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diff --git a/42841.txt b/42841.txt deleted file mode 100644 index e4d673e..0000000 --- a/42841.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,19041 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Original Narratives of Early American -History, by Vaca and Others - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: Original Narratives of Early American History - Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States 1528-1543. - The Narrative of Alvar Nunez Cabeca de Vaca. The Narrative - Of The Expedition Of Hernando De Soto By The Gentleman Of - Elvas - -Author: Vaca and Others - -Editor: Frederick W. Hodge - Theodore H. Lewis - Jameson J. Franklin - -Release Date: May 29, 2013 [EBook #42841] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY *** - - - - -Produced by Chris Curnow, Joseph Cooper, Julia Neufeld and -the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - - - - - ORIGINAL NARRATIVES - OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY - - REPRODUCED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE - AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION - - GENERAL EDITOR, J. FRANKLIN JAMESON, PH.D., LL.D., LITT.D. - - DIRECTOR OF THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH IN THE - CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON - - NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA - BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION - WINTHROP'S JOURNAL "HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND" (2 vols.) - NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA - NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND - NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA, WEST NEW JERSEY, AND DELAWARE - NARRATIVES OF NEW NETHERLAND - EARLY ENGLISH AND FRENCH VOYAGES - VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN - SPANISH EXPLORERS IN THE SOUTHERN UNITED STATES - SPANISH EXPLORATION IN THE SOUTHWEST - NARRATIVES OF THE INSURRECTIONS - NARRATIVES OF THE INDIAN WARS - JOHNSON'S WONDER-WORKING PROVIDENCE - THE JOURNAL OF JASPAR DANCKAERTS - NARRATIVES OF THE NORTHWEST - NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES - THE NORTHMEN, COLUMBUS, AND CABOT - - - - - _ORIGINAL NARRATIVES - OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY_ - - SPANISH EXPLORERS - IN THE - SOUTHERN UNITED STATES - 1528-1543 - - THE NARRATIVE OF ALVAR NUNEZ - CABECA DE VACA - - EDITED BY - FREDERICK W. HODGE - OF THE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY - - THE NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION OF - HERNANDO DE SOTO - BY THE GENTLEMAN OF ELVAS - - EDITED BY - THEODORE H. LEWIS - HONORARY MEMBER OF THE MISSISSIPPI HISTORICAL SOCIETY - - THE NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION OF - CORONADO, BY PEDRO DE CASTANEDA - - EDITED BY - FREDERICK W. HODGE - - _New York_ - BARNES & NOBLE, INC. - - - COPYRIGHT, 1907 - BY CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS - ALL RIGHTS ASSIGNED TO BARNES & NOBLE, INC., 1946 - - _All rights reserved_ - - REPRINTED, 1965 - - PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA - - - - -NOTE - - -Although, in the narrative of the Gentleman of Elvas, the translation -by Buckingham Smith has been followed, some corrections have been -made in the text, and pains have been taken to set right, in -accordance with the Portuguese original at the Lenox Library, the -native proper names, on whose interpretation in the Indian languages -the identification of localities in many cases depends. If variations -from page to page in the spelling of some such names are observed by -the reader, they may be assumed to exist in the original. - -The three narratives printed in this book are but a small selection -from among many scores; for the narratives of Spanish explorers in -the southern United States constitute an extensive literature. But if -interest and historical importance are both taken into account, it is -believed that these three hold an undisputed preeminence among such -"relations." - - J. F. J. - - - - -CONTENTS - -THE NARRATIVE OF ALVAR NUNEZ CABECA DE VACA - -EDITED BY FREDERICK