearance of massive masonry construction. - -The sea which beats with unceasing surf on the shores of Makran is -full of the wonders of the deep. From the dead silent flat surface, -such as comes with an autumn calm, monstrous fish suddenly shoot out -for 15 or 20 feet into the air and fall with a resounding slap almost -amounting to a detonation. Whales still disport themselves close -inshore, and frighten no one. It is easy, however, to understand the -terror with which they inspired the Greek sailors of Nearkhos in their -open Indian-built boats as they wormed their way along the coast. -Occasionally a whale becomes involved with the cable of the -Indo-Persian telegraph line and loops himself into it, with fatal -results. There are islands off the shore, cut out from the mainland. -Some of them are in process of disappearance, when they will add their -quota to the bar which makes approach to the Makran shores so -generally difficult; others, more remote, bid fair to last as the -final remnants of a long-ago submerged ridge through ages yet to come; -and one regrets that the day of their enchantment has passed. Of such -is that island of Haftala, Hashtala, Nuhsala (it is difficult to -account for the variety of Persian numerals which are associated with -its name), which is called Nosala by Nearkhos and said by him to be -sacred to the sun. In the days of the Greeks it was enveloped in a -haze of mystery and tradition. The Karaks who made of this island a -base for their depredations, finally drew down upon themselves the -wrath of the Arabs, and this led incidentally to one of the most -successful invasions of India that have ever been conducted by sea and -land. - -But it is not only the historical and legendary interest of this -remarkable coast which renders it a fascinating subject for -exploration and romance. The physical conditions of it, the bubbling -mud volcanoes which occasionally fill the sea with yellow silt from -below, and always remain in a perpetual simmer of boiling activity; -the weird and fantastic forms assumed by the mud strata of recent -sea-making, which are the basis of the whole structure of ridge and -furrow which constitute Makran conformation, no less than the -extraordinary prevalence of electric phenomena,--all these offered the -Arabian Sea as a promising gift to the inventive faculty of such Arab -genius as revelled in stories of miraculous enterprise. On a still, -warm night when the stars are all ablaze overhead the sea will, of a -sudden, spread around in a sheet of milky white, and the sky become -black by contrast with the blackness of ink. Then again will there be -a transformation to a bright scintillating floor, with each little -wavelet dropping sparks of light upon it; and from the wake of the -vessel will stretch out to the horizon a shining way, like a silver -path into the great unknown. Meanwhile, the ship herself will be lit -up by the electric genii. Each iron rod or stanchion will gleam with a -weird white light; each spar will carry a little bunch of blue flame -at its point; the mast-head will be aflame, and softly through the -wonders of this strange Eastern sea the ship will stalk on in solemn -silence and most "excellent loneliness." Small wonder that Arab -mariners were stirring storytellers, living as they did amidst the -uncounted wonders of the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Sea. - -Hardly less strange is the land formation of this southern edge of -Baluchistan. It is an old, old country, replete with the evidences of -unwritten history, the ultimate bourne of much of the flotsam and -jetsam of Asiatic humanity; a cul-de-sac where northern intruders meet -and get no farther. Yet geologically it is very new--so new that one -might think that the piles of sea-born shells which are to be found -here and there drifted into heaps on the soft mud flats amongst the -bristling ridges, were things of yesterday; so new, in fact, that it -has not yet done changing its outline. There is little difficulty in -marking the changes in the coast-line which must have occurred since -the third century B.C. One may even count up the island formations and -disappearances which have occurred within a generation; so incomplete -that the changing conditions of its water-supply have left their marks -everywhere over it. Desiccated forests are to be found with the trees -still standing, as they will continue to stand in this dry climate for -centuries. Huge masonry constructions, built as dams for the retention -of water in the inland hills, testify to the existence of an abundant -water-supply within historic periods; as also do the terraced slopes -which reach down in orderly steps to the foot of the ridges, each step -representing a formerly irrigated field. The water has failed; -whether, as is most probable, from the same desiccating processes -which are drying up lakes and dwindling glaciers in both northern and -southern hemispheres, or whether there has been special interference -with the routine of Nature and man has contributed to his own undoing, -it is impossible at present to say, but the result is that Makran is -now, and has been for centuries, a forgotten and almost a forsaken -country. In order to understand the remarkable peculiarity of its -geographical formation one requires a good map. Ridges, rather than -ranges, are the predominant feature of its orography. Ridges of all -degrees of altitude, extension, and rockiness, running in long lines -of parallel flexure on a system of curves which sweeps them round -gradually from the run of Indus frontier hills to an east and west -strike through Makran, and a final trend to the north-west, where they -guard the Persian coasts of the Gulf. As a rule they throw off no -spurs, standing stiff, jagged, naked, and uncompromising, like the -parallel walls of some gigantic system of defences, and varying in -height above the plain from 5000 feet to 50. The higher ranges have -been scored by weather and wet, with deep gorges and drainage lines, -and their scarred sides present various degrees of angle and -declivity, according to the dip of the strata that forms them. Some of -the smaller ridges have their rocky backbone set up straight, forming -a knife-like edge along which nothing but a squirrel could run. Across -them, breaking through the axis almost at right angles run some of the -main arteries of the general drainage system; but the most important -features of the country are the long lateral valleys between the -ridges, the streams of which feed the main rivers. These are often 8 -or 10 miles in width, with a flat alluvial bottom, and one may ride -for mile after mile along the open plain with clay or sand spread out -on either hand, and nothing but the distant wall of the hills flanking -the long and endless route. Some of these valleys are filled with a -luxuriance of palm growth (the dates of Panjgur, for instance, being -famous), and it is this remarkable feature of long, lateral valleys -which, through all the ages, has made of Makran an avenue of approach -to India from the west. The more important ranges lie to the north, -facing the deserts of Central Baluchistan. It is in the solid phalanx -of the coastal band of hills that the most marked adherence to the -gridiron, or ridge and furrow formation, is to be found. - -Exceptionally, out of this banded system arises some great mountain -block forming a separate feature, such as is the massive crag-crowned -cliff-lined block of Malan, west of one of the most important rivers -of Makran (the Hingol), to which reference has already been made. From -it an arm stretches southwards to the sea, and forms a square-headed -obstruction to traffic along the coast, which almost defeated the -efforts of the Indo-Persian telegraph constructors when they essayed -to carry a line across it, and did entirely defeat the intentions of -Alexander the Great to conduct his army within sight of his -Indus-built fleet. It is within the folds of this mountain group that -lies hidden that most ancient shrine of Indo-Persian worship, to which -we have already referred in the story of Alexander's retreat. - -It is the possibilities of Makran as an intervening link in the route -from Europe to India which renders that country interesting at the -present time, and it is therefore with a practical as well as -historical interest that we take up the story of frontier exploration -from the time when we first recognize the great commercial movements -of the Arab races, centuries after the disappearance of the last -remnants of ancient explorations by Assyrians, Persians, and Greeks. -It is extraordinary how deep a veil of forgetfulness was drawn over -Southern Baluchistan during this unrecorded interval. For a thousand -years, from the withdrawal of Alexander's attenuated force to the rise -and spread of Islam, we hear nothing of Makran, and we are left to the -traditions of the Baluch tribes to fill up the gap in history. What -the Arabs made of mediæval Makran as a gate of India may be briefly -told. Recent surveys have revealed their tracks, although we have no -clear record of their earliest movements. We know, however, that there -was an Arab governor of Makran long previous to the historical -invasion of India in A.D. 712, and that there must have been strong -commercial interest and considerable traffic before his time. Arabia, -indeed, had always been interested in Makran, and amongst other relics -of a long dead past are those huge stone constructions for -water-storage purposes to which we have referred, and which must have -been of very early Arab (possibly Himyaritic) building, as well as a -host of legends and traditions, all pointing to successive waves of -early tribal emigration, extending from the Persian frontier to the -lower Arabius--the Purali of our time. - -Hajjaj, the governor of Irak, under the Kalif Walid I., projected -three simultaneous expeditions into Asia for the advancement of the -true faith. One was directed towards Samarkand, one against the King -of Kabul, and the third was to operate directly on India through the -heart of Makran. The Makran field force was organised in the first -instance for the purpose of punishing certain Karak and Med pirates, -who had plundered a valuable convoy sent by the ruler of Ceylon to -Hajjaj and to the Kalif. These Karaks probably gave their names to the -Krokala of Nearkhos, and the Karachi of to-day, and have disappeared. -The Meds still exist. The expedition, which was placed under the -command of an enterprising young general aged seventeen, named Mahomed -Kasim, not only swept through Makran easily and successfully, but -ended by establishing Mahomedan supremacy in the Indus valley, and -originated a form of government which, under various phases, lasted -till Mahmud of Ghazni put an end to a degenerated form of it by -ousting the Karmatian rulers of Multan in A.D. 1005. The original -force which invaded Sind under Mahomed Kasim, and which was drawn -chiefly from Syria and Irak, consisted of 6000 camel-riders and 3000 -infantry. In Makran the Arab governor (it is important to note that -there was an Arab governor of Makran before that country became the -high-road to India) added further reinforcements, and there was also a -naval squadron, which conveyed catapults and ammunition by sea to the -Indus valley port of Debal. It was with this small force that one of -the most surprising invasions of India ever attempted was successfully -carried through Makran--a country hitherto deemed impracticable, and -associated in previous history with nothing but tales of disaster. For -long, however, we find that Mahomed Kasim had both the piratical Meds, -and the hardly less tractable Jats (a Skythic people still existing in -the Indus valley) in his train, and the news of his successes carried -to Damascus brought crowds of Arab adventurers to follow his fortunes. -When he left Multan for the north, he is said to have had 50,000 men -under his command. His subsequent career and tragic end are all -matters of history. - -The points chiefly to note in this remarkable invasion are that the -Arab soldiers first engaged were chiefly recruited from Syria; that, -contrary to their usual custom, they brought none of their women with -them; and that none of them probably ever returned to their country -again. Elliott tells us of the message sent them by the savage Kalif -Suliman: "Sow and sweat, for none of you will ever see Syria again." -What, then, became of all these first Arab conquerors of Western -India? They must have taken Persian-speaking wives of the stock of -Makran and Baluchistan, and their children, speaking their -mother-tongue, lost all knowledge of their fathers' language in the -course of a few generations. There are many such instances of the -rapid disappearance of a language in the East. For three centuries, -then, whilst a people of Arab descent ruled in Sind, there existed -through Makran one of the great highways of the world, a link between -West and East such as has never existed elsewhere on the Indian -border, save, perhaps, through the valley of the Kabul River and its -affluents. Along this highway flowed the greater part of the mighty -trade of India, a trade which has never failed to give commercial -predominance to that country which held the golden key to it, whether -that key has been in the hands of Arab, Turk, Venetian, Portuguese, -or Englishman. And though there are traces of a rapid decline in the -mediæval prosperity of Makran after the commencement of the eleventh -century, yet its comparative remoteness in geographical position saved -it subsequently from the ruthless destruction inflicted by Turk and -Tartar in more accessible regions, and left to it cities worth -despoiling even in the days of Portuguese supremacy. - -It is only lately that Makran has lapsed again into a mere -geographical expression. Twenty years ago our maps told us nothing -about it. It might have been, and was, for all practical purposes, as -unexplored and unknown as the forests of Africa. Now, however, we have -found that Makran is a country of great topographical interest as well -as of stirring history. And when we come to the days of Arab -ascendency, when Arab merchants settled in the country; when good -roads with well-marked stages were established; when, fortunately for -geography, certain Western commercial travellers, following, _longo -intervallo_, the example of the Chinese pilgrims--men such as Ibn -Haukal of Baghdad, or Istakhri of Persepolis--first set to work to -reduce geographical discovery to systematic compilation, we can take -their books and maps in our hands, and verify their statements as we -read. It is true that they copied a good deal from each other, and -that their manner of writing geographical names was obscure, and -leaves a good deal to be desired--a fault, by the way, from which the -maps of to-day are not entirely free--yet they are on the whole as -much more accurate than the early Greek geographers as the area of -their observations is more restricted. We may say that Makran and Sind -are perhaps more fully treated of by Arab geographers than any other -portion of the globe by the geographers who preceded them; and as -their details are more perfect, so, for the most part, is the -identification of those details rendered comparatively easy by the -nature of the country and its physical characteristics. With the -exception of the coast-line the topography of Makran to-day is the -topography of Makran in Alexandrian days. This is very different -indeed from the uncertain character of the Indus valley mediæval -geography. There the extraordinary hydrographical changes that have -taken place; the shifting of the great river itself from east to west, -dependent on certain recognized natural laws; the drying up and total -disappearance of ancient channels and river-beds; the formation of a -delta, and the ever-varying alterations in the coast-line (due greatly -to monsoon influences), leave large tracts almost unrecognizable as -described in mediæval literature. Makran is, for the most part, a -country of hills. Its valleys are narrow and sharply defined; its -mountains only passable at certain well-known points, which must have -been as definite before the Christian era as they are to-day; and it -is consequently comparatively easy to follow up a clue to any main -route passing through that country. - -Makran is, in short, a country full of long narrow valleys running -east and west, the longest and most important being the valley of Kej. -The main drainage of the country reaches the sea by a series of main -channels running south, which, inasmuch as they are driven almost at -right angles across the general run of the watersheds, necessarily -pass through a series of gorges of most magnificent proportions, which -are far more impressive as spectacles than they are convenient for -practical road-making. Thus Makran is very much easier to traverse -from east to west than it is from north to south. - -I have, perhaps, said enough to indicate that the old highways through -Makran, however much they may have assisted trade and traffic between -East and West, could only have been confined to very narrow limits -indeed. It is, in fact, almost a one-road country. Given the key, -then, to open the gates of such channels of communication as exist, -there is no difficulty in following them up, and the identification of -successive stages becomes merely a matter of local search. We know -where the old Arab cities _must_ have been, and we have but to look -about to find their ruins. The best key, perhaps, to this mediæval -system is to be found in a map given by the Baghdad traveller, Ibn -Haukal, who wrote his account of Makran early in the tenth century, -and though this map leaves much to be desired in clearness and -accuracy, it is quite sufficient to give us the clue we require at -first starting. In the written geographical accounts of the country, -we labour under the disadvantage of possessing no comparative standard -of distance. The Arab of mediæval days described the distance to be -traversed between one point and another much as the Bedou describes it -now. It is so many days' journey. Occasionally, indeed, we find a -compiler of more than usual precision modifying his description of a -stage as a long day's journey, or a short one. But such instances are -rare, and a day's journey appears to be literally just so much as -could conveniently be included in a day's work, with due regard to the -character of the route traversed. Across an open desert a day's -journey may be as much as 80 miles. Between the cities of a -well-populated district it may be much less. Taking an average from -all known distances, it is between 40 and 50 miles. Nor is it always -explained whether the day's journey is by land or sea, the unit "a -day's journey" being the distance traversed independent of the means -of transit. - -In Ibn Haukal's map, although we have very little indication of -comparative distance, we have a rough idea of bearings, and the -invaluable datum of a fixed starting-point that can be identified -beyond doubt. The great Arab port on the Makran coast, sometimes even -called the capital of Makran, was Tiz; and Tiz is a well-known coast -village to this day. About 100 miles west of the port of Gwadur there -is a convenient and sheltered harbour for coast shipping, and on the -shores of it there was a telegraph station of the Persian Gulf line -called Charbar. The telegraph station occupied the extremity of the -eastern horn of the bay, and was separated inland by some few miles of -sandy waste from a low band of coarse conglomerate hills, which -conceal amongst them a narrow valley, containing all that is left of -the ancient port of Tiz. If you take a boat from Charbar point, and, -coasting up the bay, land at the mouth of this valley, you will first -of all be confronted by a picturesque little Persian fort perched on -the rocks on either hand, and absolutely blocking the entrance to the -valley. This fort was built, or at least renewed, in the days of -General Sir F. Goldsmid's Seistan mission, to emphasize the fact that -the Persian Government claimed that valley for its own. About a mile -above the fort there exists a squalid little fishing village, the -inhabitants of which spend their spare moments (and they have many of -them) in making those palm mats which enter so largely into the house -architecture of the coast villages, as they sit beneath the shade of -one or two remarkably fine "banian" trees. The valley is narrow and -close, and the ruins of Tiz, extending on both sides the village, are -packed close together in enormous heaps of debris, so covered with -broken pottery as to suggest the idea that the inhabitants of old Tiz -must have once devoted themselves entirely to the production of -ceramic art ware. Every heavy shower of rain washes out fragments of -new curiosities in glass and china. Here may be found large quantities -of an antique form of glass, the secret of the manufacture of which -has (according to Venetian experts) long passed away, only to be -lately rediscovered. It takes the shape of bangles chiefly, and in -this form may be dug up in almost any of the recognized sites of -ancient coast towns along the Makran and Persian coasts. It is -apparently of Egyptian origin, and was brought to the coast in Arab -ships. Here also is to be found much of a special class of pottery, of -very fine texture, and usually finished with a light sage-green glaze, -which appears to me to be peculiarly Arabic, but of which I have yet -to learn the full history. It is well known in Afghanistan, where it -is said to possess the property of detecting poison by cracking under -it, but even there it is no modern importation. This is the celadon to -which reference has already been made. The rocky cliffs on either side -the valley are honey-combed with Mahomedan tombs, and the face of -every flat-spaced eminence is scarred with them. A hundred generations -of Moslems are buried there. The rocky declivities which hedge in this -remarkable site may give some clue to the yet more ancient name of -Talara which this place once bore. Talar in Baluchi bears the -signification of a rocky band of cliffs or hills. - -The obvious reason why the port of Tiz was chosen for the point of -debarkation for India is that, in addition to the general convenience -of the harbour, the monsoon winds do not affect the coast so far west. -At seasons when the Indus delta and the port of Debal were rendered -unapproachable, Tiz was an easy port to gain. There must have been a -considerable local trade, too, between the coast and the highly -cultivated, if restricted, valleys of Northern Makran, and it is more -than probable that Tiz was the port for the commerce of Seistan in its -most palmy days. - -From Tiz to Kiz (or Kej, which is reckoned as the first big city on -the road to India in mediæval geography) was, according to Istakhri -and Idrisi, a five-days' journey. Kiz is doubtless synonymous with -Kej, but the long straight valley of that name which leads eastwards -towards India has no town now which exactly corresponds to the name of -the valley. The distance between Tiz and the Kej district is from 160 -to 170 miles. No actual ruined site can be pointed out as yet marking -the position of Kiz, or (as Idrisi writes it) Kirusi, but it must have -been in the close neighbourhood of Kalatak, where, indeed, there is -ample room for further close investigation amongst surrounding ruins. -About the city, we may note from Idrisi that it was nearly as large as -Multan, and was the largest city in Makran. "Palm trees are -plentiful, and there is a large trade," says our author, who adds that -it is two long days' journey west of the city of Firabuz. From all the -varied forms which Arab geographical names can assume owing to -omission of diacritical marks in writing, this place, Firabuz, has -perhaps suffered most. The most correct reading of it would probably -be Kanazbun, and this is the form adopted by Elliott, who conjectures -that Kanazbun was situated near the modern Panjgur. From Kej to -Panjgur is not less than 110 miles, a very long two-days' journey. Yet -Istakhri supports Idrisi (if, indeed, he is not the original author of -the statement) that it is two days' journey from Kiz to Kanazbun. This -would lead one to place Kanazbun elsewhere than in the Panjgur -district, more especially as that district lies well to the north of -the direct road to India, were it not for local evidence that the -fertile and flourishing Panjgur valley must certainly be included -somehow in the mediæval geographical system, and that the conditions -of khafila traffic in mediæval times were such as to preclude the -possibility of the more direct route being utilized. To explain this -fully would demand a full explanation also of the physical geography -of Eastern Makran. I have no doubt whatever that Sir H. Elliott is -right in his conjecture, and that amongst the many relics of ancient -civilization which are to be found in Panjgur is the site of Kanazbun. -Kanazbun was in existence long before the Arab invasion of Sind. The -modern fort of Kudabandan probably represents the site of that more -ancient fort which was built by the usurper Chach of Sind, when he -marched through Makran to fix its further boundaries about the -beginning of the Mahomedan era. Kanazbun was a very large city indeed. -"It is a town," says Idrisi, "of which the inhabitants are rich. They -carry on a great trade. They are men of their word, enemies of fraud, -and they are generous and hospitable." Panjgur, I may add, is a -delightfully green spot amongst many other green spots in Makran. It -is not long ago that we had a small force cantoned there to preserve -law and order in that lawless land. There appeared to be but one -verdict on the part of the officers who lived there, and that verdict -was all in its favour. In this particular, Panjgur is probably unique -amongst frontier outposts. - -The next important city on the road to Sind was Armail, Armabel, or -Karabel, now, without doubt, Las Bela. From Kudabandan to Las Bela is -from 170 to 180 miles, and there is considerable variety of opinion as -to the number of days that were to be occupied in traversing the -distance. Istakhri says that from Kiz to Armail is six days' journey. -Deduct the two from Kiz to Kanazbun, and the distance between Kanazbun -and Armail is four days. Ibn Haukal makes it fourteen marches from -Kanazbun to the port of Debal, and as he reckons Armail to be six -from Debal on the Kanazbun road, we get a second estimate of eight -days' journey. Idrisi says that from Manhabari to Firabuz is six -marches, and we know otherwise that from Manhabari to Armail was four, -so the third estimate gives us two days' journey. Istakhri's estimate -is more in accordance with the average that we find elsewhere, and he -is the probable author of the original statements. But doubtless the -number of days occupied varied with the season and the amount of -supplies procurable. There were villages _en route_, and many -halting-places. The _Ashkalu l' Bilad_ of Ibn Haukal says: "Villages -of Dahuk and Kalwan are contiguous, and are between Labi and Armail"; -from which Elliott conjectures that Labi was synonymous with Kiz. -Idrisi states that "between Kiz and Armail two districts touch each -other, Rahun and Kalwan." I should be inclined to suggest that the -districts of Dashtak and Kolwah are those referred to. They are -contiguous, and they may be said to be between Kiz and Armail, though -it would be more exact to place them between Kanazbun and Armail. -Kolwah is a well-cultivated district lying to the south of the river, -which in its upper course is known as the Lob. I should conjecture -that this may be the Labi referred to by Ibn Haukal. - -The city of Armail, Armabel (sometimes Karabel), or Las Bela, is of -great historic interest. From the very earliest days of historical -record Armail, by right of its position commanding the high-road to -India, must have been of great importance. Las Bela is but the modern -name derived from the influx of the Las or Lumri tribe of Rajputs. It -is at present but an insignificant little town, picturesquely perched -on the banks of the Purali River, but in its immediate neighbourhood -is a veritable _embarras de richesse_ in ancient sites. Eleven miles -north-west of Las Bela, at Gondakahar, are the ruins of a very ancient -city, which at first sight appear to carry us back to the -pre-Mahomedan era of Arab occupation, when the country was peopled by -Arabii, and the Arab flag was paramount on the high seas. Not far from -them are the caves of Gondrani, about which there is no room for -conjecture, for they are clearly Buddhist, as can be told from their -construction. We know from the Chachnama of Sind that in the middle of -the eighth century the province of Las Bela was part of a Buddhist -kingdom, which extended from Armabel to the modern province of Gandava -in Sind. The great trade mart for the Buddhists on the frontier was a -place called Kandabel, which Elliott identifies with Gandava, the -capital of the province of Kach Gandava. It is, however, associated in -the Chachnama with Kandahar, the expression "Kandabel, that is, -Kandahar" being used, an expression which Elliott condemns for its -inaccuracy, as he recognizes but the one Kandahar, which is in -Afghanistan. It happens that there is a Kandahar, or Gandahar, in -Kach Gandava, and there are ruins enough in the neighbourhood to -justify the suspicion that this was after all the original Kandabel -rather than the modern town of Gandava. - -The capital of this ancient Buddha--or Buddhiya--kingdom I believe to -have been Armabel rather than Kandabel, it being at Armabel that Chach -found a Buddhist priest reigning in the year A.H. 2, when he passed -through. The curious association of names, and the undoubted Buddhist -character of the Gondrani caves, would lead one to assign a Buddhist -origin also to the neighbouring ruins of Gondakahar (or Gandakahar) -only that direct evidence from the ruins themselves is at present -wanting to confirm this conjecture. They require far closer -investigation than has been found possible in the course of ordinary -survey operations. The country lying between Las Bela and Kach Gandava -is occupied at present by a most troublesome section of the Dravidian -Brahuis, who call themselves Mingals, or Mongols, and who possibly may -be a Mongolian graft on the Dravidian stock. They may prove to be -modern representatives of the old Buddhist population of this land, -but their objection to political control has hitherto debarred us from -even exploring their country, although it is immediately on our own -borders. About 8 miles north of Las Bela are the ruins of a -comparatively recent Arab settlement, but they do not appear to be -important. It is probable that certain other ruins, about 1œ miles -east of the town, called Karia Pir, represent the latest mediæval -site, the site which was adopted after the destruction of the older -city by Mahomed Kasim on his way to invade Sind. Karia Pir is full of -Arabic coins and pottery. So many invasions of India have been planned -with varied success by the Kalifs of Baghdad since the first invasion -in the days of Omar I. in A.D. 644, till the time of the final -occupation of Sind in the time of the sixth Kalif Walid, about A.D. -712, that there is no difficulty in accounting for the varied sites -and fortunes of any city occupying so important a strategical position -as Bela. - -From Armail we have a two-days' march assigned by Istakhri and Idrisi -as the distance to the town of Kambali, or Yusli, towards India. These -two places have, in consequence of their similarity in position, -become much confused, and it has been assumed by some scholars that -they are identical. But they are clearly separated in Ibn Haukal's -map, and it is, in fact, the question only of which of two routes -towards India is selected that will decide which of the two cities -will be found on the road. There is (and always must have been) a -choice of routes to the ancient port of Debal after passing the city -of Armail. That route which led through Yusli in all probability -passed by the modern site of Uthal. Close to this village the -unmistakable ruins of a considerable Arab town have been found, and I -have no hesitation in identifying them as those of Yusli. About -Kambali, too, there can be very little doubt. There are certain -well-known ruins called Khairokot not far to the west of the village -of Liari. We know from mediæval description that Kambali was close to -the sea, and the sea shaped its coast-line in mediæval days so as -nearly to touch the site called Khairokot. Even now, under certain -conditions of tide, it is possible to reach Liari in a coast -fishing-boat, although the process of land formation at the head of -the Sonmiani bay is proceeding so fast that, on the other hand, it is -occasionally impossible even to reach the fishing village of Sonmiani -itself. The ruins of Khairokot are so extensive, and yield such large -evidences of Arab occupation that a place must certainly be found for -them in the mediæval system. Kambali appears to be the only possible -solution to the problem, although it was somewhat off the direct road -between Armail and Debal. - -From either of these towns we have a six-days' journey to Debal, -passing two other cities _en route_, viz. Manabari and the "small but -populous town of Khur." - -The Manhanari of Istakhri, Manbatara of Ibn Haukal, or Manabari of -Idrisi, again confronts us with the oft-repeated difficulty of two -places with similar names, there being no one individual site which -will answer all the descriptions given. General Haig has shown that -there was in all probability a Manjabari on the old channel of the -Indus, nearly opposite the famous city of Mansura, some 40 miles -north-east of the modern Hyderabad, which will answer certain points -of Arabic description; but he shows conclusively that this could not -be the Manhabari of Ibn Haukal and Idrisi, which was two days' journey -from Debal on the road to Armail. As we have now decided what -direction that road must have taken, after accepting General Haig's -position for Debal, and bearing in mind Idrisi's description of the -town as "built in a hollow," with fountains, springs, and gardens -around it, there seems to me but little doubt that the site of the -ancient Manhabari is to be found near that resort of all Karachi -holiday-makers called Mugger Pir. Here the sacred alligators are kept, -and hence the recognized name; but the real name of the place, -divested of its vulgar attributes, is Manga, or Manja Pir. The affix -Pir is common throughout the Bela district, and is a modern -introduction. The position of Mugger Pir, with its encircling walls of -hills, its adjacent hot springs and gardens (so rare as to be almost -unique in this part of the country), its convenient position with -respect to the coast, and, above all, its interesting architectural -remains, mark it unmistakably as that Manhabari of Idrisi which was -two days' march from Debal. - -Whether Manhabari can be identified with that ancient capital of -Indo-Skythia spoken of by Ptolemy and the author of the _Periplus_ as -Minagar, or Binagar, may be open to question, though there are a good -many points about it which appear to meet the description given by -more ancient geographers. The question is too large to enter on now, -but there is certainly reason to think that such identification may be -found possible. The small but populous town of Khur has left some -apparent records of its existence near the Malir waterworks of -Karachi, where there is a very fine group of Arab tombs in a good -state of preservation. There is a village called Khair marked on the -map not far from this position, and the actual site of the old town -cannot be far from it, although I have not had the opportunity of -identifying it. It is directly on the road connecting Debal with -Manhabari. With Manhabari and Khur our tale of buried cities closes in -this direction. We have but to add that General Haig identifies Debal -with a ruin-covered site 20 miles south-west of Thatta, and about 45 -miles east-south-east of Karachi. - -All these ancient cities eastwards from Makran are associated with one -very interesting feature. Somewhat apart from the deserted and hardly -recognizable ruins of the cities are groups of remarkable tombs, -constructed of stone, and carved with a most minute beauty of design, -which is so well preserved as to appear almost fresh from the hands of -the sculptor. These tombs are locally known as "Khalmati." - -Invariably placed on rising ground, with a fair command of the -surrounding landscape, they are the most conspicuous witnesses yet -remaining of the nature of the Saracenic style of decorative art which -must have beautified those early cities. The cities themselves have -long since passed away, but these stone records of dead citizens still -remain to illustrate, if but with a feeble light, one of the darkest -periods in the history of Indian architecture. These remains are most -likely Khalmati (_not_ Karmati) and belong to an Arab race who were -once strong in Sind and who came from the Makran coast at Khalmat. The -Karmatians were not builders. - -We have so far only dealt with that route to India which combined a -coasting voyage in Arab ships with an overland journey which was -obviously performed on a camel, or the days' stages could never have -been accomplished. But the number of cities in Western Makran and -Kirman which still exist under their mediæval names, and which are -thickly surrounded with evidences of their former wealth and -greatness, certifies to a former trade through Persia to India which -could have been nowise inferior to that from the shores of Arabia or -Egypt. Indeed, the overland route to India through Persia and Makran -was probably one of the best trodden trade routes that the world has -ever seen. It is almost unnecessary to enumerate such names as Darak, -Bih, Band, Kasrkand, Asfaka, and Fahalfahra (all of which are to be -found in Ibn Haukal's map), and to point out that they are represented -in modern geography by Dizak, Geh, Binth, Kasrkand, Asfaka, and Bahu -Kalat. Degenerated and narrowed as they now are, there are still -evidences written large enough in surrounding ruins to satisfy the -investigator of the reality and greatness of their past; whilst the -present nature of the routes which connect them by river and mountain -is enough to prove that they never could have been of small account in -the Arab geographical system. One city in this part of Makran is, I -confess, something of a riddle to me still. Rasak is ever spoken of by -Arab geographers as the city of "schismatics." There is, indeed, a -Rasak on the Sarbaz River road to Bampur, which might be strained to -fit the position assigned it in Arab geography; but it is now a small -and insignificant village, and apparently could never have been -otherwise. There is no room there for a city of such world-wide fame -as the ancient headquarters of heresy must have been--a city which -served usefully as a link between the heretics of Persia and those of -Sind. - -Istakhri says that Rasak is two days' journey from Fahalfahra (which -there is good reason for believing to be Bahu Kalat), but Idrisi makes -it a three-days' journey from that place, and three days from Darak, -so that it should be about half-way between them. Now, Darak can -hardly be other than Dizak, which is described by the same authority -as three days' journey from Firabuz (_i.e._ Kanazbun). It is also said -to have been a populous town, and south-west of it was "a high -mountain called the Mountain of Salt." South-west of Dizak are the -highest mountains in Makran, called the Bampusht Koh, and there is -enough salt in the neighbourhood to justify the geographer's -description. It may also be said to be three days' journey from -Kanazbun. Somewhere about half-way between Dizak and Bahu Kalat is the -important town of Sarbaz, and from a description of contiguous ruins -which has been given by Mr. E. A. Wainwright, of the Survey Department -(to whom I am indebted for most of the Makran identifications), I am -inclined to place the ancient Rasak at Sarbaz rather than in the -position which the modern name would apply to it. It is rather -significant that Ibn Haukal omits Rasak altogether from his map. Its -importance may be estimated from Idrisi's description of it taken from -the translation given by Elliott in the first volume of his History of -India: "The inhabitants of Rasak are schismatics. Their territory is -divided into two districts, one called Al Kharij, and the other Kir" -(or Kiz) "Kaian. Sugar-cane is much cultivated, and a considerable -trade is carried on in a sweetmeat called 'faniz,' which is made -here.... The territory of Maskan joins that of Kirman." Maskan is -probably represented by Mashkel at the present day, Mashkel being the -best date-growing district in Southern Baluchistan. It adjoins Kirman, -and produces dates of such excellent quality that they compare -favourably with the best products of the Euphrates. Idrisi's -description of this part of Western Makran continues thus: "The -inhabitants have a great reputation for courage. They have date-trees, -camels, cereals, and the fruit of cold countries." He then gives a -table of distances, from which we can roughly estimate the meaning of -"a day's journey." After stating that Fahalfahra, Asfaka, Band, and -Kasrkand are dependencies of Makran which resemble each other in point -of size and extent of their trade, he goes on to say, "Fahalfahra to -Rasak two days." (Istakhri makes it three days, the distance from Bahu -Kalat to Sarbaz being about 80 miles.) "From Fahalfahra to Asfaka two -days." (This is almost impossible, the distance being about 160 miles, -and the route passing through several large towns.) "From Asfaka to -Band one day towards the west." (This is about 45 miles south-west -rather than west.) "From Asfaka to Darak three days." (150 to 160 -miles according to the route taken.) "From Band to Kasrkand one day." -(About 70 miles, passing through Bih or Geh, which is not mentioned.) -"From Kasrkand to Kiz four days." This is not much over 150 miles, and -is the most probable estimate of them all. It is possible, of course, -that from 70 to 80 miles may have been covered on a good camel within -the limits of twenty-four hours. Such distances in Arabia are not -uncommon, but we are not here dealing with an absolutely desert -district, devoid of water. On the contrary, halting-places must have -always been frequent and convenient. - -I cannot leave this corner of Makran without a short reference to what -lay beyond to the north-west, on the Kirman border, as it appears to -me that one or two geographical riddles of mediæval days have recently -been cleared up by the results of our explorations. Idrisi says that -"Tubaran is near Fahraj, which belongs to Kirman. It is a -well-fortified town, and is situated on the banks of a river of the -same name, which are cultivated and fertile. From hence to Fardan, a -commercial town, the environs of which are well populated, four days. -Kir Kaian lies to the west of Fardan, on the road to Tubaran. The -country is well populated and very fertile. The vine grows here and -various sorts of fruit trees, but the palm is not to be found." -Elsewhere he states that "from Mansuria to Tubaran about fifteen -days"; and again, "from Tubaran to Multan, on the borders of Sind, ten -days." Here there is clearly the confusion which so constantly arises -from the repetition of place-names in different localities. Multan and -Mansuria are well-known or well-identified localities, and Turan was -an equally well-recognized district of Lower Sind, of which Khozdar -was the capital. Turan may well be reckoned as ten days from Multan, -or fifteen from Mansuria, but hardly the Tubaran, about which such a -detailed and precise description is given. There are two places called -indifferently Fahraj, Pahrag, Pahra, or Pahura, both of which are in -the Kirman district; one, which is shown in St. John's map of Persia, -is not very far from Regan, in the Narmashir province, and is -surrounded far and wide with ruins. It has been identified by St. John -as the Pahra of Arrian, the capital of Gadrosia, where Alexander -rested after his retreat through Makran. The other is some 16 miles -east of Bampur, to the north-west of Sarbaz. Both are on the banks of -a river, "cultivated and fertile"; both are the centres of an area of -ruins extending for miles; both must find a place in mediæval -geography. For many reasons, into which I cannot fully enter, I am -inclined to place the Pahra of Arrian in the site near Bampur. It -suits the narrative in many particulars better than does the Pahra -identified with Fahraj by St. John. The latter, I have very little -doubt, is the Fahraj of Idrisi, and the town of Tubaran was not far -from it. Fardan may well have been either Bampur itself (a very -ancient town) or Pahra, 16 miles to the east of it; and between Fardan -and Fahraj lay the district of Kir (or Kiz) Kaian, which has been -stated to be a district of Rasak. "On Tubaran," says Idrisi, "are -dependent Mahyak, Kir Kaian, Sura" (? Suza), "Fardan" (? Bampur or -Pahra), "Kashran" (? Khasrin), "and Masurjan. Masurjan is a -well-peopled commercial town surrounded with villages on the banks of -the Tubaran, from which town it is 42 miles distant. Masurjan to Darak -Yamuna 141 miles, Darak Yamuna to Firabuz 175 miles." If we take Regan -to represent the old city of Masurjan, and Yakmina as the modern -representative of Darak Yamuna, we shall find Idrisi's distances most -surprisingly in accordance with modern mapping. Regan is about 40 -miles from Fahraj, and the other distances, though not accurate of -course, are much more approximately correct than could possibly have -been expected from the generality of Idrisi's compilation. - -I cannot, however, now open up a fresh chapter on mediæval geography -in Persia. It is Makran itself to which I wish to draw attention. In -our thirst for trans-frontier knowledge farther north and farther -west, we have somewhat overlooked this very remarkable country. Idrisi -commences his description with the assertion that "Makran is a vast -country, mostly desert." We have not altogether found it so. It is -true that the voyager who might be condemned to coast his way from the -Gulf of Oman to the port of Karachi in the hot weather, might wonder -what of beauty, wealth, or even interest, could possibly lie beyond -that brazen coast washed by that molten sea; might well recall the -agonies of thirst endured during the Greek retreat; might think of the -lost armies of Cyrus and Simiramis; and whilst his eye could not fail -to be impressed with the grand outlines of those bold headlands which -guard the coast, his nose would be far more rudely reminded of the -unpleasant proximity of Ichthyophagi than delighted by soft odours of -spikenard or myrrh. And yet, for century after century, the key to the -golden gate of Indian commerce lay behind those Makran hills. Beyond -those square-headed bluffs and precipices, hidden amongst the serrated -lines of jagged ridges, was the high-road to wealth and fame, where -passed along not only many a rich khafila loaded with precious -merchandise, but many a stout array of troops besides. Those citizens -of Makran who "loved fair dealing, who were men of their word, and -enemies to fraud," who welcomed the lagging khafila, or sped on their -way the swift camel-mounted soldiers of Arabia, could have little -dreamed that for centuries in the undeveloped future, when trade -should pass over the high seas round the southern coast of Africa, and -the Western infidel should set his hated foot on Eastern shores, -Makran should sink out of sight and into such forgetfulness by the -world, that eventually this ancient land of the sun should become -something less well known than those mountains of the moon in which -lay the far-off sources of the Egyptian Nile. - -Yet it is not at all impossible that Makran may once again rise to -significance in Indian Councils. Men's eyes have been so much turned -to the proximity of Russia and Russian railways to the Indian frontier -that they have hardly taken into serious consideration the problems of -the future, which deal with the direct connection overland between -India and Europe other than those which touch Seistan or Herat. That -such connection will finally eventuate either through Seistan or Herat -(or through both) no one who has any appreciation of the power of -commercial interests to overcome purely military or political -objections will doubt; but meanwhile it may be more than interesting -to prove that a line through Persia is quite a practicable scheme, -although it would not be practicable on any alignment that has as yet -been suggested. It would not be practicable by following the coast, -for instance. It would be useless to link up Teheran with Mashad, -unless the Seistan line were adopted in extension; and the proposal to -join Ispahan to Seistan through Central Persia would involve such a -lengthening of the route to India as would seriously discount its -value. The only solution of the difficulty is through Makran to -Karachi. Military nervousness would thus be met by the fact that -Russia could make no use of such a line for purposes of invasion, -inasmuch as it would be commanded and protected from the sea. -Political difficulties with Afghanistan would be absolutely avoided by -a Persian line. Whether that would be better than a final agreement -with Russia based on mutual interest, which would certainly make -strongly for the peace of our borders, is another question. I am only -concerned just now in illustrating the geography of Makran and -pointing out its facilities as a land of possible routes to India, and -in showing how the exploration of Baluchistan and of Western India was -secured in mediæval times by means of these routes. - -It will, then, be interesting to note that at the eastern extremity of -Makran, dovetailed between the Makran hills as they sweep off with a -curve westward and our Sind frontier hills as they continue their -general strike southwards, is the little state of Las Bela. The -mountain conformation which encloses it makes the flat alluvial -portion of the state triangular in shape, and from the apex of the -triangle to the sea runs a river now known as the Purali, which in -ancient times was called the Arabis from the early Arab occupation of -the region. There are relics of apparent Arabic origin which, -independently of Greek records, testify to a very early interest in -this corner of the Indian borderland. Las Bela has a history which is -not without interest. It has been a Buddhist centre, and the caves of -Gondakahar near by testify to the ascetic fervour of the Buddhist -priesthood. The grave of one of the greatest of frontier political -leaders, Sir Robert Sandeman, lies near this little capital. Already -it forms an object of devotional pilgrimage through all the Sind -countryside. Possibly once again it may happen that Las Bela will be a -wayside resting-place on the road to India, as it has undoubtedly been -in the centuries of the past. It is not difficult to reach Las Bela -from Karachi by following the modern telegraph line. There are no -great physical obstacles interposed to make the way thorny for the -slow-moving train of a khafila, and where camels can take their -stately way there the more lively locomotive can follow. Should the -railway from Central Persia (let us say Ispahan) ever extend its iron -lines to Las Bela, it will make little of the rest of its extension to -Karachi. It is the actual physical arrangement of Makran topography -only which really matters; and here we are but treading in the -footsteps of the ubiquitous Arab when first he made his way -south-eastward from Arabia, or from Syria, to the Indian frontier. He -could, and he did, pass from the plateau of Persia into the very heart -of Makran without encountering the impediment of a single difficult -pass. - -Although the chief trade route of the Arabs to India was not through -Persia, but by way of the sea in coasting vessels, it is probable that -both Arabs and Persians before them made good use of the geographical -opportunities offered for an approach to the Indus valley and Northern -India, and that the central line of Persian approach through Makran -had been a world-old route for centuries. It is really a delightful -route to follow, full of the interest of magnificent scenery and of -varied human existence, and it is the telegraph route from Ispahan to -Panjgur in Makran. With the initial process of reaching Ispahan, -whether through the Kurdistan hills from Baghdad by way of Kermanshah -and the ancient town of Hamadan to Kum (the mountain road selected for -the telegraph line), or whether from Teheran to Kum and thence by -Kashan (a line not so replete with hills), we have no concern. This -part of Persia now falls by agreement under the influence of Russia, -and it is only by further agreement with Russia that this link in any -European connection could be forged. But from Ispahan to Karachi one -may still look over the wide uplands of the Persian plateau and -imagine, if we please, that it is for England to take her share in the -development of these ancient highways into a modern railway. Ispahan -is 5300 feet above sea-level, and from Ispahan one never descends to a -lower level than 3000 feet till one enters Makran. - -As Ispahan lies in a wide valley separated by a continuous line of -flanking hills from the main high road of Central Persia, which -connects Teheran and Kashan with Kirman, passing through Yezd, it is -necessary to cross this intervening divide in order to reach Yezd. -There is a waterway through the hills, near Taft, a little to the -south-west of Yezd which meets this difficulty. From Yezd onwards to -the south-west of Kirman, Bam, and the populous plains of Narmashir -and Regan, the road is never out of sight of mountains, the long lines -of the Persian ranges flanking it north and south culminating in the -magnificent peak of the Koh-i-Basman, but leaving a wide space between -unhindered by passes or rivers. From Narmashir the modern telegraph -passes off north-eastward to Seistan, and from there follows the new -trade route to Nushki and Quetta. It is probable that through all ages -this palpable method of circumventing the Dasht-i-Lut (the Kirman -desert) by skirting it on the south was adopted by travellers seeking -Seistan and Kandahar. There is, however, the difficulty of a -formidable band of mountains skirting the desert Seistan, which would -be a difficulty to railway construction. From Regan to Bampur and -Panjgur the normal and most convenient mountain conformation (although -the ranges close in and the valleys narrow) points an open way, with -no obstacle to bar the passage even of a motor; but after leaving -Bampur on the east there is a divide (of about 4000 to 5000 feet) to -be crossed before dropping into the final system of Mashkhel drainage, -which leads straight on to Panjgur, Kalat, and Quetta. Early Arab -commercial explorers did not usually make this detour to Quetta in -order to reach the Indus delta country, nor should we, if we wished to -take the shortest line and the easiest through Persia to Karachi or -Bombay. Much depends on the objective in India. Calcutta may be -reached from the Indus valley by the north-western lines on the normal -Indian gauge, or it may be reached through the Rajputana system on the -metre gauge. But for the latter system and for Bombay, Karachi becomes -our objective. To reach Karachi _via_ Seistan and Quetta would add at -least 500 unnecessary miles to our route from Central Persia, an -amount which equals the total distance between the present Russian -terminus of the Transcaspian line at Kushk and our own Indian terminus -at New Chaman. A direct through line from Panjgur to Karachi by the -old Arab caravan route, within striking distance from the sea, would -apparently outflank not only all political objections, but would -satisfy those military objectors who can only see in a railway the -opportunity for invasion of India. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -EARLIEST ENGLISH EXPLORATION--CHRISTIE AND POTTINGER - - -The Arabs of the Mediæval period, whose footsteps we have been -endeavouring to trace, were after their fashion true geographers and -explorers. True that with them the process of empire-making was -usually a savage process in the first instance, followed by the -peaceable extension of commercial interests. Trade with them (as with -us) followed the flag, and the Semitic instinct for making the most of -a newly-acquired property was ever the motive for wider exploration. -With the Chinese, during the Buddhist period, the ecstatic bliss of -pilgrimage, and the acquirement of special sanctity, were the motive -power of extraordinary energies; but with this difference of impulse -the result was much the same. Arab trader and Chinese pilgrim alike -gave to the world a new record, a record of geographical fact which, -simple and unscientific as it might be, was yet a true revelation for -the time being. But when Buddhism had become a memory, and Arab -domination had ceased to regulate the affairs of the Indus valley; -when the devastating hordes of the Mongol swept through Afghanistan to -the plains of India, geographical record no longer formed part of the -programme, and exploration found no place in the scheme of conquest. -The Mongol and the Turk were not geographers, such as were the Chinese -pilgrim and the Arab, and one gets little or nothing from either of -geographical record, in spite of the abundance of their historical -literature and the really high standard of literary attainment enjoyed -by many of the Turk leaders. That truly delightful historical -personage Babar, for instance, "the adventurer," the founder of the -Turk dynasty in India, good-looking, intellectual, possessed of great -ability as a soldier, endowed with true artistic temperament as -painter, poet, and author, the man who has left to all subsequent ages -an autobiography which is almost unique in its power of presenting to -the mind of its reader the impression of a "whole, real, live, human -being," with all his faults and his fancies, his affections and -aspirations, was apparently unimpressed with the value of dull details -of geography. He can say much about the human interests of the scenes -of his wanderings; he can describe landscape and climate, flowers and -fruits (especially melons); but though he doubtless possessed the true -bandit's instinct for local topography (which must, indeed, have been -very necessary in many of the episodes of his remarkable career) he -makes no systematic attempt to place before us a clear notion of the -geographical conditions of Afghanistan as they existed in his time. -His literary cousin Haidar is far more useful as a geographer. To him -we owe something more than a vague outline of the elusive kingdom of -Bolar and the limits of Kafiristan, but he merely touches on -Afghanistan in its connection with Tibet, and says little of the -country with which we are now immediately concerned. - -The one pre-eminent European traveller of the thirteenth century -(1272-73), the immortal Marco Polo, hardly touched Afghanistan. He and -his kinsmen passed by the high valleys of Vardos and Wakhan on their -way to Kashgar and Cathay, but his geographical information is so -vague as to render it difficult (until the surveys of these regions -were completed) to trace his footsteps. The raid of Taimur into -Kafiristan early in the fifteenth century, when it is said that he -reached Najil from the Khawak Pass over the Hindu Kush, will be -referred to again in dealing with Masson's narrative; but even to this -day it is doubtful how far he succeeded in penetrating into -Kafiristan, although the geographical inference of a practicable -military line of communication between Andarab and the head of the -Alingar River is certain. Three hundred and thirty years after Polo's -journey another European traveller passed through Badakshan and across -the Pamirs. This was the lay Jesuit, Benedict Goës, a true -geographer, bent on the exploration of Cathay and the reconnaissance -of its capabilities as a mission field. He crossed the Parwan Pass of -the Hindu Kush from Kabul to Badakshan and journeyed thence to -Yarkand; but he did not survive to tell his story in sufficient detail -to leave intelligible geography. We find practically no useful -geographical records of Afghanistan during many centuries of its -turbulent history, so that from the time of Arab commercial enterprise -to the days of our forefathers in India, when Afghanistan began to -loom large on the political horizon as a factor in our relations with -Russia and it became all important to know of what Afghanistan -consisted, there is little to collect from the pages of its turbid -history which can fairly rank as a record of geographical exploration. -It took a long time to awaken an intelligent interest in trans-Indus -geography in the minds of India's British administrators. But for -Russia it is possible that it would have remained unawakened still; -but early in the nineteenth century the shadow of Russia began to loom -over the north-western horizon, and it became unpleasantly obvious -that if we did not concern ourselves with Afghan politics, and secure -some knowledge of Afghan territory, our northern neighbours would not -fail to secure the advantages of early action. - -It is strange to recall the fact that we are indebted to the Emperor -Napoleon Buonaparte for the first exploration made by British -officers into the trans-frontier regions of Afghanistan and -Baluchistan in British political interests. Nearly a century ago (in -1810) the uneasiness created by the ambitious schemes of that most -irrepressible military freebooter resulted in the nomination of two -officers of Bombay Infantry to investigate the countries lying to the -west of what was then British India, with a view to ascertaining the -possibilities of invasion. The Punjab and Sind intervened between -British India and the hinterland of the frontier, and their -independence and jealous suspicion of the expansive tendency of the -British Raj added greatly to the difficulties and the risks of any -such trans-frontier enterprise. The Bombay Infantry has ever been a -sort of nursery for explorers of the best and most famous type, and -the two young gentlemen selected for this remarkable exploit were -worthy forerunners of Burton and Speke. The traditions of intelligence -service may almost be said to have been founded by them. The rule of -exploration a century ago admitted of no elaborate preparation: a -knowledge of the languages to be encountered was the one acquisition -which was deemed indispensable; and there can be little doubt that the -knowledge of Oriental tongues was an advantage which in those days -very rapidly led to distinction. It was probably less widespread but -much more thorough than it is at present. Captain Christie and -Lieutenant Pottinger started fair in the characters which they meant -to assume during their travels. They embarked as natives in a native -ship, and from the very outset they found it necessary to play up to -their disguise. The port of Sonmiani on the north-eastern shores of -the Arabian Sea was the objective in the first instance, and the rôle -of horse-dealers in the service of a Bombay firm was the part they -elected to play. How far it really imposed on Baluch or Afghan it is -difficult to say. One cannot but recollect that when another gallant -officer in later years assumed this disguise on the Persian frontier, -he was regarded as a harmless but eccentric European, who injured -nobody by the assumption of an expert knowledge which he did not -possess. He was known locally for years after his travels had ceased -as the English officer who "called himself" a horse-dealer. - -Sonmiani was a more important port a century ago than it is now that -Karachi has absorbed the trade of the Indus coast; but even then the -mud flats which render the village so unapproachable from the coast -were in process of formation, and it was only with favourable -conditions of tide that this wretched and long overlooked little -seaport could be reached. Sonmiani, however, may yet again rise to -distinction, for it is a notable fact that the facility for reaching -the interior of Baluchistan and the Afghan frontier by this route, -which facility decided its selection by Christie and Pottinger, is no -less nowadays than it was then. The explanation of it lies in the fact -that the route practically turns the frontier hills. It follows the -extraordinary alignment of their innumerable folds, passing between -them from valley to valley instead of breaking crudely across the -backbone of the system, and slips gently into the flat places of the -plateau land which stretch from Kharan to Kandahar. The more obvious -reason which presented itself to these early explorers was doubtless -the avoidance of the independent buffer land of Sind. They experienced -little difficulty, in spite of many warnings of the dangers in front -of them, when they left Sonmiani for Bela. At Bela they interviewed an -interesting and picturesque personality in the person of the Jam, and -were closely questioned about the English and their proceedings. -Apparently the Jam was prepared to accept their description of things -European generally, until they ventured to describe a 100-gun warship -and its equipment. Such an astounding creation he was unable to -believe in, and he frankly said so. From Bela the great northern -high-road led to the old capital, Khozdar, through a district infested -with Brahui robbers; but there was no better alternative, and the two -officers followed it. On the whole, the Brahui tribespeople treated -them well, and there was no serious collision. Khozdar was an -important centre in those days, with eight hundred houses, and certain -Hindu merchants from Shikarpur drove a thriving business there. -Nothing was more extraordinary in the palmy days of Sind than the -widespread commercial interests of Shikarpur. Credit could be obtained -at almost all the chief towns of Central Asia through the Shikarpur -merchants, and it was by draft, or "hundi," on Hindu bankers far and -wide that travellers were able to keep themselves supplied with cash -as they journeyed through these long stages. - -The route to Kalat passed by Sohrab and Rodinjo, and the two wayfarers -reached Kalat on February 9, 1810. The cold was intense; they were -quite unprepared for it, and suffered accordingly. Living with the -natives and putting up at the Mehman Khana (the guest house) of such -principal villages or towns as possessed one, they naturally were -thrown very closely into contact with native life, and learned native -opinions. The views of such travellers when dealing with the social -details of native existence are especially valuable, and the opinions -expressed by them of the character and disposition of the people -amongst whom they lived, and with whom they daily conversed on every -conceivable subject, are infinitely to be preferred to those of the -state officials of that time who lived in an artificial atmosphere. -Thus we find very considerable divergence in the opinions expressed -regarding Baluch and Afghan character between such close observers as -Pottinger or Masson and such eminent authorities as Burnes and -Elphinstone. The splendid hospitality and the affectation of -frankness which is common to all these varied types of frontier -humanity, combined with their magnificent presence, and very often -with a determined adherence to certain rules of guardianship and the -faithful discharge of the duties which it entails, are all of them -easily recognizable virtues which are much in the minds and mouths of -official travellers with a mission. The counteracting vices, the -spirit of fanatical hatred, of thievish malevolence, and the utter -social demoralization which usually (but not always) distinguishes -their domestic life and disgusts the stranger, is not so much _en -evidence_, and is only to be discerned by those who mix freely with -ordinary natives of the jungle and bazaar. As an instance, take -Pottinger's estimate of Persian character; it is really worth -recording as the impression of one of the earliest of English soldier -travellers. "Among themselves, with their equals, the Persians are -affable and polite; to their superiors, servile and obsequious; -towards their inferiors, haughty and domineering. All ranks are -equally avaricious, sordid, and dishonest.... Falsehood they look on -... as highly commendable, and good faith, generosity, and gratitude -are alike unknown to them. In debauchery none can exceed them, and -some of their propensities are too execrable and infamous to admit of -mention.... I feel inclined to look upon Persia, at the present day, -to be the very fountainhead of every species of tyranny, cruelty, -meanness, injustice, extortion, and infamy that can disgrace or -pollute human nature, and have ever been found in any age or nation." -These are strong terms to use about a people of whom we have been -assured that the basis of their youthful education is to "ride, to -shoot, and to speak the truth!" and yet who is it who knows Persia who -will say even now that they are undeserved? May the Persian parliament -mend their morals and reform their methods--if, indeed, such a "silk -purse" as a parliament can be made out of such crude material as the -Persian plebs! - -In spite of endless vexations and much spiteful malevolence, which -included endless attempts to trip up Pottinger in his assumed disguise -(and which, it must be admitted, were met by a not too strict -adherence to the actual truth on Pottinger's part), he does not -condemn the Baluchi and the Afghan in such terms as he applies to the -Persian; but he illustrates most forcibly the dangers arising from -habitual lawlessness due to the semi-feudal system of the Baluch -federation, and consequent want of administrative responsibility. In -spite, however, of endless difficulties, he finally got through, and -so did Christie; and for the getting through they were both largely -indebted to the vicarious hospitality of village chiefs and heads of -independent clans. - -At Kalat they found it far easier to get into the timber and mud -fortress than to get out again, and this difficulty repeated itself at -Nushki. At Nushki begins the real interest of their adventures. -Christie (after the usual wrangling and procrastination which attended -all arrangements for onward movement) took his way to Herat on almost -the exact line of route (_via_ Chagai, the Helmund, and Seistan) which -was followed seventy-three years later by the Russo-Afghan Boundary -Commission. Pottinger made what was really a far more venturesome -journey _via_ Kharan to Jalk and Persia. The meeting of these two -officers eventually at Ispahan in the darkness of night, and their -gradual recognition of each other, is as dramatic a story as the -meeting of Nearkhos with Alexander in Makran, or of Nansen with -Jackson amongst the ice-floes of the Far North. - -Christie gives us but small detail of his adventures. He necessarily -suffered much from thirst, but met with no serious encounters. Beyond -a well-deserved tribute to the sweet beauty of that picturesque -wayside town of Anardara in his careful record of his progress -northward from Seistan, where he made Jalalabad (which he calls -Doshak) his base for further exploration, he says very little about -the country he passed through. Incidentally he mentions Pulaki -(Poolki) as a very remarkable relic of past ages. He describes the -ruins of this place as covering an area of 16 square miles. Ferrier -mentions the same place subsequently, and locates it about a day's -march to the north of Kala-i-Fath (which Christie did not visit), and -it must have been one of the most famous of mediæval towns in Seistan. -But as collective ruins covering an area of 500 square miles have been -noted by Mr. Tate, the surveyor of the late Seistan mission, who -camped in their midst to the north of Kala-i-Fath, the exact site of -Pulaki may yet require careful research before it is identified. -Seistan is the land of half-buried ruins. No such extent of ruins -exists anywhere else in the world. It seems probable, therefore, that, -like the sites of many another ancient city of Seistan, Pulaki has -been either partially or absolutely absorbed in the boundless sea of -desert sand, which envelops and hides away each trace of the past as -its waves move forward in irresistible sequence before the howling -blasts of the north-west. - -Christie's route through Seistan followed the track connecting -Jalalabad on the Helmund with Peshawaran on the Farah Rud in dry -seasons, but which disappears in seasons of flood, when the two hamúns -or lakes of Seistan become one. Pushing on to Jawani he passed -Anardara on April 4, and reached Herat on the 18th. His description of -Herat is of a very general character, but is sufficient to indicate -that no very great change took place between the time of his visit and -that of the 1883 Commission. He was fairly well received, and -remained a month without any incident worthy of note, leaving on May -18 for Persia. - -This century-old visit of a British officer to Herat is chiefly -notable for its revelations as to the attitude of the Afghan -Government and people towards the English at the time it was made. -With the exception of the risk inseparable from travel in a lawless -country infested with organised bands of professional robbers, there -appears to have been no hostility bred by fanaticism or suspicion of -the trend of British policy. Afghanistan was socially in about the -same stage of development that France was in the days of Louis XI.--or -England a little earlier; and it is only the solidity conferred on -Afghan administration by the moral support of the British Government -which has effected any real change. Were England to abandon India -to-morrow there would be nothing to prevent a lapse into the same -condition of social anarchy which prevailed a century ago. India would -become the bait for ceaseless activity on the part of every Afghan -border chief who thought he had following sufficient to make a raid -effective. A thin veneer of civilization has crept into Afghanistan -with motors and telegraphs, but with it also has arisen new incentives -to hostility from dread of a possible loss of independence, and (in -the western parts of Afghanistan) from real fanatical hatred to the -infidel. Thus Afghanistan is actually more dangerous as a field of -exploration to the individual European at the present moment than it -was in the days of Christie and Pottinger. At the same time, British -military assistance would not only be welcome nowadays in case of a -conflict with a foreign enemy, but it would be claimed as the -fulfilment of a political engagement and expected as a right. - -Christie's stay at Herat seems to have been quite uneventful, and when -he left for Persia no one barred his way. The Persian frontier then -seems to have been rather more than 20 miles distant from -Herat--Christie places it a mile beyond the village of "Sekhwan," 22 -miles from the city. The only place which appears to correspond with -the position of Sekhwan now is Shakiban, which probably represents -another village. Making rapid progress westward through Persia, he -eventually reached Ispahan, where he rejoined Pottinger on June 30. It -must have been a hot and trying experience! - -Lieutenant Pottinger's adventures after leaving Nushki (from which -place he had considerable difficulty in effecting his departure) were -more exciting and apparently more risky than those of Christie. He -selected a route which no European has subsequently attempted, and -which it would be difficult to follow from his description of it were -it not that this region has now been completely surveyed. He struck -southwards down the Bado river, which leads almost directly to Kharan -and the desert beyond it stretching to the Mashkhel "hamún" or swamp. -He did not visit Kharan itself, and he apparently misplaces its -position by at least 50 miles, unless, indeed (which is quite -possible), the present site of the Naoshirwani capital is far removed -from that of a century ago. I am unaware, however, that any evidence -exists to that effect. - -Until the desert was encountered there was no great difficulty on this -route, but the horror of that desert crossing fully atoned for any -lack of unpleasant incident previously. It would even now be regarded -as a formidable undertaking, and we can easily understand the deadly -feelings that beset this pioneer explorer as he made his way in the -month of April from Kharan on a south-westerly track to the border of -Persia at Jalk. His description of this desert, like the rest of his -narrative, is full of instructive suggestion. The scope of his -observation generally, and the accuracy of the information which he -collected about the infinitely complex nationality of the Baluch -tribes, renders his evidence valuable as regards the natural phenomena -which he encountered; and no part of this evidence is more interesting -than his story of the Kharan desert, especially as no one since his -time has made anything like a scientific examination of its -construction and peculiarities. He describes it as a sea of red sand, -"the particles of which were so light that when taken in the hand -they were scarcely more than palpable; the whole is thrown into an -irregular mass of waves, principally running from east to west, and -varying in height from 10 to 20 feet. Most of them rise -perpendicularly on the opposite side to that from which the prevailing -wind blows (north-west), and might readily be fancied at a distance to -resemble a new brick wall. The side facing the wind slopes off with a -gradual declivity to the base (or near it) of the next windward wave." -He further describes a phenomenon which he observed in the midst of -this sand sea, which I think has not been described by any later -traveller or surveyor. He says "the desert seemed at a distance of -half a mile or less to have an elevated or flat surface from 6 to 12 -inches higher than the summits of the waves. This vapour appeared to -recede as we advanced, and once or twice completely encircled us, -limiting the horizon to a very confined space, and conveying a most -gloomy and unnatural sensation to the mind of the beholder; at the -same moment we were imperceptibly covered with innumerable atoms of -small sand, which, getting into our eyes, mouths and nostrils, caused -excessive irritation, attended with extreme thirst that was increased -in no small degree by the intense heat of the sun." This was only -visible during the hottest part of the day. Pottinger's explanation of -this curious phenomenon is that the fine particles of this dust-sand, -which are swept into the air almost daily by the force of the -north-west winds, fail to settle down at once when those winds cease, -but float in the air by reason of some change in their specific -gravity due to rarefaction from intense heat; and he adds that he has -seen this condition of sand-haze at the same time that, in an opposite -quarter, he has observed the mirage or luminous appearance of water -which is common to all deserts. Crossing the bed of the Budu (the -Mashkhel nullah--dry in April), he makes a curious mistake about the -direction of its waters, which he says run in a south-easterly -direction towards the coast. It actually runs north-west and empties -itself (when there is water in it) into the Mashkhel swamps. I must -admit, however, that, from personal observation, it is often -exceedingly difficult to decide from a casual inspection in which -direction the water of these abnormally flat nullahs runs. Shortly -after passing the Mashkhel, he encountered an ordinary dust-storm, -followed by heavy rain, which much modified the terrors of the awful -heat. - -Pottinger has something to say about the hot winds that occur between -June and September in these regions, known as the Bad-i-Simun, or -pestilential winds, which kill men exposed to them and destroy -vegetation, but his information was not derived from actual -observation, and it is difficult to get any really authentic account -of these winds. Parts of the Sind desert are equally subject to them. -After losing his way (which was inexcusable on the part of his guide -with the hills in sight), he arrived finally at the delightful little -valley of Kalagan, near Jalk, where the terrors of nature were -exchanged for those of his human surroundings. Kalagan is one of the -sweetest and greenest spots of the Baluch frontier, and it is easy to -realize Pottinger's intense joy in its palm groves and orchards. He -was now in Persia, and his subsequent proceedings do not concern our -present purpose. He travelled by Sib and Magas to Pahra and Bampur, -maintaining his disguise as a Pirzada, or wandering religious student, -with some difficulty, as he was insufficiently versed in the tenets of -Islam. However, he acted up to his Moslem professions with a certain -amount of success till he reached Pahra, where he was at once -recognized as an Englishman by a boy who had previously met an English -officer exploring in Southern Persia. But he was excellently well -treated at Pahra, in strange contrast to his subsequent treatment at -Bampur, close by. He eventually reached Kirman, and passed on by the -regular trade route to Ispahan. - -It is impossible to take leave of these two gallant young officers -without a tribute of admiration for their magnificent pluck, the -tenacity with which they held to their original purpose, the -forbearance and cleverness with which they met the persistent and -worrying difficulties which were set in their way by truculent native -officials, and the accuracy of their final statements. Pottinger -really left little to be discovered about the distribution of Baluch -tribes, and if his mapping exhibits some curious eccentricities, we -must remember that it was practically a compilation from memory, with -but the vaguest means at his disposal for the measurement of -distances. It was a first map, and by the light of it the success of -the subsequent explorations of Masson (which covered a good deal of -the same ground in Baluchistan) is fairly accounted for. Christie died -a soldier's death early in his career, but Pottinger lived to transmit -an honoured name to yet later adventurers in the field of geography. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -AMERICAN EXPLORATION--MASSON - - -In 1832 Lord William Bentinck, then Governor-General of India, found -Shah Sujah, the deposed Amir of Kabul, living as a pensioner at -Ludhiana when he visited the Punjab for an interview with its ruler -Ranjit Singh. At that interview the question of aiding Shah Sujah to -regain his throne from the usurper Dost Mahomed, who was suspected of -Russian proclivities, was mooted; and it was then, probably, that the -seeds of active interference in Afghan politics were sown, although -the idea of aiding Shah Sujah was negatived for the time being. The -result was the mission of Alexander Burnes to Kabul, which formed a -new era in Central Asian geography. From this time forward the map of -Afghanistan commenced to grow. The story of Burnes' first journey to -Kabul was published by Murray in 1834, and his example as a -geographical observer stimulated his assistants Leech, Lord, and Wood -to further enterprise during a second journey to the same capital. -Indeed the geographical work of some of these explorers still remains -as our standard reference for a knowledge of the configuration of -Northern Badakshan. This was the beginning of official recognition of -the value of trans-Indian geographical knowledge to Indian -administration; but then, as now, information obtained through -recognized official agents was apt to be regarded as the only -information worth having; and far too little effort was made to secure -the results of travellers' work, who, in a private capacity and -unhindered by official red tape, were able to acquire a direct -personal knowledge of Afghan geography such as was absolutely -impossible to political agents or their assistants. - -Before Indian administrators had seriously turned their attention to -the Afghan buffer-land and set to work to fill up "intelligence" -material at second hand, there was at least one active European agent -in the field who was in direct touch with the chief political actors -in that strange land of everlasting unrest, and who has left behind -him a record which is unsurpassed on the Indian frontier for the width -of its scope of inquiry into matters political, social, economic, and -scientific, and the general accuracy of his conclusions. This was the -American, Masson. It must be remembered that the Punjab and Sind were -almost as much _terra incognita_ to us in 1830 as was Afghanistan. The -approach to the latter country was through foreign territory. The Sikh -chiefs of the Punjab and the Amirs of Sind were not then necessarily -hostile to British interests. They watched, no doubt, the gradual -extension of the red line of our maps towards the north-west and west, -and were fully alive to the probability that, so far as regarded their -own countries, they would all soon be "painted red." But there was no -official discourtesy or intoleration shown towards European -travellers, and in the Sikh-governed Punjab, at any rate, much of the -military control of that most military nationality was in the hands of -European leaders. Nor do we find much of the spirit of fanatical -hatred to the Feringhi even in Afghanistan at that time. The European -came and went, and it was only due to the disturbed state of the -country and the local absence of law and order that he ran any risk of -serious misadventure. - -In these days it would be impossible for any European to travel as -Masson or Ferrier travelled in Afghanistan, but in those days there -was something to be gained by friendship with England, and the -weakness of our support was hardly suspected until it was disclosed by -the results of the first Afghan war. So Masson and Ferrier assumed the -rôle of Afghan travellers, clothed in Afghan garments, but more or -less ignorant of the Afghan language, living with the people, -partaking of their hospitality, studying their ways, joining their -pursuits, discussing their politics, and placing themselves on terms -of familiarity, if not of intimacy, with their many hosts in a way -which has never been imitated since. No one now ever assumes the -dress of the Afghan and lives with him. No one joins a caravan and -sits over the nightly fire discussing bazaar prices or the character -of a chief. A hurried rush to Kabul, a few brief and badly conducted -interviews with the Amir, and the official representative of India's -foreign policy returns to India as an Afghan oracle, but with no more -knowledge of the real inwardness of Afghan political aspiration, or of -the trend of national thought and feeling, than is acquired during a -six months' trip of a travelling M.P. in India. Consequently there is -a peculiar value in the records of such a traveller as Masson. They -are in many ways as valuable now as they were eighty years ago, for -the character of the Afghan has not changed with his history or his -politics. To some extent they are even more valuable, for it is -inevitable that the story of a long travel through an unknown and -unimagined world should be received with a certain amount of -reservation until later experience confirms the tale and verifies -localities. - -Fifty years elapsed before the footsteps of Masson could be traced -with certainty. Not till the conclusion of the last Afghan war, and -the final reshaping of the surveys of Baluchistan, could it be said -exactly where he wandered during those strenuous years of unremitting -travel. And now that we can take his story in detail, and follow him -stage by stage through the Indian borderlands, we can only say that, -considering the circumstances under which his observations were taken -and recorded, it is marvellously accurate in geographical detail. Were -his long past history of those stirring times as accurate as his -geography or as his antiquarian information there would be little -indeed left for subsequent investigators to add. - -Masson was in the field before Burnes. In the month of September 1830 -the Resident in the Persian Gulf writes to the Chief Secretary to the -Government of India[10] that "an American gentleman of the name of -Masson" arrived at Bushire from Bassadore on the "13th June last," and -that he described himself as belonging to the state of Kentucky, -having been absent for ten years from his country, "which he must -consequently have left when he was young, as he is now only about -two-and-thirty years of age." The same letter says that previous to -the breaking out of the war between Russia and Persia in 1826 Masson -"appears to have visited Khorasan from Tiflis by way of Mashed and -Herat, making no effort to conceal his European origin," and that from -Herat he went to Kandahar, Shikarpur, and Sind. - -Masson appears to have furnished some valuable information to the -Indian Government regarding the Durani occupation of Herat and the -political situation in Kabul and Kandahar, which, according to his -own account, he subsequently regretted, as he obviously regarded the -British attitude towards Afghanistan at that time in much the same -light as certain continental nations regarded the British attitude -towards the Transvaal previous to the last Boer war. "About the same -time," says the same letter from the Resident at Bushire, Masson was -much in the Bahawalpur country (Sind), after which he proceeded to -Peshawar, Kabul, Ghazni, etc. Extracts from his reports of his -journeys are forwarded with other information. In his book (_Travels -in Afghanistan, Baluchistan, the Punjab, and Kalat_, published in -1842) Masson opens his story with the autumn of 1826, when he was in -Bahawalpur and Sind, which he had approached through Rajputana, and -not from Afghanistan. He has much to say about Bahawalpur which, -however interesting and valuable as first-hand information about a -foreign state in 1826, no longer concerns this story. From Bahawalpur -he passed on to Peshawar and Kabul, from Kabul to Kandahar, and thence -to Shikarpur. As the incidents of his remarkable journey between -Kandahar and Shikarpur, described in the letter of the Bushire -Resident, are obviously the same as those in his book, the inference -is strong that the journey from Tiflis to Herat and Kandahar (which is -not mentioned in the book) has been somehow misplaced in the -Resident's record. - -When Masson entered Afghanistan from Peshawar there is certain -indirect evidence that this was the first time that he crossed the -Afghan border. He knew nothing of the Pashto language, which would be -remarkable in the case of a man like Masson, who always lived with the -people and not with the chiefs, and there is not the remotest -reference to any previous visit to Herat in his subsequent history. We -will at any rate follow the text of his own narrative, and surely no -narrative of adventure that has ever appeared before or since in -connection with Afghan exploration can rival it for interest. Peshawar -was at that time held by four Pathan Sirdars, brothers, who were -hardly independent, as they held their country (a small space -extending to about 25 miles round Peshawar, and which included Kohat -and Hangu) entirely at the pleasure of Ranjit Singh, the Sikh Chief of -the Punjab. Some show of making a strike for independence had been -made in connection with the Yusufzai rising led by Saiad Ahmad Shah, -but it had been suppressed, and during the temporary occupation of -Peshawar by the Sikhs the city had been despoiled and devastated. -Masson estimated that there were about fifty or sixty thousand -inhabitants in Peshawar, where he was exceedingly well treated. -"People of all classes were most civil and desirous to oblige." He was -an honoured guest at all entertainments. - -How long Masson remained at Peshawar it is difficult to say, for there -is a most lamentable absence of dates from his records, and Peshawar -appears to have been the base from which he started on a good many -excursions. Finally he made acquaintance with a Pathan who offered to -accompany him to Kabul, and he left Peshawar for Afghanistan by the -Khaibar route. He mentions two other routes as being popular in those -days, _i.e._ those of Abkhana and Karapa, and he asserts that they -were far more secure for traders than the Khaibar, but not so level -nor so direct. Masson started with his companion, dressed as a Pathan, -but taking nothing but a few pais (copper coins) and a book. His -companion, however, possessed a knife tied up in a corner of his -pyjamas. After cautiously crossing the plains and some intervening -hills, they struck the high road of the Khaibar apparently not far -from Ali Masjid, and here they fell in with the first people they had -met _en route_--about twenty men sitting in the shade of a rock, -"elderly, respectable, and venerable." They were hospitably received -and entertained, and news of the arrival of a European quickly spread. -Every European was expected to be a doctor in those days, and Masson -had to assume the rôle and make the most of his limited medical -knowledge. He either prescribed local remedies, or healed the sick on -Christian Science principles with a certain amount of success--enough -to ensure him a welcome wherever he went. It is a curious story for -any one who has traversed the Khaibar in these later days to read. A -European with a most limited knowledge of Pushto tramping the road in -company with a Pathan, living the simple life of the people, picking -up information every yard of the way, keenly interested in his rough -surroundings, taking count of the ragged groups of stone-built huts -clinging to the hill-sides or massed around a central citadel in the -open plain, with here and there a disintegrating monument crowning the -hill-top with a cupola or dome, the like of which he had never seen -before. - -Masson had hardly realized in these early days that he was on one of -the routes most sacred to pilgrimage of all those known to the -disciples of Buddha, and it was not till later years that he set about -a systematic exploration of the extraordinary wealth of Buddhist -relics which lie about Jalalabad and the valleys adjoining the Khaibar -route to Kabul. On his journey he made his way with the varied -incidents of adventure common to the time--robbed at one place, -treated with hospitality at another; sitting under the mulberry trees -discussing politics with all the energy of the true Afghan (who is -never deficient in the power of expressing his political sentiments), -and, taking it altogether, enjoying a close, if not an absolutely -friendly, intimacy with the half-savage people of those wholly savage -hills. An intimacy, such as no other educated European has ever -attained, and which tells a tale of a totally different attitude on -the part of the Afghan towards the European then, to that which has -existed since. The fact that Masson was American and not English -counted for nothing. The difference was not recognized by the Afghans, -although it was explained by him sometimes with careful elaboration. -It was the time when Dost Mahomed ruled in Kabul, but with the claims -of Shah Sujah (possibly backed by both Sikh and British) on the -political horizon. It was a time of political intrigue amongst Afghan -Sirdars and chiefs so complicated and so widespread as to be almost -unintelligible at this distance of time, and not even Masson, with all -his advantages of intimate association and great powers of intuition, -seems to have fathomed the position satisfactorily. Consequently it -was to the interests of the Afghan Government to stand well with the -British, even if it were equally their aim to keep on good terms with -Russia--in short, to play the same game that has lasted during the -rest of the century, and which threatens to last for many another -decade yet. But this was before the mission of Burnes, and before the -events of the subsequent Afghan war had taught the Afghan that British -arms were not necessarily invincible, nor British promises always -trustworthy. - -Apart from the ordinary chances of disaster on the roads arising from -the lack of law and order, any European would have met with a -hospitable reception at that time, and Masson himself relates how, in -Kabul, during some of the friendly gatherings which he attended, the -respective probabilities of British or Russian intervention in Kabul -affairs was a common subject of discussion. It is easy for one who -knows the country to picture him sitting under the shade of the -mulberry trees, with the soft lush of the Afghan summer in grass and -flowers about him, the scent of the willow in the air, and, across the -sliding blue of the Kabul River, a dim haze shadowing the rounded -outlines of some ancient stupa, whilst trying to unriddle the tangle -of Afghan politics or taking notes of weird stories and ancient -legends. Nothing seems to have come amiss to his inquiring mind. -Archæology, numismatics, botany, geology, and history--it was all new -to him, and an inexhaustible opportunity lay before him. He certainly -made good use of it. He busied himself, amongst other things, with an -inquiry into the origin of the Siahposh Kafirs, and, although his -speculations regarding them have long been discounted by the results -of subsequent investigation from nearer points of view, it is -interesting to note how these savages were then regarded by the -nearest Mahomedan communities. Masson admits that the history of a -Greek origin is supported by all natural and historical indications, -but he declines to accept "so bold and welcome an inference." Why he -should call it "bold and welcome" and then reject it, is not -explained, but it is probable that he accepted the claim to a Greek -origin on the part of the Kafirs as indicating that they claimed to -be Greek and nothing but Greek. When we consider the number and extent -of the Greek colonies which once existed beyond the Hindu Kush it -would indeed be surprising if there were no survival of Greek blood in -the veins of the people who, in the last stronghold of a conquered and -hunted race, represent the debris of the once powerful Baktrian -kingdom. Incidentally he discussed the interesting episode of Timur's -invasion of Kafiristan, a subject on which no recent investigations -have thrown any further light. The story, as told by Timur's -historian, Sharifudin, says that in A.D. 1399, when Timur was at -Andarab, complaints were made to him of outrage and oppression by the -exaction of tribute, or "Karaj," against the idolaters of Katawar and -the Siahposh. It appears that Katawar was then the general name for -the northern regions of Kafiristan, although no reference to that name -had been recorded lately. - -Timur is said to have taken a third part of the army of the Andarab -against the infidels, and to have reached Perjan (probably Parwan), -from whence he detached a part of his force to act to the north of -that place, whilst he himself proceeded to Kawak, which is certainly -Khawak at the head of the Panjshir valley. If Perjan is Parwan (which -I think most probable) this distribution of his force would indicate -that he held the Panjshir valley at both ends, and thus secured his -flank whilst operating in Kafiristan. From Khawak he "made the -ascent" of the mountains of "Ketnev" (_i.e._ he crossed the -intervening snow-covered divide between the Panjshir and the head of -the Alishang) and descended upon the fortress of Najil. This was -abandoned by the Siahposh Kafirs, who held a high hill on the left -bank of the river. After an obstinate fight the hill was carried, and -the male infidels, "whose souls were blacker than their garments," -were killed, and their women and children carried away. Timur set up a -marble pillar with an inscription recording the event, and it would be -exceedingly interesting if that pillar could be identified. Masson -thinks that a structure which he ascertained to have been in existence -in his time a little to the north of Najil, known as the Timur Hissar -(Timur's Fort), may be the fort which Timur destroyed after it had -been abandoned by the Kafirs, and that the record of his victory would -be found near by. The chief of Najil in Masson's time claimed descent -from Timur, and there was (and is still) so much of Tartar tradition -enveloping the valley of Najil (or the upper Alishang) as to make it -fairly certain that Tartar, or Mongol, troops did actually invade that -valley from the Panjshir, and that there is consequently a practicable -pass from the Panjshir into the upper Alishang. - -If we are correct in our assumption of the position of Farajghan and -Najil in the modern maps of Afghanistan, as determined from native -sources of information (for no surveyor has ever laid down the course -of the upper affluents of the Alishang) this Mongol force must have -crossed from about the centre of the Panjshir valley. It is a matter -of interest to observe that, historically, between Afghan Turkistan -and the Kabul plain the fashionable pass over the Hindu Kush until -quite recently was the Parwan, and this, no doubt, was due to the fact -that its altitude (12,300 feet) is less by quite 2000 feet than that -of the Kaoshan which closely adjoins it, although the Kaoshan is in -some other important respects the easier pass of the two. The Khawak, -at the head of the Panjshir, is lower still (11,650 feet), but it -offers a more circuitous route; whilst the Chahardar, the pass -selected by the Amir Abdurrahmon for the construction of a high-road -into Afghan Turkistan from the Kabul plain, is as high as the Kaoshan. -All these routes converge on the important strategical position of -Charikar, adjoining the junction of the Ghorband and Panjshir rivers; -and they all lead from that ancient strategical centre of Baktria, the -Andarab basin. Undoubtedly through all time the passage over the -Khawak (now a well-trodden khafila route, said to be open to traffic -all the year round) must have been the most attractive to the -freebooters and adventurers of the north; but there appears to have -been a reputation for ferocity and strength attached to the -inhabitants of the Panjshir valley, which was remarkable even in the -days when the only recognized right was might, and half Asia was -peopled by barbarians. They were spoken of with the respect due to a -condition of savage independence by the Arab writers who detail the -geography of these regions, and it is probable that they shared the -historical lawlessness of their Kafir neighbours (the Siahposh), even -if in those days they did not share a race affinity. At the beginning -of the sixteenth century the Emperor Babar notes that the Panjshir -people paid tribute to their neighbours the Kafirs. - -Masson's observations on this troublous corner of Asiatic geography -are shrewd and interesting, and as much to the purpose to-day as they -were when they were written. The explorations of McNair and Robertson -over the Kafiristan border from Chitral, and the march of Lockhart's -party through the Arnawai valley, added much to the geographical -knowledge of the eastern fringe of Kafiristan, whilst the -identification of the Koh-i-Mor with the classic Meros, and of certain -sections of the eastern Kafirs as representative of the ancient -Nysæans, clearly establishes the Greek connection about which Masson -was so sceptical. But the Kafirs of Central and Western Kafiristan, -the inhabitants of the upper basins