W. HODGE - - - PAGE - - THE NARRATIVE OF ALVAR NUNEZ CABECA DE VACA 1 - - INTRODUCTION 3 - - Proem 12 - - Chapter 1. In which is told when the Armada sailed, and of the - Officers and Persons who went in it 14 - - Chapter 2. The Coming of the Governor to the Port of Xagua and - with a Pilot 18 - - Chapter 3. Our Arrival in Florida 19 - - Chapter 4. Our Entrance into the Country 20 - - Chapter 5. The Governor leaves the Ships 24 - - Chapter 6. Our Arrival at Apalache 28 - - Chapter 7. The Character of the Country 29 - - Chapter 8. We go from Aute 33 - - Chapter 9. We leave the Bay of Horses 37 - - Chapter 10. The Assault from the Indians 40 - - Chapter 11. Of what befell Lope de Oviedo with the Indians 44 - - Chapter 12. The Indians bring us Food 45 - - Chapter 13. We hear of other Christians 48 - - Chapter 14. The Departure of four Christians 49 - - Chapter 15. What befell us among the People of Malhado 52 - - Chapter 16. The Christians leave the Island of Malhado 55 - - Chapter 17. The Coming of Indians with Andre's Dorantes, - Castillo, and Estevanico 59 - - Chapter 18. The Story Figueroa recounted from Esquivel 63 - - Extract from the Letter of the Survivors 68 - - Chapter 19. Our Separation by the Indians 70 - - Chapter 20. Of our Escape 72 - - Chapter 21. Our Cure of some of the Afflicted 74 - - Chapter 22. The Coming of other Sick to us the next Day 76 - - Chapter 23. Of our Departure after having eaten the Dogs 82 - - Chapter 24. Customs of the Indians of that Country 83 - - Chapter 25. Vigilance of the Indians in War 85 - - Chapter 26. Of the Nations and Tongues 86 - - Chapter 27. We moved away and were well received 88 - - Chapter 28. Of another strange Custom 91 - - Chapter 29. The Indians plunder each other 94 - - Chapter 30. The Fashion of receiving us changes 99 - - Chapter 31. Of our taking the Way to the Maize 105 - - Chapter 32. The Indians give us the Hearts of Deer 108 - - Chapter 33. We see Traces of Christians 112 - - Chapter 34. Of sending for the Christians 113 - - Chapter 35. The Chief Alcalde receives us kindly the Night we - arrive 116 - - Chapter 36. Of building Churches in that Land 119 - - Chapter 37. Of what occurred when I wished to return 121 - - Chapter 38. Of what became of the Others who went to Indias 123 - - - THE NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO - DE SOTO, BY THE GENTLEMAN OF ELVAS - - EDITED BY THEODORE H. LEWIS - - THE NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO, BY - THE GENTLEMAN OF ELVAS 127 - - INTRODUCTION 129 - - Epigram of Silveira 133 - - Prefatory Note by the Printer 134 - - Chapter 1. Who Soto was, and how he came to get the Government - of Florida 135 - - Chapter 2. How Cabeca de Vaca arrived at Court, and gave - Account of the Country of Florida; and of the - Persons who assembled at Seville to accompany - Don Hernando de Soto 136 - - Chapter 3. How the Portuguese went to Seville, and thence to - Sanlucar; and how the Captains were appointed - over the Ships, and the People distributed among - them 138 - - Chapter 4. How the Adelantado with his People left Spain - going to the Canary Islands, and afterward - arrived in the Antillas 139 - - Chapter 5. Of the Inhabitants there are in the City of - Santiago and other Towns of the Island, the - Character of the Soil, and of the Fruit 140 - - Chapter 6. How the Governor sent Dona Ysabel with the Ships - from Santiago to Havana, while he with some of - the Men went thither by land 142 - - Chapter 7. How we left Havana and came to Florida, and what - other Matters took place 145 - - Chapter 8. Of some Inroads that were made, and how a Christian - was found who had been a long time in the - possession of a Cacique 148 - - Chapter 9. How the Christian came to the Land of Florida, who - he was, and of what passed at his Interview with - the Governor 149 - - Chapter 10. How the Governor, having sent the Ships to Cuba, - marched Inland, leaving one hundred Men at the - Port 153 - - Chapter 11. How the Governor arrived at Caliquen, and thence, - taking the Cacique with him, came to Napetaca, - where the Indians, attempting to rescue him, - had many of their Number killed and captured 156 - - Chapter 12. How the Governor arrived at Palache, and was - informed that there was much Gold inland 160 - - Chapter 13. How the Governor went from Apalache in quest of - Yupaha, and what befell him 164 - - Chapter 14. How the Governor left the Province of Patofa, - marching into a Desert Country, where he, with - his People, became exposed to great Peril, and - underwent severe Privation 169 - - Chapter 15. How the Governor went from Cutifachiqui in quest - of Coca, and what occurred to him on the Journey 175 - - Chapter 16. How the Governor left Chiaha, and, having run a - Hazard of falling by the Hands of the Indians - at Acoste, escaped by his Address: what occurred - to him on the Route, and how he came to Coca 181 - - Chapter 17. Of how the Governor went from Coca to Tascaluca 185 - - Chapter 18. How the Indians rose upon the Governor, and what - followed upon that Rising 190 - - Chapter 19. How the Governor set his Men in order of Battle, and - entered the town of Mauilla 192 - - Chapter 20. How the Governor set out from Mauilla to go to - Chicaca, and what befell him 194 - - Chapter 21. How the Indians returned to attack the Christians, - and how the Governor went to Alimamu, and they - tarried to give him Battle in the Way 199 - - Chapter 22. How the Governor went from Quizquiz, and thence to - the River Grande 201 - - Chapter 23. How the Governor went from Aquixo to Casqui, and - thence to Pacaha; and how this Country differs - from the other 205 - - Chapter 24. How the Cacique of Pacaha came in Peace, and he of - Casqui, having absented himself, returned to - excuse his Conduct; and how the Governor made - Friendship between the Chiefs 209 - - Chapter 25. How the Governor went from Pacaha to Aquiguate and - to Coligoa, and came to Cayas 213 - - Chapter 26. How the Governor went to visit the Province of - Tulla, and what happened to him 217 - - Chapter 27. How the Governor went from Tulla to Autiamque, - where he passed the Winter 221 - - Chapter 28. How the Governor went from Autiamque to Nilco, and - thence to Guachoya 224 - - Chapter 29. The Message sent to Quigaltam, and the Answer - brought back to the Governor, and what occurred - the while 228 - - Chapter 30. The Death of the Adelantado, Don Hernando de Soto, - and how Luys Moscoso de Alvarado was chosen - Governor 232 - - Chapter 31. How the Governor Luys de Moscoso left Guachoya and - went to Chaguete, and thence to Aguacay 235 - - Chapter 32. How the Governor went from Aguacay to Naguatex, - and what happened to him 238 - - Chapter 33. How the Cacique of Naguatex came to visit the - Governor, and how the Governor went thence, and - arrived at Nondacao 240 - - Chapter 34. How the Governor marched from Nondacao to - Soacatino and Guasco, passing through a - Wilderness, whence, for want of a Guide and - Interpreter, he retired to Nilco 243 - - Chapter 35. How the Christians returned to Nilco, and thence - went to Minoya, where they prepared to build - Vessels in which to leave Florida 246 - - Chapter 36. How Seven Brigantines were built, and the - Christians took their Departure from Aminoya 250 - - Chapter 37. How the Christians, on their Voyage, were attacked - in the River, by the Indians of Quigualtam, and - what happened 254 - - Chapter 38. How the Christians were Pursued by the Indians 257 - - Chapter 39. How the Christians came to the Sea, what occurred - then, and what befell them on the Voyage 259 - - Chapter 40. How the Brigantines lost Sight of each other in a - Storm, and afterwards came together at a Kay 262 - - Chapter 41. How the Christians arrived at the River Panico 264 - - Chapter 42. How the Christians came to Panico, and of their - Reception by the Inhabitants 266 - - Chapter 43. The Favor the People found in the Viceroy and - Residents of Mexico 268 - - Chapter 44. Which sets forth some of the Diversities and - Peculiarities of Florida; and the Fruit, Birds, - and Beasts of the Country 270 - - - THE NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION OF CORONADO, - BY PEDRO DE CASTANEDA - - EDITED BY FREDERICK W. HODGE - - THE NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION OF CORONADO, BY PEDRO DE - CASTANEDA 273 - - INTRODUCTION 275 - - Preface 281 - - FIRST PART - - Chapter 