of the Alishang and Alingar about -the centre of the Hindu Kush and of the Badakshan rivers to the north, -are just as unknown to us as they were to him. The only certain -inference that we can draw from the total absence of history about -these valleys of the Hindu Kush is that between the Khawak Pass at -the head of the Panjshir valley on the west, and the Minjan Pass -leading to Chitral on the east, there is not, and never has been, a -practicable route connecting the Kabul basin with Badakshan. No Arab -khafilas ever passed that way; no hordes of raiding robbers from -Central Asian fields ever forced a passage southward through those -Kafir defiles; they are still dark and impenetrable, the home of -distinct and separate valley communities, differing as widely in form -of speech as in superstitious ritual, the very flotsam and jetsam of -High Asia, as wild as the eagles above them or the markhor on their -craggy hill-sides. - -We will not follow Masson into the mazes of Afghan political history. -It is all a story of the past, but a story with a moral to it. Had the -Government of India in those days but troubled itself to obtain -information from existing practical sources within its reach, instead -of improvising a most imperfect political intelligence system, the -subsequent war with Afghanistan would have been conducted on very -different lines to those which were adopted, if it ever took place at -all. - -Masson made his way steadily to Kabul after meeting with adventures -and vicissitudes enough for a two-volume novel, and passed on to -Ghazni, where the army of Dost Mahomed Khan was then encamped, and -with which he took up his quarters. Here he was well received, and he -interviewed the great Afghan Chief (who settled his quarrel with his -brothers from Kandahar without fighting), and thus records his opinion -of a remarkable personage in history: "Dost Mahomed Khan has -distinguished himself on various occasions by acts of personal -intrepidity ... has proved himself an able Commander, equally well -skilled in stratagem and polity, and only employs the sword when other -means fail. He is remarkably plain in attire.... I should not have -conjectured him a man of ability either from his conversation or his -appearance"; but "a stranger must be cautious in estimating the -character of a Durani from his appearance," which caution he also -found it necessary to exercise in the case of Dost Mahomed's corpulent -brother, Mahomed Khan, the Governor of Ghazni. From Ghazni, Masson -continued his journey to Kandahar, still trudging the weary road on -foot in the doubtful company of casual Pathan wayfarers; and he -accepts the savage treatment which he experienced at the hands of -certain Lohanis near Ghazni as all in the day's work, never -complaining of his want of luck so long as he got off with his life, -and always ready to accept the chances of the most unsafe road rather -than remain inactive. At Kandahar he again set himself to acquire a -store of useful political information, though with what object it is -difficult to say. He certainly did not mean it for the Indian -Government, for he regrets later on in his career that he ever gave -any of it away, and as a record of almost unintelligible Afghan -intrigue it could hardly have interested his own. He was a wide -observer, however, and must have been the possessor of a most -remarkable memory. He was indeed a whole intelligence department in -himself. After some weird and gruesome experiences in Kandahar (where, -however, he was personally made welcome) he left for Shikarpur by the -Quetta and Bolan route, and it was on this journey that he nearly lost -his life. He committed the error of allowing the caravan with which he -was to travel to precede him, trusting to his being able to catch it -up _en route_. He fell amongst the Achakzai thieves of those ugly -plains, and being everywhere known and recognised as a Feringhi, he -passed a very rough time with them. They stripped him of his clothing -after beating him and robbing him of his money, and left him -"destitute, a stranger in the centre of Asia, unacquainted with the -language--which would have been useful to me--and from my colour -exposed on all occasions to notice, inquiry, ridicule, and insult." -However, "it was some consolation to find the khafila was not far -off," and eventually he joined it; but he nearly died of cold and -exposure, and it took him years to recover from the rheumatism set up -by crouching naked over the embers of the fire at night. - -There are several points about this remarkable journey which might -lead one to suspect that romance was not altogether a stranger to it, -were it not that the route itself is described with surprising -accuracy. It has only lately been possible to verify step by step the -road described by Masson. He could hardly have carried about volumes -of notes with him under such conditions as his story depicts, and it -might very well have happened that he dislocated his topography or his -ethnography from lapse of memory. But he does neither; and the most -amazing feature of Masson's tales of travel is that in all essential -features we knew little more about the country of the Afghans after -the last war with Afghanistan than he could have told us before the -first. Shall (or Quetta as we know it now) is described as a town of -about 300 houses, surrounded by a slight crenelated wall. The "huge -mound" (now the fort) is noted as supporting a ruinous citadel, the -residence of the Governor. Fruit was plentiful then, and he adds that -"Shall is proverbially celebrated for the excellence of its lambs." By -the desolate plain of Dasht-i-bedoulat and the Bolan Pass, Masson trod -the well-known route to Dadar and Shikarpur. He lived a strange life -in those days. No one since his time has rubbed shoulders with Afghan -and Baluch, intimately associating himself with all their simple and -savage ways; reckoning every man he met on the road as a robber till -he proved a friend; absolutely penniless, yet still meeting with rough -hospitality and real kindness now and then, and ever absorbing with a -most marvellous power of digestion all that was useful in the way of -information, whether it concerned the red-hot sand-strewn plains, or -the vermin-covered thieves and outcasts that disgraced them. It was -quite as often with the lowest of the gang as with the leaders that he -found himself most intimately associated. - -In those days Sind was a country as unknown to us geographically as -Afghanistan. The Indus and its capacity for navigation was a matter of -supreme interest, but the deserts of Sind were eyed askance, and -across those deserts came little call for exploration. The government -of the country under the Sind Amirs was decrepit and loose, leaving -district municipalities to look after themselves, and promoting no -general scheme for the public good. Shikarpur had been a great centre -of trade under the Duranis, and its financial credit extended far into -Central Asia. But in Masson's time much of that credit had disappeared -with the capitalists who supported it--chiefly Hindu bankers--who -migrated to the cities of Multan and Amritsar as the Sikh power in the -Punjab became a more and more powerful factor in frontier politics. -Whether Masson is correct in his estimate of the mischief done by the -reckless supply of funds from Shikarpur to the restless nobles of -Afghanistan, who were thus enabled to set on foot raids and inroads -into each other's territories, is, I think, doubtful. The want of -money never stayed an Afghan raid--on the contrary it is more apt to -instigate it. From Shikarpur he bent his steps towards the Punjab. No -modern traveller, racing down the Indus valley by a north-western -train, can well appreciate the amount of human interest and activity -which lies hidden beyond the wide flat plains of tamarisk jungle that -stretch between him and the frontier hills. This same Indus valley was -Arabic India for centuries, and there were Greek settlements centuries -earlier than the Arabs; none of this escaped Masson. - -The vicissitudes of this weary walk were many. Masson was put to -curious expedients in order to keep himself even decently clothed. -From under one hospitable roof he stole out in the evening, when the -ragged retinue of his host were all in a state of stupefaction from -drink, in order to be spared their too familiar adieux. It is a -remarkable fact that he found himself able to pass muster as a Mongol -on his journey, there being a tradition in Sind that some Mongols were -as fair as Englishmen. From Rohri on the Indus he made his way almost -exactly along the line of the present railway, through Bhawalpur to -Uch, continually losing his way in the narrow tracks that intersected -the intricate jungle, with but a rupee or two in his pocket, and -nothing but the saving grace of the village masjid as a refuge for the -night. His experiences with wayfarers like himself, the lies that he -heard (and I am afraid also told), the hospitality which he received -both from men and women, and the variety of incident generally which -adorns this part of Masson's tale is a refreshing contrast to the -dreary monotony of the modern traveller's tale of Indian travel, the -bare record of a dusty railway experience, with here and there a new -impression of old and worn-out themes. He was impressed with the -"contented, orderly, and hospitable" character of the people of -Northern Sind, whose condition was "very respectable" notwithstanding -an oppressive government. Saiads and fakirs, pirs and spiritual guides -of all sorts were an abomination to him, but it is somewhat new to -hear of Saiads that "they may commit any crime with impunity." At -Fazilpur (in Bhawalpur) he found an old friend, one Rahmat Khan, and -was once again in the lap of native luxury. Clean clothes, a bed to -lie on, and good food, kept him idle for a month ere he started again -northward for Lahore. Rahmat Khan was almost too generous. He spent -his last rupee recklessly on a nautch, and had to borrow from the -Hindus of his bazaar in order to find two rupees to present to his -guest for the cost of his journey to Lahore. Of this large sum it is -interesting to note that Masson had still eight annas left in his -pocket on his arrival at that city. Alas for the good old days! What a -modern tramp might achieve in India if he were allowed free play it is -difficult to guess, but never again will any European travel 360 miles -in India and feed himself for two months on a rupee and a half. - -Masson notes the extraordinary extent of ancient ruins around Uch, -and correctly infers the importance of that city in the days of Arab -ascendency. He has much to say that is still interesting about Multan -and its surroundings. It must have been new to historians to hear that -the heat of Multan is due to the maledictions of the Saint Shams -Tabieri, who was flayed alive by the progenitors of the people who now -venerate his shrine. Multan was in the hands of the Sikhs when Masson -was there. From Multan Masson ceased to follow the modern line of -railway, and adopted a route north of the Ravi River until near the -city, when he recrossed to the southern bank. Lost in admiration of -the luxuriance of the cultivation of this part of the Punjab, and full -of the interest aroused by the fact that he was on classical ground, -the ground of ancient history, he wandered into Lahore. Lahore and the -Sikh administration, the character of Ranjit Singh and his policy -towards British and Afghan neighbours, are all part of Indian history, -but it is interesting to recall the prominence of French and Italians -in the Punjab 100 years ago. General Allard was encountered quite -accidentally by Masson, who was at once recognized as a European, and -found himself able to talk French fluently. This naturally led to his -entertainment by the General at his own splendid establishments. The -beautiful tomb of Jehangir, the Shahdera, was occupied as a residence -by the French general, Amise, who died, so they said, in expiation of -his impiety in cleaning it up and making it tidy--which was probably -very necessary. The tomb of Anarkalli, south of the city, was used as -a harem by M. Ventura, the Italian general, whilst the well-known -Avitabile lived in a house decorated after the fashion of Neapolitan -art in cantonments to the east of the city. The lovely gardens of -Shalimar had already been robbed of much of their beauty by the -transfer of marble and stone from their pavilions for the building of -Amritsar, the new religious capital of the Sikhs. Lahore is "a dull -city in the commercial sense," says Masson, and Amritsar "has become -the great mart of the Punjab." We need not follow Masson's -explorations in the Punjab and Sind, further than to relate that he -finally left Lahore during the rainy season (he was riding now, and in -fairly easy circumstances) and made his way south again _via_ Multan, -Haidarabad, and Tatta, to Karachi. There is a lamentable want of dates -about this narrative, and it is almost impossible to fix the month, or -even the year, in which Masson visited any particular part of the -frontier. - -His next exploits and explorations conducted from Karachi are -sufficiently remarkable in themselves to place Masson quite at the -head of the list of frontier explorers. He stands, indeed, in the same -relation to the Indian borderland as Livingstone does to Africa. He -first made a sea trip in Arab crafts up the Persian Gulf, visiting -Muskat and obtaining a passage in a cruiser of the H.E.I. Company to -Bushire. This we know from Major David Wilson's report to have been in -1830. It was then that he gave up the record of his previous travels, -to which we have referred, and which he subsequently thought he had -reason to regret. A month or two was passed at Tabriz, and a trip up -the Tigris to Bagdad and Basrah. From Basrah he returned in a merchant -vessel to Muskat, and finally made Karachi again in an Arab bagala. At -Karachi he was not permitted to land, owing (as he suspected) to -another party of Englishmen who were then attempting to explore the -Indus. This turned out to be Captain Burnes' (afterwards Sir Alex. -Burnes) party. The objection was based on a somewhat ridiculous notion -of the capacity of the English to carry about regiments of soldiers -concealed in _boxes_, and Masson subsequently learned that having no -boxes with him, the opposition in his case had been withdrawn by the -Amirs of Sind as tantamount to a breach of hospitality. However, for -the time he was forced to return to Urmara on the Makran coast, from -which place he hoped to reach Kalat. In this he was disappointed, but -he found his way back to Sonmiani in an Arab dunghi (or bagala), -which, with the monsoon wind at her back, was run in gallant style -straight over the shallow bar into the harbour with hardly a foot of -water below her. The practice of medicine was what sustained Masson at -this period, but his reputation was slightly impaired by a crude -prescription of sea water. A lady, too, who suffered from a -disposition of her face to break out into white blotches, and who -appealed for a remedy, was told that she would look much better all -white. This again led to a lively controversy; but on the whole the -practice of medicine was as useful to Masson as it has proved through -all ages to explorers in all regions of the world. - -The story of Masson's next journey through Las Bela and Eastern -Baluchistan to Kalat and the neighbourhood of Quetta, must have been -an almost unintelligible record for half a century after it was -written. It is almost useless to repeat the names of the places he -visited. Five-and-twenty years ago these names were absolutely -unfamiliar, an empty sound signifying nothing to the dwellers on the -British side of the Baluch frontier. Gradually they have emerged from -the regions of the vague unknown into the ordered series of completed -maps; and nothing testifies more surely to the general accuracy of -Masson's narrative than the possibility which now exists of tracing -his steps from point to point through these wild and desolate regions -of rocky ridge and salt-edged jungle in Eastern Baluchistan. It is -certainly significant that in the year 1830 more should have been -known of the regions that lie between Karachi and Quetta or Kandahar, -than was known fifty years later when plans were elaborated for -bringing Quetta into railway communication with India. - -Had Masson's information been properly digested, the most direct route -to Kalat, Quetta, or Kandahar, _via_ the Purali River, would surely -have been weighed in administrative councils, and the advantage of -direct communication with the seaport by a cheaply constructed line -would have received due consideration. But Masson's work was still -unproven and unchecked, and it would have been more than any -Englishman's life was worth to have attempted in 1880 the task which -he undertook with such light-hearted energy. His observations of the -country he passed through, and the complicated tribal distribution -which distinguishes it are necessarily superficial, but they are -shrewd. It was clearly impossible for him to attempt any form of -survey, and without some map evidence of the scene of his wanderings -his explorations were deprived at the time of their chief -significance. From Las Bela to Kalat he appears to have encountered no -more dangerous adventure than might befall any Baluch traveller in the -same regions. From Kalat he wandered at leisure northward till he -overlooked the Dasht-i-bedaulat from the heights of Chahiltan. This -well-known Quetta peak has probably often been ascended by Englishmen -in late years, and the misty legend which is wreathed around it is -familiar to every regimental mess in the Quetta garrison. It is -perhaps a little disappointing to remember that the first white man -who achieved its ascent and told the story of the forty heaven-sent -infants who gambol about its summit to the eternal glory of the -sainted Hazart Ghaos (the patron saint of Baluch children), was an -American. Masson's interesting record of Chahiltan botany, however, -would be more useful if he translated the native names into botanical -language. - -From Quetta he returned to Kalat, and, determined to see as much of -the borderland as possible, he made his return journey from Kalat to -Sonmiani _via_ the Mulla Pass. The pass is still an interesting -feature in Baluch geography. It was once the popular route from the -plains to the highlands, when trade was more frequent between Kalat -and Hindustan, and may serve a useful purpose again. Very few even of -frontier officials know anything of it. Masson gives a capital -description of the Mulla route, "easy and safe, and may be travelled -at all seasons." From Jhal he went south through Sind to Sehwan, the -antiquity of which place gives him room for much speculation; but from -Sehwan to Sonmiani his route is not so clear. He started backwards on -his tracks from Sehwan, then struck southward through lower Sind, -passing on his way many ancient sites (locally known as "gôt," _i.e._ -kôt, or fort), the origin of which he was apparently unable to -determine, but halting at no place with a name that is still -prominent, unless the modern Pokran represents his Pokar. I am not -aware whether the "gôts" described by Masson in lower Sind have as yet -been scientifically examined, but his description of them tallies -with that of similar ruins lately found near Las Bela (especially as -regards the stone-built circle), which, occurring as they do in Makran -and the valley of the Purali (the ancient Arabis), are possibly relics -of the building races of Arabs (Sab[oe]an or Himyaritic) who occupied -these districts in early ages before they became withered and -waterless with the gradual alteration of their geographical -conditions. Other constructions, such as the cylindrical heaps on the -hills, are more certainly Buddhist. Masson was unaware that he was -traversing a province which figured as Bodh in Arab chronicles, and is -full of the traces of Buddhist occupation. Makran, Las Bela, and the -Sind borderland still offer a mine of wealth for archæological -research. The last two or three days' march was in company with a -Bulfut (Lumri) camel-man, whose mount was shared by Masson. As the -Lumri sowar was in the habit not only of taking opium himself but of -giving it to his camel, the morning's ride was sometimes perilously -lively. - -One would have thought that after so extensive an exploration, filled, -as it was, with daily risk from the hostility of fanatics, or the more -common (in those days) assaults of robbers, Masson would have had -enough of adventure to last him some years. It was not so. He appears -to have been an irreclaimable nomadic vagabond, and his only thought, -now that he had reached the West, was to be off again to Afghanistan. -Kalat again was his first objective, and to reach that place he -followed very much the same route as before. From Kalat, however, to -Kandahar and Kabul, he opened up a new line which is worth -description. There is little to record as far as Kalat. Once again he -joined a mixed Afghan khafila returning from India, and followed the -route which leads through Las Bela, Wad, and Khozdar. It was spring, -and the country was bright with flowers, the narrow little valleys -being full of the brilliance of upspringing crops. It is a mistake to -regard Baluchistan as a waste corner of Asia, the dumping ground of -the rubbish left over from the world's creation. Much of it, -doubtless, is inexpressibly dreary, and in certain dry and sun-baked -plains scarred with leprous streaks of salt eruption, it is -occasionally difficult to realize the beauty of the spring and summer -time in valleys where water is still fairly abundant, and the green -things of the earth seem mostly to congregate. A bed of scarlet -tulips, or the yellow sheen of the flowering shrub which spreads -across the plain of Wad would make any landscape gay, and the long -jagged lines of purple hills with chequered shadows patching their -rugged spurs would be a fascinating background to any picture. "Only -man is vile,"--but this is not true either. - -The character of the mixed inhabitants of these valleys of Eastern -Baluchistan (we have no room for ethnological disquisitions) is as -rugged as their hills, and as varied with patches of brightness as -their plains. Masson knew them as no one knows them now, and he -evidently loved them. His life was never safe from day to day, but -that did not prevent much good comradeship, some genuine friendship, -and a shrewd appreciation of the straight uprightness of those who, -like the patriarchs and prophets of old, seemed to be the righteous -few who leaven the whole lump. Masson was not a missionary, he was -only a well-educated and most observant vagabond, but what he has to -say of Baluch (or Brahui) character is just what Sandeman said half a -century later, and what Barnes or MacMahon[11] would say to-day. - -What Masson never seemed to appreciate (any more than the Arab traders -who trod the same roads in mediæval centuries) was the change of -altitude that accrued after long travelling over apparently flat -roads. The natural change in the character of vegetation with the -increase of altitude appears, therefore, to surprise him. He reached -Kalat without much incident. Here he parted with the Peshin Saiads and -the Brahuis of the caravan, and proceeded with the Afghan contingent -to Kandahar. The direct road from Kalat to Kandahar runs through the -Mangachar valley and thence crosses the Khwaja Amran, or Kojak range, -by the Kotal-i-bed into Shorawak, and runs northward to Kandahar -through the eastern part of the Registan, without touching the main -road from Quetta till within a march or two of Kandahar itself. It is -worth noting that there was no want of water on this route, and no -great difficulties were experienced in passing through the hills. -Irrigation canals and the intricacies of natural ravines in Shorawak -seem to have been the chief obstacles. It is a route which was never -made use of during the last Afghan war, nor, so far as I can discover, -during the previous one. The Achakzai tribespeople (some of whom were -with the khafila returning to their country from Bombay) behaved with -remarkable modesty and good faith, and altogether belied their natural -characteristics of truculence and treachery. The journey was made on -camel-back in a kajáwa, a method of travelling which ensures a good -overlook of the proceedings of the khafila and the country traversed -by it, but which can have few other recommendations. Kandahar, -however, was not Masson's objective on this trip. Afghanistan was in -its usual state of distracted politics, and Kabul was the centre of -distraction. To Kabul, therefore, Masson felt himself impelled; like -the stormy petrel he preferred a troubled horizon and plenty of -incident to the calmer seas of oriental existence in the flat plains -of Kandahar. His journey with an Afghan khafila by the well-trodden -road which leads to Ghazni was quite sufficiently full of incident, -and the extraordinary rapacity of the Ghilzai tribes, who occupy the -road as far as that city, leaves one astonished that enough was left -of the khafila for useful business purposes in Kabul. Masson was -impressed with the desolation and degradation of Ghazni. He can hardly -believe that this waste wilderness of mounds around an insignificant -town, with its two dreary sentinel minars standing out on the plain, -and a dilapidated tomb where rests all that is left of the great -conqueror Mahmud, can be the city of such former magnificence as is -described in Afghan history. Every traveller to Ghazni has been -touched with the same feeling of incredulity, but it only testifies to -the remarkable power possessed by the destroying hordes of Chenghiz -Khan and his successors of making a clean sweep of the cities which -fell into their hands. - -A few days before Masson's arrival in Kabul (this is one of the rare -dates which we find recorded in his story) in June 1832, three -Englishmen had visited the city. These were Lieutenant Burnes, Dr. -Gerard, and the Rev. Joseph Wolff. He does not appear to have actually -met them. Mr. Wolff had been fortunate enough to distinguish himself -as a prophet, and had acquired considerable reputation. An earthquake -preceding certain local disturbances between the Sunis and the Shiahs, -which he foretold, had established his position, and imitators had -begun to arise amongst the people. No better account of the city of -Kabul, the beauty of its surroundings, its fruit and its trade, and -the social customs of its people, is to be found than that of Masson. -What he observed of the city and suburbs in 1832 might almost have -been written of the Kabul of fifty years later; but the last -twenty-five years have introduced many radical changes, and good roads -for wheeled vehicles (not to mention motors) and a small local railway -have done more even than the stucco palaces and fantastic halls of the -late Amir Abdurrahmon to change the character of the place. The -curious spirit of tolerance and liberality which still pervades Kabul -and distinguishes it from other Afghan towns, which makes the life of -an individual European far more secure there than it would be in -Kandahar, the absence of Ghazidom and fanaticism, was even more marked -then than it is now. Armenian Christians were treated with more than -toleration, they intermarried with Mahomedans; the fact that Masson -was known to be a Feringhi never interfered with the spirit of -hospitality with which he was received and treated. Only on one -occasion was he insulted in the streets, and that was when he wore a -Persian cap instead of the usual lunghi. But the Jews were as much -anathema as they are now, and Masson tells a curious tale of one Jew -who was stoned to death by Mahomedans for denying the divinity of -Jesus Christ, after the Christian community of Armenians had declined -to carry out the punishment. To this day nothing arouses Afghan hatred -like the cry of Yahudi (Jew), and it may very possibly be partly due -to their firm conviction in their origin as Ben-i-Israel. - -The summer of 1832 at Kabul must have been a delightful experience, -but with the coming autumn the restlessness of the nomad again seized -on Masson and he made that journey to Bamian in company with an Afghan -friend, one Haji Khan, chief of Bamian, which followed the mission of -Burnes to Kunduz, and proved the possibilities of the route to Afghan -Turkestan by the southern passes of the Hindu Kush. Bamian was then -separated from Kabul by the width of the Besud territory, which was -practically controlled by a semi-independent Hazara chief, -Yezdambaksh. Beyond Bamian the pass of Ak Robat defined the northern -frontier of Afghanistan, beyond which again were more semi-independent -chiefs, of whom by far the most powerful, south of the Oxus, was Mir -Murad Beg of Kunduz. Amongst them all political intrigue was in a -state of boiling effervescence. Haji Khan (a Kakar soldier of fortune) -from Western Afghanistan knew himself to be unpopular with the Amir -Dost Mahomed Khan, and had shrewd suspicions that spite of a -long-tried friendship, he was regarded as a dangerous factor in Kabul -politics. Yezdambaksh, influenced doubtless by his gallant wife, who -rode and fought by his side and was ever at his elbow in council, -trimmed his course to patch up a temporary alliance with Haji Khan -under the pretext of suffocating the ambition of the local chief of -Saighan; whilst Murad Beg about that time was strong enough to -preserve his own position unassisted and aloof. Into the seething -welter of intrigue arising from the conflicting interests of these -many candidates for distinction in the Afghan border field Masson -plunged when he accepted Haji Khan's invitation to join him at Bamian. -Across the lovely plain of Chardeh, bright with the orange blossoms of -the safflower, Masson followed the well-known route to Argandi and -over the Safed Khak Pass to the foot of the divide which is crossed by -the Unai (called Honai by Masson), meeting with the usual demands for -"karij," or duty, from the Hazaras at their border, with the usual -altercations and violence on both sides. Well known as is this route, -it may be doubted whether any better description of it has ever been -written than that of Masson. Instead of striking straight across the -Helmund at Gardandiwal by the direct route to Bamian, the party -followed the course of the Helmund, then fringed with rose bushes and -willows, passing through a delightfully picturesque country till they -fell in with the Afghan camp, after much wandering in unknown parts on -the banks of the Helmund, at a point which it is difficult to -identify. - -The story of the daily progress of the oriental military camp, and the -daily discussions with Haji Khan, who appeared to be as frank and -childlike in his disclosures of his methods as any chattering booby, -is excellent. There is no doubt that Masson at this time exercised -very considerable influence over his Afghan and Hazara acquaintances, -and he is probably justified in his claim to have prevented more than -one serious row over the everlasting demands for karij. It is to be -noted that two guns were dragged along with this expedition by forced -Hazara labour, eighty men being required for one, and two hundred for -the other, assisted by an elephant. The calibre of the guns is not -mentioned. At a place called Shaitana they were still south of the -Helmund, and in the course of their progress through Besud visited the -sources of the Logar. Near these sources is the Azdha of Besud, the -petrified dragon slain by Hazrat Ali (not to be confused with Azdha of -Bamian), a volcanic formation stretching its white length through -about 170 yards, exhaling sulphurous odours. The red rock found about -its head is supposed to be tinged with blood. The Azdha afterwards -seen and described at Bamian is of "more imposing size." - -Another long march (apparently on the road to Ghazni) brought the -expedition to the frontier of Besud, at a point reckoned by Masson as -three marches from the Ghazni district. From here they retraced their -steps and crossed the Helmund at Ghoweh Kol (? Pai Kol), making for -Bamian. This closed the Besud expedition, which, regarded as a -geographical exploration, is still authoritative, no complete survey -of that district having ever been made. From the Helmund they reached -Bamian by the Siah Reg Pass, thus proving the possibility of -traversing that district by comparatively unknown routes which were -"not on the whole difficult to cavalry, though impracticable to -wheeled carriages." The guns were left in Besud, to be dragged through -by Hazaras. It must be remembered that this was early winter, and the -frozen snow rendered the passes slippery and difficult. The aspect of -the Koh-i-Baba (? Babar) mountains, and their "craggy pinnacles" -(which, by reason of their similarity of outline, gave much trouble to -our surveyors in 1882-83) seems to have impressed Masson greatly. The -descent into the Bamian valley was "perfectly easy, and the road -excellent throughout." Masson's contributions to the Asiatic Society -on the subject of Bamian and its "idols" are well known. His -observations were acute, and on the whole accurate. He rightly -conjectured these wonderful relics to be Buddhist, although he never -grasped the full extent of Buddhist influence, nor the extraordinary -width of their occupation in Northern Afghanistan. His conjectures and -impressions need not be repeated, but his somewhat crude sketches of -Bamian and the citadel of Gulgula intensify the regret which I always -feel that a thoroughly competent photographer was not attached to the -long subsequent Russo-Afghan Boundary Commission. - -Masson's wanderings in the company of the Afghan chief Haji Khan and -his redoubtable army through the valleys and over the passes of the -Hindu Kush and its western spurs is full of interest to the military -reader. The Afghan force consisted largely of cavalry, as did that of -the gallant Hazara chief, Yezdambaksh. Nothing is said about infantry, -but it was probably little better than a badly armed mob chiefly -concerned in guarding the guns which reached the valley of Bamian, -but, as already stated, they could not follow the cavalry over the -Siah Reg Pass from Besud. They were sent round by the "Karza" Pass, -which is probably the one known as Kafza on our maps, which indicates -the most direct route from Kabul to Bamian. - -It is necessary to follow the ostensible policy of these military -movements in order to render Masson's account of them intelligible. -Haji Khan was acting in concert with Yezdambaksh and his Hazara -troops, with the presumed object of crushing first Mahomed Ali, the -chief of Saighan (north of Bamian), and ultimately repeating the -process on Rahmatulla Khan, the chief of Kamard (north of Saighan). In -order to effect this he had to pass up the Bamian valley to its -northern head, marked by the Ak Robat Pass (10,200 feet high), and -thence descend into the Saighan valley by the route formed by one of -its southern tributaries. It was early winter (or late autumn), but -still the passes seemed to have been more or less free from snow, and -the Ak Robat Pass in particular appears to have given little trouble, -although the valley contracts almost to a gorge in the descent. -Masson noted evidences of the former existence of a considerable town -near this route on the descent from Ak Robat. Much to his -astonishment, instead of smashing the Saighan opposition with his -superior force, Haji Khan proceeded to patch up an alliance with -Mahomed Ali, which was cemented by his marrying one of the daughters -of that wily chief. Here, however, he experienced a cruel -disappointment. Instead of the lovely bride whom he had been led to -expect, he received a squat and snub-nosed Hazara girl, who was, -indeed, of very doubtful parentage. This little swindle, however, was -not permitted to interfere with his politics. The alliance ought to -have aroused the suspicion of Yezdambaksh, but the latter seems to -have trusted to the strength of his following to meet any possible -contingency. - -The next step was to proceed to Kamard and repeat the process of -occupation. Here, however, an unexpected difficulty arose. The -easy-going, hard-drinking Tajik chief of Kamard was far too wily to -put himself into Haji Khan's power, and with some of the Uzbek chiefs -who owed their allegiance to that fine old border bandit Murad Khan of -Kunduz (of whom we shall hear again), positively declined to permit -Haji Khan to come farther. Meanwhile, however, a force had advanced -over the divide between Saighan and Kamard by a pass which Masson -calls the Nalpach (or horseshoe-breaking pass), which can hardly be -the same as the well-known Dandan Shikan (or tooth-breaking pass), -but is probably to the east of it, leading more directly to Bajgah. -Before ascending the pass, Masson noted the remains of an ancient town -or fort built of immense stones, and here they halted. Here also snow -fell. Next day a reconnaissance in force was made over the Nalpach -Pass ("long, but not difficult"), and apparently part of the force -descended into Kamard and commenced hostile operations against the -Kamard chieftain. Haji Khan, however, returned to camp. He had now -succeeded in breaking up the Hazara force which was with him into two -or three detached bodies, so the opportunity was ripe for one of the -blackest acts of treachery that ever disgraced Afghan history--which -is saying a good deal. He entrapped and seized the fine old Hazara -chief, Yezdambaksh, and, after dragging him about with him under -circumstances of great indignity, he finally executed him. The Hazara -troops seem to have scattered without striking a concerted blow; their -camp was looted, whilst such wretched refugees as were caught were -stripped and enslaved. - -The savage barbarity of these proceedings, especially of the method of -the execution of Yezdambaksh (a rope being looped round the wretched -victim's neck, the two ends of which were hauled tight by a mixed -company of relatives and enemies), disgusted Masson deeply, and there -is a very obvious disposition evinced hereafter to part company with -his treacherous host, although he makes some attempt to excuse these -proceedings by pointing out that Haji Khan, after meeting with an -unexpected rebuff from Kamard (which he dare not resent so long as the -redoubtable Murad Beg loomed in the distance as the protector of the -frontier chiefs of Badakshan), would have been unable to keep and feed -his troops in the winter without scattering the Hazara contingent and -possessing himself of the resources of Besud. - -Winter had already set in, and the subsequent story is instructive in -illustration of the difficulties which beset the road between Kabul -and Bamian during the winter season. The resources of Bamian were -insufficient even for his diminished force (now reduced to about its -original strength of eight hundred), and the Ghulam Khana contingent -grew restive and impatient, demanding to go back to Kabul. The passes, -however, were not only closed by snow, but the position at Karzar was -held by Hazaras, who, however much they were demoralised by the -execution of their chief, might well be expected to make reprisals. -The Ghulam Khana men, about two hundred and twenty strong, therefore -moved in force from Bamian, with the hope of being able to influence -the Hazaras to let them pass through Besud. Apparently they did not -rank as true Afghans. No great resistance was made at Karzar, although -they were not admitted to shelter. They were freely looted, and -eventually allowed to pass after three days' detention, exposed to -the terrific blasts of a winter shamal (north-west wind) in snow which -was then breast high. Many of them perished before reaching Kabul, and -many more were permanently disabled from frostbites. - -Haji Khan, meanwhile, settled down as the uninvited guest of the -people of Bamian, and ensconced himself and his wives in the fort of -Saidabad, a strongly built construction of burnt bricks of immense -size, which Masson believed to have been built by the Arabs. Saidabad -is hard by the detached position of Gulgula; it is described by Masson -in considerable detail. Here, at an altitude of about 8500 feet, a -winter in Bamian is endurable, and Haji Khan avowed his intention of -remaining. It is interesting to note that a khafila from Bokhara for -Kabul arrived about this time, and was duly looted. Even in winter the -route (as a commercial route) was open. - -Masson's efforts were now directed towards getting back to Kabul. His -first essay was in company of two brothers of Haji Khan, who vowed to -get to Kabul somehow, even if, as Afghans, they had to fight their way -through Besud. The party followed up the Topchi valley from Bamian, -and crossing by the Shutar Gardan Pass, they reached Karzar. Here -again Masson noted extensive ruins _en route_. The road was bad and -the difficulties great, "leading over precipices," but they did, -nevertheless, succeed in crossing the main divide. Here Masson -experienced a very bad time, and to his disgust found that he must -retrace his steps to Bamian, owing to counter orders from Haji Khan -recalling the escort. There appeared, however, a prospect of getting -out of Bamian by the Shibar Pass (an easy pass), leading to the head -of the Ghorband valley; and trusting to certain arrangements made by a -Paghmani chief, Masson made a fresh attempt, passing eastward the -ancient remains of Zohak, and ascending by a fairly easy open track to -the valley or plain of Irak. Probably this pass is the one known as -Khashka in our maps. The wind was terrific, but the comparative -freedom from snow was an unexpected advantage. - -Passing eastwards from Irak (still on the northern slopes of the Hindu -Kush) the party made comparatively easy progress by a valley which -Masson calls Bubulak (where he observed tobacco to be growing). They -gradually ascended until once again they found themselves in snow, but -instead of making direct for the Shibar they inclined to a more -northerly pass called Bitchilik, which is separated from the Shibar by -a slight kotal (or divide). Here they found the Paghmani chief whom -they expected to join, but they found also that the section of Hazaras -who held these passes then were determined to bar their passage. Once -again Masson had to abandon the attempt (albeit the Shibar route to -Kabul would have been a very devious and dangerous one), and returned -to Bamian. - -There are one or two circumstances about this exploration of the -western Hindu Kush passes which deserve attention. For once Masson is -slightly inaccurate in his geography when he states that the Irak -stream drains into the Bamian valley. It joins the Bamian River after -it has left the valley and turned northward. So slight an error is -only a useful proof of his general accuracy. Another remarkable fact -was that he, a Feringhi, was elected by the Afghan gang with which he -was temporarily associated as their Khan, or chief! He was a little -better dressed than most of them in European chintzes. He found -himself utterly unable to restrain their looting propensities, but he -made himself quite popular by his civility and his small presents to -the wretched Hazaras on whom they were quartered. Incidentally he -gives us a most valuable impression of the nature of an important -group of Afghan passes, and I doubt if his information has ever been -much improved upon. - -Finally, the surrender of the Karzar position by the Hazaras reopened -the road to Kabul, and Masson was enabled to reach that capital by the -Topchi, Shutar Gardan, Kalu, Hajigak routes to Gardandiwal on the -Helmund. The Hajigak route he describes as easy of ascent, but "steep -and very troublesome" in the south. The Shutar Gardan (called -Panjpilan now) was "intricate and dangerous," but the passing of it -was done at night. This is, and always has been, the main khafila -route between Kabul, Bamian, and Bokhara. The journey from the Helmund -across the Unai (which pass was itself "difficult") was not -accomplished without great distress. A winter shumal caught Masson on -the road, and but for the timely shelter at Zaimuni would have -terminated his career there and then. Masson describes the terrific -effect of the wind with great vigour, but those who have experienced -it will not accuse him of exaggeration. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[10] _Selections from Travels and Journals preserved in the Bombay -Secretariat_, Forrest, 1908. - -[11] Now Sir Hugh Barnes and Sir Henry MacMahon, one a past, and the -other the present, Agent for the Governor-General in Baluchistan. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -AMERICAN EXPLORATION--MASSON (_continued_) - - -On Masson's return to Kabul he observed the first symptoms of active -interest in Afghan politics on the part of the Indian Government, in -the person of an accredited native agent (Saiad Karamat Ali) who had -travelled with Lieut. Conolly to Herat. Colonel Stoddart was at that -time detained in Bokhara, and was apparently under the impression that -he was befriended by a "profligate adventurer," one Samad Khan, who -had succeeded in establishing himself there as a pillar of the State -after imposing on so astute a politician as the Amir Dost Mahomed Khan -and on many of the leading Afghan Sirdars. Masson seems to have been -better aware of the character of this Khan than the Indian Government, -for he notes that "to be befriended by such a man is in itself -calamitous." - -It is quite comprehensible that the Indian Government should not duly -appreciate the position of an adventurer like Masson and his intimate -acquaintance with Afghanistan and its riotous rulers; but it was -unfortunate; for it is not too much to say that Indian Government -officials at that time were but amateurs in their knowledge of Afghan -politics compared to Masson; and much of the horrors of subsequent -events might have been avoided could Masson have been admitted freely -and fully to their counsels. However, for a time he employed himself -in collecting historical and scientific notes on Afghanistan, which we -still regard as standard works for reference. No one has succeeded -better in giving us an impression of the leading characteristics of -the Afghan chiefs of his time, and probably there is not much -improvement effected by a century of moral development. Steeped up to -the eyes in treachery towards each other, debauchees, drunkards, -liars, and murderers, one cannot but admire their extraordinary -virility. It was truly a case of the survival of the fittest, and the -fittest were certainly remarkable men. - -The Amir Dost Mahomed Khan was one of the worst, and one of the best. -One of the twenty-two sons of Sirafraz Khan, he worked his way upwards -by truly Afghan methods; methods which in the early days of his career -were utterly detestable, but which attained some sort of reflected -dignity later, when there were not wanting signs that in a different -environment he might have been truly great. He was illiterate and -uneducated, but appreciated the advantages of elementary schooling in -others. Into the strange welter of political intrigue which forms -Afghan history during the period of his rise to power we need not -enter; but it is necessary to note the extraordinary difference with -which the stranger in the land, a Feringhi, was regarded throughout -Afghanistan, then, as compared with his reception at present. It is -even possible that the life of a Feringhi was then safer (_i.e._ -deemed of more importance) than that of any ordinary Afghan chief. It -is certain that there was a strong feeling that it was well to be on -good terms with the representatives of a powerful neighbouring state. -This feeling was greatly weakened by the results of the first Afghan -war, and has never again been completely restored. - -Although we are only dealing with Masson as an explorer, it is -impossible not to express sympathy with his whole-hearted admiration -for the country of the Afghan. His description of the beauties of the -land, especially in early spring with the awakening of the season of -flowers, the irresistible charm of the mountain scenery of the -Kohistan as the gradual burst of summer bloom crept upwards over the -hills--all this finds an echo in the heart of every one who has ever -seen this "God granted" land; where, after all, the seething scum of -Afghan politics is very much confined to a class, although it -undoubtedly sinks deeper and reaches the mass of the people with more -of the force of self-interest than is the case in India, where the -historical pageant of kings and dynasties has passed over the great -mass of India's self-absorbed people and left them profoundly -unconscious of its progress. - -In the year 1833 Masson resumed his researches in the neighbourhood of -Kabul, commencing in the plains about 25 miles north-east from Kabul, -and 8 or 10 from Charikar. These researches were continued for some -years, until the failure of the mission to Kabul in 1838 obliged him -to leave the country; and in his proposal to resume them again in 1840 -he was opposed by "a miserable fraction of the Calcutta clique," who -had recourse to "acts as unprecedented, base, and illegal as perhaps -were ever perpetrated under the sanction of authority against a -subject of the British Crown." So that apparently he claimed British -nationality before he left Afghanistan. However that may be, it is -certain that no subsequent explorer has added much that is of value to -the extraordinary evidences of ancient occupation collected by Masson. -Here, he maintains, once existed the city of Alexandria founded by -Alexander on the Kabul plain; and a recent announcement from Kabul -that the site of an ancient city has been discovered obviously refers -to the same position at Begram near Charikar, and is a useful -commentary on the rapidity with which the fame and name of an original -explorer can disappear. - -The Masson collection of coins, which totalled between 15,000 and -20,000 in 1837, and which was presented to the East India Company, -proved a veritable revelation of unknown kings and dynasties, and -contributed enormously to our positive knowledge of Central Asian -history. The vast number of Cufic coins found at Begram show that the -city must have existed for some centuries after the Mahomedan -invasion. Chinese travellers tell of a city called Hupian in this -neighbourhood, but Masson is inclined to place the site of Hupian near -Charikar, where there was, in his time, a village called Malek Hupian. -He thinks that Begram had certainly ceased to exist at the time of -Timur's expedition to India; or that conqueror would not have found it -necessary to construct a canal from the Ghorband stream in order to -colonize this favoured corner of the Kabul plain. The canal still -exists as the Mahighir, and the people of the neighbourhood talked -Turki in Masson's time. Three miles east of Kabul there is another -ancient site known as Begram. This was probably the precursor of Kabul -itself, and other "Begrams" are known in India. The term appears to be -generic and to denote a famous site. Buddhist relics lie thickly round -about the Afghan Begrams, groups of them being very abundant -throughout the Kabul valley. - -It was after his first visit to Begram that Masson became acquainted -with M. Honigberger, whom he describes as a gentleman from Lahore bent -on archaeological research; and at the close of the autumn Dr. -Gerard, the companion of Lieut. Burnes, appeared at Kabul. -Honigberger's researches, like those of Gerard, appear to have been -confined to archæology, and the results of them form an interesting -story which was given to the world by Eugene Jacquet; but as neither -of these gentlemen can be said to have contributed to the early -geographical knowledge of the country, no further reference need be -made to them, beyond remarking that Honigberger very narrowly escaped -being murdered on his subsequent journey to Bokhara. - -Masson's extraordinary capability of dealing with every class of -people with whom he came in contact, and his consequent apparent -immunity from the dangers which beset the ordinary unaccredited -traveller, should not lead to the assumption that Afghanistan was a -safe country to travel in at the time of our first political -negotiations, in spite of there being less fanaticism at that time; -whilst the trans-Oxus states were then almost unapproachable. There, -at least, the gradual encroachment of Russian civilization has -absolutely altered the conditions of European existence, and Bokhara -has become quite a favourite resort for tourists. - -Masson's story of Afghan intrigue, which is the substance of Afghan -history at this period, is as interesting as are his archæological -investigations, for it affords us a view of events which occurred -behind the scenes, shut off from India by the curtain of the frontier -hills; but whilst he thus occupied his busy mind with the past and -the present policy of Afghanistan, he did not lose sight of the -opportunity for making fresh excursions into Afghan territory. His -visits to the Kabul valley and Peshawar can hardly claim to be -original explorations, though he undoubtedly acquired by them a local -geographical knowledge far in advance of anything then existing on the -Indian side of the border, and some of it ranks as authoritative even -now. It must not be supposed that these visits and investigations were -carried on without grave risk and constant difficulty, but by this -time Masson had so wide and so varied a personal acquaintance with the -leading chiefs and tribespeople of the country that he usually -succeeded in distinguishing friend from foe, and extricated himself -from positions which would have been fatal to any one less -knowledgeable than himself. - -During the year 1835 we learn that Masson was in Northern Afghanistan, -chiefly at Kabul, gathering information; but there appears to be -hardly a place which now figures in our maps with any prominence in -the Kabul province which he did not succeed in visiting; and as -regards some of them (Kunar, for instance) there was nothing added to -his record for at least sixty years. He penetrated the Alishang valley -to within 12 miles of Najil, a point which no European has succeeded -in reaching since; but his sphere of observation was always too -restricted to enable him to make much of his geographical -opportunities. Najil is now somewhat doubtfully placed on our maps -from native information gathered during the surveys executed with the -Afghan campaign of 1878-80. - -It was at this period in Masson's career (in 1835) that English -political interest in Kabul began to take an active shape. About this -time Masson accepted a proposal from the Indian Government (which -reached him through Captain Wade, the political officer on the Punjab -frontier) to act as British agent and keep the Government informed as -to the progress of affairs in Kabul. It is rather surprising that -Masson, who never misses an opportunity of asserting that he was not -an Englishman, and was by no means in sympathy with the policy of the -Indian Government towards Afghanistan, should have accepted this -responsibility. However, he did so, for a time at least, though he -subsequently requested that he might be relieved from the duties -entailed by such an equivocal position. He negotiated the foundation -of a commercial treaty between India and Kabul, but with scant -success. This period of seething intrigue at Kabul (as also between -Dost Mahomed Khan and the Sikhs) was hardly favourable to its -inception. His efforts were duly acknowledged by the Government, but -his position as agent became untenable when he found that it led to -interference with the great object of his residence in Afghanistan, -_i.e._ antiquarian research. We can only touch upon the political -events of 1836-37 cursorily, in spite of their absorbing interest, in -order to follow the sequence of Masson's career. - -At the beginning of 1836 the Sikhs under Ranjit Singh were -consolidating their position on the Western Punjab frontier, whilst -Dost Mahomed Khan was working all he knew to secure men and money for -military purposes. This led to a half-hearted renewal of -correspondence between Masson and Wade. The commencement of the year -1837 was marked by active preparations on the part of Dost Mahomed for -a campaign against the Sikhs, resulting in an equivocal victory for -the Afghans near Jamrud under Akbar Khan, but no essential change in -the relative position as regards the Peshawar frontier. Various were -the projects set on foot at this time for the assassination of the -Amir, and in the general network of bloody intrigue Masson was not -overlooked; but he was discreetly absent from Kabul during the winter -of 1836-37, having previously found it necessary to keep his house -full of armed men. He returned to Kabul in the spring. - -Towards the end of September 1837 Captain Burnes arrived in Kabul on -that historical commercial mission which was to result in a disastrous -misunderstanding between the Indian Government and the Amir. If we are -to believe Masson, it would be difficult to conceive a more -mismanaged and hopelessly bungled political function than this mission -proved to be; but we must remember that in experience of the Afghan -character and knowledge of intrigue the Indian Government and Council -were by no means experts. It is difficult to believe that the mere -fact of inadequate recognition of his services and consequent -disappointment could have so affected a man of Masson's independence -of character, natural ability, and clear sense of justice, as to lead -him to misrepresent the position absolutely. As a commercial mission -he regarded it as unnecessary. - -Burnes was instructed to proceed first to Haidarabad (in Sind) for the -purpose of opening up the Indus to commercial navigation, and thence -to journey _via_ Attok to Peshawar (held by the Sikhs), Kabul, and -Kandahar, back again to Haidarabad, all in the interest of a trade -which was already flourishing between Afghanistan and ports on the -Indus already established. "The Governments of India and of England," -says Masson, "as well as the public at large were never amused and -deceived by a greater fallacy than that of opening the Indus as -regards commercial objects." - -The keynote of Masson's policy was non-interference, so long as -interference either in trade or politics was not forced on the British -Government. At that time such views were undoubtedly sound; but even -then there was a stir in the political atmosphere which betokened much -nervousness in high quarters on the subject of Persian and Russian -intrigues with Afghanistan. So far, however, as Masson observes, -"there was little notion entertained at this time of convulsing -Central Asia, of deposing and setting up Kings, of carrying on wars, -of lavishing treasure, and of the commission of a long train of crimes -and follies." But with the arrival of Burnes at Kabul trade interests -seem to have faded and those of a more active policy to have taken -their place. The weak point in this change of policy appears to have -been the want of definite instructions from the Government of India to -their agent. - -The appearance of a Russian officer (Lieut. Vektavitch) at Kabul from -the Russian camp at Herat in December (he had, according to Masson, no -real authority to support him, and could only have been acting as a -spy on Burnes) was a source of much agitation; but nothing whatever -appears to have eventuated from his residence in Kabul, except grave -risk to himself. Masson never believed in the dangers arising from -either Persian or Russian intrigue (and he was certainly in a position -to judge), and he remarks about Vektavitch "that such a man could have -been expected to defeat a British mission is too ridiculous a notion -to be entertained; nor would his mere appearance have produced such a -result had not the mission itself been set forth without instructions -for its guidance, and had it not been conducted recklessly, and in -defiance of all common sense and decorum." This, indeed, is the -attitude assumed by Masson throughout towards the mission, although he -was still in the service of the Indian Government and acting under -Burnes. - -Burnes certainly seems to have behaved with great want of dignity in -the presence of the Amir and his Sirdars; making obeisance, and -addressing the Amir as if he were a dependant. Nor can his private -arrangements and his method of living in Kabul be commended as those -of a dignified agent. European manners and customs were looser in -those days in India than they are now, but with all latitude for the -_autres temps autres m[oe]urs_ excuse for his conduct, his ideas of -Eastern life seem to have been almost too oriental even for the -approval of the dissolute Afghan. Certain it is that no proposal made -by him on his own responsibility to the Amir (especially as regards -the cession of Peshawar on the death of Ranjit Singh) was supported by -his Government, and time after time he enjoyed the humiliation of -being obliged to eat his own words. On these occasions it would appear -that Masson seldom omitted the opportunity of saying "I told you so." - -In the interests of geographical explorations, this mission of Burnes -was important. Whatever else he was, there is no question that he was -as keen a geographical observer as Masson himself, and even if the -wisdom of the despatch of his assistants (Lieut. Leech to Kandahar, -and Dr. Lord with Lieut. Wood to Badakshan) may be questioned on -political grounds, it led to a series of remarkable explorations, some -of which even now furnish authority for Afghan map-making. - -In May 1837, Lieut. Eldred Pottinger arrived on leave from India (with -the interest of his father Sir Henry Pottinger to back him), and -immediately made secret preparations for his adventurous journey -through the Hazarajat from Kabul to Herat, which terminated in his -participation in the defence of Herat against the Persians. Thus was -the first authentic account received of the nature of that difficult -mountain region which has subsequently been so thoroughly exploited. -Afghanistan was just beginning to be known. - -Masson naturally disapproved of Pottinger's exploit, for he found -himself in hot water owing to the suspicion that he connived at it. He -says: "I have always thought that however fortunate for Lieut. -Pottinger himself, his trip to Herat was an unlucky one for his -country; the place would have been fought as well without him; and his -presence, which would scarcely be thought accidental, although truly -it was so, must not only have irritated the Persian King, but have -served as a pretext for the more prominent exertions of the Russian -staff. It is certain that when he started from Kabul he had no idea -that the city would be invested by a Persian army." Colonel Stoddart -was then the British agent in the Persian Camp. - -Incidentally it may be useful to note the results of the occupation of -Seistan about this time by an Afghan army under Shah Kamran, Governor -of Herat and brother to Dost Mahomed; the one brother, in fact, whom -he feared the most. Kamran's army had threatened Kandahar in the early -spring and had spread into Seistan. Here the cavalry horses perished -from disease, and the finest force which had marched from Herat for -years was placed absolutely _hors de combat_. Unable to obtain the -assistance of the army in the field, the frontier fortress of Ghorian -surrendered, and thus reduced Kamran to the necessity of retirement on -Herat and sustaining a siege. The destructive climate of Seistan has -evidently not greatly changed during the last century. - -Masson's view of the policy best adapted to the tangled situation was -the surrender of Peshawur to Sultan Mahomed Khan (the Amir's brother), -who already enjoyed half its revenues, which would have been an -acceptable proposition to the Sikh chief, Ranjit Singh (who found the -occupation of Peshawar a most profitless undertaking), and would at -the same time have reconciled the chiefs at Kandahar. The Amir Dost -Mahomed would have reconciled himself to a situation which he could -not avoid and the Indian Government would have enjoyed the credit of -establishing order on their frontiers on a tolerably sure basis -without committing themselves to any alliance, for (he writes) "my -experience has brought me to the decided opinion that any strict -alliance with powers so constituted would prove only productive of -mischief and embarrassment, while I still thought that British -influence might be usefully exerted in preserving the integrity of the -several states and putting their rulers on their good behaviour." -Subsequent events proved the soundness of these views, but we must -remember that Masson wrote "after the event." That he did, however, -strongly counsel Burnes to make no promise in the name of his -Government of the cession of Peshawar to the Amir on the death of -Ranjit Singh, is clear, and it is impossible to say how far the -disappointment felt by the Amir at the refusal of the Indian -Government to ratify this promise may have affected his subsequent -actions. Masson thinks that Burnes should have been recalled, but he -admits the difficulty that beset him owing to want of instructions. -"The folly of sending such a man as Captain Burnes without the fullest -and clearest instructions was now shown," etc. etc. It is surprising -that with his confidence in the ability of his immediate Chief so -absolutely destroyed, he should have continued to serve under him. - -Finally, on April 26, Burnes and Masson left Kabul together in a hurry -and were subsequently joined by Lord and Wood, and "thus closed a -mission, one of the most extraordinary ever sent forth by a -Government, whether as to the singular manner in which it was -conducted, or as to the results." Shortly after Masson resigned an -appointment under the Government of India which he stigmatises as -"disagreeable and dishonourable." It was a pity that he held it so -long. - -When Masson reached India he found that the Government had already -decided to restore the refugee Shah Sujah to the throne of Kabul, and -that a military expedition to Kandahar had been arranged. What he has -to say about the manner of this arrangement and the nature of the -influence brought to bear on Lord Auckland to bring it about is not -more pleasant reading than is his story of the Kabul Mission. This -tale, indeed, does not belong to the history of exploration any -further than to indicate under what conditions the first military -geographical knowledge of Farther Afghanistan was gained by such true -explorers as Pottinger, Lord, and Wood; and what amount of actually -new information was attained by Burnes' mission. This was very -considerable, as we shall see when we follow Burnes' assistants into -the field. Meanwhile we have not quite done with Masson. - -The closing incidents of the career of this remarkable man, as an -explorer, call for little more comment. Once again, in the year -preceding the disastrous termination to our first occupation of Kabul, -did he make Karachi and Sonmiani his base of departure for a fresh -venture in behalf of archæological research in Afghanistan. It was his -intention to proceed to Kandahar and Kabul, but his plans were -frustrated by as remarkable a series of incidents as could well have -barred the progress of any traveller. The Government of India, -instigated by reports which (according to Masson) were the results of -local intrigue and were palpably false, considered itself justified in -an expedition to Kalat and the deposition of its Brahui chief, Mehrab -Khan. This expedition was successfully carried out by General -Wiltshire, and Mehrab Khan was killed in the defence of his citadel. -Subsequently a British agent, Lieut. Loveday, was appointed to Kalat, -and Masson found him there on his arrival from Sonmiani. Masson's -description of him and of his crude political methods is not -flattering, and his weak surrender of Kalat to the badly armed Brahui -rabble who attacked the place in the interests of the late Khan's son -was certainly disgraceful. That surrender, which was only wiped out by -Nott's advance on Kalat, and the final suppression of the Brahui -revolt, cost Loveday his life, and placed Masson in deadly peril. He, -however, succeeded in reaching Quetta, where Captain Bean was in -political charge; but this officer not only put him into confinement -but treated him with positive barbarity. - -It is difficult to understand the political view of Masson's existence -in Baluchistan. If any man was capable of unriddling the network of -intrigue that occupied all the Baluch chiefs at this time, or could -bring anything of personal influence to bear on them, it was -undoubtedly Masson, and something of his history was at any rate -known. But he had resigned service under the Indian Government as -"disagreeable and dishonourable," and his reappearance at a time when -all Baluchistan was in the ferment of seething revolt was perhaps -regarded with suspicion. It is also quite conceivable that the local -political officer regarded him simply as an interloping loafer, and, -until he became better acquainted with Masson's character and ability, -would be no more likely to pay him attention than would any political -officer on the frontier to-day who suddenly found himself confronted -with a European in native dress with no valid explanation of his -appearance under very ambiguous circumstances. The days were not long -past when European loafers of any nationality whatsoever could, and -did, find not only service, but distinction, in the courts and armies -of native chiefs who were hostile to British interests. One can only -gather from Masson's strange story that there was no officer in the -British political service at that time with intuition sufficient to -enable him to appraise the situation correctly, or make use of other -experience than his own. - -Here, however, we must leave Masson. As an explorer in Afghanistan he -stands alone. His work has never been equalled; but owing to the very -unsatisfactory methods adopted by all explorers in those days for the -recording of geographical observations it cannot be said that his -contribution to exact geographical knowledge was commensurate with -his extraordinary capacity as an observant traveller, or his -remarkable industry. - -It is as a critic on the political methods of the Government of India -that Masson's records are chiefly instructive. Hostile critics of -Indian administrative methods usually belong to one of two classes. -They are either uninformed, notoriety-seeking demagogues playing to a -certain party gallery at home, or they are disappointed servants of -the Government, by whom they consider that their merits have been -overlooked. To this latter class it must be conceded that Masson -belonged, in spite of his expressed contempt for government service. -Thus the virulence of his attacks on the ignorance and fatuity of the -political officials with whom he was brought in contact must be freely -discounted, because of the obvious animus which pervades them. Still -it is to be feared there is too much reason to believe that private -interest was the recommendation which carried most weight in the -appointment of unfledged officers, both civil and military, to -political duty on the Indian frontier. These gentlemen took the field -without experience, and without that which might to a certain extent -take the place of experience, viz. an education in the main principles -both social and economical which govern the conditions of existence of -the people with whom they had to deal. A knowledge of political -economy, law, and languages is not enough to enable the young -administrator to take his place on the frontier, if he knows not -enough of the characteristics of the frontier tribes-people to enable -him to maintain the dignity of his position. Even physically there are -qualifications which are not always regarded as useful, which make for -strong influence and good government. A man may be physically powerful -enough to use his strength in fair contest to the immense enhancement -of his personal prestige, but he must not strike a blow where the blow -cannot be returned; and above all he must not endeavour to conciliate -by a silly display of obsequious attention, unless he is prepared to -sacrifice all his personal influence and destroy the respect due to -his office. - -Setting aside Masson's sentiments of disgust and horror (which he -really felt) that the fate of men should have been placed at the mercy -of the political officers in whom, at that time, Lord Auckland was -pleased to repose confidence, and his assertions that "on me developed -the task to obtain satisfaction for the insults some of these shallow -and misguided men thought fit to practise," his own account of the -extraordinary complexity of intrigue, and the unfathomable abyss of -deceit and crime which distinguished the political field of native -Baluchistan, is quite enough to account for much of their failure to -deal with the situation. At the same time, it is a strong indication -of the necessity for a sounder system of political education than any -which now exists. Possibly a time may come when we shall cease to see -systems of administration suitable to the plains applied to frontier -mountaineers, or, for that matter, the foreign methods of India -hammered into the nomadic pastoral peoples of other continents than -Asia, where they are wholly inapplicable. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -ENGLISH OFFICIAL EXPLORATION--LORD AND WOOD - - -Then followed the Afghan Campaign of 1839-40, a campaign which was in -many ways disastrous to our credit in Afghanistan both as diplomats -and soldiers, but which undoubtedly opened out an opportunity for -acquiring a general knowledge of the conformation of the country which -was not altogether neglected. With the political methods attending the -inception of the campaign (treated with such scathing scorn by -Masson), and the strange bungling of an overweighted and unwieldy -force armed with antique weapons we have nothing to do. The question -is whether, apart from the acquisition of route sketches and -intelligence reports dependent on the movements of the army in the -field, was there anything that could rank as original exploration in -new geographical fields? Lieut. North's excellent traverse and report -of the route to Kandahar, which still supplies data for an integral -part of our maps, was distinguished for more accuracy of detail and -observation than most efforts of a similar character made at that -time; but it can hardly be regarded as an illustration of new and -original exploration, the route itself being well enough known to -British Missions, although never before surveyed. It is undoubtedly -one of the best map contributions of the period. - -The adventures of Dr. Lord and Lieut. Wood in Badakshan, and the -remarkable journey of Broadfoot across Central Afghanistan, however, -belong to another category. These explorations covered new ground, -much of which has never since been visited by European travellers, and -they are authoritative records still. There were missed opportunities -in abundance. Also opportunities which were not missed, but of which -our records are so incomplete and obscure that the modern map-maker -can extract but little useful information from them. - -When Burnes was in Kabul on his first commercial mission, Dr. Lord and -Lieut. Leech of the Bombay Engineers were attached to his staff, and -both these gentlemen, with Lieut. Wood of the Indian Navy, -distinguished themselves by much original research, and have left -records the value of which has been proved by subsequent observations. -In the middle of October 1837 Dr. Lord left Kabul on an expedition -into the plains of the Koh Daman, to the north of that city, which was -to be extended to the passes of the Hindu Kush leading into Badakshan, -when he was subsequently invited to attend the court of Murad Beg, -the chief of Kunduz, in his professional capacity. Murad Beg was one -of the strongest chiefs of that time. As a bold and astute freebooter -and successful warrior he had made his name great amongst the Uzbeks -south of the Oxus, and had consolidated their scattered clans for the -time being into a formidable cohesion, the strength of which made -itself felt and respected at Kabul. Where Dost Mahomed's influence -ceased on the north there commenced that of Murad Beg, and the line of -division may be said to have extended from Ak Robat at the head of the -Bamian valley on the west, to the passes and foot-hills of the Hindu -Kush above Andarab on the east. It was late in the year for Lord to -attempt the passing of the Hindu Kush, and he appears to have lingered -too long amongst the delightful autumn scenes of that land of -enchantment, the Koh Daman. He selected the passes which strike off -from Charikar, near the junction of the Ghorband with the Panjshir -rivers. There has always been a slight confusion in the naming of this -group of passes, owing to the universal habit in Afghanistan of -bestowing the name of some possibly insignificant village site on -rivers, passes, and roads, without attaching any distinct and definite -name to these features themselves. - -From that break in the hills which gives passage to the Ghorband from -the south-west and the Panjshir from the north-east there strikes off -one well-known route across the backbone of the Hindu Kush, which is -marked near the southern foot of the mountains by the ancient town of -Parwan--a commercial site more ancient than that of Kabul--the -headquarters of Sabaktagin, the Ghuri conqueror, when he wrested Kabul -from the Hindu kings, and of Timur the Tartar in later ages. -Consequently, the pass which bears north from that point is often -called the Parwan. It was, according to Lord, the chief khafila route -from Badakshan (although it may be doubted whether it was ever as -popular as the Khawak when the Panjshir route was not closed by tribal -hostility), notwithstanding that far less traffic passed that way than -by Bamian and the Unai. The head of the pass was known as Sar Alang, -so that it figures in geographical records frequently under this name -also, whilst the local name acquired for it in the course of surveying -in 1883 was Bajgah. To the west of this is the Kaoshan Pass, which is -also known _par excellence_ as the pass of "Hindu Kush"; and farther -west again is the Gwalian (or Walian), an alternative to the Kaoshan -when the latter is in flood. Lord selected the Parwan or Sar Alang -Pass, narrow, rocky, and uneven, with a fall of about 200 feet per -mile, and was fairly defeated in his attempt to cross, on October 19, -by snow. This is about the closing time of the passes generally, the -Parwan being only 12,300 feet in altitude, although Lord estimated it -at 15,000. It is worth noting here that the Russo-Afghan Boundary -Commission party crossed by the Chahardar Pass (a pass to the west -again of the Walian) in the same month of October without encountering -any insuperable difficulty from snow, although the Chahardar is more -than 1000 feet higher than the Parwan. The fact that Lord met a -khafila snow-bound near the top of the pass indicates that it was -closed rather unexpectedly. Valuable observations were, however, the -result of this reconnaissance. It revealed the fact that snow lies -lower and deeper on the northern side of the Hindu Kush than on the -southern, a fact which is in direct opposition to the general -characteristics of the Himalayas. The explanation is, however, simple. -In both cases the snow lies lowest on that side which reaches down to -low humid plains and much precipitation of moisture. Where the barrier -of the mountains breaks the upward sweep of vapour-bearing currents, -there snowfall is arrested, and the highlands become desiccated. -Lord's observation as a geologist also determined the constitution of -these mountains. He noted the rugged uplift (beautiful from the -admixture of pure white felspar and glossy black hornblende) of the -central granite peaks through the overlying gneiss, schists, and -slate, which thus revealed the extension of one of the great primeval -folds of Himalayan conformation. - -Returning from his attempt to cross the pass, Lord had the good -fortune to be able to extend his researches for a day's march up the -Ghorband valley, and to explore the ancient lead mines of Ferengal, -which have been sunk in the Ghorband conglomerates, but had long been -abandoned by the Afghans. These he found to have been worked on -"knowledge and principle, not on blind chance,"--as might have been -expected in a country which still possesses some of the best practical -mining and irrigation engineers in the world; and he testifies, _inter -alia_, to the extraordinary effect of the exceeding dryness of the -interior, as evidenced by the preservation from decay of dead animals. -Similar phenomena have been observed in many parts of the world both -before and since, and it would appear that a satisfactory scientific -explanation is still wanting for this preservative tendency of caves -and mines; the atmosphere, in some cases where well-preserved remains -are found, being subject to exactly the same conditions of humidity as -the outer air. - -It was during this interesting exploratory trip that Dr. Lord received -a welcome invitation to visit Murad Beg in the Uzbek capital of -Kunduz, where his professional advice was in urgent demand. Although -the northern passes of the Hindu Kush were closed, the route to -Badakshan was still open _via_ Bamian and Khulm, and it was by this -route that for the first (and apparently the last) time the journey -from Kabul to Kunduz was made by European officers. Lord was -accompanied by Lieut. Wood, and it is to Wood's summary of the -conditions of the route that we now refer. As far as Bamian it was -already beginning to be a well-known road (well known, that is, to -European travellers); but beyond that point it was a new venture then, -nor can any record be traced of subsequent investigations on it. - -Wood summarises the route by first enumerating the seven passes which -have to be negotiated before reaching Kunduz (or Khulm), and gives us -a slight description of them all. Four of these passes were in Afghan -territory, and three beyond. Of the passes of Ispahak and Unai he -merely remarks that a mail-coach might be driven over them. The -Hajigak group he regards as the "Key-guide to the Bamian line," the -Hajigak being the highest pass encountered (about 11,000 feet). A -little to the north is the Irak, and to the south is the Pushti -Hajigak (Kafzur in modern maps); the Hajigak, or Irak, being open to -khafilas for ten months of the year, but for a considerably less -period to the passage of troops. The next pass Wood calls Kalloo -(Panjpilan in our maps), which he regards as being lower than Hajigak. -Then follows the descent into Bamian. Next is the Ak Robat Pass -(10,200 feet), between the valleys of Bamian and Saighan, of which -Wood reports that "it is open to wheeled traffic of all description." -As far as this (the then frontier of Afghanistan) Wood refers to the -fact, already recorded, that the Amir's Lieutenant--Haji Khan--was -able to take field-pieces "of a size between 12- and 18-pounders." We -already know the conditions under which this passage of artillery was -effected. It is also on record that Nadir Shah took guns as far as -Saighan. What is not so generally known is that the Uzbek chief, Murad -Beg, took an 18-pounder over the rest of the route from Saighan to -Kunduz. The three remaining passes are (1) the Dandan Shikan, between -Saighan and Kamard, of which Wood reports the north face to be -exceedingly difficult, and where he would never have believed that a -gun could pass, had it not been actually traversed by the 18-pounder -of Murad Beg. It may be mentioned here that it took 1100 men to drag -that gun up the northern face of the pass, so that Wood is quite -justified in classing it as only fit for camels. Then follows (2) the -Kara Pass, leading from Kamard into the valley of the Tashkurghan -River, about which the only remark made by Wood is that it may be -turned by the pass of Surkh Kila (which involves a considerable -detour). As Wood does not definitely state which is (3) the seventh -pass, we may assume that it is the Shamsuddin, which is merely a -detour to avoid an awkward reach of the Tashkurghan valley. - -This is probably the first clear exposition which has ever been made -of the general nature of the route connecting Kabul with Afghan -Turkistan, and for it we must give Lieut. Wood all the credit that is -fully due; for no subsequent surveys and investigations have -materially altered his opinion. It must not be forgotten that in -dealing with the story of Afghan exploration we are touching on past -records. The far-sighted policy of public works development, which -distinguished the late Amir Abdurrahmon, led to the extension of roads -for facilitating commerce between the Oxus and Kabul, the full effect -of which we have yet to learn. To the north of Kabul the roads opened -to khafila traffic, _via_ the Chahardar Pass and the Khawak, have -introduced a new and important feature into the system of Afghan -communications; and it is more than probable that the facilities for -wheeled traffic between Kabul and Tashkurghan have lately been largely -increased.[12] It is well also to remember that it is not the physical -difficulties of rough roads and narrow passes which form the chief -obstacle to the movement of large bodies of troops. Roads can be made, -and crooked places straightened with comparative ease, but altitude, -sheer altitude, still remains a formidable barrier, which no modern -ingenuity has taught us to overcome. Deep impassable snow-drifts, and -the fierce killing blasts of the north-westers of Afghanistan close -these highland fields for months together; and neither roads nor -railways (still less air-ships) can prevail against them. - -When Wood and Lord turned eastward from Khulm, and passed on to Kunduz -and Badakshan, they were treading ground which was absolutely new to -the European explorer, and which has seldom been reached even by the -ubiquitous native surveyor. Lord gives us but a scanty account of -Kunduz and northern Badakshan in his report, and we must turn to the -immortal Wood (the discoverer of one of the Oxus' sources) for fuller -and more picturesque detail. Wood left Kunduz for the upper Oxus in -the early spring of 1838, and it is somewhat remarkable that he should -have effected an important exploration successfully in regions so -highly elevated at the worst season of the year. Before following Wood -to the Oxus, we may add a few further details of that important march -from Kabul to Kunduz. - -It was in November 1837 that Wood and Lord were again in Kabul after -their unsuccessful attempt to cross the Parwan Pass, and losing no -time they started on the 15th for Badakshan by the Bamian route, -crossing the Unai Pass and the elevated plain which separates it from -the Helmund without difficulty. They encountered large parties of -half-starved Hazaras seeking the plains on their annual pilgrimage to -warm quarters for the winter. They crossed the Hajigak Pass on the -19th "with great ease," then passing the divide between the Afghan and -Turkistan drainage; but they had to make a considerable detour to -avoid the direct Kalu Pass, and entered Bamian by the precipitous -Pimuri defile and the volcanic valley of Zohak. The Ak Robat Pass -presented no difficulty. In Saighan they encountered the slave-gang of -wretched Hazara people who were being then conducted to Kunduz as -yearly contribution. Not much is said about the Dandan Shikan Pass -dividing Saighan from Kamurd, where they were welcomed by the drunken -old chief Rahmatulla Khan, whose character for reckless hospitality -seems to have been a well-known feature in Badakshan. He is mentioned -by every traveller who passed that way since Burnes' mission in 1832. -On the 28th they reached Kuram, where they found another slave-gang -being conducted by Afghans from Kabul, who had the grace to appear -much ashamed of being caught red-handed in a traffic which has never -commended itself to Afghan public opinion. Amongst Uzbeks it is -different, the custom of man-stealing appears to have smothered every -better feeling, and the traffic in human beings extends even into -their domestic arrangements. Their wives are just as much "property" -as their slaves. A little below Kuram they struck off to the right by -a direct route to Kunduz, and passing over a district which had "a -wavy surface," "affording excellent pasturage," which involved the -crossing of the pass of Archa, they finally crossed the Kunduz River, -and making their way through the swampy district of Baglan and -Aliabad, reached Kunduz on December 4. - -Wood is not enthusiastic about Kunduz. He calls it one of the most -wretched towns in Murad Beg's dominions. "The appearance of Kunduz -accords with the habits of an Uzbek; and by its manner, poverty and -filth, may be estimated the moral worth of its inhabitants." He -thought a good deal of Murad Beg all the same, and could not deny his -great abilities. "But with all his high qualifications Murad Beg is -but the head of an organised banditti, a nation of plunderers, whom, -however, none of the neighbouring states can exterminate." Murad Beg -has joined his fathers long ago, but no recent account of Kunduz much -alters Wood's opinion of it. The wretched Badakshanis whom Murad Beg -conquered, and whom he set to live or die in the dank pestilential -marshes which fill up the space between the Badakshan highlands and -the Oxus, have since then been restored to their own country; and of -Badakshan we heard enough from the Amir's officials connected with the -Pamir Boundary Commission to lead us to believe in it as a veritable -land of promise, a land whose natural beauty and fertility may be -compared to that of Kashmir--but this was told of the mountain -regions, not of the Oxus flats. - -When Wood got away from Kunduz and travelled eastwards to Faizabad and -Jirm he does rise to enthusiasm, and tells us of scenes of natural -beauty which no European eye has seen since he passed that way. On -December 11, in mid-winter, Wood started from Kunduz with the -permission of Murad Beg to trace the "Jihun" to its source, and the -story of this historical exploration will always be most excellent -reading. - -First crossing an open plain with a southern background of mountains, -a plain of jungle grass, moist and unfavourable to human life, with -stifling mists of vapour flitting uneasily before them, the party -reached higher ground and the town of Khanabad. Behind Khanabad rises -the isolated peak of Koh Umbar, 2500 feet above the plain, which -appears to be a remarkable landmark in this region. It has never yet -been fixed geographically. Passing through the low foot-hills -surrounding this mountain, Wood emerged into the plain of Talikhan, -and reached the ancient town of that name in a heavy downpour of -winter rain. Here at once he encountered reminiscences of Greek -occupation and claimants to the lineage of Alexander the Great. The -trail of the Greek occupation of Baktria clings to Badakshan as does -that of Nysa to the valleys of Kafiristan. The impression of Talikhan -is summed up by Wood in the statement that it is a most disagreeable -place in rainy weather. He might say the same of every town in Afghan -Turkistan. He has much to say of Uzbek character and idiosyncrasies. -In one respect he says that the habits of Uzbek children are superior -to those of young Britons. They do not rob sparrows' nests! Here, too, -Wood found himself on the track of Moorcroft. Striking eastward he -crossed the Lataband Pass (since fixed at 5650 feet in height) and -first encountered snow. From the pass he describes the surrounding -view as glorious: "In every quarter snowclad peaks shot up into the -sky," and he gives the name Khoja Mahomed to the range (unnamed in our -maps) which crosses Badakshan from north-east to south-west and forms -the chief water-parting of the country. Before him the Kokcha "rolled -its green waters through the rugged valley of Duvanah." The summit of -Lataband is wide and level and the descent eastwards comparatively -easy. - -Through the pretty vale of Mashad (where Wood's party crossed the -Varsach River) to Teshkhan the road led generally over hilly country -covered with snow; but leaving Teshkhan it rises over the pass of -Junasdara (fixed by Wood at 6600 feet), crossing one of the great -spurs of the Khoja Mahomed system, and descended to Daraim, "a valley -scarce a bowshot across, but watered, as all the valleys in Badakshan -are, by a beautiful stream of the purest water, and bordered, wherever -there is soil, by a soft velvet turf." To Daraim succeeded the plain -of Argu and the "wavy" district of Reishkhan, which reached to the -valley of the Kokcha. So far, since leaving Talikhan, they had met -with "no sign of man or beast," but the latter were occasionally in -close proximity, for the path was made easy by hog tracks, and Wood -has some grisly tales to tell about the ferocity of the wolves of the -country. Junasdara he describes as a difficult or steep pass, but he -notes the fact that Murad Beg had crossed it with artillery which left -evidence in wheel tracks. - -Of Faizabad, when Wood was there, "scarcely a vestige was left," and -Jirm had become the capital of the country. But Faizabad has risen to -importance since, and according to the reports of subsequent native -explorers, has regained a good deal of its commercial importance. -"Behind the site of the town the mountains are in successive ridges to -a height of at least 2000 feet" (_i.e._ above the plain); "before it -rolls the Kokcha in a rocky trench-like bed sufficiently deep to -preclude all danger of inundation. Looking up the valley, the ruined -and uncultivated gardens are seen to fringe the stream for a distance -of two miles above the town." Faizabad is about 3950 feet above -sea-level. Wood makes it about 500 feet lower, and his original -observations were probably of more than equal value with those of -subsequent native explorers. But certain recent improvements in -exploring instruments, and certain refinements in computing the value -of such observations, render the balance of probability in favour of -the later records. Wood (as a sailor) was a professional observer, and -where observations alone are concerned his own are excellent. - -From Faizabad Wood went to Jirm, which he regarded as a more important -position than Faizabad. Elsewhere an opinion has been expressed that -Jirm was the ancient capital of the country. Wood took the shortest -road to Jirm which leaves the Kokcha valley and passes over the Kasur -spur, winding by a high and slippery path for some distance along the -face of the hill. It was a two days' march. The fort at Jirm he -describes as the most important in Murad Beg's dominions. His stay at -Jirm gave him the opportunity of visiting the lapis-lazuli mines near -the head of the Kokcha River under the shadow of the Hindu Kush just -bordering Kafiristan. This experience was useful, for Wood not only -contributes a most interesting account of the working of the mines, -but places on record the impracticable nature of the route which -follows the Kokcha River from its source above the mines to Jirm. Near -the assumed source, and not far south of the mines, there are two -passes across the Hindu Kush, viz. the Minjan, which connects with the -well-known Dorah and leads to Chitral, and the Mandal, which unites -the head of the Bashgol valley of Kafiristan with the Minjan sources -of the Kokcha. The upper reaches of the Kokcha River form the Minjan -valley. Sir George Robertson crossed the Mandal in 1889 and fixed its -height at over 15,000 feet, and he places the head of the Minjan (or -Kokcha) much farther south than it appears in our maps. As the Mandal -Pass connects Kafiristan with the Minjan valley of the Kokcha -(pronounced by Wood to be almost impracticable above Jirm), it is of -no great geographical importance; nor, owing to the same -impracticability, is the Minjan Pass itself of any great consequence, -although it connects with Chitral. The Dorah (14,800 feet), on the -other hand, links up Chitral with another branch of the Kokcha, -passing by the populous commercial town of Zebak, and is consequently -a pass to be reckoned with in spite of its altitude. It is, in short, -the chief pass over the Hindu Kush directly connecting India with -Badakshan; but a pass which is nearly as high as Mont Blanc affords no -royal gateway through the mountains. - -Wood had sufficiently indicated the nature of the Kokcha valley -between Jirm and Minjan. At the point where the mines occur it is -about 200 yards wide. On both sides the mountains are "high and -naked," and the river flows in a trough 70 feet below the bed of the -valley. We know that it is not a practicable route. It is, however, -much to be regretted that no modern explorer has touched the valley of -Anjuman to the west of Minjan, which, whilst it is perhaps the main -contributor to the waters of the Kokcha, also appears to have -contained a recognised route in mediæval times. "If you wish not to go -to destruction, avoid the narrow valley of Koran," is a native warning -quoted by Wood, which seems to apply to the upper Kokcha. As a -passable khafila route, Idrisi writes that from Andarab to Badakshan -_towards the east_ is a four days' journey. Andarab (the ancient site) -being fixed at the junction of the Kasan stream with the Andarab -River, the only possible route eastwards would be to the head of the -Andarab at Khawak, and thence over the Nawak Pass into the Anjuman -valley. Nor can the Nawak (which is as well known a pass as the -Khawak) have any _raison d'être_ unless it connects with that valley. -There is, however, the possibility of a wrong inference from Idrisi's -vague statement. "Badakshan" (which was represented by either Jirm or -Faizabad) is actually east of Andarab, but to reach it by the obvious -route of the lowlands, following the Kunduz River and ultimately -striking eastwards, would involve starting from Andarab to the west of -north. But just as the Mandal leading into the Minjan valley opens up -no useful route in spite of being a well-known pass, so may the Nawak -lead to nothing really practicable in Anjuman. This, indeed, is -probably the case, but Anjuman remains to be explored. - -Returning to Jirm, Wood awaited the opportunity for his historic -exploration of the Oxus. This occurred at the end of January 1838, -when news came to Jirm that the Oxus was frozen above Darwaz. The only -route open to travellers in the snow time of that region is the bed of -the frozen river, and Wood determined to make the best use of the -opportunity. He was anxious to visit the ruby mines of the Oxus -valley, but in this he did not succeed, owing to the extreme -difficulties of the route following the river from its great bend -northward to the district of Gharan, in which these mines are -situated. He met the remnants of a party returning from Gharan which -had lost nearly half its numbers from an avalanche when he reached -Zebak, and wisely determined to expend his efforts in following up the -course of the river to its source, rather than tempt Providence by a -dangerous detour. To reach Zebak from Jirm it was necessary to follow -the Kokcha to its junction with the Wardoj and then turn up that -valley to Zebak. This journey in winter, with the biting blasts of the -glacier-bred winds of the Hindu Kush in their teeth, was sufficiently -trying. These devastated regions seem to be never free from the plague -of wind. It is bad enough in the Pamirs in summer, but in winter when -superadded to the effects of a cold registering 6° below zero it must -have been maddening. There was no great difficulty in crossing the -divide between Zebak (a small but not unimportant town) and the elbow -of the Oxus River at Ishkashm. - -Once again since the days of Wood a party of Europeans, which included -two well-known geographers (Lockhart and Woodthorpe, both of whom have -since gone to their rest), reached Ishkashm in 1886, and they were -treated there with anything but hospitality. Wood seemed to have fared -better. With the authority of Murad Beg to back him, and his own tact -and determination to carry him through, he succeeded in overcoming all -obstacles, and from point to point he made his way to where the Oxus -forks at Kila Panja. From Ishkashm to Kila Panja the valley was fairly -wide and open, and here for the first time he met those interesting -nomadic folk the Kirghiz. - -Wood's observations on the people he met are always acute and -interesting, but he seems rather to have been influenced (as he admits -that he may have been) by his Badakshani guides in framing his -estimate of Kirghiz character. Thieves and liars they may be. These -characteristics are common in High Asia, but even in these particulars -they compare favourably with Uzbeks and Afghans generally. At any rate -he trusted them, and it was with their assistance that he reached the -source of the Oxus. Without them in a world of snow-covered hills and -depressions, with every halting-place buried deep and not a trace of a -track to be seen, he would have fared badly. At Kila Panja he was -faced with a difficulty which gave him anxious consideration. Could he -have guessed what issues would thereafter hang on a decision to that -momentous question--which branch of the Oxus led to its real -source--it would have caused him even greater anxiety. Ultimately he -followed the northern branch which waters the Great Pamir, and after -almost incredible exertion in floundering through snowdrifts and -scratching his way along the ice road of the river surface, on -February 19, 1838, he overlooked that long narrow expanse of frozen -water which is now known as Victoria Lake. - -We may discuss the question of the source, or sources, of the Oxus -still, and trace them to the great glaciers from which the lakes north -and south of the Nicolas range are fed, or to the ice caverns of the -Hindu Kush as we please--there are many sources, and it is not in the -power of mortal man to measure their relative profundity--but Wood -still lives in geographical history as the first explorer of the upper -Oxus, and will rank with Speke and Grant as the author of a solution -to one of the great riddles of the world's hydrography. With infinite -labour he dug a hole through the ice and found the depth of the lake -at its centre to be only 9 feet. Were he to plumb it again in these -days he would find it even less, for the lake (like all Central Asian -lakes) is growing smaller and shallower year by year. The information -which he absorbed about the high regions of Asia, the Pamirs (the -Bam-i-dunya), was wonderfully correct on the whole, and is strong -evidence of his ability in sifting the mass of miscellaneous matter -with which the Asiatic usually conceals a geographical truth. He is -incorrect only in the matter of altitude, which he fixes too high by -more than a thousand feet, and he makes rather a strange mistake in -recording that the Kunar (the Chitral River) rises north of the Hindu -Kush and breaks through that range. Otherwise it would be difficult to -add to or to correct his information by the light of subsequent -surveys. With his return journey surrounded by all the enchantment of -bursting spring in those regions we need not concern ourselves. After -a three months' absence he rejoined Dr. Lord at Kunduz. - -Wood's return to Kunduz was but the prelude