1. Which treats of the Way we first came to know about - the Seven Cities, and of how Nuno de Guzman made - an Expedition to discover them 285 - - Chapter 2. Of how Francisco Vazquez Coronado came to be - Governor, and the second Account which Cabeza - de Vaca gave 287 - - Chapter 3. Of how they killed the Negro Estevan at Cibola, and - Friar Marcos returned in Flight 289 - - Chapter 4. Of how the noble Don Antonio de Mendoza made an - Expedition to discover Cibola 290 - - Chapter 5. Concerning the Captains who went to Cibola 292 - - Chapter 6. Of how all the Companies collected in Compostela and - set off on the Journey in good Order 293 - - Chapter 7. Of how the Army reached Chiametla, and the Killing - of the Army-Master, and the other things that - happened up to the Arrival at Culiacan 295 - - Chapter 8. Of how the Army entered the Town of Culiacan and - the Reception it received, and other things - which happened before the Departure 297 - - Chapter 9. Of how the Army started from Culiacan and the - Arrival of the General at Cibola, and of the - Army at Senora and of other things that happened 298 - - Chapter 10. Of how the Army started from the Town of Senora, - leaving it inhabited, and how it reached Cibola, - and of what happened to Captain Melchior Diaz on - his Expedition in Search of the Ships and how he - discovered the Tison (Firebrand) River 302 - - Chapter 11. Of how Don Pedro de Tovar discovered Tusayan or - Tutahaco and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas saw - the Firebrand River, and the other things that - had happened 306 - - Chapter 12. Of how people came from Cicuye to Cibola to see - the Christians, and how Hernando de Alvarado went - to see the Cows 310 - - Chapter 13. Of how the General went toward Tutahaco with a few - Men and left the Army with Don Tristan, who took - it to Tiguex 313 - - Chapter 14. Of how the Army went from Cibola to Tiguex and - what happened to them on the way, on account of - the Snow 315 - - Chapter 15. Of why Tiguex revolted, and how they were - punished, without being to Blame for it 317 - - Chapter 16. Of how they besieged Tiguex and took it and of - what happened during the Siege 320 - - Chapter 17. Of how Messengers reached the Army from the Valley - of Senora, and how Captain Melchior Diaz died on - the Expedition to the Firebrand River 324 - - Chapter 18. Of how the General managed to leave the Country in - Peace so as to go in Search of Quivira, where the - Turk said there was the most Wealth 327 - - Chapter 19. Of how they started in Search of Quivira and of - what happened on the Way 329 - - Chapter 20. Of how great Stones fell in the Camp, and how they - discovered another Ravine, where the Army was - divided into two Parts 333 - - Chapter 21. Of how the Army returned to Tiguex and the General - reached Quivira 335 - - Chapter 22. Of how the General returned from Quivira and of - other Expeditions toward the North 339 - - SECOND PART - - WHICH TREATS OF THE HIGH VILLAGES AND PROVINCES AND OF - THEIR HABITS AND CUSTOMS, AS COLLECTED BY PEDRO DE - CASTANEDA, NATIVE OF THE CITY OF NAJARA - - Chapter 1. Of the Province of Culiacan and of its Habits and - Customs 344 - - Chapter 2. Of the Province of Petlatlan and all the Inhabited - Country as far as Chichilticalli 346 - - Chapter 3. Of Chichilticalli and the Desert, of Cibola, its - Customs and Habits, and of other things 349 - - Chapter 4. Of how they live at Tiguex, and of the Province of - Tiguex and its Neighborhood 352 - - Chapter 5. Of Cicuye and the Villages in its Neighborhood, and - of how some People came to conquer this Country 355 - - Chapter 6. Which gives the Number of Villages which were seen - in the Country of the Terraced Houses, and their - Population 358 - - Chapter 7. Which treats of the Plains that were crossed, of - the Cows, and of the People who inhabit them 361 - - Chapter 8. Of Quivira, of where it is and some Information - about it 364 - - THIRD PART - - WHICH DESCRIBES WHAT HAPPENED TO FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ - CORONADO DURING THE WINTER, AND HOW HE GAVE UP THE - EXPEDITION AND RETURNED TO NEW SPAIN - - - Chapter 1. Of how Don Pedro de Tovar came from Senora with - some Men, and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas - started back to New Spain 366 - - Chapter 2. Of the General's Fall, and of how the Return to - New Spain was ordered 368 - - Chapter 3. Of the Rebellion at Suya and the Reasons the - Settlers gave for it 370 - - Chapter 4. Of how Friar Juan de Padilla and Friar Luis - remained in the Country and the Army prepared - to return to Mexico 372 - - Chapter 5. Of how the Army left the Settlements and marched - to Culiacan, and of what happened on the Way 375 - - Chapter 6. Of how the General started from Culiacan to give the - Viceroy an Account of the Army with which he had - been intrusted 377 - - Chapter 7. Of the Adventures of Captain Juan Gallego while he - was bringing Reenforcements through the Revolted - Country 379 - - Chapter 8. Which describes some remarkable things that were - seen on the Plains, with a Description of the - Bulls 381 - - Chapter 9. Which treats of the Direction which the Army took, - and of how another more direct Way might be found, - if anyone was to return to that Country 384 - - - - -SPANISH EXPLORERS IN THE SOUTHERN UNITED STATES - - - - -THE NARRATIVE OF ALVAR NUNEZ CABEZA DE VACA - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -In some respects the journey of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca and his -three companions overland from coast to coast during the eight years -from 1528 to 1536 is the most remarkable in the record of American -exploration, and as a narrative of suffering and privation the -relation here presented perhaps has no equal in the annals of the -northern continent. - -The author of the narrative was a native of Jerez de la Frontera, -in the province of Cadiz, in southern Spain, but the date of his -birth is not known. His father was Francisco de Vera, son of Pedro -de Vera, conqueror of the Grand Canary in 1483; his mother, Teresa -Cabeza de Vaca, who also was born in Jerez. Why Alvar Nunez assumed -the matronymic is not known, unless it was with a sense of pride that -he desired to perpetuate the name that had been bestowed by the King -of Navarre on his maternal ancestor, a shepherd named Martin Alhaja, -for guiding the army through a pass that he marked with the skull -of a cow (_cabeza de vaca_, literally "cow's head"), thus leading -the Spanish army to success in the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa, in -July, 1212, which led up to the final conquest of the Moors in Spain. - -Having returned to Spain after many years of service in the New World -for the Crown, Pamfilo de Narvaez petitioned for a grant; and in -consequence the right to conquer and colonize the country between the -Rio de las Palmas, in eastern Mexico, and Florida was accorded him. -The expedition, consisting of six hundred colonists and soldiers, -set sail in five vessels from San Lucar de Barrameda, June 17, 1527, -and after various vicissitudes, including the wreck of two ships and -the loss of sixty men in a hurricane on the southern coast of Cuba, -was finally driven northward by storm, and landed, in April, 1528, -at St. Clements Point, near the entrance to Tampa Bay, on the west -coast of Florida. Despite the protest of Cabeza de Vaca, who had been -appointed treasurer of Rio de las Palmas by the King, Narvaez ordered -his ships to skirt the coast in an endeavor to find Panuco, while -the expedition, now reduced to three hundred men by desertions in -Santo Domingo, death in the Cuban storm, and the return of those in -charge of the ships, started inland in a generally northern course. -The fleet searched for the expedition for a year and then sailed to -Mexico. - -Among the members of the force, in addition to Alvar Nunez Cabeza de -Vaca, were Andres Dorantes de Carranca, son of Pablo, a native of -Bejar del Castanar, in Estremadura, who had received a commission as -captain of infantry on the recommendation of Don Alvaro de Zuniga, -Duke of Bejar; Captain Alonzo del Castillo Maldonado, of Salamanca, -the son of Doctor Castillo and Aldonza Maldonado; and Estevan, or -Estevanico, a blackamoor of Asemmur, or Azamor, on the west coast -of Morocco, the slave of Dorantes. With the exception of