to another journey of -exploration into the northern regions of Badakshan which, in some -respects, was the most important of all his investigations, for it is -to the information obtained on this journey that we are still indebted -for what little knowledge we possess of the general characteristics of -the Oxus valley above Termez. Dr. Lord was summoned in his medical -capacity to visit a chief at Hazrat Imam on the Oxus River, and Wood -seized the opportunity to explore the Oxus basin from Hazrat Imam -upwards through Darwaz. - -Kunduz itself has been described by both authorities as a miserable -swamp-bound town, with pestilential low-lying flats stretching beyond -it towards the Oxus. This low country is, however, productive, and is -probably by this time largely reclaimed from the grass and reed beds -which covered it. Into this poisonous swamp country the Uzbek chief -had imported the wretched Badakshani Tajiks whom he had captured -during his extensive raids, for the purpose of colonizing. Wood -reckons that 100,000 people must have originally been dumped into this -swamp land, of whom barely 6000 were left when he was at Kunduz. -Between the swamp and the Oxus was a splendid stretch of prairie or -pasture land, reaching to the tangled jungle which immediately fringed -the river below the Darwaz mountains, and this naturally excited his -admiration. "Eastward" of Khulm "to the rocky barriers of Darwaz all -the high-lying portion of the valley is at this season (March) a wild -prairie of sweets, a verdant carpet enamelled with flowers"; and he -describes the "low swelling" hills fringing these plains as "soft to -the eye as the verdant sod which carpets them is to the foot." This is -very pretty, and quite accords with the general description of country -which forms part of the Oxus valley much farther west. The Oxus -jungles, however, only occur at intervals. In Wood's time (1838) they -were a thick tangle of low-growing scrub, which formed the haunts of -wild beasts which were a terror to the dwellers in the plains. Tigers -are found in those patches of Oxus jungle still. Hazrat Imam then -ranked with Zebak and Jirm as one of the most important towns of -Badakshan. East of Hazrat Imam were the traces of a gigantic canal -system with its head about Sherwan, from which point to the foot-hills -of Darwaz the river is (or was) fordable in almost any part. Wood -forded it at a point near Yang Kila, opposite Saib in Kolab, in March, -and found the river running in three channels, only one of which was -really difficult. In this one, however, the current was running 4 -miles an hour and the width of the channel was about 200 yards. It was -only by uniting the forces of the party to oppose the stream that -they were able to effect the passage. Thus was Wood probably the first -European to set his foot in Kolab north of the Oxus. The river-bottom -in this part of its course is generally pebbly, and at the Sherwan -ford guns had been taken across. Near the mouth of the Kokcha (here a -sluggish muddy stream) Wood found the site of an ancient city which he -calls Barbarra, and which I think is probably the Mabara of Idrisi. - -Wood's next excursion from Kunduz was by the direct high road westward -to Mazar, where he and Lord hoped to find relics of Moorcroft (in -which quest they were successful), and back again. This only confirmed -what was previously known of the facility of that route, one of the -most ancient in the world, and the attention which had been paid to it -by the construction of covered tanks (they would be called Haoz -farther west) at intervals for the convenience of travellers. The -final recall of these two explorers to Kabul afforded them the -opportunity for investigating the route which runs directly south from -Kunduz by the river valley of that name to the junction with the -Baghlan. Thence, following the Baghlan to its head, they crossed by -the Murgh Pass into the valley of Andarab, and diverging eastward they -adopted the Khawak Pass to reach the Panjshir valley, and so to Kabul. -No great difficulties were encountered on this route (which has only -been partially explored since), involving only two passes between the -Oxus and Kabul, _i.e._ the Murgh (7400 feet) which is barely mentioned -by Wood, and the Khawak (11,650 feet--Wood makes it 1500 feet higher), -and it undoubtedly possesses many advantages as the modern popular -route between Kabul and Badakshan. It is not the high-road to Mazar -(the capital of Afghan Turkistan), which will always be represented by -the Bamian route, but it must be recognised as a fairly easy means of -communication in summer between the chief fords of the Oxus and the -Kabul valley. The Greek settlements were about Baghlan and Andarab, -and undoubtedly this was the road best known to them across the Hindu -Kush, and probably as much used as the Kaoshan or Parwan passes, which -were more direct. For many centuries, however, in mediæval history the -Panjshir valley possessed such an evil reputation as the home of the -worst robbers in Asia, that a wide berth was given to it by casual -travellers. Timur Shah made good use of it for military purposes, as -we have seen, and latterly it has been improved into a fair commercial -high-road under Afghan engineers. The Panjshir inhabitants (once -Kafirs--now truculent Mohamedans) have been reduced to reason, and it -will be in the future what it has been in the ancient past--one of the -great khafila routes of Asia. When Wood crossed it in May it was not -really practicable for horses, and the party made their way across -with considerable difficulty. It is the altitude, and the altitude -alone, which renders it a formidable military barrier, and thus will -it remain as part of that great Hindu Kush wall which forms the -central obstruction of a buffer state. - -Before taking leave of these two most successful (and most -trustworthy) explorers of Afghanistan, it may be useful to sum up -their views on that little-known region, Badakshan. The plains, the -useful and beautiful valleys of Badakshan, lie in the embrace of a -kind of mountain horse-shoe, which shuts them off from the Oxus on the -north-east and east and winds round to the Hindu Kush on the south. -The weak point of the semicircular barrier occurs at the junction with -the Hindu Kush, where the pass between Zebak and Ishkashm is only 8700 -feet high. From the slopes of the Hindu Kush mountain torrents drain -down through the valleys of Zebak (called the Wardoj by Wood), the -Minjan (or Kokcha) and the Anjuman into the great central river of -Kokcha. Of these valleys, so far as we know, only the Wardoj is really -practicable as a northerly route to the Oxus. Shutting off the head of -the Kokcha system, a lateral range called Khoja Mahomed by Wood (a -name which ought to be preserved), in which are many magnificent -peaks, sends down its contributions north-west to the Kunduz. We know -nothing about these valleys, and Wood tells us nothing, but the -geographical inference is strong that all this part of upper -Badakshan, including the heads of the Kokcha and Kunduz affluents, is -but a wide inhospitable upland plateau of a conformation similar to -that which lies east and west of it, cut into deep furrows and -impassable gorges by the mountain streams which run thousands of feet -below the plateau level. Within it will almost certainly be traced in -due course of time the evidences of those primeval parallel folds, or -wrinkles, which form the basis of Himalayan construction. Probably the -Khoja Mahomed represents one of them, and the heads of the streams -which feed the Kokcha and the eastern affluents of the Kunduz will be -found (as already indicated in the Wardoj, or Zebak, stream) to take -their source in deep, lateral, ditch-like valleys, which, closely -underlying these folds, have been reshaped and altered by ages of -denudation and seismic destruction. - -The few inhabitants who are hidden away in remote villages and hamlets -belong to the great Kafir community. This is a part of unexplored -Kafiristan rather than Badakshan, and he will be a bold man indeed who -undertakes its investigation. No Asiatic secret now held back from -view will command so much vivid interest in its unfolding as will the -ethnographical conditions of these people when we can really get at -them. This mountain region occupies a large share of Badakshan. The -rest of the plateau land to the west we know fairly well and have -sufficiently described. The wonder of the world is that the deeply -recessed valleys of it, the Bamian, Saighan, Kamard, Baghlan, and -Andarab depressions should have figured so largely in the world's -history. That a confined narrow ribbon of space such as Bamian, -difficult of access, placed by nature in the heart of a wilderness, -should have been the centre not only of a great kingdom but the focus -of a great religion, would be inexplicable if we did not remember that -through it runs the connecting link between the wealth of India and -the great cities of the Oxus plains and Central Asia. - -The northern slopes and plains of Badakshan, between the mountains and -the Oxus, form part of a region which once represented the wealth of -civilization in Asia. The whole region was dotted with towns of -importance in mediæval times, and the fame of its beauty and wealth -had passed down the ages from the days of Assyria and Greece to those -of the destroying Mongol hordes. From prehistoric times nations of the -west had planted colonies in Baktria, and here are to be gathered -together the threads of so many ethnographical survivals as may be -represented by the successive Empires of the West. Baktria is the -cradle of a marvellously mixed ethnography, and to all who have seen -the weird beauty of that strange land, the fascination which it has -ever possessed for the explorer and pilgrims is no matter of surprise. - -A word or two must be added here about that previous explorer -(Moorcroft) in Northern Afghanistan whose fate was ascertained by -Lord. It is most unfortunate that some of the most important -manuscripts of this unfortunate Asiatic traveller were never -recovered, but his story has been written and will be referred to in -further detail. We have direct testimony to the fate which finally -overtook him in Dr. Lord's report of his visit to Mazar-i-Sharif, -which was made with the express purpose of recovering all the records -that might be traced of Moorcroft's travels in Afghan Turkistan. - -A previous story of Moorcroft is highly interesting. An early Tibetan -explorer (the celebrated Abbé Huc) told a tale of a certain Englishman -named Moorcroft, who was reported to have lived in Lhasa for twelve -years previous to the year 1838 and who was supposed to have been -assassinated on his way back to India _via_ Ladak. The story was -circumstantial and attracted considerable attention. We know now from -a memorandum of Dr. Lord written in May 1838, that in the early spring -of that year when he and Lieut. Wood visited Mazar-i-Sharif they -discovered that the German companion of Moorcroft (Trebeck) had died -in that city, leaving amongst many loose records a slip of paper, with -the date September 6, 1825, thereon, noting the fact that "Mr. M." -(Moorcroft) "died on August 27th." Dr. Lord's investigations led him -to the conclusion that Moorcroft died at Andkhui, a victim "not more -to the baneful effects of the climate than to the web of treachery and -intrigue with which he found himself surrounded and his return cut -off." Trebeck, who seems to have been held in great estimation by the -Afghans, died soon after; neither traveller leaving any substantial -account of his adventures. Moorcroft's books (thirty volumes) were -recovered, and the list of them would surprise any modern traveller -who believes in a light and handy equipment. Dr. Lord's inquiries, in -my opinion, effectually dispose of the venerable Abbé's story of -Moorcroft's residence at Lhasa; although, of course, the record of his -visit to Western Tibet and the Manasarawar Lakes earlier in the -century must have been well enough known; and the Tibetans may -possibly have believed in a reincarnation of their one and only -European visitor in their own capital. - -This chapter cannot be closed without a tribute of respect to those -most able and enterprising geographers who (chiefly as assistants to -Burnes) were the means of first giving to the world a reasonable -knowledge of the geography of Afghanistan. The names of Leech, Lord, -and Wood will always remain great in geographical story, and although -none of them individually (nor, indeed, all of them collectively) -covered anything like as wide an area as the American Masson, they -effected a far greater change in the maps of the period--for Masson -was no map-maker. As regards Sir Alexander Burnes, his initiative in -all that pertained to geographical exploration was great and valuable, -but he was individually more connected with the exploitation of -Central Asian and Persian geography than with that of Afghanistan. -Previous to the year 1836, when he undertook his political mission to -Kabul (and when he was travelling over comparatively old ground), he -had already extended his journeys across the Hindu Kush to the Oxus, -Bokhara, and Persia; and the book which he published in 1834 was a -revelation in Central Asian physiography and policy. But as an -explorer in Afghanistan he owed his information chiefly to his -assistants, and undoubtedly he was splendidly well served. The -ridiculous and costly impedimenta which seemed to be recognised as a -necessary accompaniment to a campaign or "an occupation" in those -days--the magnificent tents, the elephants, wives and nurseries and -retinue of military officers--found no place whatever in the -explorers' camps. Men were content to make their way from point to -point and take their chance of native hospitality. They lived with the -people amongst whom they moved, and they gradually became almost as -much of them as with them. Perhaps their views, political and social, -became somewhat too warmly tinted with local colour by these methods, -but undoubtedly they learned more and they saw more, and they acquired -a wider, deeper sympathy with native aspirations and native character -than is possible to travellers who move _en prince_ amongst a people -who only interest them as races dominating a certain section of the -mountains and plains of a strange world. All honour to the names of -Leech, Lord, and Wood--especially Wood. - -FOOTNOTE: - -[12] The latest reports indicate that there is now a road fit for -motor traffic between Kabul and Afghan Turkistan, as well as between -Kabul and Badakshan. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -ACROSS AFGHANISTAN TO BOKHARA--MOORCROFT - - -One of the most disappointing of the early British explorers of our -Indian trans-frontier was Moorcroft. Disappointing, because he got so -little geographical information out of so large an area of adventure. -Moorcroft was a veterinary surgeon blessed with an unusually good -education and all the impulse of a nomadic wanderer. He was -Superintendent of the H.E.I. Company's stud at Calcutta, and his views -on agricultural subjects generally, especially the improvement of -stock, were certainly in advance of his time, although it seems -extraordinary that he should have sought further inspiration in the -wilds of the then unexplored trans-Himalayas or in Central Asia. The -Government of India were evidently sceptical as to the value of such -researches, and he received but cold comfort from their grudging -spirit of support, which ended in a threat to cut off his pay -altogether after a few years' sojourn in Ladak whilst studying the -elementary principles of Tibetan farming. Neither would they supply -him with the ample stock of merchandise which he asked for as a means -of opening up trade with those chilly countries; and when, finally, he -assumed the position of a high political functionary, and became the -vehicle of an offer to the Government of India of the sovereignty of -Ladak (which certainly might have led to complications with the Sikh -Government of the Punjab) he was rather curtly told to mind his own -business. - -On the whole, it is tolerably clear that the Government represented by -old John Company was not much more favourable to irresponsible -travelling over the border and political intermeddling than is our -modern Imperial institution. However, the fact remains that Moorcroft -showed a spirit of daring enterprise, which led to the acquirement of -a vast amount of most important information about countries and -peoples contiguous to India of whom the Government of the time must -have been in utter ignorance. When he first exploited Ladak, Leh was -the _ultima thule_ of geographical investigation. What lay beyond it -was almost blank conjecture, and a residence of two years must have -ended in the amassing of a vast fund of useful information. -Unfortunately, much of that information was lost at his death, and the -correspondence and notes which came into the hands of his biographer -were of such a character--so extraordinarily discursive and frequently -so little relevant to the subject of his investigation--as to leave an -impression that Moorcroft was certainly eccentric in his -correspondence if not in more material ways. We get very little -original geographical suggestion from him; but his constant and -faithful companion Trebeck is much more consistent and careful in such -detail as we find due to his personal observation, and it is to -Trebeck rather than Moorcroft that the thanks of the Asiatic map-maker -are due. With the Ladak episodes of Moorcroft's career we have nothing -to do here, beyond noting that there is ample evidence that he never -reached Lhasa, and never resided there, in spite of the persistent -rumours which prevailed (even in Tibet) that a traveller of his name -had lived in the city. It is exceedingly difficult to account for this -rumour, unless indeed we credit the authors of it with a confusion of -ideas between Lhasa, the capital of Tibet proper, and Leh, the capital -of little Tibet. - -The interest of Moorcroft's adventures so far as we are now concerned -commences with his journey from Peshawar to Kabul, Badakshan and -Bokhara in 1824, when he was undoubtedly the first in the field of -British Central Asiatic exploration. He owed his safe conduct from -Peshawar (which place he reached only after some most unpleasant -experiences in passing through the Sikh dominions of the Punjab) to a -political crisis. Dost Mahomed Khan was consolidating his power at -Kabul, but he had not then squared accounts with Habibullah the son of -the former governor, his deceased elder brother Mahomed Azim Khan; and -certain other members of his family (his brothers, Yar Mahomed, Pir -Mahomed, and Sultan Mahomed), who were governors in the Indus -provinces, thought it as well to step in and effect an arrangement. It -was their stately march to Kabul which was Moorcroft's opportunity. -Those were days when an Englishman was yet of interest to the Afghan -potentate, who knew not what turn of fortune's wheel might necessitate -an appeal for the intervention of the English. - -Moorcroft did not love the Afghans, and between the unauthorised -robbers of the Kabul road and the official despoilers of the city he -paid dearly for the right of transit through Afghanistan of himself -and his merchandise. It was this assumed rôle of merchant (if indeed -it was assumed) that hampered Moorcroft from first to last in his -journeys beyond the frontier of British India. There was something to -be made out of him, either by fair means or foul, and the rapacious -exactions to which he was subjected were probably not in the least -modified by his obstinate refusals to meet what he considered unjust -demands. Invariably he had to pay in the end. His account of the road -to Kabul is interesting from the keen observation which he brought to -bear on his surroundings. He has much to say about the groups of -Buddhist buildings which are so marked a feature at various points of -the route, and his previous experiences in Tibet left him little room -for doubt as to the nature of them. It is strange that locally there -was not a tale to be told, not even a legend about them, which even -indefinitely maintained their Buddhist origin. - -From Kabul Moorcroft succeeded in getting free with surprisingly -little difficulty, though several members of his party declined to go -farther. He gradually made his way by the Unai and Hajigak passes to -Bamian, and thence to Haibak and Balkh. He was not slow to recognize -the connection between the obvious Buddhist relics of Bamian and those -which he had seen on the Kabul road; and at Haibak he visited a tope -called Takht-i-Rustam (a generic name for these topes in Central Asia) -of which his description tallies more or less with that of Captain -Talbot, R.E., who unearthed what is probably the same relic some sixty -years later. To Moorcroft we owe the identification of Haibak with the -old mediæval town of Semenjan, and he states that he was told on the -spot that this was its ancient name. No such name was recognised sixty -years later, but the evidence of Idrisi's records confirms the fact -beyond dispute. - -We need not enter into details of this well-worn and often described -route. Moorcroft's best efforts were not directed to gazetteering, and -we have much abler and more complete accounts of it than his. After -passing the Ak Robat divide, Moorcroft found himself beyond Afghan -jurisdiction and within the reach of that historic Uzbek chieftain, -Murad Beg of Kunduz. Although Murad Beg was little better than a -successful freebooter, he is a personage who has left his own definite -mark on the history of days when British interest was just dawning on -the Oxus banks. Moorcroft fell into his hands, and in spite of -introductions he fared exceedingly badly. Indeed there can be little -doubt that the cupidity excited by the possibility of so much plunder -would have ended fatally for him, but for a happy inspiration which -occurred to him when his affairs appeared to be _in extremis_. With -great difficulty and at the peril of his life he made his way eastward -to Talikhan, where resided a saintly Pirzada, uncle of Murad Beg, the -one righteous man whose upright and dignified character redeemed his -people from the taint of utter barbarism and treachery. He had -discrimination enough to read Moorcroft aright, and at once -discountenanced the tales that had been assiduously set abroad of his -being a British spy upon the land; and he had firmness and authority -sufficient to deliver him from the rapacity of his truculent nephew, -and procure him freedom to depart after months of delay in the -pestilential atmosphere of Kunduz. Yet this grand old Mahomedan saint -patronised the institution of slavery, and was not above making a -profit out of it, though at the same time he firmly declined to -receive presents or have bribes for his good offices. - -As other travellers following in Moorcroft's footsteps at no great -distance of time fell also into the hands of Murad Beg, and -experienced very different treatment, it is useful just to note -Moorcroft's description of him. He says: "I scarcely ever beheld a -more forbidding countenance. His extremely high cheekbones gave the -appearance to the skin of the face of its being unnaturally stretched, -whilst the narrowness of the lower jaw left scarcely room for the -teeth which were standing in all directions; he was extremely -near-sighted." Not an attractive description! The spring had well -advanced, and it was not till the middle of February 1825 that -Moorcroft was able to resume his journey to the Oxus. He travelled -from Kunduz to Tashkurghan and Mazar, and from the latter place he -followed the most direct route to Bokhara _via_ the Khwaja Salar ferry -across the Oxus, reaching Bokhara on February 25. Here his narrative -ends, and we only know from Dr. Lord and Wood that he returned from -Bokhara to Andkhui, and died there apparently of fever contracted in -Kunduz. He was buried near Balkh. Trebeck died soon after, and was -buried at Mazar-i-Sharif. Burnes visited and described the tombs of -both travellers, but they have long since disappeared. - -As a geographer there is much that is wanting in the methods of this -most enterprising traveller, who at least pioneered the way to High -Asia from British India but who never made geographical exploration a -primary object of his labours. He was true to the last to his trade as -a student of agriculture, and it is in this particular, rather than -in the regions of geography or history, that the value of his studies -chiefly lies. He was the first to point out the general character of -that disastrous road to Kabul which has cost England so dear, and he -is still, with Burnes and Lord and Wood, our chief authority for the -general characteristics of Badakshan and of the Oxus valley east of -Balkh. He did not, however, touch the Oxus east of Khwaja Salar, and -consequently did not see or appreciate the great spread of splendid -pastoral country which lies between the pestilential marsh lands of -Kunduz and the river. - -One would be apt to gather a pessimistic idea of lower Badakshan from -the pages of Moorcroft's story, which are undoubtedly tinted strongly -with the gloomy and grey colouring of his own unhappy experiences. Of -Balkh he has very little to say; he noted no antiquities about Balkh, -but he calls attention to the wide spaces covered with ruins which are -to be found at intervals scattered over the plains between Balkh and -the Oxus. It is a little difficult to follow his exact route across -the Oxus plains by the light of modern maps, but his Feruckabad is -probably our Feruk, and I gather that his Akbarabad is Akcha or -Akchaabad. The condition of Balkh, of Akcha, and of the ruin-studded -plains of the Oxus were evidently much the same in 1824 as they were -in 1884. Khwaja Salar (where Moorcroft crossed the Oxus in ferry-boats -drawn by horses) has since become historical. It was accepted in the -Anglo-Russian protocols defining the Afghan boundary as an important -point in the Russo-Afghan boundary delimitation, but it was not to be -found. Moorcroft gives a very good reason for its disappearance, by -stating that the place was razed to the ground just the day before he -arrived there. Since then the ruins of the old village have been -devoured by the shifting Oxus, and nothing but a ziarat at some -distance from the river remains as a record of the distinguished saint -who gave it its name. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -BURNES - - -No traveller who ever returned to his country with tales of stirring -adventure ever attracted more interest, or even astonishment, than -Lieut. Alexander Burnes. He published his story in 1835, when the Oxus -regions of Asia were but vaguely outlined and shadowy geography. It -did not matter that they had been the scene of classical history for -more than 2000 years, and that the whole network of Oxus roads and -rivers had been written about and traversed by European hosts for -centuries before our era. That story belonged to a buried past, and -the British occupation of India had come about in modern history by -way of the sea. England and Russia were then searching forward into -Central Asia like two blind wrestlers in the dark, feeling their -ground before them ere they came to grips. A veil of mystery hung over -these highlands, a geographical fog that had thickened up, with just a -thinner space in it here and there, where a gleam of light had -penetrated, but never dispersed it, since the days when Assyrian and -Persian, Skyth, Greek, and Mongul wandered through the highest of -Asiatic highways at their own sweet will. - -In the present year of grace and of red tape bindings to most books of -Asiatic travels, when the best of the geographical information -accumulated by the few who bear with them the seal of officialdom is -pigeon-holed for a use that never will be made of it, it is quite -refreshing to fall back on these most entertaining records of men who -(whether official or otherwise) all travelled under the same -conditions of association with the natives of the country they -traversed, accepting their hospitality, speaking their language, -assuming their manners and dress, and passing with the crowd (and with -the crowd only) as casual wayfarers. The fact of their European origin -was almost always suspected, if not known, to certain of the better -informed of their Asiatic hosts, but they were seldom given away. It -was nobody's business to quarrel with England then. A hundred years -ago the military credit of England stood high, and the irrepressible -advance of the red line of the British India-border impressed the mind -of the Asiatic of the highlands beyond the plains as evidence of an -irresistible power. Russia then made no such impression. She was still -far off, and the ties of commerce bound the Oxus Khanates to India, -even when Russian goods were in Asiatic markets. The bankers of the -country were Hindus--traders from the great commercial centre of -Shikarpur. It is strange to read of this constant contact with Hindus -in every part of Central Asia in those days, when the _hundi_ (or -bill) of a Shikarpur banker was as good as a letter of credit in any -bazaar as far as the Russian border. The power of England in India -undoubtedly loomed much larger in Asiatic eyes before the disasters of -the first Afghan war, and Englishmen of the type of Burnes, Christie, -Pottinger, Vigne, and Broadfoot were able to carry out prolonged -journeys through districts that are certainly not open to English -exploration now. Even were English officers to-day free under existing -political conditions to travel beyond the British border at all, it is -doubtful whether any disguise would serve as a protection. - -The day has passed for such ventures as those of Burnes, and we must -turn back a page or two in geographical history if we wish to -appreciate the full value of British enterprise in exploring -Afghanistan. Undoubtedly Burnes ranks high as a geographer and -original pioneer. The fact that there is little or nothing left of the -scene of his travels in 1830-32 and 1833 which has not been reduced to -scientific mapping now, does not in any way detract from the merit of -his early work; although it must be confessed that the perils of -disguise prevented the use of any but the very crudest methods of -ascertaining position and distance, and his map results would, in -these days, be regarded as disappointing. Sind and the Punjab being -trans-border lands, there were always useful and handy opportunities -for teaching the enterprising subaltern of Bombay Infantry how to -travel intelligently; with the natural result that no corps in the -world possessed a more splendid record of geographical achievement -than the Bombay N.I. - -Burnes began well in the Quartermaster-General's department, and was -soon entrusted with political power. Full early in his career he was -despatched with an enterprising sailor, Lieut. Wood, on a voyage up -the Indus which was to determine the commercial possibilities of its -navigation, and which did in fact lead to the formation of the Indus -flotilla--some fragments of which possibly exist still. It is most -interesting to read the able reports compiled by these young officers; -and one might speculate idly as to the feelings with which they would -now learn that within half a century their flotilla had come and gone, -superseded by one of the best paying of Indian railways. Their -feelings would probably be much the same as ours could we see fifty -years hence a well-established electric train service between Kabul -and Peshawar, and a double or treble line of rails linking up Russia -with India _via_ Herat. We shall not see it. It will be left to -another generation to write of its accomplishment. - -Searching the archives of the Royal Geographical Society for the story -of Burnes the traveller (apart from the voluminous records of Burnes -the diplomat), I came across a book with this simple inscription on -the title-page: "To the Royal Geographical Society of London, with the -best wishes for its prosperity by the Author." This is Vol. I. of -Burnes' Travels. It is written in the attenuated, pointed, and -ladylike style which was the style of the very early Victorian era. It -hardly leads to an impression of forceful and enterprising character. - -On January 2, 1831, Burnes made his first plunge into the wilderness -which lay between him and Lahore, the capital of the Sikh kingdom, and -he entered that city on the 17th. There he was most hospitably -received by the French officers in the service of Ranjit Singh, -Messieurs Allard and Court, and was welcomed by the Maharaja Ranjit -Singh, who treated him with "marked affability." Burnes was -accompanied by Dr. Gerard, and the two travellers were taken by Ranjit -Singh to a hunting party in the Punjab, a description of which serves -as a forcible illustration of the changes which less than one century -of British administration has effected in the plains of India. Never -will its like be seen again in the Land of the Five Rivers. The -guests' tents were made of Kashmir shawls, and were about 14 feet -square. One tent was red and the other white, and they were connected -by tent-walls of the same material, shaded by a _Shamiana_ supported -on silver-mounted poles. In each tent stood a camp-bed with Kashmir -shawl curtains. It was, as Burnes remarks, not an encampment suited to -the Punjab jungles; and the hunting procession headed by the -Maharaja, dressed in a tunic of green shawls, lined with fur, his -dagger studded with the richest brilliants, and a light metal shield, -the gift of the ex-king of Kabul (Shah Sujah, who, it will be -remembered, also surrendered the Koh-i-Nor diamond to Ranjit Singh -about this time), as the finishing touch to his equipment, must have -been quite melodramatic in its effects of colour and movement. It was, -as a matter of fact, a pig-sticking expedition, but the game fell to -the sword rather than to the spear; such of it, that is to say, as was -not caught in traps. The party was terminated by a hog-baiting -exhibition, in which dogs were used to worry the captive pigs, after -the latter were tied by one leg to a stake. When the pigs were -sufficiently infuriated, the entertainment concluded with letting them -loose through the camp, in order, as Ranjit said, "that men might -praise his humanity." - -Such episodes, however they might beguile the journey to the Afghan -frontier, belong to other histories than that of Afghan exploration, -and little more need be said of Burnes' experiences before reaching -the Afghan city of Peshawar, than that he experienced very different -treatment _en route_ to that which made Moorcroft's journey both -perilous and disheartening. In Peshawar the two brothers of Dost -Mahomed Khan (Sultan Mahomed and Pir Mahomed) seem to have rivalled -each other in courtly attentions to their guests, and Burnes was as -much enchanted with this garden of the North-West as any traveller of -to-day would be, provided that his visit were suitably timed. Burnes -thus sums up his impression of Ranjit Singh: "I never quitted the -presence of a native of Asia with such impressions as I left this man; -without education, and without a guide, he conducts all the affairs of -his kingdom with surpassing energy and vigour, and yet he wields his -power with a moderation quite unprecedented in an Eastern prince." - -On leaving Lahore Burnes received this salutary advice from M. Court, -packed in a French proverb, "Si tu veux vivre en paix en voyageant, -fais en sorte de hurler comme les loups avec qui tu te trouves." And -he set himself to conform to this text (and to the excellent sermon -which accompanied it) with a determination which undoubtedly served as -the foundation of his remarkable success as a traveller. It cannot be -too often insisted that the experiences of intelligent and cultivated -Europeans in the days of close association with the Asiatic led to an -appreciation of native character and to an intimacy with native -methods, which is only to be found in India now amongst missionaries -and police officers, if it is to be found at all. But even with all -the advantages possessed by such experiences as those of Burnes and of -the intrepid school of Asiatic travellers of his time, it required an -intuitive discernment almost amounting to genius to detect the motive -springs of Eastern political action. - -It may be doubted (as Masson doubted) whether to the day of his death -Burnes himself quite understood either the Afghan or the Sikh. But he -vigorously conformed to native usages in all outward show: "We threw -away all our European clothes and adopted without reserve the costume -of the Asiatic. We gave away our tents, beds, and boxes, and broke our -tables and chairs--a blanket serves to cover the saddle and to sleep -under.... The greater portion of my now limited wardrobe found a place -in the 'kurjin.' A single mule carried the whole of the baggage." -Armed with letters of introduction from a holy man (Fazl Haq), who -boasted a horde of disciples in Bokhara, and with all the graceful -good wishes which an Afghan potentate knows how to bestow, Burnes left -Peshawar and the two Afghan sirdars, and started for Kabul. It is -instructive to note that he avoided the Khaibar route, which had an -evil reputation. - -It would be interesting to trace Burnes' route from Peshawar to -Bokhara, _via_ Kabul and Bamian, were it not that we are dealing with -ground already sufficiently well discussed in these pages. Moreover, -Burnes travelled to Kabul in company which permitted him to make -little or no use of his opportunities for original geographical -research. After he left Kabul the vicissitudes and difficulties that -beset him were only such as might be experienced by any recognised -official political mission, and he experienced none of the vexatious -opposition and delay which was so fatal to Moorcroft. _En route_ he -passed through Bamian, Haibak, Khulm, and Balkh; he visited Kunduz, -and identified the tomb of Trebeck at Mazar; and by the light of a -brilliant moon he stood by the grave of Moorcroft, which he found -under a wall outside the city, apart from the Mussulman cemeteries. -The three days passed at Balkh were assiduously employed in local -investigation and the collection of coins and relics. He found coins, -or tokens, dating from early Persian occupation to the Mogul -dynasties, and he notes the size of the bricks and their shape, which -he describes as oblong approaching to square; but he mentions no -inscriptions. - -At this time Balkh was in the hands of the Bokhara chief, and Burnes -was already in Bokhara territory. The journey across the plains to the -Oxus was made on camels, Burnes being seated in a kajawa, and -balancing his servant on the other side. It was slow, but it gave him -the opportunity of overlooking the broad Oxus plain and noting the -general accuracy of the description given of it by Quintus Curtius. As -they approached the Oxus it was found necessary to employ a Turkman -guard. Burnes does not say from what Turkman tribe his guard was -taken, but from his description of them, their dress, equipment, and -steeds, they were clearly men of the same Ersari tribe that was found -fifty years later in the same neighbourhood by the Russo-Afghan -Boundary Commission. "They rode good horses and were armed with a -sword and long spear. They were not encumbered with shields and -powder-horns like other Asiatics, and only a few had matchlocks.... -They never use more than a single rein, which sets off their horses to -advantage." - -On the banks of the river they halted near the small village of Khwaja -Salar. This was the same place evidently that Moorcroft visited, and -which he described as destroyed in a raid; and it was here that Burnes -made use of the peculiar horse-drawn ferry which has already been -described. Fifty years later the ferry was at Kilif, and nothing was -to be found of the "village" of Khwaja Salar. Burnes' astonishment at -the quaint, but most efficient, method of utilizing the power of -swimming horses to haul the great ferry-boats has been shared by every -one who has seen them since; but he noted a fact which has not been -observed by other travellers, viz. that _any_ horse was taken for the -purpose, no matter whether trained or not; and he states that the -horses were yoked to the boat by a rope fixed to the hair of the mane. -If so, this method was improved on during the next half-century, for -the rope is now attached to a surcingle. "One of the boats was dragged -over by two of our jaded ponies; and the vessel which attempted to -follow us without them was carried so far down the stream as to detain -us a whole day on the banks till it could be brought up to the camp -of our caravan." The river at this point is about 800 yards wide, and -runs at the rate of three to four miles an hour. The crossing was -effected in fifteen minutes. Burnes adds: "I see nothing to prevent -the general adoption of this expeditious mode of crossing a river.... -I had never before seen the horse converted to such a use; and in my -travels through India I had always considered that noble animal as a -great encumbrance in crossing a river." And yet after two centuries of -military training in the plains of India, we English have not yet -arrived at this economical use of this great motive power always at -our command in a campaign! - -After passing the Oxus the chief interest of Burnes' story commences. -His life at Bokhara and his subsequent journey through the Turkman -deserts to Persia form a record which, combined with his own physical -capability, his energy, and his unfailing tact, good humour, and -modesty, stamp him as one of the greatest of English travellers. His -name has its own high place in geographical annals. We shall never -cease to admire the traveller, whatever we may think of the diplomat. -But once over the Oxus his story hardly concerns the gates of India. -He was beyond them, he had passed through, and was now on the far -landward side, still on a road to India; but it is a road over which -it no longer concerns us to follow him. - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -THE GATES OF GHAZNI--VIGNE - - -Amongst original explorers of Afghanistan place must be found for G. -T. Vigne, who made in 1836 a venturesome, and, as it proved, a most -successful exploration of the Gomul route from the Indus to Ghazni. -Vigne was not a professional geographer so much as a botanist and -geologist, and the value of his work lies chiefly in the results of -his researches in those two branches of science, although he has left -on record a map of his journey which quite sufficiently illustrates -his route. He had previously visited Ladak (Little Tibet) and Kashmir, -and had made passing acquaintance with the Chief of the Punjab, Ranjit -Singh, in whose service foreigners found honourable employment. Masson -was in the field at the same time as Vigne, and the success of his -antiquarian researches in Northern Afghanistan, as well as those of -Honigberger and other archæologists during the time that Dost Mahomed -ruled in Kabul, and whilst the Amir's brother, Jabar Khan, befriended -Europeans, indicated a very different political atmosphere from that -which has subsequently clouded the Afghan horizon, so far as European -travellers are concerned. - -Vigne found no difficulty whatever in passing through Punjab territory -to the Indus Valley near Dera Ismail Khan, where he joined a Lohani -khafila which was making its annual journey to Ghazni with a valuable -stock of merchandise consisting chiefly of English goods. In the -genial month of May the khafila left Draband and took the world-old -Gomul route through the frontier hills to the central uplands of -Afghanistan. The heat must have been awful, and as Vigne lived the -life of the Lohani merchants, and shared their primitive shelter from -day to day, it is not surprising that we find him complaining gently -of the climate. The Lohanis treated him with the utmost kindness and -consideration from first to last; and the story of his travels is in -pleasing contrast to the tale told by Masson about the same time, of -his adventures on the Kandahar side. This was due chiefly, no doubt, -to Vigne's success as a doctor. It is always the doctors who make the -best way amongst uncivilized peoples, and India especially (or rather -the British Raj in India) owes almost as much to doctors as to -politicians. There is also a fellow-feeling which binds together -travellers of all sorts and conditions when bound for the same bourne, -taking together the same risks, experiencing the same trials and -difficulties, and enjoying unrestrained intercourse. This kind of -fellowship is world wide. One can trace a genial spirit of -_camaraderie_ pervading the wanderings of Chinese pilgrims, the tracks -of mediæval Arab merchants, the ways of modern missionaries, or the -ocean paths of sailors. Once on the move, with the sweet influences of -primitive nature pervading earth and air around, we may find, even in -these days, that the Afghan becomes quite a sociable companion, and -that he is to be trusted so far as he gives his word. - -Vigne seems to have had no trouble whatever except such as arose from -the persistent neglect of his medical instructions in cases of severe -illness. As the khafila followed the Gomul River closely, it was, of -course, subject to attack from the irrepressible Waziris on its flank, -and had to pay heavy duties to the Suliman Khel Ghilzais as soon as it -touched their country. There is little change in these respects since -1836, except that the Gomul route has been made plain and easy through -the first bands of frontier hills till it reaches the plateau, and the -Waziris are under better control. The interest of the journey lies in -that section of it which connects Domandi (the junction of the Gomul -and the Kundar Rivers) with Ghazni. This central part of Afghanistan -has never yet been surveyed. From the Takht-i-Suliman a few peaks have -been indifferently fixed on the ridges which form the divide between -the Gomul and the Ghazni drainage, but the hilly country beyond, -stretching to the Ghazni plain, is absolutely unreconnoitred. We have -still to appeal to Broadfoot and Vigne for geographical authority in -these regions, although native information (but not native surveyors) -has furnished details of a route which sufficiently corresponds with -that of both these enterprising travellers. - -There is some confusion about dates in Vigne's account, but it appears -that the khafila reached the Sarwandi Pass (which he calls -Sir-i-koll--7200 feet) over the central divide on the 12th June, and -thence descended into the Kattawaz country on the Ghazni side of this -central water-parting. About this region we have no accurate -geographical knowledge. Beyond the Sarwandi ridge, and intervening -between it and Ghazni, is a secondary pass, called Gazdarra in our -maps, crossing a ridge near the northern foot of which is Dihsai (the -nearest approach to Vigne's Dshara), which was reached by Vigne on the -16th June. Probably the two names represent the same place. - -Vigne's description of the central Sarwandi ridge corresponds -generally with what we know in other parts of the nature of those long -sweeping folds which traverse the central plateau from north-east to -south-west, preserving more or less a direction parallel to the -frontier. He writes of it as a broken and tumbled mass of sandstone, -but about "Dshara" he speaks of gently undulating hills exhibiting -small peaks of limestone and denuded patches of shingle. Between the -Sarwandi and the Dshara ridge the plain was covered with glittering -sand and was sweet with the scent of wild thyme. Somewhere on the -"level-topped" Sarwandi ridge there was said to be the ruins of an -ancient city called Zohaka, with gates of burnt brick, which Vigne did -not see, but in his map he indicates a position for it a long way to -the east of the ridge. It is quite probable that the ruins of more -than one ancient city are to be found in the neighbourhood of this -very ancient highway. Ancient as it is, however, it formed no part of -the mediæval commercial system of the Arabs--a system which apparently -did not include the frontier passes into India; and I have failed to -identify Vigne's Zohaka with any previous indications. These uplands -to the south of Ghazni evidently partake of the general -characteristics of the Wardak and Logar Valleys beyond them, -intervening between Ghazni and Kabul. Vigne was enchanted with the -prospect around him, and with the clear sweet atmosphere filled with -the aroma of wild thyme, wormwood, and the scented willow. It has -charmed many a weary soldier since his time. - -At Dshara, finding that the Lohani khafila was not going to Ghazni but -intended to follow a straighter route to Kabul, whilst at the same -time a very ready and profitable business was being done in the -well-populated valleys around, Vigne set off by himself with one -Kizzilbash guide for Ghazni. He says many hard things of the Lohanis -for breaking their promise of escort to Ghazni, remarks which seem -scarcely to accord with his free acknowledgments of their great -kindness to him elsewhere. As the opinion of so observant a traveller, -sharing the trials of the road with a band of native merchants, is -always interesting when it concerns the company with which he was -associated, I will quote his opinion of the Lohanis. "Taking them -altogether, I look on the Lohanis as the most respectable of the -Mahomedans and the most worthy of the notice and assistance of our -countrymen. The Turkish gentleman is said to be a man of his word; he -must be an enviable exception; but I otherwise solemnly believe that -there is not a Mahomedan--Sunni or Shiah--between Constantinople and -Yarkand who would hesitate to cheat a Feringi, Frank or European, and -who would not lie and scheme and try to deceive when the temptation -was worth his doing so," etc. This, of course, includes the Lohanis. - -At Ghazni, Vigne found a servant of Moorcroft's, who gave him -interesting information about the travels of that unfortunate -explorer; and he takes some useful notes of the present military -position and former condition of that city before its utter -destruction by Allah-u-din, Ghuri. He determined to depart somewhat -from the regular route to Kabul, and diverged from the straight road -which runs to the Sher-i-dahan in order to visit the "bund-i-sultan," -or reservoir, which had been constructed by Mahmud on the Ghazni River -for the proper water-supply of the town in its palmy days. As his last -day's travel took him to Lungar and Maidan before reaching Kabul he -evidently made a considerable detour westward. He inspected a copper -mine (with which he was greatly disappointed) at a place called Shibar -_en route_. To reach Shibar he made a long day's march from Ser-ab (? -Sar-i-ab), near the head of the Logar River. It is difficult to trace -this part of his route by the light of the map which he borrowed from -Honigberger. He clearly followed up the Ghazni River nearly to its -source, and then struck across to the head of the Logar, where he -correctly places Ser-ab, and where he found an agent of Masson's -engaged in excavating a tope. He next visited Shibar, and finally -marched by Lungar to Maidan and Kabul. He must, therefore, have -crossed the divide between the Ghazni River and the Logar, but we fail -to follow him to the Shibar copper mine. - -Shibar is the name of the pass which divides the Turkistan drainage -from the Ghorband, or Kabul, system; but it would be totally -impracticable to reach that point in a day's excursion from Ser-ab. We -must, therefore, conclude that there is another Shibar somewhere, -undetected by our surveyors. - -At Kabul he received a hospitable welcome from the Nawab Jabar Khan, -brother of the Amir Dost Mahomed, and here he fell in with Masson. We -need not trace his journey farther, for his subsequent footsteps only -followed the well-worn tracks to the Punjab. To Vigne we owe a vague -reference to a yet earlier English traveller in Afghanistan, one -Hicks, who died and was buried near the Peshawar gate of the old city. -The inscription on his tomb in English was-- - - HICKS, SON OF WILLIAM AND ELIZABETH HICKS, - -and Vigne adds that "by its date he must have lived a hundred and -fifty years ago." This is the earliest record we have of an English -traveller reaching Kabul, and it is strange that nothing is known -about Hicks, who certainly could not have inscribed his own epitaph! -The remarkable feature about the tomb is that such a memorial of a -Christian burial should have remained so long unmolested in a Moslem -country. No vestige of the tomb was discovered during the occupation -of Kabul in 1879-80. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -ENGLISH OFFICIAL EXPLORATION--BROADFOOT - - -In the year 1839 and in the month of October Lieut. J. S. Broadfoot of -the Indian Engineers made a memorable excursion across Central -Afghanistan, intervening between Ghazni and the Indus Valley, which -resulted in the acquisition of much information about one of the gates -of India which is too little known. No one has followed his tracks -since with any means of making a better reconnaissance, nor has any -one added much to the information obtained by him. It is true that -Vigne had been over the ground before him, but there is no comparison -between the use which Broadfoot made of his opportunities and the -geography which Vigne secured. Both took their lives in their hands, -but Vigne passed along with his Lohani khafila in days preceding the -British occupation of Afghanistan. There was no fanatical hostility -displayed towards him. On the contrary, his medical profession was a -recommendation which won him friends and good fellowship all along the -line. A few years had much changed the national (if one can use such -a word with regard to Afghanistan) feeling towards the European. From -day to day, and almost from hour to hour, Broadfoot felt that his life -hung on the chances of the moment. He was told by friends and enemies -alike that he would most certainly be killed. Yet he survived to do -good service in other fields, and to maintain the reputation of that -most distinguished branch of the military service, the Indian -Engineers. Broadfoot was but typical of his corps, even in the -scientific ability displayed in his researches, the clearness and the -soundness of the views he expresses, the determined pluck of his -enterprise, and his knowledge of native life and character. Durand, -North, Leach, and Broadfoot were Lieutenants of Engineers at the same -time, and their reports and their work are all historical records. - -Previously to his start on the Gomul reconnaissance Broadfoot had the -opportunity of reconnoitring much of the country to the south of -Ghazni bordering the Kandahar-Ghazni route. He had, therefore, a very -fair acquaintance with the people with whom he had to deal, and a -fairly well fixed point of departure for his work. His methods were -the time-honoured methods of many past generations of explorers. He -took his bearings with the prismatic compass, and he reckoned his -distance by the mean values obtained from three men pacing. -Consequently, he could not pretend, in such circumstances as he was -placed (being hardly able to leave his tent in spite of his disguise), -to complete much in the way of topography; but his clear description -of the ground he passed over, and the people he passed amongst, -furnishes nearly all that is necessary to enable us to realise the -practical value and the political difficulty of that important line of -communication with Central Afghanistan. - -From Ghazni southwards to Pannah there is nothing but open plain. From -near Pannah to the Sarwandi Pass, which crosses the main divide (the -Kohnak range) between the Helmund and the Indus basins, there is much -of the ridge and furrow formation which distinguishes the -north-western frontier, the alignment of the ridges being from N.E. to -S.W., but the Gazdarra Pass over the Kattawaz ridge is not formidable, -and the road along the plain of Kattawaz is open. In Kattawaz were -groups of villages, denoting a settled population, and as much -cultivation as might be possible amidst a lawless, crop-destroying, -and raiding generation of Ghilzais. - -"Kattasang, as viewed from Dand" (on the northern side) "appears a -mass of undulating hills, and as bare as a desert; it is the resort in -summer of some pastoral families of Suliman Khels." Approaching the -main divide of Sarwandi by the Sargo Pass two forts are passed near -Sargo, which sufficiently well illustrate the characteristics of -perpetual feud common to clans or families of the Ghilzai fraternity. -The forts are close to each other; one of them is known as Ghlo kala -(thieves' fort), but they are probably both equally worthy of the -name. The inhabitants of these forts absolutely destroyed each other -in a family feud, so that nothing now remains. Their very waters have -dried up. - -Near the Sargo, on the Ghazni side of the Sarwandi Pass, is Schintza, -at which place Vigne also halted, and from Schintza commences the real -ascent to the Sarwandi. The ascent, and indeed the crossing -altogether, are described by Broadfoot as easy. Vigne does not say -much about this. From the foot of the Sarwandi one branch of the Gomul -takes off, and from that point to the Indus the great trade route -practically follows the Gomul on a gradually descending grade. It is a -stony, rough, and broken hill route, now expanding into a broad track -of river-bed, now contracting into a cliff-bordered gully, -occasionally leaving the river and running parallel over adjoining -cliffs, but more often involving the worry of perpetual crossing and -re-crossing of the stream. Here and there is an expansion (such as the -"flower-bed," Gulkatz) into a reed-covered flat, and occasionally -there occurs a level open border space which the blackened stones of -previous khafilas denote as a camping-ground. Wild and dreary, carving -its way beneath the heat-cracked and rain-seared foot-hills of -Waziristan, strewn with stones and boulders, and disfigured by -leprous outbreaks of streaky white efflorescence, the Gomul in the hot -weather is not an attractive river. In flood-time it is dangerous, and -it is in the hottest of the hot weather months that the route is -fullest of the moving khafila crowds. - -In Broadfoot's time the worst part of the route was between the -plateau and the Indus plains. This is no longer so, for a -trade-developing and road-making Government has made the rough places -plain, and engineered a first-class high-road thus far. And there is -this to be noted about that section of it which still lies beyond the -ken of the frontier officer and which as yet the surveyor has not -mapped. Not a single camel-load in Broadfoot's khafila had to be -shifted on account of the roughness of the route between Ghazni and -the Indus, and not a space of any great length occurred over which -guns might not easily pass. The drawback to the route as a high-road -for trade has ever been the blackmailing propensities of Waziris and -cognate tribes who flank the route on either side. Broadfoot's khafila -lost no less than 100 men in transit; but this was at a time when the -country was generally disturbed. In more peaceful days previously -Vigne refers to constant losses both of men and property, but to -nothing like so great an extent. - -Broadfoot still stands for our authority in all that pertains to the -central Afghan tribes-people--chiefly the Suliman Khel clan of -Ghilzais--who occupy the Highlands between Waziristan and Ghazni. -Under the iron heel of the late Amir of Afghanistan no doubt much of -their turbulent and feud-loving propensities has been repressed, and -with its repression has followed a development of agriculture, and a -general improvement throughout the favoured districts of Kattawaz and -the Ghazni plain. Here the climate is exceptionally invigorating, and -much of the sweet landscape beauty of the adjoining districts of -Wardak and Logar (two of the loveliest valleys of Afghanistan) is -evidently repeated. Several fine rivers traverse these uplands, the -Jilgu and the Dwa Gomul (both rising from the central divide near to -the sources of the Tochi) having much local reputation, and claiming a -crude sort of reverence from the wild tribes of the plateau which is -only accorded to the gifts of Allah. The Suliman Khel are not -nomads--though like all Afghans they love tents--and their villages, -clinging to wall-sides or clustering round a central tower, are well -built and often exceedingly picturesque. The Ghilzai skill at the -construction of these underground irrigation channels called karez is -famous throughout Afghanistan. It is, however, the more westerly clans -who especially excel in the development of water-supply. The Suliman -Khel and the Nasirs take more kindly to the khafila and "povindah" -form of life, and this Gomul route is the very backbone of their -existence. It is a pity that we know so little about it. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - -FRENCH EXPLORATION--FERRIER - - -Amongst modern explorers of Afghanistan who have earned distinction by -their capacity for single-handed geographical research and ability in -recording their experiences, the French officer M. Ferrier is one of -the most interesting and one of the most disappointing. He is -interesting in all that relates to the historical and political -aspects of Afghanistan at a date when England was specially concerned -with that country, and so far and so long as his footsteps can now be -traced with certainty on our recent maps, he is clearly to be credited -with powers of accurate observation and a fairly retentive memory. It -is just where, as a geographer, he leaves the known for the unknown, -and makes a plunge into a part of the country which no European has -actually traversed before or since, that he becomes disappointing. He -is the only known wanderer from the west who has traversed the uplands -of the Firozkohi plateau from north to south; and it is just that -region of the Upper Murghab basin which our surveyors were unable to -reach during the progress of the Russo-Afghan Boundary mapping. The -rapidity of the movements of the Commission when once it got to work -precluded the possibility, with only a weak staff of topographers, of -detailing native assistants to map every corner of that most -interesting district, and naturally the more important section of the -country received the first attention. But they closed round it so -nearly as to leave but little room for pure conjecture, and it is -quite possible to verify by local evidence the facts stated by -Ferrier, if not actually to trace out his route and map it. - -M. Ferrier's career was a sufficiently remarkable one. He served with -the French army in Africa, and was delegated with other officers to -organise the Persian army. Here he was regarded by the Russian -Ambassador as hostile to Russian interests, and the result was his -return to France in 1843, where he obtained no satisfaction for his -grievances. Deciding to take service with the Punjab Government under -the Regency which succeeded Ranjit Singh, he left France for Bagdad -and set out from that city in 1845 for a journey through Persia and -Afghanistan to India. - -Ferrier reached Herat seven years after the siege of that place by the -Persians, and four years after the British evacuation of Afghanistan, -and his story of interviews with that wily politician, Yar Mahomed -Khan, are most entertaining. It is satisfactory to note that the -English left on the whole a good reputation behind them. His attempt -to reach Lahore _via_ Balkh and Kabul was frustrated, and he was -forced off the line of route connecting Balkh with Kabul at what was -then the Afghan frontier. It was at this period of his travels that -his records become most interesting, as he was compelled to pass -through the Hazara country to the west of Kabul by an unknown route -not exactly recognisable, crossing the Firozkohi plateau and -descending through the Taimani country to Ghur. From Ghur he was sent -back to Herat, and so ended a very remarkable tour through an -absolutely unexplored part of Afghanistan. His final effort to reach -the Punjab by the already well-worn roads which lead by Kandahar and -Shikarpur was unsuccessful. Considering the risks of the journey, it -was a surprising attempt. It was in the course of this adventure that -he came across some of the ill-starred remnants of the disasters which -attended the British arms during the evacuation of Afghanistan. There -were apparently Englishmen in captivity in other parts of Afghanistan -than the north, and the fate of those unfortunate victims to the -extraordinary combination of political and military blundering which -marked those eventful years is left to conjecture. - -Such in brief outline was the story of Afghan exploration as it -concerned this gallant French officer, and from it we obtain some -useful geographical and antiquarian suggestions. The province of -Herat he regards as coincident with the Aria of the Greek historians, -and the Aria metropolis (or Artakoana) he considers might be -represented either by Kuhsan or by Herat itself. He expends a little -useless argument in refuting the common Afghan tradition that any part -of modern Herat was built by Alexander. Between the twelfth century -and the commencement of the seventeenth Herat has been sacked and -rebuilt at least seven times, and its previous history must have -involved many other radical changes since the days of Alexander. It -is, however, probable that the city has been built time after time on -the site which it now occupies, or very near it. The vast extent of -mounds and other evidences of ancient occupation to the north of it, -together with its very obvious strategic importance, give this -position a precedence in the district which could never have been -overlooked by any conqueror; but the other cities of Greek geography, -Sousa and Candace, are not so easy to place. Ferrier may be right in -his suggestion that Tous (north-west of Mashad) represents the Greek -Sousa, but he is unable to place Candace. To the west of Herat are -three very ancient sites, Kardozan, Zindajan (which Ferrier rightly -identified with the Arab city of Bouchinj), and Kuhsan, and Candace -might have stood where any of them now stand. - -Ferrier's description of Herat and its environment fully sustains Sir -Henry Rawlinson's opinion of him as an observant traveller. For a -simple soldier of fortune he displays remarkable erudition, as well as -careful observation, and there is hardly a suggestion which he makes -about the Herat of 1845 which subsequent examination did not justify -in 1885. It was the custom during the residence of the English Mission -under Major d'Arcy Todd in Herat for some, at least, of the leading -Afghan chiefs to accept invitations to dinner with the English -officers, a custom which promoted a certain amount of mutual -good-fellowship between Afghans and English, of which the effects had -not worn off when Ferrier was there. When, finally, Yar Mahomed was -convinced that Ferrier had no ulterior political motive for his visit, -and was persuaded to let him proceed on his journey, a final dinner -was arranged, at which Ferrier was the principal guest. It appears to -have been a success. "At the close of the repast the guests were -incapable of sitting upright, and at two in the morning I left these -worthy Mussulmans rolling on the carpet! The following day I prepared -for my departure." In 1885 manners and methods had changed for the -better. The English officers employed on the reorganisation of the -defences of the city were occasionally entertained at modest -tea-parties by the Afghan military commandant, but no such rollicking -proceedings as those recounted by Ferrier would ever have been -countenanced; and it must be confessed that Ferrier's accounts, both -here and elsewhere, of the social manners and customs of the Afghan -people are a little difficult to accept without reservation. We must, -however, make allowances for the times and the loose quality of Afghan -government. He left Herat by the northerly route, passing Parwana, the -Baba Pass, and the Kashan valley to Bala Murghab and Maimana. - -Ferrier has much to say that is interesting about the tribal -communities through which he passed, especially about the Chahar -Aimak, or wandering tent-living tribes, which include the Hazaras, -Jamshidis, Taimanis, and Firozkohis. He is, I think, the first to draw -attention to the fact that the Firozkohis are of Persian origin, a -people whose forefathers were driven by Tamerlane into the mountains -south of Mazanderan, and were eventually transported into the Herat -district. They spring from several different Persian tribes, and take -the name Firozkohi from "a village in the neighbourhood of which they -were surrounded and captured." The origin of the name Ferozkohi has -always been something of a geographical puzzle, and it is doubtful -whether there was ever a city originally of that name in Afghanistan, -although it may have been applied to the chief habitat of this -agglomeration of Persian refugees and colonists. - -Ferrier's account of his progress includes no geographical data worthy -of remark. Politically, this part of Afghan Turkistan has remained -much the same during the last seventy years, and geographically one -can only say that his account of the route is generally correct, -although it indicates that it is compiled from memory. For instance, -there is a steep watershed to be crossed between Torashekh and Mingal, -but it is not of the nature of a "rugged mountain," nor could there -have ever been space enough for the extent of cultivation which he -describes in the Murghab valley. He is very much at fault in his -description of the road from Nimlik (which he calls Meilik) to Balkh. -The hills are on the right (not left) of the road, and are much higher -than those previously described as rugged mountains. No water from -these hills could possibly reach the road, for there is a canal -between them, the overflow of which, however, might possibly swamp the -road. Balkh hardly responds to his description of it. There is no -mosque to the north of Balkh, nor is the citadel square. - -The road from Khulm to Bamian passes through Tashkurghan (which is due -east of Mazar--not south) and Haibak, and changes very much in -character before reaching Haibak. From Haibak to Kuram the description -of the road is fairly correct, but no amount of research on the part -of later surveyors has revealed the position of "Kartchoo" (which -apparently means locally a market); nor could Ferrier possibly have -encountered snow in July on any part of this route, even if he saw -any. We must, however, consider the conditions under which he was -travelling, and make allowances for the impossibility of keeping -anything of the nature of a systematic record. At Kuram, a well-known -point above Haibak on the road to Kabul, he reached the Uzbek -frontier. Beyond this point--into Afghanistan--no Uzbek would venture, -and it was impossible to proceed farther on the direct route to Kabul. -Yielding to the pressure of friendly advice, he made a retrograde -detour to Saripul, through districts occupied by Hazaras, and -"Kartchoo" was but a nomadic camp that he encountered during his first -day out from Kuram. Clearly he was making for the Yusuf Darra route to -Saripul; and his next camp, Dehao, marks the river. It may possibly be -the point marked Dehi on modern maps. At Saripul he was not only well -received by the Uzbek Governor, Mahomed Khan, but the extraordinary -influence which this man possessed with the Hazaras, Firozkohis, and -other Aimak tribes of northern Afghanistan enabled Ferrier to procure -food and horses at irregular stages which carried him to Ghur in the -Taimani land. - -It is this part of Ferrier's journey which is so tantalizing and so -difficult to follow. He must have travelled both far and fast. Leaving -Saripul on July 11, he rode "ten parasangs," over country very varied -in character, to Boodhi. Now this country has been surveyed, and there -can be no reasonable doubt about the route he took southwards. But no -such place as Boodhi has ever been identified, nor have the -remarkable sculptures which were observed _en route_, fashioned on an -"enormous block of rock," been found again, although careful inquiries -were made about them. They may, of course, have been missed, and -information may have been purposely withheld, for geographical surveys -do not permit of lengthy halts for inquiry on any line of route. -Ferrier's description of them is so full of detail that it is -difficult to believe that it is imaginary. He mentions that on the -plain on which Boodhi stood, "two parasangs to the right," there were -the "ruins of a large town," which might very possibly be the ruins -identified by Imam Sharif (a surveyor of the Afghan Boundary -Commission), and which would fix the position of "Boodhi" somewhere -near Belchirag on the main route southward to Ghur. Belchirag is about -55 miles from Saripul. The next day's ride must have carried him into -the valley of the Upper Murghab on the Firozkohi plateau, crossing the -Band-i-Turkistan _en route_, and it was here that he met with such a -remarkable welcome at the fortress of Dev Hissar. - -Ferrier describes the valley of the Upper Murghab in terms of rapture -which appear to be a trifle extravagant to those who know that -country. No systematic survey of it, however, has ever been possible, -and to this day the position of Dev Hissar is a matter of conjecture, -and the charming manners of its inhabitants (so unlike the ordinary -rough hospitality of the men and the unobtrusive character of the -women of the Firozkohi Aimak) are experiences such as our surveyors -sighed for in vain! As a mere guess, I should be inclined to place Dev -Hissar near Kila Gaohar, or to identify it with that fort. At any -rate, I prefer this solution of the puzzle to the suggestion that Dev -Hissar and its delightful inhabitants, like the previous sculptures, -were but an effort of imagination on the part of this volatile and -fascinating Frenchman. - -There is always an element of suspicion as to the value of Ferrier's -information when he deals with the feminine side of Hazara human -nature. For instance, he asserts that the Hazara women fight in their -tribal battles side by side with their husbands. This is a feature in -their character for independence which the Hazara men absolutely deny, -and it is hardly necessary to add that no confirmation could be -obtained anywhere of the remarkable familiarity with which the ladies -of Hissar are said by Ferrier customarily to treat their guests. - -The next long day's ride terminated at Singlak (another unknown -place), which was found deserted owing to a feud between the Hazaras -and Firozkohis. It was evidently within the Murghab basin and short of -the crest of the line of watershed bordering the Hari Rud valley on -the north, for the following day Ferrier crossed these hills, and the -Hari Rud valley beneath them (avoiding Daolatyar), at a point which he -fixes as "six parasangs S.W. of Sheherek." Again it is impossible to -locate the position. Kila Safarak is at the head of the Hari Rud, and -Kila Shaharak is in another valley (that of the Tagao Ishlan), so that -it will perhaps be safe to assume that it was nowhere near either of -these places, but at a point some 10 miles west of Daolatyar, which -marks the regular route for Ghur from the north. - -Ferrier's description of this part of his journey is vague and -unsatisfactory. No such place as Kohistani, "situated on a high plain -in the midst of the Siah Koh," is known any more than is Singlak. The -divide, or ridge, which he crossed in passing from the Murghab valley -to the narrow trough of the Hari Rud is lower than the hills on the -south of the river. He could not possibly have crossed snow nor -overlooked the landscape to Saripul. It is doubtful if Chalapdalan, -the mountain which impressed him so mightily, is visible from any part -of the broken watershed north of the Hari Rud. Chalapdalan is only -13,600 feet high, and there would have been no snow on it in July. As -we proceed farther we fail to identify Ferrier's Tingelab River, -unless he means the Ab-i-lal. The Hari Rud does not flow through -Shaharak, and no one has found a village called Jaor in the Hari Rud -valley. Continuing to cross the Band-i-Baian (which he calls Siah -Koh) from Kohistani Baba, a very long day's ride brought him to -Deria-dereh, also called "Dereh Mustapha Khan," which was evidently a -place of importance and the headquarters of a powerful section of -either Hazaras or Taimanis under a Chief, Mustapha Khan. Here, in a -small oblong valley entirely closed by mountains, was a little lake of -azure colour and transparent clearness which lay like a vast gem -embedded in surrounding verdure ... "around which were somewhat -irregularly pitched a number of Taimani tents, separated from each -other by little patches of cultivation and gardens enclosed by stone -walls breast high.... The luxuriance of the vegetation in this valley -might compare with any that I had ever seen in Europe. On the summits -of the surrounding mountains were several ruins, etc. etc." Ash and -oak trees were there. Fishermen were dragging the lake, women were -leading flocks to the water, and young girls sat outside the tents -weaving bereks (barak, or camel-hair cloth), and contentment was -depicted on every face. - -From Deria-dereh another long day's ride brought him to Zirni, which -he describes as the ancient capital of Ghur. From the Band-i-Baian (or -Koh Siah, as he calls it) to Zirni is at least 100 miles by the very -straightest road, and that would pass by Taiwara. It is clear that he -did not take that road, or he could hardly have ignored so important a -position as Taiwara. If he made a detour eastward he would pass -through Hazara country--very mountainous, very high and difficult, -and the length of the two days' journey would be nearer 150 miles than -100. To the first day's journey (as far as Deria-dereh) he gives ten -hours on horseback, which in that country might represent 60 miles; -but no such place as he describes, no lake with Arcadian surroundings, -has been either seen or heard of by subsequent surveyors within the -recognized limits of Taimani country. If it exists at all, it is to -the east of the great watershed from which spring the Ghur River and -the Farah Rud, hidden within the spurs of the Hazara mountains. This -is just possible, for this wild and weatherbeaten country has not been -so fully reconnoitred as that farther west; but it makes Ferrier's -journey extraordinary for the distances covered, and fully accounts -for the fact that he has preserved so little detail of this eventful -ride that, practically, there is nothing of geographical interest to -be learnt from it. - -Ferrier's description of the ruins which are to be found in the -neighbourhood of Zirni and Taiwara, especially his reference to a -"paved" road leading towards Ghazni, is very interesting. He is fully -impressed with the beauty of the surrounding country, and what he has -to say about this centre of an historical Afghan kingdom has been more -or less confirmed by subsequent explorers. Only the "Ghebers" have -disappeared; and the magnificent altitude of the "Chalap Dalan" -mountain, described by him as one of the "highest in the world," has -been reduced to comparatively humble proportions. Its isolated -position, however, undoubtedly entitles it to rank as a remarkable -geographical feature. - -At Zirni Ferrier found that his further progress towards Kandahar was -arrested, and from that point, to his bitter disgust, he was compelled -to return to Herat. From Zirni to Herat was, in his day, an unmapped -region, and he is the first European to give us even a glimpse of that -once well-trodden highway. His conjectures about the origin of the -Aimak tribes which people Central Afghanistan are worthy of study, as -they are based on original inquiry from the people themselves; but it -is very clear that either time has modified the manners of these -people, or that popular sources of information are not always to be -trusted. He repeats the story of the fighting propensities of Hazara -women when dealing with the Taimanis, and adds, as regards the latter, -that "a girl does not marry until she has performed some feat of -arms." It may be that "feats of arms" are not so easy of achievement -in these days, but it is certain that such an inducement to marry -would fail to be effective now. It might even prove detrimental to a -girl's chances. - -Once again we can only regard with astonishment Ferrier's record of a -ride from "Tarsi" (Parsi) to Herat, at least 90 miles, in one night. A -district Chief told Captain (now Colonel) the Hon. M. G. Talbot, who -conducted the surveys of the country in 1883, that "a good Taimani on -a good horse" might accomplish the feat, but that nobody else could. -Ferrier, with his considerable escort, seemed to have found no -difficulty, but undoubtedly he was in excellent training. His general -description of the country that he passed through accords with the -pace at which he swept through it, and nothing is to be gained by -criticising his hasty observations. At Herat he was fortunate in -securing the consent of Yar Mahomed Khan to his project for reaching -the Punjab _via_ Kandahar and Kabul; and with letters from that wily -potentate to the Amir Dost Mahomed Khan and his son-in-law Mahomed -Akbar Khan this "Lord of the Kingdom of France, General Ferrier" set -out on another attempt to reach India. In this he was unsuccessful, -and his path was a thorny one. He travelled by the road which had been -adopted as the post-road between Herat and Kandahar, during the -residence of the English Mission at Herat--a route which, leaving -Farah to the west, approaches Kandahar by Washir and Girishk, and -which is still undoubtedly the most direct road between the two -capitals. But the particularly truculent character of the Durani -Afghan tribes of Western Afghanistan rendered this journey most -dangerous for a single European moving without an armed escort, and he -was robbed and maltreated with fiendish persistency. It was a -well-known and much-trodden old road, but it has always been, and it -is still, about the worst road in all Afghanistan for the fanatical -unpleasantness of its Achakzai and Nurzai environment. - -After leaving Washir Ferrier was imprisoned at Mahmudabad, and again -when he reached Girishk, and the story of the treatment he received at -both places says much for the natural soundness of his constitution. -Luckily he fell in with a friendly Munshi who had been in English -service, who, whilst warning Ferrier that he might consider the -position of his head on his shoulders as "wonderfully shaky," did a -good deal to dissipate the notion that he was an English spy, and -helped him through what was indeed a very tight place. It was at this -point of his journey that Ferrier heard of an English prisoner in -Zamindawar,--a traveller with "green eyes and red hair,"--and the fact -that he actually received a note from this man (which he could not -read as it was written in English) seems to confirm that fact. He -could do nothing to help him, and no one knows what may have been the -ultimate fate of this unfortunate captive. - -Ferrier is naturally indignant with Sir Alexander Burnes for -describing the Afghans as "a sober, simple steady people" (Burnes' -_Travels in Bokhara_, vol. i. pp. 143, 144). How Burnes could ever -have arrived at such an extraordinary estimate of Afghan character is -hard to imagine, and it says little for those perceptive faculties for -which Masson has such contempt. But it not inaptly points the great -contrast that does really exist between the Kabuli and the Kandahari -to this day. When the English officers of the Afghan Boundary -Commission in 1883 were occupied in putting Herat into a state of -defence, their personal escort was carefully chosen from soldiers of -the northern province, who, by no means either "sober or simple," were -at any rate far less fanatical and truculent than the men of the west, -and they were, on the whole, a pleasant and friendly contingent to -deal with. - -At Girishk, and subsequently, Ferrier has certain geographical facts -of interest to record. Some of them still want verification, but they -are valuable indications. He notes the immense ruins and mounds on -both sides the Helmund at Girishk. He was in confinement at Girishk -for eight days, where he suffered much from "the vermin which I could -not prevent from getting into my clothes, and the rattling of my -inside from the scantiness of my daily ration." However, his trials -came to an end at last, and he left Girishk "with a heart full of -hatred for its inhabitants and a lively joy at his departure," fording -the Helmund at some little distance from the town. He remarks on the -vast ruins at Kushk-i-Nakhud, where there is a huge artificial mound. -A similar one exists at Sangusar, about 3 miles south-east of -Kushk-i-Nakhud. At Kandahar the final result of a short residence that -was certainly full of lively incident, and an interview with the -Governor Kohendil Khan (brother of the Amir Dost Mahomed), was a -return to Girishk. This must have been sickening; but it resulted in a -series of excursions into Baluch territory which are not -uninstructive. The ill-treatment (amounting to the actual infliction -of torture) which Ferrier endured at the hands of the Girishk Governor -(Sadik Khan, a son of Kohendil Khan) on this second visit to Girishk, -was even worse than the first, and it was only by signing away his -veracity and giving a false certificate of friendship with the brute -that he finally got free again. He was to follow the Helmund to Lash -Jowain in Seistan, but the attempt was frustrated by a local -disturbance at Binadur, on the Helmund. So far, however, this abortive -excursion was of certain geographical interest as covering new ground. -The places mentioned by Ferrier _en route_ are all still in existence, -but he gives no detailed account of them. - -Once more a start was made from Girishk, and this time our explorer -succeeded in reaching Farah by the direct route through Washir. It was -in the month of October, and the fiery heat of the Bakwa plain was -sufficiently trying even to this case-hardened Frenchman. About Farah -he has much to say that still requires confirmation. Of the exceeding -antiquity of this place there is ample evidence; but no one since -Ferrier has identified the site of the second and later town of Farah -"an hour" farther north or "half an hour" from the Farah Rud (river), -where bricks were seen "three feet long and four inches thick," with -inscriptions on them in cuneiform character, amidst the ruins. This -town was abandoned in favour of the older (and present) site when Shah -Abbas the Great besieged and destroyed it, but there can be no doubt -that the bricks seen by Ferrier must have possessed an origin long -anterior to the town, which only dates from the time of Chenghiz Khan. -The existence of such evidence of the ancient and long-continued -connection between Assyria and Western Afghanistan would be -exceedingly interesting were it confirmed by modern observation. Farah -is by all accounts a most remarkable town, and it undoubtedly contains -secrets of the past which for interest could only be surpassed by -those of Balkh. At Farah Ferrier was lodged in a "hole over the north -gate of the town, open to the violent winds of Seistan, which rushed -in at eight enormous holes, through which also came the rays of the -sun." Here wasps, scorpions, and mice were his companions, and it must -be admitted that Ferrier's account of the horrors of Farah residence -have been more or less confirmed by all subsequent travellers to -Seistan. But he finally succeeded in obtaining, through the not -inhospitable governor, the necessary permission from Yar Mahomed Khan -of Herat (whose policy in his dealings with Ferrier it is quite -impossible to decipher) to pass on to Shikarpur and Sind; and the -permission is couched in such pious and affectionate terms, that the -"very noble, very exalted, the companion of honour, of fortune, and of -happiness, my kind friend, General Ferrier," really thought there was -a chance of escaping from his clutches. He was, by the way, invited -back again to Herat, but he was told that he might please himself. - -Here follows a most interesting exploration into a stretch of -territory then utterly unreconnoitred and unknown, and it is -unfortunate that this most trying route through the flats and wastes -which stretch away eastwards of the Helmund lagoons should still be -but sketchily indicated in our maps. It is, however, from Farah to -Khash (where the Khash Rud is crossed), and from Khash to the Helmund, -but a track through a straight region of desolation and heat, -relieved, however (like the desert region to the south of the -Helmund), by strips of occasional tamarisk vegetation, where grass is -to be found in the spring and nomads collect with their flocks. -Watering-places might be developed here by digging wells, and the -route rendered practicable across the Dasht-i-Margo as it has been -between Nushki and Seistan, but when Ferrier crossed it it was a -dangerous route to attempt on tired and ill-fed horses. The existence -of troops of wild asses was sufficient evidence of its life-supporting -capabilities if properly developed. Ferrier struck the Helmund about -Khan Nashin. Here a most ill-timed and ill-advised fight with a Baluch -clan ended in a disastrous flight of the whole party down the Helmund -to Rudbar, and it would perhaps be unkind to criticise too closely the -heroics of this part of Ferrier's story. - -At Rudbar Ferrier again noticed bricks a yard square in an old dyke, -whilst hiding. Rudbar was well known to the Arab geographers, but this -record of Ferrier's carries it back (and with it the course of the -Helmund) to very ancient times indeed. Continuing to follow the river, -they passed Kala-i-Fath and reached "Poolka"--a place which no longer -exists under that name. This is all surveyed country; but no -investigator since Ferrier has observed the same ancient bricks at -Kala-i-Fath which Ferrier noted there as at Farah and Rudbar. There is -every probability, however, of their existence. All this part of the -Helmund valley abounds in antiquities which are as old as Asiatic -civilization, but nothing short of systematic antiquarian exploration -will lead to further discoveries of any value. - -Ferrier was now in Seistan, and we may pass over his record of -interesting observations on the wealth of antiquarian remains which -surrounded him. It is enough to point out that he was one of the first -to call public attention to them from the point of view of actual -contact. It must be accepted as much to the credit of Ferrier's -narrative that the latest surveys of Seistan (_i.e._ those completed -during the work of the Commission under Sir H. MacMahon in 1903-5) -entirely support the account given in his _Caravan Journeys_ as he -wandered through that historic land. By the light of the older maps, -completed during the Afghan Boundary Commission some twenty years -previously, it would have been difficult to have traced his steps. We -know now that the lake of Seistan should, with all due regard to its -extraordinary capacity for expansion and contraction, be represented -as in MacMahon's map, extending southwards to a level with the great -bend of the Helmund. Ferrier's narrative very conclusively illustrates -this position of it, and proves that such an expansion must be -regarded as normal. We can no longer accurately locate the positions -of Pulaki and Galjin, but from his own statements it seems more than -probable that the first place is already sand-buried. They were not -far north of Kala-i-Fath. From there he went northward to Jahanabad, -and north-west (not south-west) to Jalalabad. It was at Jahanabad that -he nearly fell into the hands of Ali Khan, the chief of Chakhansur -(Sheikh Nassoor of Ferrier), the scoundrel who had previously murdered -Dr. Forbes and hung his body up to be carefully watered and watched -till it fell to pieces in gold ducats. There was an unfortunate -superstition current in Baluchistan to the effect that this was the -normal end of European existence! Luckily it has passed away. Escaping -such a calamity, he turned the lake at its southern extremity, -passing through Sekoha, and travelled up its western banks till, after -crossing the Harat Rud, he reached Lash Jowain. From here to Farah and -from Farah once again to Herat, his road was made straight for him, -and we need only note what he has to say about the extent of the ruins -near Sabzawar to be convinced that here was the mediæval provincial -capital of Parwana. At Herat he was enabled to do what would have -saved him a most adventurous journey (and lost us the pleasure of -recording his work as that of a notable explorer of Afghanistan), -_i.e._ take the straight road back to Teheran from whence he came. - -With this we may bid adieu to Ferrier, but it is only fair to do tardy -justice to his remarkable work. I confess that after the regions of -Central Afghanistan had been fairly well reconnoitred by the surveyors -of the Russo-Afghan Boundary Commission, considerable doubt remained -in my mind as to the veracity of Ferrier's statements. I still think -he was imposed upon now and then by what he _heard_, but I have little -doubt that he adhered on the whole (and the conditions under which he -travelled must be remembered) to a truthful description of what he -_saw_. It is true that there still remains wanting an explanation of -his experiences at that restful island in the sea of difficulty and -danger which surrounded him--Dev Hissar--but I have already pointed -out that it may exist beyond the limits of actual subsequent -observation; and as regards the stupendous bricks with cuneiform -inscription, it can only be said that their existence in the -localities which he mentions has been rendered so probable by recent -investigation, that nothing short of serious and systematic -excavation, conducted in the spirit which animated the discovery of -Nineveh, will finally disprove this most interesting evidence of the -extreme antiquity of the cities of Afghanistan, and their relation to -the cities of Mesopotamia. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -SUMMARY - - -The close of the Afghan war of 1839-40 left a great deal to be desired -in the matter of practical geography. It was not the men but the -methods that were wanting. The commencement of the second and last -Afghan war in 1878 saw the initiation of a system of field survey of a -practical geographical nature, which combined the accuracy of -mathematical deduction with the rapidity of plane table topography. It -was the perfecting of the smaller class of triangulating instruments -that made this system possible, quite as much as the unique -opportunity afforded to a survey department in such a country as India -for training topographers. It worked well from the very first, and -wherever a force could march or a political mission be launched into -such a region of open hill and valley as the Indian trans-frontier, -there could the surveyors hold their own (no matter what the nature of -the movement might be) and make a "square" survey in fairly accurate -detail, with the certainty that it would take its final place -without squeezing or distortion in the general map of Asia. This was -of course very different from the plodding traverse work of former -days, and it rapidly placed quite a new complexion on our -trans-frontier maps. Since then regular systematic surveys in -extension of those of India have been carried far afield, and it may -safely be said now that no country in the world is better provided -with military maps of its frontiers than India. In Baluchistan, -indeed, there is little left to the imagination. A country which forty -years ago was an ugly blank in our maps, with a doubtful locality -indicated here and there, is now almost as well surveyed as Scotland. -Afghanistan, however, is beyond our line, "out of bounds," and the -result is that there are serious gaps in our map knowledge of the -country of the Amir, gaps which there seems little probability of -investigating under the present closure of the frontier to explorers. - - [Illustration: SKETCH MAP OF HINDU KUSH PASSES] - -By far the most important of these gaps are the uplands of Badakshan, -stretching from the Oxus plains to the Hindu Kush. The plains of -Balkh, as far east as Khulm and Tashkurghan, from whence the high-road -leads to Haibak, Bamian, and the Hindu Kush passes, are fairly well -mapped. The Oxus, to the north of Balkh, is well known, and the fords -and passages of that river have been reckoned up with fair accuracy. -From time immemorial every horde of Skythic origin, Nagas, Sakas, or -Jatas, must have passed these fords from the hills and valleys of the -Central Asian divide on their way to India. The Oxus fords have seen -men in millions making south for the valleys of Badakshan and the -Golden Gates of Central Asiatic ideal which lay yet farther south -beyond the grim line of Hindu Kush. Balkh (the city) must have stood -like a rock in the human tide which flowed from north to south. From -the west, too, from Asia Minor and the Persian provinces, as well as -from the Caspian steppes to the north-west, must have come many a -weary band of tear-stained captives, transported across half a -continent by their conquerors to colonize, build cities, and gradually -amalgamate with the indigenous people, and so to disappear from -history. From the west came Parthians, Medes, Assyrians, and Greeks, -who did not altogether disappear. But no such human tide ever flowed -into Badakshan from the east nor yet from the south. To the east are -the barrier heights of the Pamirs. No crowd of fugitives or captives -ever faced those bleak, inhospitable, wind-torn valleys that we know -of. Nor can we find any trace of emigration from India. Yet routes -were known across the Pamirs, and in due time, as we have seen, small -parties of pilgrims from China made use of these routes, seeking for -religious truth in Balkh when, as a Buddhist centre, Balkh was in -direct connection with the Buddhist cities of Eastern Turkistan. And -Buddhism itself, when it left India, went northward and flourished -exceedingly in those same cities of the sandy plain, where the people -talked and wrote a language of India for centuries after the birth of -Christ. Balkh, however, never stayed the tide which overlapped it and, -passing on, lost itself in the valleys under the Hindu Kush, or else, -surmounting that range, streamed over into the Kabul basin. Whether -the tide set in from north or west, the overflow was forced by purely -geographical conditions into precisely the same channels, and in many -cases it drifted into the hills and stayed there. What we should -expect to find in Balkh, then (whenever Dr. Stein can get there), are -records in brick, records in writing, and records in coin, of nearly -every great Asiatic movement which has influenced the destinies of -India from the days of Assyria to those of Mohamed. What a history to -unfold! - -Of the Badakshan uplands south and south-east of Balkh, we have but -most unsatisfying geographical record. In the days preceding the first -Afghan war when Burnes, Moorcroft, Lord, and Wood were in the field, -we certainly acquired much useful information which is still all that -we have for scientific reference. Moorcroft, as we have seen, made -several hurried journeys between Balkh and Kunduz under most perilous -conditions, when endeavouring to escape from the clutches of the -border chief, Murad Beg. But Moorcroft's opportunities of scientific -observation were small, and his means of ascertaining his -geographical position were crude, and we gain little or nothing from -his thrilling story of adventure, beyond a general description of a -desolate region of swamp and upland which forms the main features of -Northern Badakshan. - -Lord and Wood, who followed Moorcroft at no great interval, and who -were also in direct personal touch with Murad Beg under much the same -political circumstances, have furnished much more useful information -of the routes and passes between Haibak and Kunduz, and given us a -very fair idea of the physical configuration of that desolate -district. Lord's memoir on the _Uzbek State of Kundooz_ (published at -Simla in July 1838) is indeed the best, if not the only, authoritative -document concerning the history and policy of Badakshan, giving us a -fair idea of the conditions under which Murad Beg established and -consolidated his position as the paramount chief of that country, and -the guardian of the great commercial route between Kabul and Bokhara; -but there is little geographical information in the memoir. The four -fortified towns of the Kunduz state, Kunduz, Rustak, Talikhan, and -Hazrat Imam, are described rather as depositories for plunder than as -positions of any great importance, and the real strength of Murad -Beg's military force lay in the quality of his hordes of irregular -Uzbek horsemen and the extraordinary hardiness and endurance of the -Kataghani horses. So highly esteemed is this particular breed that the -late Amir of Afghanistan would permit of no export of horses from -Kataghan, reserving them especially for the purpose of mounting his -own cavalry. - -We learn incidentally of the waste and desolation caused by the -poisonous climate of the fens and marshes between Hazrat Imam and -Kunduin, to which Murad Beg had transported 20,000 Badakshani families -for purposes of colonization, and where Dr. Lord was told that barely -1000 individuals had survived; but Wood tells us much more than this -in his charming book on the Oxus. From the point where he left the -main road from Kabul to Bokhara (a little below Kuram north of the -Saighan valley) till he reached Kunduz, he was passing over country -and by-ways which have never been revisited by any European -geographer. He tells us that "the plain between the streams that water -Kunduz and Kuram has a wavy surface, and though unsuited to -agriculture has an excellent pasturage. The only village on the road -is Hazrat Baba Kamur. On the eastern side the plain is supported by a -ridge of hills sloping down from the mountains to the south. We -crossed it by the pass of Archa (so called from the fir trees which -cover its crest), from the top of which we had a noble view of the -snowy mountains to the east, the outliers of Hindu Kush. Next day we -forded the river of Kunduz, and continuing to journey along its right -bank, through the swampy district of Baghlan and Aliabad, reached the -capital of Murad Beg on Monday the 4th Dec. (1837)." The story of -Wood's travels in Badakshan has already been told; the moon-lit march -from Kunduz through the dense jungle grass and swamp, often knee-deep -in water; the gradual rise to higher ground above; the floating vapour -screen that hovered over the fens; Khanabad and its quaint array of -colleges and students, and the Koh Umber mountain, isolated and -conspicuous, dividing the plains of Kunduz and Talikhan--all these are -features which will indicate the general character of that part of -Badakshan but leave us no fixed and determined position. The Koh Umber -in particular must be a remarkable topographical landmark, as it -towers 2500 feet above the surrounding plain with a snow-covered -summit. Wood says of it that it is central to the districts of -Talikhan, Kunduz, and Hazrat Imam, and its pasturage is common to the -flocks of all three plains. But it is an undetermined geographical -feature, and still remains in its solitary grandeur, a position to be -won by future explorers. - -From Khanabad to Talikhan, Faizabad, and Jirm (which, it will be -recollected, was once the capital of Badakshan--probably the -"Badakshan" of Arab geography), we have the description of a -mountainous country supporting the conjectural topography of our maps, -which indicate that this route borders and occasionally crosses a -series of gigantic spurs or offshoots of a central range (which Wood -calls the Khoja) which must itself be a north-easterly arm of the -Hindu Kush, taking off from the latter range somewhere near the -Khawak Pass. Here, then, is one of the most important blanks in the -map of our frontier. Inconceivably rugged and difficult of access, it -seems probable that it is more accessible from Badakshan than from the -south. We know from Wood's account of the extraordinary difficulty -that beset his efforts to reach the lapis-lazuli mines above Jirm in -the Kokcha River something of the general nature of these northern -valleys and defiles of Kafiristan reaching down to lower Badakshan. It -would, indeed, be a splendid geographical feat to fix the position and -illustrate the topography of this roughest section of Asia. - -Between the Khawak Pass of the Hindu Kush which leads to Andarab, and -the Mandal, or Minjan, passes, some 70 miles to the east, we have -never solved the problem of the Hindu Kush divide. What lies behind -Wood's Khoja range, between it and the main divide? We have the valley -called Anjuman, which is believed to lead as directly to Jirm from the -Khawak Pass as Andarab does to Kunduz. It is an important feature in -Hindu Kush topography, but we know nothing of it. We may, however, -safely conjecture that the Minjan River, reached by Sir George -Robertson in one of his gallant attempts to explore Kafiristan, is the -upper Kokcha flowing past the lapis-lazuli mines to Jirm. But where -does it rise? And where on the southern slopes of the Hindu Kush do -the small affluents of the Alingar and Alishang have their beginning? -These are the hidden secrets of Kafiristan. It is here that those -turbulent people (who, by the way, seem to exhibit the same -characteristics from whatever valley of Kafiristan they come, and to -be much more homogeneous than is usually supposed) hide themselves in -their upland villages, amidst their magnificent woods and forests, -untroubled by either Afghan or European visitors. Here they live their -primitive lives, enlivened with quaint ceremonies and a heathenism -equally reminiscent of the mythology of Greece, the ritual of -Zoroaster, and the beliefs of the Hindu. Who will unravel the secrets -of this inhabited outland, which appears at present to be more -impracticable to the explorer than either of the poles? Yule, in his -preface to the last edition of Wood's _Oxus_, remarks that Colonel -Walker, the late Surveyor-General of India (and one of the greatest of -Asiatic geographers) repeatedly expressed his opinion that there is no -well-defined range where the Hindu Kush is represented in our maps, -and he adds that such an expression of opinion can only apply to that -part of the Hindu Kush which lies east of the Khawak Pass. Sir Henry -Yule refers to Wood's incidental notices of the mountains which he saw -towering to the south of him, "rising to a vast height and bearing far -below their summits the snow of ages," in refutation of such an -opinion; and he further quotes the "havildar's" (native surveyor) -report of the Nuksan and Dorah passes in confirmation of Wood. - -Since Yule wrote, Woodthorpe's surveys of the Nuksan and Dorah passes -during the Lockhart mission leave little doubt as to the nature of the -Hindu Kush as far west as those passes, but it is precisely between -those passes and the Khawak, along the backbone of Kafiristan, that we -have yet to learn the actual facts of mountain conformation. And here -possibly there may be something in Walker's suggestion. The mountains -to which Wood looked up from Talikhan or Kishm, towering to the south -of him and covered with perpetual snow, certainly formed no part of -the main Hindu Kush divide. Between them and the Hindu Kush is either -the deep valley of Anjuman, or more probably the upper drainage of the -Minjan, which, rising not far east of Khawak, repeats the almost -universal Himalayan feature of a long, lateral, ditch-like valley in -continuation of the Andarab depression, marking the base of the -connecting link in the primeval fold formed by the Hindu Kush east and -west of it. We should expect to find the Kafiristan mountain -conformation to be an integral part of the now recognised Himalayan -system of parallel mountain folds, with deep lateral valleys fed by a -transverse drainage. The long valley of the Alingar will prove to be -another such parallel depression, and we shall find when the map is -finished that the dominating structural feature of all this wild -hinterland of mountains is the north-east to south-west trend of -mountain and valley which marks the Kunar (or Chitral) valley on the -one side and the Panjshir on the other. The reason why it is more -probable that the Minjan River takes the direct drainage of the -northern slopes of this Kafiristan backbone into a lateral trough than -that the Anjuman spreads its head into a fan, is that Sir George -Robertson found the Minjan, below the pass of Mandal, to be a far more -considerable river than its assumed origin in the official maps would -make it. He accordingly makes a deep indentation in the Hindu Kush -divide (on the map which illustrates his captivating book, _The Kafirs -of the Hindu Kush_), bringing it down southward nearly half a degree -to an acute angle, so as to afford room for the Minjan to rise and -follow a course in direct line with its northerly run (as the Kokcha) -in Badakshan. This is a serious disturbance of the laws which govern -the structure of Asiatic mountain systems, as now recognized, and it -is indeed far more likely that the Minjan (Kokcha) follows those laws -which have placed the Andarab and the Panjshir (or for that matter the -Indus and the Brahmaputra) in their parallel mountain troughs, than -that the primeval fold of the Hindu Kush has become disjointed and -indented by some agency which it would be impossible to explain. Who -is going to complete the map and solve the question? - -We are still very far from possessing a satisfactory geographical -knowledge of even the more accessible districts of Badakshan. We still -depend on Wood for the best that we know of the route between -Faizabad and Zebak; and of those Eastern mountains which border the -Oxus as it bends northward to Kila Khum we know positively nothing at -all. - -But beyond all contention the hidden jewels to be acquired by -scientific research in Badakshan are archæological and antiquarian -rather than geographical. Now that Nineveh and Babylon have yielded up -their secrets, there is no such field out of Egypt for the antiquarian -and his spade as the plains of Balkh. But enough has been said of what -may be hidden beneath the unsightly bazaars and crumbling ruins of -modern Balkh. Whilst Badakshan literally teems with opportunities for -investigation, certain features of ancient Baktria appear to be -especially associated with certain sites; such, for instance, as the -sites of Semenjan (Haibak), Baghlan, Andarab, and particularly the -junction of the rivers at Kasan. That Andarab (Ariaspa) held the -capital of the Greek colonies there can be as little doubt as that -Haibak and its neighbourhood formed the great Buddhist centre between -Balkh and Kabul. Again, who is going to make friends with the Amir of -Afghanistan and try his luck? It must be a foreigner, for no -Englishman would be permitted by his own government to pass that way -at present. - -The wild and savage altitudes of Badakshan and Kafiristan by no means -exhaust the unexplored tracts of Afghanistan. We have the curious -feature of a well-surveyed route connecting Ghazni with Kandahar, one -of the straightest and best of military routes trodden by armies -uncountable from the days of Alexander to those of Roberts, a narrow -ribbon of well-ascertained topography, dividing the two most important -of the unexplored regions of Afghanistan. North-west of this road lies -the great basin of the central Helmund. South-east is a broken land of -plain, ribbed and streaked with sharp ridges of frontier formation, -about which we ought to know a great deal more than we do. Up the -frontier staircases and on to this plain run many important routes -from India. The Kuram route strikes it at its northern extremity and -leaves it to the southward. The Tochi valley route, and the great -mercantile Gomal highway strike into the middle of it, and yet no one -of our modern frontier explorers has ever reached it from one side or -the other. We still depend on Broadfoot's and Vigne's account of what -they saw there, although it is only just on the far side of the rocky -band of hills which face the Indus. - -About midway between Ghazni and Bannu is the water-parting which -separates the Indus drainage from that of the Helmund, and at this -point there are some formidable peaks, well over 12,000 feet in -height, to distinguish it. The Tochi passage is easy enough as far as -the Sheranni group of villages near the head of its long cultivated -ramp, but beyond that point the traveller becomes involved in the -narrow lateral valleys which follow the trend of the ridges which -traverse his path, where streams curl up from the Birmal hills to the -south and from the high altitudes which shelter the Kharotis on the -north. It is a perpetual wriggle through steep-sided rocky waterways, -until one emerges into more open country after crossing the main -divide by the Kotanni Pass. The hills here are called Jadran, and it -is probable that the Jadran divide and that of the Kohnak farther -south are one and the same. Beyond the Kotanni Pass to Ghazni the way -is fairly open, but we know very little about it beyond the historical -fact that the arch-raider, Mahmud of Ghazni, used to follow this route -for his cavalry descents on the Indian frontier with most remarkable -success. The remains of old encampments are to be seen in the plain at -the foot of the Tochi, and disjointed indications of an ancient -high-road were found on the hill slopes to the north of the stream by -our surveyors. - -Of the actual physical facts of the Gomul route we have only the -details gathered by Broadfoot under great difficulties, and a -traveller's account by Vigne. What they found has already been -described, and the frontier expedition to the Takht-i-Suliman in 1882 -sufficiently well determined the position of the Kohnak water-parting -to give a fixed geographical value to their narratives. But we have no -topography beyond Domandi and Wana. We know that the ever-present -repellent band of rocky ridge and furrow, the hill and valley -distribution which is distinctive, has to be encountered and passed; -but the route does not bristle with the difficulties of narrow ways -and stony footpaths as does the Tochi, and there is no doubt that it -could soon be reduced to a very practicable artillery road. The -important point is that we do not know here (any more than as regards -the upper Tochi) a great deal that it concerns us very much to know. -We have no mapping of the country which lies between the Baluch -frontier and Lake Abistada, the land of the stalwart Suliman Khel -tribes-people, and it is a country of which the possible resources -might be of great value to us if ever we are driven again to take -military stock of Afghanistan. - -But the importance of good mapping in this part of Afghanistan is due -solely to its position in geographical relation to the Indian -frontier. It is different when we turn to the stupendous altitudes of -the high Hazara plateau land to the north of the Ghazni-Kandahar -route. With this we are not likely to have any future concern, except -that which may be called academic. In spite of the reputation for -sterile wind-scoured desolation which the uplands hiding the upper -Helmund valleys have always enjoyed, it is not to be forgotten that -there are summer ways about them, and strong indications that some of -these ways are distinctly useful. Our knowledge of the Helmund River -(such knowledge, that is to say, as justifies us in mapping the -course of the river with a firm line) from its sources ends almost -exactly at the intersection of the parallel of 34° of North latitude -with the meridian of 67° East longitude. For the next 120 miles we -really know nothing about its course, except that it is said to run -nearly straight through the heart of the Hazara highlands. - -Two very considerable, but nameless, rivers run more or less parallel -to the Helmund to the south of it, draining the valleys of Ujaristan -and Urusgan, the upper part of the latter being called Malistan. What -these valleys are like, or what may be the nature of the dividing -water-parting, we do not know, nor have we any authentic description -of the valley of Nawar, which lies under the Gulkoh mountain at the -head of the Arghandab, but apparently unconnected with it. Native -information on the subject of these highly elevated valleys is -excessively meagre, nor are they of any special interest from either -the strategic or economic point of view. Far more interesting would it -be to secure a geographical map of those northern branches of the -Helmund, the Khud Rud, and the Kokhar Ab, which drain the mountain -districts to the east of Taiwara above the undetermined position of -Ghizao on the Helmund. These mountain streams must rush their waters -through magnificent gorges, for the peaks which soar above them rise -to 13,000 feet in altitude, and the country is described as -inconceivably rugged and wild. This is the real centre and home of the -Hazara communities, and, in spite of the fact that there are certain -well-ascertained tracks traversing the country and connecting the -Helmund with the valley of the Hari Rud, we know that for the greater -part of the year they must be closed to all traffic. They are of no -importance outside purely local interests. The comparatively small -area yet unexplored which lies to the north of the Hazara mountains, -shut off from them by the straight trough of the Hari Rud and -embracing the head of the Murghab River of Turkistan, is almost -equally unimportant, although it would be a matter of great interest -to investigate a little more closely the remarkable statements of -Ferrier which bear on this region. - -When we have finally struck a balance between our knowledge and our -ignorance of that which concerns the landward gates of India, we shall -recognize the fact that we know all that it is really essential that -we should know of these uplifted approaches. They are inconceivably -old--as old as the very mountains which they traverse. What use may be -made of them has been made long ago. We have but to turn back the -pages of history and we find abundant indications which may enable us -to gauge their real value as highways from Central Asia to India. -History says that none of the tracks which lead from China and Tibet -have ever been utilized for the passage of large bodies of people -either as emigrants, troops, commercial travellers, or pilgrims into -India, although there exists a direct connection between China and the -Brahmaputra in Assam, and although we know that the difficulties of -the road between Lhasa and India are by no means insuperable. Nor by -the Kashmir passes from Turkistan or the Pamirs is it possible to find -any record of a formidable passing of large bodies of people, although -the Karakoram has been a trade route through all time, and although -the Chinese have left their mark below Chitral. Yet we have had -explorers over the passes connecting the upper Oxus affluents with -Gilgit and Chitral who have not failed, some of them, to sound a -solemn note of warning. - -Before the settlement of the Oxus extension of the northern boundary -of Afghanistan, something of a scare was started by a demonstration of -the fact that it is occasionally quite easy to cross the Kilik Pass -from the Taghdumbash Pamir into the Gilgit basin, or to climb over the -comparatively easy slopes of the flat-backed Hindu Kush by the -Baroghel Pass and slip down into the valley of the Chitral. There was, -however, always a certain amount of geographical controversy as to the -value of the Chitral or of the Kilik approach after the crossing of -the Hindu Kush had been effected. Much of the difference of opinion -expressed by exploring experts was due to the different conditions -under which those undesirable, troublesome approaches to India were -viewed. Where one explorer might find a protruding glacier blocking -his path and terminating his excursions, another would speak of an -open roadway. - -From season to season in these high altitudes local conditions vary to -an extent which makes it impossible to forecast the difficulties which -may obtrude themselves during any one month or even for any one -summer. In winter, _i.e._ for at least eight months of the year, all -are equally ice-bound and impracticable, and although the general -spirit of desiccation, which reigns over High Asia and is tending to -reduce the glaciers and diminish the snowfall, may eventually change -the conditions of mountain passages to an appreciable extent (and for -a period), it would be idle to speculate on any really important -modification of these difficulties from such natural climatic causes. -We must take these mountain passes as we find them now, and as the -Chinese pilgrim of old found them, placed by Nature in positions -demanding a stout heart and an earnest purpose, determined to wrest -from inhospitable Nature the merit of a victorious encounter with her -worst and most detestable moods, ere we surmount them. To the pilgrim -they represented the "strait gate" and "narrow way" which ever leads -to salvation, and he accepted the horrors as a part of the sacrifice. -To us they represent troublesome breaks in the stern continuity of our -natural defences which can be made to serve no useful purpose, but -which may nevertheless afford the opportunity to an aggressive and -enterprising enemy to spy out the land and raise trouble on the -border. We cannot altogether leave them alone. They have to be watched -by the official guardians of our frontier, and all the gathered -threads of them converging on Leh or Gilgit must be held by hands that -are alert and strong. It is just as dangerous an error to regard such -approaches to India as negligible quantities in the military and -political field of Indian defence, as to take a serious view of their -practicability for purposes of invasion. - -Beyond this scattered series of rugged and elevated by-ways of the -mountains crossing the great Asiatic divide from regions of Tibet and -the Pamirs, to the west of them, we find on the edge of the unsurveyed -regions of Kafiristan that group of passages, the Mandal and Minjan, -the Nuksan and the Dorah which converge on Chitral as they pass -southward over the Hindu Kush from the rugged uplands of Badakshan. -None of these appear to have been pilgrim routes, nor does history -help us in estimating their value as gateways in the mountains. They -are practicable at certain seasons, and one of them, the Dorah, is a -much-trodden route, connecting what is probably the best road -traversing upper Badakshan from Faizabad to the Hindu Kush with the -Chitral valley, and it enjoys the comparatively moderate altitude of -about 14,500 feet above sea-level. A pass of this altitude is a pass -to be reckoned with, and nothing but its remote geographical position, -and the extreme difficulty of its approaches on either side (from -Badakshan or Chitral), can justify the curious absence of any -historical evidence proving it to have witnessed the crossing of -troops or the incursions of emigrants. For the latter purpose, indeed, -it may have served, but we know too little about the ethnography or -derivation of the Chitral valley tribes to be able to indulge in -speculation on the subject. - -What we know of the Dorah is that it is the connecting commercial link -between Badakshan and the Kunar valley during the summer months (July -to September), when mules and donkeys carry over wood and cloth goods -to be exchanged for firearms and cutlery with other produce of a more -local nature, including (so it is said) Badakshi slaves. It has been -crossed in early November in face of a bitter blizzard and piercing -cold, but it is not normally open then. The Nuksan Pass, which is not -far removed from it, is much higher (16,100 feet) and is frequently -blocked by glacial ice; but the Dorah, which steals its way through -rugged defiles from the Chitral valley over the dip in the Hindu Kush -down past the little blue lake of Dufferin into the depths of the -gorges which enclose the upper reaches of the Zebak affluent of the -great Kokcha River of Badakshan, (about which we have heard from -Wood), is the one gateway which is normally open from year to year, -and its existence renders necessary an advanced watch-tower at -Chitral. Like the Baroghel and other passes to the east of it, it is -not the Dorah itself but the extreme difficulty of the narrow ways -which lead to it, the wildness and sterility of the remote regions -which encompass it on either side, which lock this door to anything in -the shape of serious military enterprise. - -Beyond the Dorah to the westward, following the Kafiristan divide of -the Hindu Kush, we may well leave unassisted Nature to maintain her -own work of perfect defence, for there is not a track that we can -discover to exist, nor a by-way that we can hear of which passes -through that inconceivably grand and savage wilderness of untamed -mountains. Undoubtedly such tracks exist, but judging from the -remarkable physical constitution of the Kafir, they are such as to -demand an exceptional type of mountaineer to deal with them. It is -only when we work our way farther westward to those passes which lead -into the valleys of the upper Kabul River affluents, from the Khawak -Pass at the head of the Panjshir valley to the Unai which points the -way from Kabul to Bamian, that we find material for sober reflection -derived from the records of the past. - -The general characteristics of these passes have been described -already--and something of their history. We have seen that they have -been more or less open doors to India through the ages. Men literally -"in nations" have passed through them; the dynasties of India have -been changed and her destinies reshaped time after time by the -facilities of approach which they have afforded; and if the modern -conditions of things military were now what they were in the days of -Alexander or of Baber, there would be no reason why her destinies -should not once again be changed through use of them. We must remember -that they are not what they have been. How far they have been opened -up by artificial means, or which of them, besides the Nuksan and the -Chahardar, have been so improved, we have no means of knowing, but we -may take it for granted that the Public Works Department of -Afghanistan has not been idle; for we know that that department was -very closely directed by the late Amir, and that his staff of -engineers is most eminent and most practical.[13] - -The base of all this group of passes lies in Badakshan, so that the -chief characteristics as gates of India are common to all. It has been -too often pointed out to require repetition that the plains of -Balkh--all Afghan Turkistan in short--lie at the mercy of any -well-organized force which crosses the Oxus southwards; but once that -force enters the gorges and surmounts the passes of the Badakshan -ramparts a totally new set of military problems would be presented. -The narrowness and the isolation of its cultivated valleys; the vast -spaces of dreary, rugged desolation which part them; the roughness and -the altitude of the intervening ranges--in short, the passive -hostility of the uplands and their blank sterility would create the -necessity for some artificial means of importing supplies from the -plains before any formidable force could be kept alive at the front. -Modern methods point to military railways, for the ancient methods -which included the occupation of the country by well-planted military -colonies are no longer available. All military engineers nowadays -believe in a line, more or less perfect, of railway connection between -the front of a field force and its base of supply. But it would be a -long and weary, if not absolutely hopeless, task to bring a railway -across the highlands of Badakshan to the foot of the Hindu Kush from -the Oxus plains. - -We have read what Wood has to say of the routes from Kunduz southward -to Bamian and Kabul. This is the recognized trade route; the great -highway to Afghan Turkistan. Seven passes to be negotiated over as -many rough mountain divides, plunges innumerable into the deep-rifted -valleys by ways that are short and sharp, a series of physical -obstacles to be encountered, to surmount any one of which would be a -triumph of engineering enterprise. Amongst the scientific devices -which altitude renders absolutely necessary, would be a repeated -process of tunnelling. No railway yet has been carried over a sharp -divide of 10,000 or 11,000 feet altitude, subject to sudden and severe -climatic conditions, without the protection of a tunnel. As a work of -peaceful enterprise alone, this would be a line probably without a -parallel for the proportion of difficulty compared to its length in -the whole wide world. As a military enterprise, a rapid construction -for the support of a field army, it is but a childish chimera. Yet we -are writing of Badakshan's best road! - -It is true that by the Haibak route to Ghori and that ancient military -base of the Greeks, Andarab, the difficulty of the sheer physical -altitude of great passes is not encountered, and there are spaces -which might be pointed out where a light line could be engineered with -comparative facility. Even to reach thus far from the Oxus plains -would be a great advantage to a force that could spend a year or two, -like a Chinese army, in devising its route, but this comparative -facility terminates at the base of the Hindu Kush foot-hills; and it -matters not beyond that point whether the way be rough or plain, for -the wall of the mountains never drops to less than 12,500 feet, and no -railway has ever been carried in the open over such altitudes. -Tunnelling here would be found impossible, owing to the flat-backed -nature of the wide divide. With what may happen in future military -developments; whether a fleet of air-ships should in the farther -future sail over the snow-crested mountain tops and settle, replete -with all military devices in gunnery and stores, on the plains of the -Kohistan of Kabul we need hardly concern ourselves. It is at least an -eventuality of which the risk seems remote at present, and we may rest -content with the Hindu Kush barrier as a defensive line which cannot -be violated in the future as it has been in the past by any formidable -force cutting through Badakshan, without years of preparation and -forewarning. - -For any serious menace to the line of India's north-western defence we -must look farther west--much farther west--for enough has been said of -the great swelling highlands of the Firozkohi plateau, and of the -Hazara regions south of the Hari Rud sources, to indicate their -impracticable nature as the scene of military movement. It is, after -all, the highways of Herat and Seistan that form the only avenues for -military approach to the Indian frontier that are not barred by -difficulties of Nature's own providing, or commanded from the sea. -Once on these western fields we are touching on matter which has been -so worn threadbare by controversy that it might seem almost useless to -add further opinions. Historically it seems strange at first sight -that, compared with the northern approaches to which Kabul gives the -command, so very little use has been made of this open way. It was not -till the eighteenth century saw the foundation laid for the Afghan -kingdom that the more direct routes between Eastern Persia and the -Indus became alive with marching troops. The reason is, obviously, -geographical. Neither trade, nor the flag which preceded it from the -west, cared to face the dreary wastes of sand to the south of the -Helmund, backed, as they are, by the terrible band of the Sind -frontier hills full of untamed and untameable tribes, merely for the -purpose of dropping into the narrow riverain of the lower Indus, -beyond which, again, the deserts of Rajputana parted them from the -rich plains of Central India. When the Indus delta and Sind were the -objective of a military expedition, the conquerors came by way of the -sea, or by approaches within command of the sea--never from Herat. -Herat was but the gateway to Kandahar, and to Kabul in the days when -Kabul was "India." - -It was not, so far as we can tell, till Nadir Shah, after ravaging -Seistan and the rich towns of the Helmund valley, found a narrow -passage across the Sind frontier hills that any practical use was ever -made of the gates of Baluchistan. Although there are ethnological -evidences that a remnant of the Mongol hordes of Chenghis Khan settled -in those same Sind hills, there is no evidence that they crossed them -by any of the Baluch passes. It seems certain that in prehistoric -times, when the geographical conditions of Western India were -different from what they are now, Turanian peoples in tribal crowds -must have made their way into India southwards from Western Asia, but -they drifted by routes that hugged the coast-line. We have now, -however, replaced the old natural geographical conditions by an -artificial system which totally alters the strategic properties of -this part of the frontier. We have revolutionised the savage -wilderness of Baluchistan, and made highways not only from the Indus -to the Helmund, but from Central India to the Indus. The old barriers -have been broken down and new gateways thrown open. We could not help -breaking them down, if we were to have peace on our borders; but the -process has been attended with the disadvantage that it obliges us to -take anxious note of the roads through Eastern Persia and Western -Afghanistan which lead to them. - -For just about one century since the first scare arose concerning an -Indian invasion by Napoleon Bonaparte, have we been alternating -between periods of intense apprehension and of equally foolish apathy -concerning these Western Indian gateways. The rise and fall of public -apprehension might be expressed by a series of curves of curious -regularity. At present we are at the bottom of a curve, for reasons -which it is hardly necessary to enter into; but it is not an inapt -position for a calm review of the subject. There is, then, one great -highway after passing through Herat (which city is about 60 miles from -the nearest Russian military post), a highway which has been quite -sufficiently well described already, of about 360 miles in length -between Herat and Kandahar; Kandahar, again, being about 80 miles -from our frontier--say 500 miles in all; and the distinguishing -feature of this highway between Russia and India is the comparative -ease with which that great Asiatic divide which extends all the way -from the Hindu Kush to the Persian frontier (or beyond) can be crossed -on the north of Herat. There, this great central water-parting, so -formidable in its altitudes for many hundreds of miles, sinks to -insignificant levels and the comparatively gentle gradients of a -debased and disintegrated range. This divide is parted and split by -the passage of the Hari Rud River; but the passage of the river is -hill-enclosed and narrow, with many a rock-bound gorge which would not -readily lend itself to railway-making (although by no means precluding -it), so that the ridges of the divide could be better passed -elsewhere. - -We must concede that, taking it for all in all, that 500 miles of -railway gap which still yawns between the Indian and Russian systems -is an easy gap to fill up, and that it affords a road for advance -which (apart from the question of supplies) can only be regarded as an -open highway. Then there is also that other parallel road to Seistan -from the Russian Transcaspian line across the Elburz mountains (which -here represents the great divide) via Mashad--a route infinitely more -difficult, but still practicable--which leads by a longer way to the -Helmund and Kandahar. Were it not for the political considerations -arising from the respective geographical positions of these two -routes, one lying within Persian territory and the other being Afghan, -they might be regarded as practically one and the same. Neither of -them could be used (in the aggressive sense) without the occupation of -Herat, and most assuredly should circumstances arise in which either -of the two should be used (in the same aggressive sense) the other -would be utilized at the same time. - -This is, then, the chief problem of Indian defence so far as the -shutting of the gate is concerned, and there are no two ways of -dealing with it. We must have men and material sufficient in both -quantity and quality to guard these gates when open, or to close them -if we wish them shut. The question whether these western gates should -remain as they are, easily traversable, or should yield (as they must -do sooner or later) to commercial interests and admit of an iron way -to link up the Russian and Indian railway systems is really -immaterial. In the latter case they might be the more readily closed, -for such a connection would serve the purposes of a defence better -than those for offence; but in any case in order to be secure we must -be strong. - -FOOTNOTE: - -[13] Afghan Turkistan and Badakshan are now said to be connected with -Kabul by good motor roads. - - - - -INDEX - - - Abbas the Great, Shah, 494 - - Abbot, General Sir James, cited, 107-109, 119 - - Abdurrahmon, Amir, 357, 377, 419 - - Ab-i-lal river, 486 - - Abistada, Lake, 514 - - Abkhana route, 351 - - Abu Abdulla Mohammed (Al Idrisi). _See_ Idrisi - - Accadian tradition cited, 34, 73 - - Achakzai (Duranis), 212, 361, 375, 491 - - Adraskand, 229 _and n._; - river, 216 - - Aegospotami, xiii, 160, 163 - - Afghan, Armenian identification of word, 50 - - Afghan Boundary Commission. _See_ Russo-Afghan - - Afghan Turkistan: - Agricultural possibilities of, 251 - Ferrier in, 481 - Greek settlements in, 31 - Kabul, route to: - Modern improvements in, 419 _and n._, 522 _n._ - Wood's account of, 418-19 - Richness of, known to Tiglath Pilesur, 49 - Route to, by southern passes of Hindu Kush, 378 - Routes to, from Herat, 248 - Slavery in, 253 - Snakes in, 253 - Valley formations in, 253-4 - - Afghanistan: - Arab exploration of, 192 - Assyrian colonies in highlands of, 61 - Barbarity in, 78-9 - Boundary Commission. _See_ Russo-Afghan - British attitude towards, in early 19th century, 349; - Afghan attitude towards British, 337-8 - British war with (1839-40): - Conduct of, 359, 411 - Effects of, 346, 353, 392 - Geographical information acquired during, 411-12 - Remnants of British disasters in, 478 - British war with (1878-80), surveys in connection with, 397, 500 - Christie's and Pottinger's exploration of, 329 _et seq._ - Durani corner of, character of, 212 - _Ethnography of Afghanistan_ (Bellew) cited, 20, 91 - Foreign policy of, 353 - Greek names in, 21 - Helmund boundary of, 80 - Hinterland of India, viewed as, 5 - Indian land gates always held by, 22 - Language of, Persian in origin, 21 - Natural beauty of, 392 - Persia: - Colonies of, in, 61 - Intrigues of, British nervousness as to, 399-400 - War with (1837), 402 - Persian Empire including, in antiquity, 21 - Rain-storms in, 233-4 - Russian intrigues regarding, British nervousness as to, 399-400 - Russo-Afghan Boundary Commission. _See that title_ - Rulers of (Ben-i-Israel), traditions of, 49-50 - Social conditions in, past and present, 337-8, 395 - Surveying of, gaps in, 501; - important unexplored regions, 514 - - Afghanistan, Central: - Aimak tribes of, 488-9 - Broadfoot's exploration of, 412, 470 _et seq._ - Conformation of, 215 - Hazara highlands, 84-6 - Records of, scanty, 213-14 - Routes through, 220, 222-3 - Survey of (1882-3), 212, 214 - - Afghanistan, North (Baktria): - Alexander in, 88 - Altitudes of peaks and passes in, 262-3 - Assyrian estimate of, 6 - Irrigation works in, 75-6 - Kafir inhabitants of, 50 - Kyreneans in, 91 - Milesian Greeks (Brankhidai) transported to, 16, 19, 20, 31, 45, - 87, 91; - survival of Greek strain in, 354-5, 358 - Murghab river's economic value in, 246-7 - Plateau of, 258 - Route to, from Mesopotamia, 47-8, 54, 67-8, 70 - Winter climate of, 240 - - Afghanistan, South: - Christie's and Pottinger's exploration of, 329 _et seq._ - Firearms imported into, 55 - Historic monuments scarce in, 211 - - Afghans: - Burnes' estimate of, 491 - Durani. _See that title_ - European travellers' intercourse with (unofficial), 452, 457-8 - Foreigners, attitude towards, 337-8, 353, 392 - Masson's intimacy with, 346-7, 350, 352, 362-3; - his influence with, 380 - Slavery, attitude towards, 421 - - Afridi (Aprytae), 28, 31 - - Aimak tribes of Central Afghanistan, 488-9 - - Ak Robat, 446 - - Ak Robat pass, 378, 382, 421; - Wood's account of, 417 - - Ak Tepe (Khuzan), 245-6 - - Ak Zarat pass, 262 - - Akbar Khan (Afghan general), 398 - - Akcha (Akbarabad), 449 - - Akulphis, 125 - - Al Kharij, 313 - - Alakah ridge, 257 - - Alauddin (Allah-u-din), 218, 467 - - Alexander the Great: - Alexandreia (? Herat) founded by, 77 - - Alexander the Great: - Bakhi obliterated by, 31-2 - Brankhidai of Milesia exterminated by, 20 - Expedition of, to India: - Aornos episode, 106-107, 109-21 - Army, constituents of, 64-5 - Course and incidents of, 66-8, 70, 76-9, 83, 86-8, 90, 92-4, - 96, 98-100, 103-107, 111-22, 125 - Darius' flight from, 47-8, 67-8 - Geographical information possessed by, 10, 26, 29, 38, 61, 79, - 86, 147 - Greek influence of, in Indus valley less than supposed, 22 - Greeks in Afghanistan welcoming, 16, 63 - Knowledge acquired by, 60 - Mutiny beyond Indus, 46 - Nature of, 60, 65 - Recruitment from Greece during, 92 - Retreat, route of, 38, 51, 86, 145-54, 156, 161-6, 291 - Skythic tribes encountered by, 93 - Marriage of Alexander with Roxana, 92 - Philotas tortured to death by, 78 - Reverential attitude towards, still felt in India, 58-9 - - Alexandreia (Bagram, Herat), 77, 87, 93, 96, 393 - - Ali Khan, 497 - - Ali Masjid, 351 - - Aliabad, 421, 505 - - Alingar (Kao) river, 96, 99-100, 327, 358, 507, 509 - - Alishang river, 99, 356-8, 507 - - Alishang valley, Masson in, 396 - - Allard, General, 366, 455 - - Almar, 249 - - Altitude: - Abstract, mediæval ignorance of, 279 - As a factor in defence, 419 - - Amb (Embolina), 107-108, 114-15, 121 - - Ambela pass, 121 - - Amise, General, 366 - - Amritsar, 363, 367 - - Anardara, 335, 336 - - Anbar, 250-51 - - Andarab (Adraspa, Ariaspa, Zariaspa): - Alingar river, communication with, 327 - Capital of Greek colonies situated in, 511 - Fertility of, 90 - Greek settlements about, 435 - Haibak route to, 524 - Site of, 272, 427-8 - Strategic importance of, 92, 275, 277, 357 - Timur at, 355 - otherwise mentioned, 243, 272-4, 276 - - Andarab river, 268, 272, 428; - strategic importance of, 261 - - Andarab valley, 88, 90, 438, 509 - - Andkhui, 248, 439, 448 - - Anjuman, 270 - - Anjuman valley, 274, 436, 507, 509; - importance of route, 275; - unexplored, 427-8 - - Aornos, 92, 106-107, 109-21 - - Aprytae (Afridi), 28, 31 - - Arabian Sea: - Command of, necessary for safety of southern Baluchistan passes, - 140-41 - Islands in, disappearance of, 286, 288 - Phenomena of, 286-7 - - Arabic, derivatives from, 192 - - Arabii, 146, 305 - - Arabius river. _See_ Purali - - Arabs: - Ascendency of, in seventh century, 191-2 - Himyaritic, 372 - Indian invasion by, 293-4 - Indian route used by, _via_ Girishk, 209 - Makran under ascendency of, 292-5 - Methods of, mediæval and modern, 227 - Records of travel by, untrustworthiness of, 213 - Saboean, 372 - Sind under, 293, 311, 366 - - Arbela, Arbil. _See_ Erbil - - Arbela, battle of, 47, 67 - - Archa pass, 421, 505 - - Ardewan pass, 234 - - Argandi, 379 - - Arghandab river, 83, 86, 208, 224, 515 - - Arghastan river, 224 - - Argu plain, 424 - - Aria, 32, 479. _See also_ Herat - - Ariaspa. _See_ Andarab - - Arigaion, 103 - - Arimaspians, 14 - - Aristobulus cited, 151-2 - - Armail (Armabel, Karabel, Las Bela), 150, 304-307, 320; - distances to, 303-304 - - Armenia, Israelites deported to, 39, 49 - - Arnawai valley, 358 - - Arrian cited, 19-20, 51, 54, 62-3, 87, 89, 91, 103, 104, 107, 114, - 118, 119, 124, 126, 147, 148, 150, 152-3, 155, 156, 160, 165-6, - 316 - - Artakoana, 32, 77, 479. _See also_ Herat - - Artobaizanes, 68 - - Asfaka, 312, 314 - - Asfaran (? Subzawar), 229-30 - - Asmar Boundary Commission (1894), 123 - - Asoka, 129 - - Aspardeh, 250 - - Aspasians, 96, 100, 103, 104 - - Aspurkan (? Sar-i-pul), 250, 252 - - Assagetes, 114 - - Assakenians, 96, 104 - - Assakenoi, 121, 126, 129 - - Asshur (Assyrian god), 53 - - Assur-bani-pal (Sardanapalus), 52, 162-3 - - Assyria: - Afghan colonies of, 61 - Buildings in, nature of, 40-43 - Israelite serfs in, 39 - - Assyrian Empire, Second: - Afghanistan as viewed by, 6 - Art of, 7, 52-4 - Babylonian overthrow of, 52 - Golden age of, 51-3 - Influence of, in India, 70 - Israelites deported by, 16, 39, 44, 49, 61 - Naval fight of, first, 52 - Satrapies, institution of, 44 - - Astarab stream and route to Bamian, 252-4; - valley, 266 - - Astarabad, 225 - - Astola I. (Haftala), 160 - - Attok, Carpatyra probably near, 29 - - Auca (Obeh), 225 - - Auckland, Lord, 405, 409 - - Avitabile, 367 - - Azdha of Bamian, 380 - - Azdha of Besud, 380 - - - Babar (Baba) pass, 234, 236, 481 - - Baber, Emperor, cited, 133, 358; - estimate of, 326-7 - - Babylon: - Antiquities of, 73 - Assyria overthrown by, 52 - Barrenness of country round, 41 - - Badakshan: - Alexander in, 93 - Antiquarian treasures in, 511 - Balkh-Pamirs route across, 177-8 - British knowledge of, only recent, 345 - Climate of, 422 - Dorah route from, to Kunar valley, 520 - Exploration of, by Indian surveyors, 268-9 - Geographical knowledge of uplands of, defective, 501, 503, 510 - Greek settlements and remains in, 20, 31, 423 - Kabul, modern all-the-year-round route to, 275-6, 419 _n._, - 522 _n._ - Kafirs anciently in, 132 - Lord's and Wood's mission to, 402 - Moorcroft's journey to, 444 - Railway across uplands to, impracticability of, 523 - Routes to, compared, 414 - Wood's views on, 436-7 - - Badakshan (town) (? Jirm), 273-5 - - Badakshani transported by Murad Beg, 432, 505 - - Badghis, 235, 236, 237 - - Bado river, 338-9 - - Baghdad: - Masson at, 368 - Railway from, _via_ Hamadan and Kum, question as to, 322 - - Baghlan, 90, 261, 421, 505, 511; - Greek settlements about, 435 - - Baghlan river, 434; - valley, 437 - - Baghnein, 206-208 - - Bagisara (? Damizar), 158 - - Bagnarghar, 282-3 - - Bagram (Alexandreia), 77, 87, 93, 96, 393 - - Bahawalpur, 349, 364 - - Bahrein Is., 56 - - Bahu Kalat (Fahalfahra), 312-14 - - Bahu valley, 165 - - Baio peak, 120-21 - - Bajaor, 103 - - Bajaur, 128 - - Bajgah, 261, 384 - - Bajgah (Parwan, Sar Alang) pass, 414 - - Bajitan (Najitan), 225 - - Bakhi, 31-32 - - Bakhtyari, 32 - - Bakkak pass, 256, 262 - - Baktra. _See_ Balkh - - Baktria. _See_ Badakshan - - Bakwa plain, 493 - - Bala Murghab, 237, 240, 247, 481 - - Balangur (Bala Angur), 251 - - Balkh: - Antiquity of, 7, 71, 73 - Approach to, by Akcha road, 72, 73 - Buddhism at, 263, 502-503 - Coins and relics at, 459 - Ferrier's account of, 482 - Importance of, in antiquity, 88 - Khotan, distance from, 177 - Modern, 71-4 - Moorcroft at, 446, 449 - Persian satrapy including, 31 - Routes to, from: - Bamian, 267-8 - Bokhara, 278 - Herat, 239-40, 247-8 - Kabul, 272-3 - Khotan, 277, 278-9 - Merv, 249-50 - Punjab, 177 - Southward, 257 - - Balkh Ab river, 215 - - Balkh Ab valley, 252, 255, 257; - route to Kabul, 259-60 - - Balkh plains: - Antiquarian interest of, 88, 511 - Extent and character of, 74 - Mapping of, 501 - Rivers of, 75 - Waterway ruins of, 76 - - Balkh (Band-i-Amir) river: - Course of, 257-8 - Lakes and aqueducts of, 256 - Sarikoh, junction with, 267 - Scenery of, 262-3 - Source of, 84 - - Baluch Confederation: - Kaiani Maliks at head of, 37 - Lawlessness of, 334 - - Baluchistan: - Arab exploration of, 192 - Desert of, 82 - Exploration of, modern, 194; - by Christie and Pottinger, 329 _et seq._ - Firearms imported into, 55 - Frontier of, the Gomul, 137 - Hinterland of India, viewed as, 5 - Hot winds of, 341 - Language of, Persian in origin, 21 - Lasonoi emigration to, 30 - Makran. _See that title_ - Mediæval geography regarding, 200 - Mongol invasion of India through, 526 - Natural features and conditions of, 32-3, 47, 373 - Persian Empire including, 21 - Political intrigue in, 409 - Southern passes from, into India commanded from the sea, 140-41 - Surveying of, 501 - - Baluchistan, East: - Inhabitants of, character of, 373-4 - Masson's travels in, 369 - - Baluchistan, South: - Brahui of, 34 - Configuration of, 48 - - Baluchs, Masson's intimacy with, 374 - - Bam, 323 - - Bamain, 213-14 - - Bam-i-dunya. _See_ Pamirs - - Bamian: - Buddhist relics at, 177, 263, 265-6, 381, 446 - Founding of kingdom of, 218 - Importance of, in Middle Ages, 205, 261-2, 267 - Masson in, 378-86 - Route through, importance of, 438 - Routes to, from: - Balkh, 267-8 - Ghur, 224 - Kabul (open in winter), 385-6 - Oxus plains, 257 - Sar-i-pul, 252 - - Bamian (Unai) pass, 87, 221 - - Bamian river, 260, 388 - - Bamian valley: - Description of, 263, 265-6 - Importance of, 437-8 - - Bampur: - Alexander at, 165, 166, 316 - Mountain conformation of, 323 - Pottinger at, 342 - - Bampusht Koh mountains, 313 - - Band (Binth), 311-12, 314 - - Band-i-Amir mountains, 257 - - Band-i-Amir river. _See_ Balkh river - - Band-i-Baian (Siah Koh, Sufed Koh) mountains, 84, 215, 486, 487 - - Band-i-Nadir, 245 - - Band-i-Turkistan, 239, 249, 250, 484 - - Banj mountain, 184, 185 - - Banjohir (Panjshir), 276-7 - - Bannu, 512 - - Baraki, 91 - - Barbarra (? Mabara), 434 - - Barna, Badara (Gwadur), 159 - - Barnes, Sir Hugh, 374 _and n._ - - Baroghel pass, 517, 521 - - Barohi, meaning of term, 34, 163. _See also_ Brahuis - - Bashgol valley, 426 - - Bashkird mountains, 200 - - Basrah, 368 - - _Bassarika_ cited, 62 - - Bast, 236 - - Bazar (ancient) (Rustam, Bazira, Bazireh), 106, 113, 114 - - Bazar (modern) (? Ora), 106 - - Bean, Captain, 406-407 - - Begram, site of ancient city at, 393; - Cufic coins at, 394 - - Behistan inscriptions cited, 30 - - Behvana (Jirena), 245 - - Bela (in Baluchistan), 331 - - Bela. _See_ Las Bela - - Belchirag, 251, 255, 484 - - Bellew cited, 32, 35, 163-4; - his _Ethnography of Afghanistan_ cited, 20, 91; - his _Inquiry_ cited, 21 - - Belous (Bolous), 200 - - Ben-i-Israel, traditions of, 49-50, 378 - - Benjawai, 207, 208, 210 - - Bentinck, Lord Wm., 344 - - Berwan lake, 282 - - Bessos (later Artaxerxes), 47, 68, 76, 88, 90 - - Besud route to the Helmund, 262 - - Besud territory, 378, 380-81 - - Bih (Geh), 311-12, 314 - - Binadur, 493 - - Binth (Band), 311-12, 314 - - Birdwood, Sir Geo., cited, 53 - - Birmal hills, 513 - - Birs Nimrud, 41, 43, 71 - - Bist (Kala Bist), 204, 207, 208 - - Bitchilik pass, 387 - - Blood, Sir Bindon, cited, 120 - - Bodh, 372 - - Bokhara (Sogdiæ): - Alexander's success in, 92 - Balkh under chief of, 459 - Kabul and Bamian, main route from, 389 - Khulm and Balkh route from, 278 - Modern popularity of, 395 - Moorcroft's journey to, 444 - - Bolan (Mashkaf) pass, 139, 362 - - Bolar, kingdom of, 327 - - Boledi, 36-7 - - Bolor, Kafiristan part of, 269 - - Bolous (Belous), 200 - - Bombay N.I., geographical record of, 454 - - Boodhi, 483-4 - - Botm, 282 _and n._ - - Bouchinj (Zindajan), 479 - - Bousik (Boushinj, Pousheng), 231, 234, 237 - - Brahmi script cited, 171 - - Brahuis (Barohis): - Baluchistan, in, 331 - Masson's estimate of, 374 - Mingals, 142, 306 - Revolt of, at Kalat, 406 - Sakæ, 163-4 - Stock of, 34 - Traditions of, 142 - - Brankhidai of Milesia, 20, 91 - - Brick buildings of antiquity, 42-3 - - Broadfoot, Lieut. J. S., 513; - travels of, in Central Afghanistan, 412, 470 _et seq._; - estimate of, 471 - - Bubulak, 387 - - Buddhism: - Balkh, at, in antiquity, 72, 263, 502-503 - Bamian, relics in, 263-6, 381, 446 - Building age of, a later development, 170 - Haibak, at, 264-5, 511 - Jalalabad, relics at, 352 - Kashmir, in, 179-80 - Nava Sanghârâma, 178 - Ritual of, 174-6, 181-2 - Sind, ruins in, 372 - Swat, in, 129 - Takla Makan, in the, 283 - - _Buddhist Records of the Western World_, quoted, 175-6 - - Buddhiya kingdom, 305-306 - - Budu river, 341 - - Bunbury cited, 31 - - Buner river, 108, 120-21 - - Buner valley, Blood's expedition to, 120 - - Bushire, 348 - - Burhan, Lake, 283 - - Burnes, Sir Alexander, Indus navigation by, 368, 454; - at court of Ranjit Singh, 455-7; - mission of, to Kabul (1832), 344, 376; - to Kunduz, 378; - _Travels in Bokhara_ quoted, 455, 491; - date of publication, 344, 351; - commercial mission of, to Kabul (1837), 398-401, 404-405; - work of, 440-41; - estimate of, 453, 461 - - Burzil pass, 182 - - - Candace, 479 - - Canouj, 273 - - Cariat (Kariut), 210 - - Carpatyra, 28-9 - - Cavalry on frontier expeditions, 117 - - Celadon ware, 82-3, 197, 300 - - Chach of Sind, 303, 306 - - Chachnama of Sind cited, 305 - - Chagai, 335 - - Chagan Sarai, 130 - - Chahar Aimak, 212, 214, 481 - - Chaharburjak, 81 - - Chahardar (Chapdara) pass, 261, 415, 419, 522 - Height of, 357 - Military road over, 277 - - Chaharshamba river and route to Balkh from Herat, 242, 248 - - Chahil Abdal (Chalapdalan) mountain, 223, 486, 488 - - Chahilburj, 257, 267 - - Chahiltan heights, 370-71 - - Chakesar ford, 121 - - Chakhansur, 497 - - Chalapdalan (Chahil Abdal) mountain, 223, 486, 488 - - Chandragupta (Sandrakottos), 129 - - Chapdara pass. _See_ Chahardar - - Charbar, 299 - - Chardeh plain, 379 - - Charikar: - Military road from, over Chapdara pass, 277 - Strategical position of, 357 - - Charsadda, 114 - - Chashma Sabz pass, 234, 235 - - Chenghiz Khan, 72, 85, 142, 193, 194, 218, 267, 376, 526 - - Cherchen, 174 - - China, Buddhist pilgrimage routes from, 169 _et seq._, 502, 518 - - Chinese Turkistan: - Buddhist occupation of, 280 - Conditions of life in, in antiquity, 171, 172 - Tibet, included in, 283 - - Chiras, 252 - - Chitral, passes converging on, 426-7, 519 - - Chitral river. _See_ Kunar river - - Chitral valley: - Accessibility of, 517 - Dorah route to, 519-20 - - Choaspes. _See_ Kunar - - Chol country, 236, 238, 246, 247, 258 - - Christians: - Armenian, in Kabul, 377 - Merv, at, 241 - Sakah, at, 229 - - Christie, Captain, 329 _et seq._ - - Chumla river, 108; - valley, 121 - - Climate as affecting race distribution, 8, 46 - - Conolly, Lieut., 390 - - Cophæus, 114 - - Court, M., 455, 457 - - Crockery debris, 82, 197 - - Cufic coins, 394 - - Cunningham, General, cited, 106, 148 - - Curtius, Quintus, cited, 107, 122, 148-9, 221, 459 - - Cyrus, King of Persia, 79, 147 - - - Dadar, 362 - - Dahuk (? Dashtak), 304 - - Dames, Longworth, cited, 201 - - Damizar (? Bagisara), 158 - - Dand, 472 - - Dandan Shikan pass, 260, 384, 421; - Wood's account of, 418 - - Daolatabad, 249 - - Daolatyar, 221, 223-4, 256, 486 - - Daraim valley, 424 - - Darak (Dizak), 311-14 - - Darak Yamuna (Yakmina), 317 - - Dards, 31 - - Darel (To-li), 179, 182-3 - - Darel stream, 183-4 - - Darius, flight of, from Alexander, 47, 67; - death of, 70 - - Darius Hystaspes, transportation of Greeks by, 16, 19, 20, 31, 45, - 87, 91 - - Darra Yusuf river, 257, 200 - - Darwaz mountains, 432-3 - - Darya-i-Zarah (Gaod-i-Zireh), 204 - - Dasht river, 165 - - Dasht-i-bedoulat plain, 362, 370 - - Dasht-i-Lut, 323 - - Dasht-i-Margo desert, 81, 495 - - Dawar (Zamindawar), 83, 205-206, 223, 491 - - Deane, Major Sir H., cited, 129 - - Debal, 293, 301, 303, 307, 308, 310 - - Deh Dadi, 257 - - Dehao (? Dehi), 483 - - Dehertan (? Dahertan), 236, 237 - - Dehgans, 269 - - Dehi (? Dehao), 483 - - _Delight of those who seek to wander through the Regions of the - World, The_ (Idrisi), cited, 199 _et seq._ - - Dendalkan, 245, 246 - - Dera Ismail Khan, 463 - - Derah, 245 - - Derak (Dizek), 244 - - Dereh Mustapha Khan (Deria-dereh), 487 - - Derenbrosa, I., 159 - - Derthel, 206-208, 210 - - Deserts as barriers, 7-9 - - Dev Hissar fortress, 484-5 - - Dev Kala, 89, 92 - - Dihsai (Dshara), 465-6 - - Diodoros cited, 107 - - _Dionysiaka_ cited, 62 - - Dir valley, 129 - - Dizak (Darak), 311-14 - - Dizek (Derak), 244 - - Djil, 273 - - Doctors as travellers, 463 - - Domai (Manora), I., 154 - - Domandi, 464, 513 - - Dorah pass, 508-509; - nature and importance of, 426-7, 519-21 - - Dorak (? Dizek), 245 - - Dosh, 261 - - Doshak. _See_ Jalalabad - - Doshak range, 233 - - Dost Mahomed Khan, 344, 353, 359, 390, 403, 444, 462, 490; - operations by, against Sikhs, 397-8; - methods and estimate of, 360 - - Drangia. _See_ Seistan - - Dravidian Brahuis, 306 - - Dravidian races entering India, 142-4 - - Dshara (Dihsai), 465-6 - - Dufferin lake, 520 - - Durand, 471 - - Durani Afghans: - Districts inhabited by, 212 - Herat under occupation of, 348 - Shikarpur, at, 363 - Truculence of, 212, 490 - Zarangai alleged to be recognisable as, 33-4 - - Duvanah valley, 424 - - Dwa Gomul river, 475 - - - Eastward migrations, 6, 7, 9, 45, 49 - - Ecbatana: - Darius' flight to, 47-8, 67 - Route, direct, to India from, 51 - - Egypt, buildings in, 40 - - Elam, 163 - - Elburz mountains: - Alexander's passage of, 74, 76, 258 - Rivers of, 75 - Road across, 528 - mentioned, 74, 257 - - Elliott, Sir H., cited, 302, 304, 305; - quoted, 313 - - Embolina (Amb), 107-108, 114-15, 121 - - Erbil (Arbil): - Battle of Arbela at, 47 - Route from, to Hamadan, 48 - - Ersari Turkmans, 251, 459-60 - - Esar Haddon, King of Assyria, 52 - - Ethiopians, Asiatic, problem regarding, 34-6, 163 - - Euxine (Black Sea): - Milesian colonies S. and W. of, 18 - Skythic nomads N. of, 14, 19 - - Explorations of Indian trans-frontier, recentness of, 1, 17, 32, - 60, 345 - - - Fa Hian, 170, 172, 178, 180, 181, 184-5; - quoted, 174-6, 179, 183 - - Fahalfahra (Bahu Kalat), 312-14 - - Fahraj (Pahrag, Pahra, Pahura), 315, 317; - two places so named, 316 - - Faizabad: - Dorah route from, 519 - Situation of, 273-4, 425 - Wood's account and estimate of, 422, 425 - Zebak, route from, 511 - mentioned, 279, 506 - - Farah (Prophthasia): - Alexander the Great at, 78 - Antiquity of, 7 - Ferrier at, 493-4 - Herat, route from, 230-34 - Situation of, 7 - - Farah Rud river, 204, 216, 221, 336, 488, 494 - - Farajghan, 356 - - Fardan (? Bampur or Pahra), 315-17 - - Farsi, 223 - - Fazilpur, 365 - - Fazl Hag, 458 - - Ferengal, lead mines at, 416 - - Ferghana, 282 - - Ferrier, M., career of, 477; - at Herat, 477-8; - journey across Firozkohi plateau, 476, 478, 484; - route to Ghur, 485-7; - imprisonments of, 491-3; - at Farah, 493-4; - in Seistan, 496-7; - back to Herat, 498; - methods of, 346; - estimate of, 476, 480, 498; - cited, 214, 231, 335, 516; - _Caravan Journeys_ cited, 497 - - Ferrying by ponies, 89-90, 449, 460-61 - - Feruk (Feruckabad), 449 - - Firabuz (Kanazbun), 302-303; - distances from, 304, 313, 317 - - Firozand, 207 - - Firozkohi (mediæval capital of Ghur), 219 - - Firozkohi plateau: - Ferrier's journey across, 476, 478, 484; - route to Ghur, 485-7 - Impracticability of, for military operations, 525 - Outlook from, 266 - mentioned, 247, 258 - - Firozkohis: - District of, 84, 214, 217, 219, 253 - Origin of, 481 - - Foosheng, 231 - - Forbes, Dr., murder of, 497 - - Forrest's _Selections from Travels and Journals preserved in the - Bombay Secretariat_ quoted, 348, _and n._ - - - Gadrosia. _See_ Makran - - Gadrosii, 146, 151 - - Gaduns, 111 - - Gadurs, 35 - - Galjin, 497 - - Gandhara (Upper Punjab), 99, 179, 185 - - Gandava (Sind), 305 - - Gaod-i-Zireh (Darya-i-Zarah), 204 - - Gardandiwal, 260, 379, 388 - - Gauraians, 96 - - Gauraios river. _See_ Panjkora - - Gawargar, 267 - - Gazban (Karbis), 159 - - Gazdarra pass, 465, 472 - - Geh (Bih), 311-12, 314 - - Geography: - Ancient records of, absence of, 14-16, 18, 29 - Distances, difficulties of estimating, by "a day's journey," 298 - Influence of, on migratory movements, 9, 45-6; - on history, 214 - Makran, of, 295 _et seq._ - Official _v._ unofficial, 332, 345 - Persian, extent and accuracy of, 17, 25-6, 29, 31 - Recent advances in, 1, 17, 32, 60 - - Gerard, Dr., 376, 395 - - Germany, firearms from, imported to Persia, Seistan, etc., 55 - - Gharan, 429 - - Gharo river, 153 - - Ghazni (region): - Raids from, 136 - Vigne's exploration of, 462, 465 - - Ghazni river, 468 - - Ghazni (town): - Alauddin's sack of, 218 - Desolation of, 210-11, 376 - Kandahar, route to, 512 - Masson at, 359-60 - Vigne at, 467 - - Ghaznigak, 261 - - Ghilzais (Khilkhis): - Districts of, 375-6 - Importance of, 206, 212 - Suliman Khel. _See that title_ - - Ghizao, 515 - - Ghorband drainage system, 468 - - Ghorband river, 413 - - Ghorband valley: - Beauty of, 97 - Easy pass to, 260, 261, 387 - Lead mines in, 416 - Military road up, 277 - - Ghori, 524 - - Ghoweh Kol (? Pai Kol), 380 - - Ghulam Khana, 385 - - Ghur: - Ferrier at, 478 - Ghazni to, no direct route from, 220 - - Ghur, kingdom of: - Description and history of, in mediæval times, 205, 211-13, - 217-19 - Routes through, in mediæval times, 220-24 - - Ghur river, 204, 221, 488 - - Ghur valley, 221-2 - - Ghurian (Koure), 231-2 - - Giaban headland, 159 - - Gichki, 37 - - Gilgit basin, 517; - river, 182 - - Girishk: - Ferrier's imprisonment at, 491-3 - Ford at, 204, 206-10 - Kandahar route by, 490 - Ruins at, 492 - - Gish (war god), 131 - - Glass, Arabic, 300 - - Gobi desert, 171 - - Goës, Benedict, 327-8 - - Goldsmid, General Sir F., 299 - - Gomul river, 136, 464, 473-4 - - Gomul route from the Indus to Ghazni, Vigne's exploration of, 462, - 512, 513 - - Gondakahar (Gandakahar, Gondekehar) caves, 305, 306, 320 - - Gondrani caves, 305, 306 - - Granikos river, 66 - - Great Britain: - Afghan attitude towards, 337-8; - British attitude towards Afghanistan in early nineteenth - century, 349 - Afghan war (1839-40). _See_ Afghanistan, British war with - Afghan war (1878-80), surveys in connection with, 397, 500 - Sixteenth century, condition of England in, 2 - - Greeks: - Baghlan and Andarab, settlements about, 435 - Baktria, deportation to, 87, 91; - survival of strain in, 354-5, 358, 423 - Dionysian, migration of, to Indian frontier, 16, 19, 62-3, - 124-5, 358, 423 - Indian art, influence on, 59-60 - Kyrenean, in Baktria, 91 - Milesian. _See that title_ - Persian Empire, relations with, 20-21, 36, 61 - Women of, as influencing language in Indus valley, 22 - - Grierson, Dr., cited, 132 - - Gulgula citadel, 381, 386 - - Gulkatz, 473 - - Gulkoh mountain, 515 - - Gulran (? Kilrin), 235 - - Gurkhas in Nepal, 188 - - Guzwan (? Gurkan, Juzjan, Jurkan, Jirghan), 250, 251, 255 - - Gwadur (Barna, Badara), 159, 299 - - Gwalian (Walian) pass, 414 - - - Habibullah, 444 - - Haftala (Astola, Hashtala, Nuhsala, Nosala) Island, 161, 286 - - Haibak (Semenjan): - Andarab, distance from, 272; - route to, 524 - Buddhist remains at, 177, 264-5, 511 - Description of, 271 - Moorcroft at, 446 - mentioned, 261, 482 - - Haidar, cited, 186, 327 - - Haidarabad, 399 - - Haig, General, 27; - cited, 309-10; - _Indus Delta Country_ by, cited, 145, 153 - - Haji Khan, 378-87, 417 - - Hajigak pass, 260, 420, 446; - Masson's account of, 388; - Wood's account of, 417 - - Hajjaj, 292 - - Hala pass, 150 - - Hamadan, 322; - telegraph route from, to Teheran, 48 - - Harat Rud, 498 - - Hari Rud river: - Course of, 528 - Herat-Kabul route by, 248, 256, 262 - Pul-i-Malun across, 229 _n._, 230 - Source of, 84, 256 - - Hari Rud valley, 215, 485-6, 528 - - Hariana, 276-7 - - Harnai pass, 139 - - Hazaras: - Characteristics of, 216, 481 - Country of, nature of, 84-6, 214, 221, 516; - British interest in, merely academic, 514 - Forced labour of, 380-81 - Haji Khan's treachery against, 384 - Kidnapping of, by Taimanis, 253 - Masson's relations with, 387-8 - Slave-gangs of, 421 - Trading of, 252 - Women of, Ferrier's account of, 485 - Yezdambaksh, under, 378-9 - - Hazart Ghaos, 371 - - Hazrat Baba Kamur, 505 - - Hazrat Imam, 432-3, 504, 505, 506 - - Hedin, Sven, 170 - - Helawerd, 274 - - Helmund basin, 201; - central unexplored, 512 - - Helmund river (Etymander): - Course of: - Description of, 81-2, 83-4, 379 - Variations in, 79-80, 202 - Crossing-places on, 204-10, 380 - Detritus borne by, 81 - Indus, route to, 527 - Northern branches of, unexplored, 515 - Ruins bordering, 492 - Unexplored portion of, 512, 515 - - Helmund valley: - Antiquarian treasures in, 496 - Description of, 79 _et seq._ - Nadir Shah in, 526 - Pottery débris in, 197 - Survey of, thoroughness of, 207 - - Hephæstion, 94, 95, 99, 150, 151 - - Herat (Aria): - Ancient cities on or near site of, 77 - Balkh, routes to, 239-40, 247-8 - Capital of Ghur in mediæval times, 219 - Christie at, 336-7 - Commerce of, during Arab supremacy, 225 - Defence of, against the Persians (1837), 402 - Description of, by Idrisi, 228 - Durani occupation of, 348 - Farah, route to, 230-34 - Ferrier at, 477; - his views as to, 479 - India, military route to, 525-6 - Kabul, route to, by Hari Rud, 248, 256, 262; - other routes, 257 - Kandahar, direct route to, 490, 525-8 - Mosalla, 228 - Panjdeh and Merv, route to, 236 - Persian satrapy including, 32 - Persian siege of, 477 - Tributary to Ghur in mediæval times, 218 - - Herat valley, 202, 205, 211-12, 217; - route from, to India, 209; - trees in, 237 - - Herodotus cited, 17, 25, 26, 30, 31, 33-4, 56, 163 - - Hicks, 469 - - Hindu Koh range, 182 - - Hindu Kush mountains: - Direction of, 4 - Geographical knowledge of, defective, 508-9 - Passes over, 274, 327, 328, 357, 378, 381-2, 387, 413-15, - 426-7, 434-5, 507, 517, 519-25 - Andarab in relation to, 275, 277 - Command of, 261 - Masson's account of, 388 - Mediæval use of, 277 - Wood's account of, 417-18 - Snow line of, on north and south sides, 415 - - Hinglaz mountain and shrine, 162-3 - - Hingol river, 291; - Alexander at, on the retreat, 151, 157, 161-3, 166 - - History, unimportance of, to the ancients, 11, 25 - - Hiuen Tsiang cited, 178 - - Honigberger, M., 394-5, 462, 468 - - Hormuz, 200 - - Housab, 225 - - Huc, Abbé, cited, 439, 440 - - Huec Sheng, 184 - - Huen Tsang cited, 262, 279 - - Huntington, Ellsworthy, cited, 8, 278 - - Hunza (Kunjut), 180-81 - - Hupian, 394 - - Hyperboreans, 14, 19 - - - Ibn Batuta cited, 210 - - Ibn Haukel of Baghdad cited, 203, 217, 228-31, 236, 237, 243, - 251, 255, 295, 303; - _Ashkalu l' Bilad_ of, quoted, 304, 308-309; - map of Makran by, cited, 297-8, 307, 312, 313 - - Ichthyophagi, 160, 318 - - Idrisi (Abu Abdulla Mohammed) cited,199 _et seq._, 301-304, - 307-309, 312, 313, 315-17, 427-8, 434, 446; - quoted, 303, 314, 316-17 - - Ilchi (Khotan), 172 - - _Iliad_ cited, 12 - - Imám Sharif, 222 - - India (_for particular districts, rivers, etc., see their names_): - Aboriginal inhabitants of, 157 - Afghanistan: - Commercial treaty with, attempted, 397; - Burnes' mission, 398-401, 404-5 - Land gates of India always in possession of, 22 - Arab invasion of, by land and sea, 287 - Art of: - Assyrian influence on, 7, 52-4 - Greek influence on, 6, 22, 59-60, 129 - Syrian and Armenian influence on, 6 - Aryan influx to, 61 - Assyrian influence in, 70; - on art, 7, 52-4 - Bombay N.I., record of, 454 - Defences of, natural: - North and north-east frontier, on, 3 - South frontier, on--ridge and valley formation, 140; - Indus to Punjab desert, 7, 143-4, 226, 526 - Dravidian races entering, 142-4, 158 - Gold-fields of, 51 - Government of: - Characteristics of, 408-10 - Masson's criticisms of, 408, 409 - Greek impression left on, slightness of, 59 - History of, ancient, non-existent, 11 - Makran route to. _See under subheading_ Routes - N.W. barrier of, true situation of, 5 - Population of, not indigenous, 49 - Railway systems of, 324 - Rajput families of, 7 - Routes to: - Makran route: - Arab supremacy, under, 226, 294, 311 - Importance of, in antiquity, 167-8 - Modern ignorance regarding, 141; - modern possibilities as to, 319-24 - Northern, from Mongolia, 169 _et seq._, 186 _et seq._ - Persian, 311, 319, 321-4 - Sea-routes to N.W. in antiquity, 55 - Russian designs as to, question of, 319-20 - Trade of: - Persian, 21 - Syrian and Phoenician, 13, 45 - Wealth of, 295 - Turanian races in, 157-8 - - Indian Survey, 183 - - Indus river (Sintu ho): - Boundary of early exploration, 7 - Burnes' flotilla on, 454 - Course of, variations in, 26-7, 296 - Delta of, area of, 27 - Desert flanking, 143-4, 226, 526 - Gharo, creek of, 153 - Gorge of, below the Darel, 183-4 - Haig's _Indus Delta Country_ cited, 145, 153 - Navigability of, near Baio, 121 - Opening of, to commercial navigation, Burnes' mission regarding - (1837), 399 - Rann of Katch, estuary of, in antiquity, 144 - Routes from, to Helmund river and Central India, 527 - Voyage down, by Scylax, 26-8 - - Indus valley: - Climate of, 46; - fog, 85-6 - Greek and Arabic remains in, 364; - Greek language and its disappearance, 21, 59 - Inscriptions, undecipherable, found in, 129-30 - Mahomedan supremacy in, 293 - Pathans in, ancient settlement of, 28 - Persian satrapy including large part of, 31 - Routes to, through Makran, 141. _See also under_ India--Routes - Vegetation in, in antiquity, 121-2 - - Inscriptions on stone slabs, 129-30; - on bricks, 494, 496, 499 - - Irak, 292; - valley, 387; - stream, 388; - pass, 417 - - Irrigation in Afghanistan, 75-6, 475 - - Ishak Khan, 261 - - Ishkashm, 429 - - Islam. _See_ Mahomedanism - - Ispahan: - Railway from, question as to, 319, 321-2 - Telegraph route from, to Panjgur, 322 - - Ispahak pass, Wood's description of, 417 - - Israelites: - Assyrian deportation of, 16, 39, 44, 49, 61 - Disappearance of, as a nation, 40 - - Issyk Kul lake, 173 - - Istakhri of Persepolis cited, 295, 302, 303, 307, 308, 312 - - - Jabar Khan, 462, 469 - - Jacobabad, 139 - - Jacquet, Eugene, 395 - - Jadran hills, 513 - - Jadwa, 236 - - Jagdallak defile, 95 - - Jahanabad, 497 - - Jhal, 371 - - Jalalabad (Doshak), 335, 497; - Buddhist relics near, 177, 352 - - Jalawan Brahuis, 164 - - Jalk, 335 - - Jam Kala, 222 - - Jamrud, 398 - - Jamshidis, 214, 216, 481 - - Jaor, 486 - - Jats, Jatas, 293, 501 - - Jawani, 336 - - Jebel al Ghur, 217 - - Jerkere, 231 - - Jews (Yahudi): - Afghan hatred of, 50, 377 - Balkh, at, 71 - Sar-i-pul, at, 252 - Transportations of, 44 - Yahudia, at 251, 255 - - Jihun. _See_ Oxus. - - Jil district, 278 - - Jilgu river, 475 - - Jirena (Behvana), 245 - - Jirghan (? Jurkan, Gurkan, Juzjan, Guzwan), 250, 251, 255; - range, 249 - - Jirift, 201 - - Jirm (? Badakshan), 270, 506 - Position and importance of, 270, 274-5 - Wood's estimate of, 422, 425-6 - - Joubert's translation of Idrisi cited. _See_ Idrisi - - _Journal of the Royal Society of Arts_ cited, 146 - - Junasdara pass, 424-5 - - Jurkan (Gurkan, Juzjan, ?Guzwan or Jirghan), 250, 251, 255; - range, 249 - - Jutes, 61 - - - Kabadian, 278 - - Kabul: - Arab expedition against, 292 - Burnes' mission to (1832), 344, 376; - his commercial mission to (1837-8), 392, 398-401, 404-405 - Hicks' tomb at, 469 - Masson British agent in, 397; - his account of, 376-7 - Mediæval estimate of, as "Indian" town, 211, 219, 226, 262; - mediæval description quoted, 211 - Modern conditions in, social and material, 377 - Moorcroft's journey to, 444 - Routes to and from: - Afghan Turkistan, Wood's account of route to, 418-19; - modern improvements in, 419 _and n._, 522 _n._ - Andarab, Khafila road to, 88 - Badakshan, all-the-year-round route to, 275-6, 419 _n._ - Balkh, Frontier Commission's route from, 272-3 - Bamian, route to, open in winter, 385-6 - Bokhara and Bamian, main route to, 389 - Herat, route from, by Hari Rud, 248, 256, 262; - other routes, 257 - Kunduz, 416, 523 - Mazar and Band-i-Amir, by, 259-261 - Peshawar _via_ Kuram valley and Peiwar pass, 135 - Punjab, route from: - Buddhist character of, 177 - Kunar, Laghman and Lundai valleys, by, 101 - Sar-i-pul, from, 252 - Vigne at, 468-9 - - Kabul province, India in Middle Ages, 277 - - Kabul (Kophen, Nahrwara) river: - Alexander's probable course along, 100 - Source of, 84 - mentioned, 96, 276 - - Kabul river basin (Ki-pin), 96, 176, 215 - - Kabulis, 492 - - Kach (Kaj), meaning of term, 35 - - Kach Gandava, 305-306 - - Kafir wine, 133-4 - - Kafiristan: - Homogeneity of natives of, 508 - Inhabitants of, 96, 269 - Ivy and vine in, 124 - Timur's invasion of, 327, 355-6 - Unexplored wildness of, 269-70 - - Kafirs in Afghanistan: - Badakshan, in, 437 - Ignorance regarding, 269-70 - Kunar valley, in, 102-103; - two Kafirs of Kamdesh, 131-2 - Siahposh. _See that title_ - - _Kafirs of the Hindu Kush, The_ (Robertson), cited, 510 - - Kafzur (Hajigak) pass, 417 - - Kah, 267, 268 - - Kaiani of Seistan, 34 - - Kaiani kingdom, ruins of, 82 - - Kaiani Maliks, 37, 208 - - Kaibar river, 232 - - Kaisan (Kasan) river, 272 - - Kaisar drainage, 248-9 - - Kala Bist, 204, 207, 208 - - Kala Sarkari, 260 - - Kala Sarwan, 206-208 - - Kala Shahar, 251, 255 - - Kala-i-Fath, 355, 496, 497 - - Kalagan, 342 - - Kalah, ruins of, 42 - - Kalama (Khor Khalmat), 158 - - Kalapani river, 106 - - Kalat, 323 - British expedition to, 406 - Christie and Pottinger at, 332 - Masson at, 370-71 - Strategic position of, 138-9 - - Kalat-i-Ghilzai (Khilkh), 206, 210 - - Kalatak, 301 - - Kalawun, 236, 238 - - Kalloo (Panjpilan) pass, 417 - - Kalu, 388 - - Kalwan (? Kolwah), 304 - - Kaman-i-Bihist, 232, 236 - - Kamard, Tajik chief of, 383, 384, 421 - - Kamard valley, 260, 261, 437 - - Kambali (? Khairokot), 150, 307-308 - - Kamdesh, 131 - - Kamran, Shah, 403 - - Kanazbun (Firabuz), 302-303; - distances from, 304, 313, 317 - - Kandabel, 305 - - Kandahar: - Flank march on, possibility of, 204-5 - Indian frontier, distance from, 528 - Kabul compared with, in matter of tolerance, 377 - Leech's mission to, 401-402 - Masson at, 360-61 - Mediæval insignificance of, 210 - Routes from, to: - Ghazni, 512 - Herat, 490; - Herat as gateway to, 525-8 - Kabul, Alexander's, 86-7 - Kalat, _via_ Mangachar valley, 374-5 - Sonmiani, 331 - - Kandahar (in Kach Gandava), 305-306 - - Kandaharis, 492 - - Kanowar, 238 - - Kao river. _See_ Alingar - - Kaoshan pass, 435: - Alexander's passage of, tradition as to, 87 - Greek control of, before Alexander's expedition, 20, 91; - Greek use of, 277 - Height of, 88, 357 - "Hindu Kush," known as the pass of, 414 - - Kara pass, 260, 418 - - Karabel (Armail, Armabel, Las Bela), 304-307, 320 - - Karabel plateau: - Description of, 248 - Route across, from near Panjdeh to Balkh, 250 - - Karabia I., 159 - - Karabine, 158 - - Karachi: - Approaches to, 140-41 - Configuration of, changes in, 153 - Makran route to, modern possibilities as to, 319-24 - Malir waterworks, 310 - Masson refused landing at, 368 - Voyage from, to Persian Gulf (by Nearkhos), 146, 152-61 - - Karakoram pass, 180 - - Karakoram trade route, 181, 517; - description of, 3-4 - - Karaks, 286, 292 - - Karamat Ali, Saiad, 390 - - Karapa route, 351 - - Karat, 231 - - Karbat, 250 - - Karbis (Gazban), 159 - - Kardos, 327 - - Kardozan, 479 - - Karez Ilias route to Sarakhs, 234 - - Karia Pir, 307 - - Kariut (Cariat), 210 - - Karmania, 32, 165 - - Karmatians, 293, 311 - - Karomurs, 71 - - Karosthi language, 280; - script cited, 171 - - Kartchoo, 482 - - Karuj (Korokh), 236, 237 - - Karwan (? Parwan), 276-7 - - Karza (? Kafza) pass, 382, 385 - - Kasan, 511; - stream, 428 - - Kashan, 322; - river, 236, 237, 240; - valley, 481 - - Kashmir (Kie-sha): - Buddhism in, 179-80 - Fa Hian in, 178-9, 182 - Persian knowledge of, 31 - - Kashmir passes, no records of military use of, 517 - - Kashmund mountains, 100, 101 - - Kashran (? Khasrin), 317 - - Kaspioi, 31 - - Kaspira (Kasmira), 31 - - Kasr Akhif (Ahnef), 245 - - Kasrkand, 311-12, 314 - - Kasur spur, 426 - - Kataghani horses, 504-505 - - Katan Chirak, 132 - - Katawar, 355 - - Kattasang, 472 - - Kattawaz plain, 465, 472, 475 - - Kawak (Khawak), 355 - - Kawakir, 235 - - Kej (Kiz, Kirusi, ?Labi), 301-302 - - Kej valley, 297 - - Kenef, 238 - - Kunjut (Hunza), 180-181 - - Kerman desert, 201; - valley, 262 - - Kermanshah, 322 - - Ketnev, 356 - - Khaibar route to India: - Evil reputation of, 458 - Hyphæstion's march by, 95 - Masson's journey by, 351-2 - - Khair, 310 - - Khair Kot (? Kambali), 150, 307-308 - - Khalmat tombs, 196, 310-11 - - Khan Nashin, 495 - - Khana Yahudi, 257 - - Khanabad, 423, 506 - - Kharachanabad (Khardozan), 230 - - Kharan, 331, 335, 339 - - Kharan desert, 339-41 - - Khardozan (Kharachanabad), 230 - - Khariab river, 278 - - Khariab (Kokcha) river, 270, 273, 274 - - Kharkerde, 231 - - Kharotis, 513 - - Khash, 495 - - Khash Rud valley, 204 - - Khashka pass, 387 - - Khasrin (? Kashran), 317 - - Khawak pass: - Height of, 357, 435 - Importance of, 521 - Popularity of, 414 - Timur at, 327, 355, 435 - otherwise mentioned, 261, 275, 277, 419, 428, 434, 507 - - Khawak river, 274 - - Khazar, 388 - - Khilkh (Kalat-i-Ghilzai), 206 - - Khilkhis. _See_ Ghilzais - - Khiva (Khwarezm), 218, 244 - - Khizilji Turks, 281-2 - - Khoes river, 99-100 - - Khoja Mahomed range, 424, 436, 437, 506, 507 - - Khojak range, 139 - - Khor Khalmat (Kalama), 158 - - Khorasan, 348 - - Khorienes, 93 - - Khotan (Ilchi): - Balkh, distance from, 177; - route to, 277, 278-9 - Buddhist centre, as, 172, 174 - - Khozdar: - Christie and Pottinger at, 331 - Masson at, 373 - Turan, capital of, 315 - - Khulm, 88, 270-72, 416; - river, 84 - - Khur, 308, 310 - - Khurd Kabul defile, 95 - - Khud Rud, 515 - - Khuzan (Ak Tepe), 245-6 - - Khwaja Amran (Kojak) range, 374 - - Khwaja Chist, 217, 223 - - Khwaja Salar, 448, 449, 460 - - Khwarezm (Khiva), 218, 244 - - Ki-pin (Kabul river basin), 176 - - Kie-sha. _See_ Kashmir. - - Kila Adraskand, 229 _n._ - - Kila Gaohar, 485 - - Kila Khum, 511 - - Kila Maur, 237, 245 - - Kila Panja, 430 - - Kila Shaharak, 486 - - Kila Sofarak, 256 - - Kila Wali, 243, 248 - - Kilif, 279; - pony ferry at, 89-90, 460 - - Kilik pass, 180, 517 - - Kilrin (? Gulran), 235 - - Kir (Kiz) Kaian, 313-17 - - Kirghiz (? Kirkhirs): - Idrisi's account of, 282-3 - Wood's estimate of, 430 - - Kirman, 311, 313-15, 322-3; - telegraph _via_, to India, 69 - - Kirman desert, 147 - - Kirthar range, 140 - - Kishm, 509 - - Kiz (Kirusi, Kej, ?Labi), 301-302 - - Kiz (Kir) Kaian, 313-17 - - Kizzilbash, 467 - - Knidza (Kyiza), 160 - - Koh Daman: - Alexander at, 94 - Description of, 96-7 - Lord's expedition to, 412-13 - - Koh-i-Babar (Baba) mountains: - Altitude of, 263 - Nature and direction of, 84, 381 - Rivers starting from, 215 - - Koh-i-Basman, 323 - - Koh-i-Malik Siah, 209 - - Koh-i-Mor (Meros) mountains, 105, 123-4, 358 - - Koh Umber mountain, 423, 506 - - Kohendil Khan, 493 - - Kohistan: - Inhabitants of, 96 - Mountain scenery of, 392 - - Kohistan plains, 87 - - Kohistani, 486 - - Kohistani Babas, 487 - - Kohnak divide, 513 - - Kojak (Khwaja Amran) range, 374 - - Kokcha (Khariab, Minjan) river: - Course of, nature of, at Faizabad, 424, 425 - Mouth of, 434 - Robertson's view regarding, 510 - Route by headwaters of, nature of, 426, 427, 436 - mentioned, 270, 273, 274, 507, 520 - - Kokcha valley, 424, 425, 427 - - Kokhar Ab river, 515 - - Kolab, 433-4 - - Kolar gold-fields, 51 - - Kolwah (? Kalwan), 304 - - Konche river, 174 - - Kophen river. _See_ Kabul river - - Korokh (Karuj), 236, 237, 239, 240 - - Kotal-i-bed, 374 - - Kotal Murgh pass, 90 - - Kotanni pass, 513 - - Koure (Ghurian), 231-2 - - Koyunjik mound, 43 - - Krateros, 103, 147 - - Krokala, 148, 153, 156 - - Kua (Kau), 235, 236 - - Kudabandan, 303 - - Kuen Lun mountains, 171, 172, 173 - - Kufs, 200 - - Kughanabad, 236 - - Kuhsan, Kusan (? Kuseri, Kouseri), 232-3, 239, 479 - - Kum, 322 - - Kunar (Choaspes, Chitral) river, 122, 431; - importance of, 100 - - Kunar (Choaspes, Chitral) valley: - Description of, 100-103 - Direction of, 509-10 - Dorah route from, 520 - Ivy and vine in, 133 - Kafirs in, 102-103; - of Kamdesh, 131-2 - Masson's investigations as to, 396 - Survey of (1894), 123 - - Kundar river, 464 - - Kunduz (town): - Burnes' mission to, 378 - Description of, 504 - Lord's invitation to, 413, 416, 420-422 - Southward routes from, to Bamian and Kabul, 523 - Warwalin near, 272 - Wood's estimate of, 422 - - Kunduz district: - Fortified towns of, 504 - Pestilential climate of, 432, 447-9, 505 - Kunduz river, 261, 421, 428, 436, 505; - scenery of, 257, 259-260 - - Kunduz valley route to Kabul, 434 - - Kunjut, 186 - - Kupruk, 257 - - Kuram, 482-3, 505 - - Kuram valley route, 135, 512 - - Kurchi, 251 - - Kurdistan hills, 322 - - Kurt (Tajik) dynasty in Ghur, 218 - - Kuseri, Kouseri (? Kuhsan, Kusan), 231-3 - - Kushan (Tokhari), 241 - - Kushk, 324 - - Kushk river, 236, 237, 240; - description of, 246 - - Kushk-i-Nakhud, 210, 492 - - Kyiza (Knidza), 160 - - - Labi (? Kiz, Kirusi, Kej), 304 - - Ladakh ("Little Tibet"): - Idrisi's description of the town of, 281 - Mongol invasion _via_, 186 - Moorcroft in, 443-4 - Vigne in, 462 - - Laghman valley, 96, 99-101; - inhabitants of, 100, 133 - - Lahore: - Burnes at, 455 - Masson at, 366-7 - - Lakshur (? Langar), 238-9 - - Lalposh, 270 - - Lamghan. _See_ Laghman - - Language, women's preservation of, 22, 143, 295 - - Lapis-lazuli mines above Jirm, 426, 507 - - Las (Lumri) tribe of Rajputs, 305 - - Las Bela (Armail, Armabel, Karabel): - Distances to, 303-304 - Gadurs of, 35 - Historic interest of, 304-307, 320 - Masson at, 369 - Ruins near, 372 - Strategic position of, 138-9 - - Lash Jowain, 493, 498 - - Lasonoi, 30 - - Lataband pass, 424 - - Leach, Lieut., 471 - - Lead mines of Ferengal in Ghorband valley, 416 - - Leech, Lieut., on Burnes' staff, 401-402, 412; - work and methods of, 440-41 - - Leh, 180, 443, 444, 519 - - Leonatus, 151, 156, 161 - - Lhasa: - Buddhist centre, as, 172-3 - Moorcroft's residence at, question as to, 439-40, 444 - Pilgrimages to, 181, 187 - Route from, to India, 517 - - Liari, 308 - - Lockhart mission, 358, 429, 509 - - Logar river, 380, 468; - valley, 466, 475 - - Lohanis, 360, 463, 467 - - Lob, 283 - - Lop basin, 172, 173 - - Lop Nor, 171, 174, 280 - - Lord, Dr., mission of, to Badakshan, 402; - expedition of, to Koh Daman and Hindu Kush passes, 412-15; - in Ghorband valley, 416; - at Kunduz, 413, 416, 420-21; - visit of, to Hazrat Imam, 432; - investigations by, regarding Moorcroft, 439; - _Uzbek State of Kundooz_ by, 504; - cited, 420, 505 - - Loveday, Lieut., 406 - - Ludhiana, 344 - - Ludi (Lydoi), 30 - - Lulan, 174 - - Lumri (Las) tribe of Rajputs, 35, 305 - - Lundai valley, 101 - - Lungar, 468 - - Lydoi (Ludi), 30 - - - Mabara (? Barbarra), 434 - - Mackenzie, Captain, 148 - - M'Crindle cited, 159 - - MacMahon, Sir Henry, 374 _and n._, 497 - - MacNab, Dr., 131 - - McNair, 358 - - Mada Khel hills, 108 - - Mahaban (Shah Kot), 108, 110-11, 113, 117-21 - - _Mahabharata_ cited, 12, 63 - - Mahighir canal, 394 - - Mahmud of Ghazni, Multan conquered by (1005), 192-3, 293; - raids by, 200, 210, 218, 513; - tomb of, 376; - mentioned, 219, 468 - - Mahmudabad, 491 - - Mahomed Akbar Khan, 490 - - Mahomed Ali, Chief of Saighan, 378-9, 382-3 - - Mahomed Azim Khan, 444 - - Mahomed Kasim, 293-4, 307 - - Mahomed Khan, Sultan, 360, 403, 483 - - Mahomedanism, rise of, 187 - - Mahomedans: - Balkh, at, 72, 74 - Kafir attitude towards, 131 - Vigne's estimate of, 467 - - Maidan, 260, 468 - - Maimana, 239, 248-50, 258, 481 - - Makran (Gadrosia). _For particular districts, etc., see their - names_ - Alexander's retreat through, 38, 51, 86, 145-54, 161-6 - Ancient relics in, 56 - Arabian interest in, prior to A.D. 712, 292; - Arab governors of, 193, 292, 293 - Baluch traditions as to, 291 - Bampur the ancient capital of, 165 - Boledi long the ruling tribe in, 36-7 - Coasting trade of, in antiquity, 57 - Configuration, orography, and geological features of, 32-3, 48, - 285, 288-91, 296 - Decline of, in eleventh century, 295 - Desiccation of, 288-9 - Greek knowledge of, in ancient time scanty, 37 - Hots of (? Uxoi), 34 - Islands off, disappearance of, 286, 288 - Kaiani Maliks' supremacy in, 37 - Kushite race in, question as to, 34-5 - Negroes in, 36 - Persian satrapies including, 32, 200 - Physical features of. _See subheading_ Configuration - Ports of, for importation of firearms, 55 - Route through, to India under Arab supremacy, 209, 226, 294, 311 - Ignorance as to, 141 - Importance of, in antiquity, 167-8 - Modern possibilities as to, 319-24 - Stone-built circles in, 372 - Tombs in (Khalmati), 310-11 - Turanian relics in, 158 - View of, from Arabian Sea, 284-5 - - Malan headland, 158, 285, 291; - range, 161-2, 164 - - Malek Hupian, 394 - - Malistan valley, 515 - - Malli (? Meds), 155, 160-61 - - Malun Herat, 229 _n_. - - Manabari, 308-309 - - Manasarawar lakes, 440 - - Manbatara, 308 - - Mandal pass, 426, 507, 519 - - Manga (Manja, Mugger) Pir, 309 - - Mangachar valley, 374 - - Manglaor, 121 - - Manhabari (? Minagar, Binagar), 304, 309-10 - - Manjabari, 309 - - Manora (Domai) Island, 154 - - Mansura, 309 - - Mansuria, 315-16 - - Mashad: - Russian telegraph _via_, 69 - Seistan, route to, 528 - Teheran, objections regarding railway to, 319 - - Mashad valley, 424 - - Mashkaf (Bolan) pass, 139 - - Mashkel (? Maskan), 313-14; - swamp, 323, 339, 341 - - Massaga: - Alexander's capture of, 105, 122; - route from, 113 - Nysæans at, question as to, 128-9 - - Marabad, 225 - - Marakanda (Samarkand), 88 - - Mardians, 68, 76 - - Maruchak. _See_ Merv-el-Rud - - Marwa, 225 - - Masson, arrival of, at Bushire, 348, 368; - in Peshawar, 350; - journey to Kabul _via_ Khaibar route, 351-4, 359; - to Ghazni and Kandahar, 359-60; - to Quetta and Shikapur, 361-3; - in the Punjab, 364-5; - at Lahore, 365-367; - to Karachi, 377; - trips by water, 367-8; - in E. Baluchistan, 369; at Chahiltan, 370-71; - through Sind, 371-2; - again to Kalat, Kandahar, and Kabul, 372-7; - Besud expedition, 378, 380; - to Bamian (1832), 378-86; - to Kabul, 386, 388; - researches near Kabul, 393; - accepts post as British agent in Kabul, 397; - relations with Burnes, 399-401, 404; - resigns office under Indian Government, 405, 407; - experiences at Quetta, 406-7; - meeting with Vigne, 469; - intimacy with Afghans, 346-7, 350, 352, 362-363; - influence with them, 380; - intimacy with Baluchs, 374; - coins collected by, 393; - criticisms of Indian Government by, 408, 409; - value of work of, 345, 347-8, 367, 388, 391, 396, 407; - methods of, 346; - estimate of, 361, 370, 372, 395-6, 408; - _Travels in Afghanistan_, _etc._, see that title; - otherwise mentioned, 458, 462, 463, 468, 491 - - Masurjan, 317 - - Matakanai, 105, 128 - - Matiban, 200 - - Mazanderan, 481 - - Mazar, 434, 435, 448, 459 - - Mazar-i-Sharif, 257, 439 - - Meder, 267, 268 - - Meds (? Malli), 155, 160-61, 292-3 - - Megasthenes, 129; - his _India_ cited, 126-7 - - Mehrab Khan, 406 - - Meilik (Nimlik), 482 - - Menk, 274 - - Mesiha, 245 - - Mesopotamia: - Earliest immigrants into, question as to origin of, 34-5 - Irrigation works necessary in, 40-41 - Israelite deportations to, 39 - Nana-worship in, 163 - Teheran-Mashad route from, to Baktria, 47-8, 54, 70 - - Merv-el-Rud: - Confused with Russian Merv by Idrisi, 244-5 - Date and destruction of, 241-2 - otherwise mentioned, 236, 239, 240-41 - - Merv of the Oasis (Russian): - Balkh, routes to, 249-50 - Confused with Merv-el-Rud by Idrisi, 244 - Herat route from, 236 - Historic importance of, 241 - - Milesian Greeks: - Brankhidai, 20 - Colonies of: - N. of Euxine, 14 - S. and W. of Euxine, 18 - Transportation of, to Baktria region, 16, 19, 20, 31, 45 - - Miletus: - Alexander's reduction of (334 B.C.), 66 - Carpet-making industry of, 18 - Destruction of, date of, 16 - - Minab river, 166 - - Minagar, Binagar (? Manhabari), 304, 309-10 - - Mingal, 482 - - Mingals, 142, 306 - - Minjan pass, 507, 519; - Chitral route through, 359, 426 - - Minjan river. _See_ Kokcha - - Minjan valley, 132, 426, 436 - - Miri fort of Quetta, 138, 148 - - Mockler, Col., cited, 159-60 - - Mongols: - Afghanistan, in central plateau of, 85 - Asiatic civilization overrun by, 200 - Army of, destroyed on the Karakoram route, 4 - Chenghiz Khan, under, 73 - Ghur dynasty, subject to, 218 - India: - Central Southern, problem of arrival in, 142-4 - Invasion of, by, 326 - Military expeditions to, attempted, 186 - Pilgrimages to, 169 _et seq._ - - Monze, Cape, 154 - - Moorcroft, explorations by, 440; - question as to residence at Lhasa, 444; - journey from to Kabul, Badakshan, and Bokhara, 444-8; - official attitude towards, 442-3; - records of, 443; - fate of, 438-9; - grave of, 259; - estimate of, 443-4, 448, 503-504; - otherwise mentioned, 423, 434, 467 - - Morontobara, 154-5 - - Mosarna, 161 - - Mugger (Manga, Manja) Pir, 309 - - Mugheir (Ur), 42 - - Mula (Mulla) pass, 139, 140, 147, 371 - - Multan: - Hindu bankers in, 363 - Mahmud's conquest of (1005), 193, 293 - Masson's account of, 366 - Tubaran, distance from, 315 - - Murad Beg, Mir of Kunduz, position of, 378-9, 504; - Badakshani families transported by, 432, 505; - Lord's invitation by, 413, 416; - estimate of, 413; - Wood's estimate of, 422; - Moorcroft's experience and estimate of, 446-8; - otherwise mentioned, 385, 418, 425, 429, 503 - - Murad Khan of Kunduz, 383 - - Murgh pass, 434-5 - - Murghab basin, Upper, unmapped, 477 - - Murghab river: - Economic value of, 246-7 - Head of, unexplored, 516 - Head valleys of, 258 - Ruins on, 243-4 - Upper, climate of, 220 - otherwise mentioned, 215, 236, 239-41 - - Murghab valley, 242, 282, 284 - - Muskat, 55 - - Mustapha Khan, 487 - - Muttra, 210 - - - Nachan, 225 - - Nadir Shah, 267, 418, 526 - - Nagas, 501 - - Nahrwara river. _See_ Kabul river - - Naisan, 225 - - Najil, 327, 356, 396-7 - - Najirman (? Nakirman), 200 - - Najitan (Bajitan), 225 - - Nalpach pass, 383-4 - - Nan Shan mountain system, 173 - - Nana (Chaldean goddess), 162-3 - - Naoshirwan, 339 - - Napoleon Buonaparte, Emperor, 328-329 - - Naratu, 236, 237, 239, 248 - - Narmashir, 323 - - Nasirs, 475 - - Nasratabad, 203 - - Nassoor, Sheikh, 497 - - Nava Sanghârâma, 178 - - Navigation, ancient, character of, 13, 56-7 - - Nawagai, 103 - - Nawak pass, 274, 428 - - Nawar valley, 515 - - Nearkhos, 26, 27; - voyage of, from Karachi to Persian Gulf, 145, 152-61, 286; - meeting of, with Alexander, 166-7; - cited, 286 - - Negroes, Asiatic, 36 - - New Chaman, 324 - - Nicolas range, 431 - - Nikaia (modern Kabul), Alexander at, 98. _See also_ Kabul - - Nili, 222 - - Nimchas, 269 - - Nimlik (Meilik), 482 - - Nimrud, 71 - - Nineveh: - Ruins of, 42, 43 - Zenith of, 52 - - Nishapur, 231 - - Nomadic life, conditions of, 23-5 - - Nonnus of Panopolis cited, 62-3, 98 - - North, Lieut., value of geographical work by, 411-12, 471 - - Nott, 406 - - Nuhsala (Nosala, Haftala, Hashtala) island, 161, 286 - - Nuksan pass, 508-509, 519, 520, 522 - - Nurzai, 212, 491 - - Nusa. _See_ Nysa - - Nushki: - Christie and Pottinger at, 38 - Route _via_, 209, 323 - Telegraph to, 323 - - Nysa, Nyssa (Nusa, Nuson): - Tradition regarding, 62, 122-6 - War-hymn connected with, 131-2 - - Nysæan inscriptions, question as to, 129-30 - - Nysaioi, 126-7 - - - Obeh (Auca), 217, 225, 256 - - _Odyssey_ cited, 12 - - Olbia, 19 - - Omar I., Kalif of Baghdad, 307 - - Ora (? modern Bazar), 106 - - Oritæ, 146, 150, 151, 156, 161 - - Orodis, 241 - - Oxus district, mediæval geography of, 277 _et seq._ - - Oxus jungles, 433 - - Oxus (Jihun, Khariab) river: - Channel of, variations in, 89 - Fords of, accurate knowledge of, 501-502 - Irrigation works connected with, 75 - Khariab a name for, 273, 278 - Pony ferry over, at Kilif, 89-90, 460; - at Khwaja Salar, 449, 460-61 - Wood's explorations of, 420, 423, 428-35 - - Oxydrakai, 127 - - - Pactyans. _See_ Pathans - - Padizar bay, 158, 159 - - Paghman offshoot of Hindu Kush, 97 - - Paghman, 387 - - Pahrag (Pahra, Pahura, Fahraj), 315, 317, 342; - two places so named, 316 - - Pamirs: - Climate of, 429 - Mediæval geography of, 277 _et seq._ - Routes across, 502 - Taghdumbash, 517 - - Panja (Wakhab) river, 279 - - Panjdeh: - Buddhist caves at, 244 - Herat, routes from, 236 - Karabel plateau route from near, to Balkh, 250 - - Panjgur: - Dates of, 290 - Description of, 302-303 - Mountain conformation of, 323 - Railway from, to Karachi, question as to, 324 - Telegraph route to, from Ispahan, 322 - - Panjkora river, 104, 122 - - Panjkora valley, 96 - - Panjpilan (Kalloo, Shutar Gardan) pass, 386, 388, 417 - - Panjshir (Banjohir), 276-7 - - Panjshir pass, 87-8 - - Panjshir route between Kabul and Andarab, 87-8, 414 - - Panjshir valley: - Mediæval reputation of, 435 - Timur in, 355-6 - otherwise mentioned, 261, 275, 356-7, 434, 510, 521 - - Pannah, 472 - - Parah, 230 - - Parana (Parwana), 229, 481, 498 - - Parikanoi, 163-4 - - Parjuman, 223 - - Park mountains, 221 - - Parkan stream, 164 - - Paropamisos (Hindu Kush), 79, 234, 247. (_See also_ Hindu Kush.) - - Parsi (Tarsi), 489 - - Parwan (? Karwan), 276-7 - - Parwan (Sar Alang, Bajgah) pass, 328, 435; - altitude of, 357; - description of, 414 - - Parwana (Parana), 229, 481, 498 - - Pashai, 133 - - Pashat, 133 - - Pasiris, 158 - - Pasni, bay of, 159, 164 - - Patala, 146, 148 - - Pathans: - Ancient settlement of, in present situation, 28 - Greek names among, 21 - Inscriptions used by, for decoration, 129-30 - Persian origin of language of, 21 - - Peiwar pass, 135 - - Periplus cited, 310 - - Perjan (? Parwan), 355 - - Persepolis: - Alexander the Great at, 68 - Inscriptions at, cited, 30 - - Persia: - Afghanistan: - Colonies in, 61 - Intrigues regarding, British nervousness as to, 399-400 - War with (1837), 402 - Army of, French officers' organisation of, 477 - Charbar point fort built by, 299 - Configuration of western, 48 - Desert regions of, 69; - "Great Desert," 201 - Firearms imported into, 155 - Helmund boundary of, 80 - Routes through, to the East, two, 69; - routes to India, 311, 319, 321-4 - Russia: - Sphere of influence of, 322 - French organisation of Persian army resented by, 477 - War with (1826), 348 - - Persian Empire: - Extent of, 21, 26-7 - Geographical information possessed by, extent and accuracy of, - 17, 25-6, 29, 31 - Greek permeation of, 20-21; Greek attitude towards, 36 - Indian hinterland under control of, in Alexander's time, 61 - Indian trade of, 21 - Nations subject to, lists of, 29-30 - Satrapies of, identification of, 30-32 - - Persian Gulf: - Command of, necessary for safety of southern Baluchistan passes, - 141 - Masson's trip up, 367 - Voyage to, from Karachi (by Nearkhos), 146, 152-61 - - Persians, Pottinger's estimate of, 333-4 - - Peshawar: - Cession of, to Afghanistan mooted by Burnes, 401, 404 - Moorcroft's journey from, to Kabul and Bokhara, 444 - Route to, from Kabul _via_ Kuram valley and Peiwar pass, 135 - Sikh occupation of, 350 - - Peshawaran, 336 - - Peukelaotis, 99, 114 - - Philotas, 78 - - Phur river, 151 - - Physical geography, influence of, on migratory movements, 9, 45-6; - on history, 214 - - Pimuri defile, 421 - - Pir Mahomed, 445, 456 - - Pisacas, 133 - - Place-names, value of, in identifications, 115 - - Pokran (? Pokar), 371 - - Pola Island, 159 - - Polo, Marco, 281, 327 - - Polyænus quoted, 127-8 - - Pony-ferries on the Oxus--at Kilif, 89-90, 460; - at Khwaja Salar, 449, 460-61 - - Poolka, 496 - - Poolki (Pulaki), 335-6, 497 - - Pottinger, Lieut., explorations by, 329 _et seq._; - at Herat, 402; - quoted--on Persian character, 333-4; - on the Kharan desert, 339-40 - - Pousheng (Boushinj, Bousik), 231, 234, 237 - - Ptolemy (son of Lagos), with Alexander's expedition, 103, 104, 116; - cited, 37, 104, 310 - - Pul-i-Malun bridge, 229 _n._, 230 - - Pulaki (Poolki), 335-6, 497 - - Punjab: - Alexander's march on, 94 - Fa Hian in, 179, 185 - French and Italians in, 366 - Greek architecture and sculpture in, 59 - Ranjit Singh's hunting party in, 455-6 - Sikh Government, under, 345-6, 363 - - Pura, 165 - - Purali (Arabius) river, 146, 148, 149, 156, 292, 305, 320, 370 - - Pushti Hajigak (Kafzur) pass, 417 - - Pushto, 350, 352 - - - Quetta (Shall): - British ignorance regarding, in 1880, 369 - Masson and Bean at, 406; - Masson's account of, 362 - Strategic importance of, 137-9 - Telegraph to, from Seistan, 323 - - Quintus Curtius. _See_ Curtius - - - Ragozin's _Chaldea_ quoted, 43 - - Rahmat Khan, 365 - - Rahmatulla Khan, 382, 421 - - Rahun, 304 - - Rajput tribes, 35 - - Rajputana desert, 27 - - Ramayana cited, 12, 63 - - Rambakia, 150 - - Ranjit Singh, Bentinck's interview with (1832), 344; - position of, 350, 398; - Burnes' entertainment by, 455-6; - Burnes' estimate of, 457; - Vigne's acquaintance with, 462; - mentioned, 401, 404 - - Ras Kachari, 156 - - Rasak (? Sarbaz), 312-14 - - Ravi river, 366 - - Rawlinson, Sir Henry, cited, 241, 242, 245, 479; - his _Five Monarchies_ quoted, 43 - - Regan, 316, 317, 323 - - Registan, 375 - - Reishkhan district, 424 - - Robat-i-Kashan, 237 - - Roberts, Lord, 87 - - Robertson, Sir George, 358, 426, 507, 510 - - Rohri, 364 - - Rokh, Shah, 242 - - Rookes cited, 118 - - Roxana, 92 - - _R.G.S. Journal_ cited, 123; - _Proceedings_ cited, 241 - - Rozabagh, 229 _n._ - - Rozanak, 233 - - Ruby mines of Oxus valley, 428 - - Rudbar (? Rudhan), 207, 496 - - Rue Khaf (? Rudan), 231 - - Russia: - Afghan intrigues of, British nervousness regarding, 399-400 - India: - Designs on, question as to, 319-20 - Route to, nature of, 527-8 - Persia: - Army organisation of, resented by, 477 - Sphere of influence in, 322 - War with (1826), 348 - Transcaspian railway terminus, 324 - - Russo-Afghan Boundary Commission: - Camps of, 233, 235, 240 - Escort of English officers of, 492 - Geographical surveys in Reports of, 194, 264 - Kwaja Salar, disappearance of, 450 - Rapidity of movements of, 477 - Routes of, 78, 248, 261, 272-3, 335, 415 - otherwise mentioned, 71, 83, 231 - - Rustak, 504 - - Rustam (Bazira), 106, 113, 114 - - - Sabaktagin, 414 - - Sacnia, 281 - - Sadik Khan, 493 - - Sadmurda, 260 - - Safed Khak pass, 379 - - Safed Koh, 95 - - Sagittæ, 163 - - St. John cited, 148, 316 - - Saiad Ahmad Shah, 350 - - Saib, 433 - - Saidabad fort, 386 - - Saighan valley, 260, 379, 382, 421, 437, 505 - - Sajidi, 164 - - Sakæ, 163, 164 - - Sakah, 229 - - Sakas, 501 - - Samad Khan, 390 - - Samaria, date of fall of, 39 - - Sarmakan, 245 - - Samarkand (Marakanda), 88, 292 - - Sandeman, Sir Robert, 137, 320; - cited, 374 - - Sandrakottos (Chandragupta), 129 - - Sangadip Island, 161 - - Sangcharak, 258; - mountains, 255 - - Sangiduktar, 231 - - Sangusar, 492 - - Sar Alang (Parwan, Bajgah) pass, 414 - - Saraswati river, 27, 144 - - Sarakhs, 230, 233, 234 - - Sarbaz (? Rasak), 312, 314; - river, 312 - - Sardanapalus (Assur-bani-pal), 52, 162-3 - - Sargo pass, 472 - - Sargon, 39, 45 - - Sar-i-jangal stream, 256 - - Sarikoh stream, 267 - - Sar-i-pul (? Aspurkan), 250-52, 483 - - Sarwan (Kala Sarwan), 206-208 - - Sarwandi (Sir-i-koll) pass, 465, 472; - ridge, 465-6 - - Satibarzanes, 77 - - Schintza, 473 - - Schwanbeck, Dr., 126 - - Scylax of Caryanda, 26-9 - - Sehwan, 371 - - Seistan (Sejistan, Drangia, Drangiana): - Afghan army's experience in, 403 - Climate and natural conditions in, 80, 85, 201-203, 403, 494 - Extent of, less than of ancient Drangiana, 78; - extent in mediæval times, 205 - Firearms imported into, 55 - Goldsmid's mission to, 299 - Inhabitants of, mentioned by Herodotus, 33 - Lake of, 497 - Route to Mashad, 528 - Persian satrapy, 32, 200 - Ruins in, abundance of, 336 - Reputation of, 201-202 - Surveys of, 496-7 - Telegraph to, from Narmashir, 323 - Tributary to Ghur in mediæval times, 218 - - Sekhwan, 338 - - Sekoha, 498 - - Sejistan. _See_ Seistan - - Semenjan. _See_ Haibak - - Semiramis, 147 - - Senacherib, King of Assyria, 52 - - Senart, M., cited, 130 - - Seneca, cited, 21 - - Ser-ab (? Sar-i-ab), 468 - - Shah, 251, 255 - - Shah Kot (Mahaban), 108, 110-11, 113, 117-21 - - Shaharak, 486 - - Shahar-i-Babar, 257, 267 - - Shahar-i-Wairan (? Shahar, Shah), 254-5 - - Shaitana, 380 - - Shakiban, 338 - - Shams Tabieri, Saint, 366 - - Shamshirs, 233-4, 240 - - Shamsuddin pass, 418 - - Shansabi, 218 - - Sharif, Imam, 484 - - Sharifudin cited, 355 - - Sheherek, 486 - - Sheranni, 512 - - Sher-i-dahan, 468 - - Sherwan, 433-4 - - Shibar, 468 - - Shibar pass, 260, 277, 387 - - Shibarghan, 251-2 - - Shikapur, financial credit of, 331-2, 363, 452-3 - - Shorawak, 374-5 - - Shutar Gardan (Kalloo, Panjpilan) pass, 386, 388, 417 - - Siah Koh (Band-i-Baian), 486, 487 - - Siah Reg pass, 381 - - Siahposh Kafirs, 270, 354-6, 358 - - Siam, celadon furnaces in, 83 - - Sidonians, deportation of, by Assyria, 52 - - Sikhs, Dost Mahomed's operations against, 397-8 - - Simkoh, 234 - - Sind: - Arab ascendency in, 192, 293, 311, 366; - their geography of, 296; - buried Arab city in, 196 - Assyrian art in pottery of, 54 - Buddhist ruins in, 372 - Frontier passes of, 209 - Hot winds in, 341 - Independent government, under, 329, 331, 345-6, 363 - Masson in, 349; his account of, 365 - Mongols settled in, 526 - Mountain barrier of, 140 - - Singlak, 485 - - Sin-ho-to. _See_ Swat - - Sintu-ho river. _See_ Indus - - Sirafraz Khan, 391 - - Sir-i-koll (Sarwandi) pass, 465 - - Sirondha lake, 155 - - Skytho-Aryans, 241 - - Skyths: - Caspian, at north and west of, 19 - Central Asia, of, 50; - Alexander's encounter with, 92-3 - Euxine, at north of, 14 - Westward migration of, 61 - - Slavery in Badakshan, 520 - - Sofarak, 262 - - Sogdia (Bokhara), 32, 92 - - Sohrab, 332 - - Somnath, 210 - - Song Yun cited, 184 - - Sonmiani, 308, 368; - route from, to interior, 330-31 - - Sousa, 479 - - Spinasuka pass, 103 - - Stein, Dr. M. A., 237, 503; - Buddhist sanctuary discovered by, 184; - methods of, 109-11; - cited, 111, 113, 117-18, 120-21, 170 - - Stoddart, Colonel, 390, 402 - - Stone-built circles, 372 - - Strabo cited, 107, 122; - quoted, 127 - - Stewart, General, 95 - - Subzawar, 230, 498 - - Sufed Koh mountains, 135, 215 - - Su-ho-to (Lower Swat), 185 - - Sujah, Shah, 344, 353, 405, 456 - - Suliman, Kalif, 294 - - Suliman hills, torrents and passes of, 36-7 - - Suliman Khel Ghilzais: - Broadfoot the authority on, 474-5 - Duties levied by, 464, 474-5 - Kattasang, in, 472 - Land of, unexplored, 514 - - Sultan Mahomed, 445, 446 - - Sura (? Suza), 317 - - Surkh Kila pass, 418 - - Survey methods, perfecting of, 500 - - Suza (? Sura), 317 - - Swat (Sin-ho-to, Su-ho-to): - Buddhism in, 129 - Fa Hian in, 179, 185 - Geographical surveys of, 123 - Uplands of, 128 - - - Tabriz, 368 - - Taft, 322 - - Tagao Ghur river, 221 - - Tagao Ishlan river, 215-16, 223; - valley, 486 - - Tagdumbash Pamir, 180, 279, 517 - - Taimanis: - Country of, 84, 214, 217, 220, 222-223, 478, 488 - Kidnapping by, in Afghan Turkistan, 253 - Traditions of, 212 - Women of, Ferrier's account of, 489 - mentioned, 481, 489 - - Taiwara (Ghur): - Herat, route from, 223 - Importance of, 487 - Ruins at, 222, 488 - mentioned, 220, 515 - - Tajik (Kurt), dynasty in Ghur, 218 - - Tajiks, Badakshani, 432 - - Takla Makan, 283 - - Takht-i-Rustam (tope at Haibak), 446 - - Takht-i-Suliman mountain: - Expedition to (1882), 112, 119, 513 - River gorges of, 137 - mentioned, 137, 464 - - Takzar (Zakar), 251, 252 - - Talara, 300-301 - - Talbot, Colonel the Hon. M. G., R.E., 264 _and n._, 446; - cited, 489-90 - - Talekan, 271-4 - - Talikan, 241, 243, 504; - Mahomedan saint at, 447 - - Talikan (Talikhan), 243 _and n._, 249 - - Talikan plains, 506, 509 - - Talikhan plain, 423 - - Taloi range, 164 - - Tamerlane. _See_ Timur - - _Tarikh-i-Rashidi_ cited, 186 - - Tarim river, 173, 174, 283 - - Tarnak river, 224 - - Tashkurghan: - Fort of, 279, 281 - Kabul, routes to, 260, 419 - Moorcroft at, 448 - otherwise mentioned, 88, 482 - - Tashkurghan river, 261, 279 - - Tarsi (Parsi), 489 - - Tate, Mr. G. P., cited, 336 - - Taxila, 29, 94, 99 - - Taxiles, 99 - - Teheran: - Hamadan telegraph route to, 48 - Kashan, question as to railway _via_, 322 - Mashad route from, 54, 77; - question as to railway by, 319 - - Termez, 278, 279 - - Teshkhan, 424 - - Thakot, 121 - - Tibet: - Chinese Turkistan formerly included in, 283 - Gold-fields of, 51 - Gold-digging legends concerning, 31 - Idrisi's description of, 281-3 - Invasion of India from, possibility as to, 188 - Mongol invasion of, 186-7 - Moorcroft in, 439-40 - - Tibetans, modern, 283 - - Tiglath Pilesur, King of Assyria, 6, 44, 46, 49, 51, 52, 57 - - Tigris river, 368 - - Til pass, 275 - - Timur Hissar, 356 - - Timur Shah (Tamerlane): - Herat and Ghur broken up by, 219 - Kafiristan invaded by, 327, 355-6, 435 - Merv-el-Rud destroyed by, 242 - otherwise mentioned, 193, 394, 414, 481 - - Tingelab river, 486 - - Tippak, 283 - - Tir, 238-9 - - Tir Band-i-Turkistan mountains, 239, 240, 247, 258 - - Tirah Expedition, 105 - - Tiz (Talara), 299-301 - - Tochi river, 475 - - Tochi valley, 136; - route by, 512-14 - - Todd, Major d'Arcy, 480 - - Tokhari (Kushan), 241 - - Tokharistan (Oxus region), 241; - capital of, 243 - - To-li (Darel), 179, 182-3 - - Tomeros river, 157 - - Tous, 479 - - Topchi valley, 386, 388 - - Torashekh, 237, 482 - - Transportation of whole populations, 40, 44 - - Travel, _camaraderie_ of, 463-4 - - _Travels in Afghanistan, Baluchistan, the Punjab, and Kalat_ - (Masson) cited, 349 _et seq._ - - Trebeck, 439-40, 444, 448, 459 - - Tsungling, 177, 178 - - Tubaran, 315-17 - - Turan, 315-16 - - Turfan, 172 - - Turki language, 394 - - Turkistan, Afghan. _See_ Afghan Turkistan - - Turkman women, 283 - - Turkmans, Ersari, 459-60 - - Turks, Khizilji, 281-2 - - Turks Tibetans, 282 - - - Uch, 364, 366 - - Udyana (Wuchung), 179, 184 - - Ujaristan valley, 515 - - Unai (Honai, Bamian) pass, 87, 260, 262, 379, 389, 414, 420, 446; - importance of, 521; - Wood's description of, 417 - - Ur (Mugheir), 42 - - Urmara, 368 - - Urukh (Warka), 163 - - Urusgan valley, 515 - - Uthal, 307 - - Uzbeks: - Agricultural pursuits of, 251 - Dwellings of, 249 - Kirghiz compared with, 430 - Man-stealing propensities of, 421 - Murad Khan acknowledged liege by, 383, 413 - Snake-handling by, 253 - Wood's estimate of, 423 - - - Vaisravana, 178 - - Varsach river, 424 - - Vektavitch, Lieut., 400 - - Ventura, General, 367 - - Victoria Lake, 430-31 - - - Wad, 373 - - Wade, Captain, 397, 398 - - Wainwright, E. A., cited, 313 - - Wakhab (Panja) river, 279 - - Wakhan, 273, 281, 327 - - Wakhjir pass, 279 - - Waksh, 273, 278 - - Wakshab river, 273, 278 - - Walian (Gwalian) pass, 414 - - Walid I., Kalif, 292, 307 - - Walker, General, cited, 123, 508 - - Wana, 513 - - Wardak valley, 466, 475 - - Wardoj river, 429, 437 - - Wardoj (Zebak) valley, 436 - - Warka (Urukh), 163 - - Warwalin, 271-2 - - Washir, 490 - - Wazirabad lake, 98 - - Waziris, 464, 474 - - Waziristan, 473 - - Weather, effects of, on natural features, 117-18 - - Westward migrations, 45, 61 - - Wilson, Major David, cited, 368 - - Wiltshire, General, 406 - - Wine made by Kafirs, 133-4 - - Wood, Lieut., mission of, to Badakshan, 402; - with Lord, 412, 416-18, 420, 422, 432, 439; - explorations of the Oxus by, 420, 423, 428-35; - Indus navigation by, 454; cited, 505-507, 523; - estimate of, 431; - value of work of, 418 - - Wolff, Rev. Joseph, 376 - - Woodthorpe, 429, 509 - - Wuchung (Udyana), 179, 184 - - Wynaad gold-fields, 51 - - - Xenophon, retreat of, from Persia, 18, 42; - appreciation of, 66; - cited, 42 - - Xerxes, 20, 31, 91 - - - Yahudi. _See_ Jews - - Yahudia, 251, 255 - - Yakmina (Darak Yamuna), 317 - - Yakulang, 262; valley, 256 - - Yaman, 220, 222 - - Yang Kila, 433 - - Yar Mahomed Khan, 445, 477, 480, 490, 494 - - Yarkand, 279, 328 - - Yezd, 322 - - Yezdambaksh, 378, 382-4 - - Yule, Sir Henry, cited, 219, 508 - - Yusli, 307-308 - - Yusuf Darra route to Sar-i-pul, 483 - - Yusufzai rising, 350 - - - Zaimuni, 389 - - Zakar (Takzar), 251, 252 - - Zal valley, 262 - - Zamindawar (Dawar), 83, 205-206, 223, 491 - - Zarah swamp, 204 - - Zarangai, 33-4 - - Zardaspan, 90 - - Zari stream, 257 - - Zariaspa. _See_ Andarab - - Zarinje, 203, 204 - - Zarni, 222 - - Zebak: - Faizabad, route from, 511 - - Zebak: - Importance of, 427, 429, 433 - mentioned, 279 - - Zebak river, 437, 520 - - Zebak (Wardoj) valley, 436 - - Zhob valley, 137 - - Zindajan (Bouchinj), 231, 232, 479 - - Zirmast pass, 236, 239, 240 - - Zirni, 487, 488 - - Zohak, 267, 387; - valley, 421 - - Zohaka, 466 - - Zoji-la, 180 - - -THE END - - -_Printed by_ R. & R. 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