those who -returned with the ships, these four men were the only ones of the -entire expedition who ever again entered a civilized community. - -Pursuing a generally northerly course, harassed by Indians, and beset -with hunger, illness, and treachery in their ranks, Narvaez's party -finally reached the head of Appalachee Bay, in the country of the -Indians after whom this arm of the Gulf of Mexico takes its name. -Looking now to the sea as his only means of escape; Narvaez the -incompetent, with neither the proper materials nor the mechanics, -set about to build boats to conduct his men out of their trap--craft -that were expected to weather such tropical storms as they had -already so poorly buffeted with their stouter ships. Every object -of metal that the expedition afforded, even to stirrups and spurs, -was requisitioned for the manufacture of nails and necessary tools; -a rude forge was constructed, with bellows of wood and deer-skins; -the native palm supplied tow and covering; the horses were killed -and their hides used for water-bottles, while their flesh served the -Spaniards for food as the work went on; even the shirts from the very -backs of the men were fashioned into sails. Picturing the character -of the five boats, laden almost to the gunwales with nearly fifty men -each, besides such provisions as could be stowed away, and the untold -hardship from thirst after the decay of the horse-hide canteens, the -chief wonder is that the motley fleet survived long enough to reach -Pensacola Bay. As it passed the mouth of the Mississippi, the current -was so swift that fresh water was dipped from the gulf, and the wind -so strong that the boats were carried beyond sight of land for three -days, and for a time lost sight of each other. For four days more, -two of the boats, including that in which was Cabeza de Vaca, drifted -within view of each other; but another storm arose, again they were -lost to sight, and one by one the occupants succumbed to exhaustion -and cast themselves into the bottom of the boat, until Cabeza de Vaca -alone was left to steer the flimsy craft in its unknown course. Night -came on and the author of our narrative lay down to rest. The next -morning, November 6, 1528, the boat was cast ashore on a long narrow -island, inhabited by savages, on the Texas coast. - -On this "Island of Misfortune" Cabeza de Vaca's party was soon -joined by that of one of the other boats, including Dorantes, so -that altogether the island harbored about eighty Spaniards. Four men -later attempted to reach Panuco, but all perished but one. During -the following winter disease raged among the little colony, reducing -it to fifteen. Then the Spaniards became separated, Dorantes and his -slave Estevan, now both the slaves of the Indians, were taken to -the mainland, whither Cabeza de Vaca, weary of root-digging on the -island shore, also escaped, becoming a trader among the Indians, -journeying far inland and along the coast from tribe to tribe, for -forty or fifty leagues. Every year during the five years that he -plied his trade as a dealer in shells, sea-beads, medicine-beans, -skins, ochre, and the like, he returned to Malhado, where Lope de -Oviedo, and Alvarez, a sick companion, still remained. Finally the -latter died, and Cabeza de Vaca and Oviedo again sought the main in -the hope of reaching Christian people. Journeying southward along the -coast, they crossed the Brazos and other rivers, and finally reached -San Antonio Bay. Here Oviedo, owing to ill-treatment by the Indians, -deserted Cabeza de Vaca, who shortly after also stole away from the -savages and joined Dorantes, Castillo Maldonado, and the Moor (the -sole survivors of the party of twelve who had left Malhado years -before), whose Indian masters had come down the river, evidently the -San Antonio, to gather walnuts. - -Once more together, the Christians planned to escape six months -hence, when all the Indians from the surrounding country gathered on -the southern Texas plains to eat prickly pears. But again were they -doomed to disappointment, for although the savages assembled in the -tuna fields, a quarrel arose among them (there was "a woman in the -case"), which caused the Spaniards to be separated for another year. -Their escape was finally accomplished in the manner they had planned; -but their departure for the Christian land was not at once effected, -by reason of the inhospitable character of the country, which -compelled them to sojourn among other Indians until the beginning of -another prickly-pear season. - -While among the Avavares, with whom the Spaniards lived for eight -months, they resumed the treatment of the sick, a practice that had -first been forced on them, by the natives of Malhado Island, under -threat of starvation. With such success did the Spaniards, and -especially Cabeza de Vaca, meet, that their reputation as healers -was sounded far and wide among the tribes, thousands of the natives -following them from place to place and showering gifts upon them. - -There are few Spanish narratives that are more unsatisfactory to -deal with by reason of the lack of directions, distances, and other -details, than that of Cabeza de Vaca; consequently there are scarcely -two students of the route who agree. His line of travel through -Texas was twice crossed by later explorers,--in 1541 by the army of -Francisco Vazquez Coronado, on the eastern edge of the Stake Plains, -and again in 1582 by Antonio de Espejo, on the Rio Grande below the -present El Paso. These data, with the clews afforded by the narrative -itself, point strongly to a course from the tuna fields, about -thirty leagues inland from San Antonio Bay, to the Rio Colorado and -perhaps to the Rio Llano, westward across the lower Pecos to the Rio -Grande above the junction of the Conchos, thence in an approximately -straight line across Chihuahua and Sonora to the Rio Sonora, where -we find Cabeza de Vaca's Village of the Hearts, which Coronado also -visited in 1540, at or in the vicinity of the present Ures. Soon -after he reached this point traces of the first Christians were seen, -and shortly after the Spaniards themselves, in the form of a military -body of slave-hunters. - -As to the character of our chronicler, he seems to have been an -honest, modest, and humane man, who underestimated rather than -exaggerated the many strange things that came under his notice, if we -except the account of his marvellous healings, even to the revival -of the dead. The expedition of Narvaez was in itself a disastrous -and dismal failure, reaching "an end alike forlorn and fatal"; but -viewed from the standpoint of present-day civilization, the commander -deserved his fate. On the other hand, while one might well hesitate -to say that the accomplishment of Cabeza de Vaca and his three -companions compensated their untold sufferings, the world eventually -became the wiser in more ways than one. The northern continent had -been penetrated from shore to shore; the waters of the Mississippi -and the bison of the plains were now first seen by white men; and -some knowledge of the savage tribes had been gleaned for the benefit -of those who should come after. There is no blatant announcement of -great mineral wealth--a mountain with scoria of iron, some small bags -of mica, a quantity of galena, with which the Indians painted their -faces, a little turquoise, a few emeralds, and a small copper bell -were all. Yet the effect of the remarkable overland journey was to -inspire the expedition of Coronado in 1540; and it is not improbable -that De Soto, who endeavored to enlist the services of Cabeza de -Vaca, may likewise have been stimulated to action. - -After the three Spaniards returned to Mexico they united in a report -to the Audiencia of Espanola (Santo Domingo), which is printed in -Oviedo's _Historia General y Natural de las Indias_ (tomo III., lib. -XXXV., ed. 1853). In April, 1537, they embarked for Spain, but the -ship in which Dorantes set sail proved to be unseaworthy and returned -to Vera Cruz. Invited to the capital by the Viceroy Mendoza, Dorantes -was tendered a commission to explore the northern country, but this -project was never carried out. - -Cabeza de Vaca, in reward for his services, was appointed governor, -captain-general, and adelantado of the provinces of Rio de la Plata. -Sailing from Cadiz in November, 1540, he reached Brazil in March -of the following year. Here he remained seven months, when he sent -his vessels ahead to Buenos Ayres and started overland to Asuncion, -which he reached in March, 1542, after a remarkable experience in -the tropical forests. But the province seems to have needed a man of -sterner stuff than Alvar Nunez, for he soon became the subject of -animosity and intrigue, which finally resulted in open rebellion, -and his arrest in April, 1543. He was kept under close guard for -about two years, when he was sent to Spain, and in 1551 was sentenced -to banishment in Africa for eight years--a judgment that does not -seem to have been carried out, for after serving probably a year or -so in mild captivity at Seville, he was acquitted. He died in 1557. - -Of the subsequent career of Castillo little is known. He returned to -New Spain, became a citizen of the City of Mexico, married a widow, -and was granted half the rents of the Indian town of Tehuacan. - -Dorantes, as has been stated, for some reason did not carry out -the plan of exploring the north, perhaps because of the projected -expedition of Coronado, the way for which was led by Fray Marcos -de Niza in 1539 with the negro Estevan as a guide. Dorantes served -Mendoza in the conquest of Jalisco, and married Dona Maria de la -Torre, a widow, by whom he had a large family. One of his sons, -Balthasar, sometime king's treasurer of Vera Cruz, was born about the -middle of the century, and on the death of his father inherited an -_encomienda_ that produced an income of five thousand pesos a year. -Another son, Gaspar, inherited the _encomienda_ of the pueblos of -Ocava; and another, Melchior, "an _encomienda_ of Indians and of very -good rents." - -Of Estevan there is somewhat more definite information. Well on the -road toward the north in 1539, he was sent ahead by Fray Marcos to -report the character of the country and its people, and with rattle -in hand and accompanied by many Indians of the present Gila River -region, entered Hawikuh, the first of the Seven Cities of Cibola. -Here Estevan and most of his Indian followers were put to death by -the Zunis; those who escaped fled to Fray Marcos, whose life was -threatened but who saved himself by regaling the natives with the -contents of his pack. - -There was another survivor of the inland expedition of Narvaez--Juan -Ortiz by name. This Spaniard, who had been enticed ashore by the -Indians of Florida, led practically the life of a slave, like his -countrymen on the Texas main, until 1539, when he was rescued by De -Soto, but he died before the expedition returned to civilization. - -The _Relacion_ of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca was first printed -at Zamora in 1542, and with slight changes was reprinted, with -the first edition of the _Comentarios_ on the Rio de la Plata, at -Valladolid, in 1555. The _editio princeps_ was translated into -Italian by Ramusio, in the third volume of his _Navigationi et -Viaggi_ (Venice, 1556), and this was paraphrased into English by -Samuel Purchas in volume IV. of _Purchas His Pilgrimes_ (London, -1613, pt. IV., lib. VIII., cap. 1). The _Naufragios_ (or _Relacion_) -and _Comentarios_ were reprinted at Madrid in 1736, preceded by the -_Examen Apologetico_ of Antonio Ardoino, who seemed to feel it his -duty to reply to an Austrian monk named Caspar Plautus, who, in -1621, under the name Philoponus, published a treatise in which he -maintained that laymen like Cabeza de Vaca should not be permitted to -perform miracles. This edition of the narration of Cabeza de Vaca is -included in volume I. of Barcia's _Historiadores Primitivos de las -Indias Occidentales_, published at Madrid in 1749. The _Naufragios_ -of Alvar Nunez, from the edition of 1555, appears in volume I. of -Vedia's _Historiadores Primitivos de Indias_ (Madrid, ed. 1852). The -letter to the Audiencia of Espanola, "edited" by Oviedo, has already -been alluded to. A "Capitulacion que se tomo con Alvar Nunez Cabeza -de Vaca," dated Madrid, 18 Marzo, 1540, is found in the _Coleccion de -Documentos Ineditos del Archivo de Indias_ (tomo XXIII., pp. 8-33, -1875). A _Relacion_ by Cabeza de Vaca, briefly narrating the story -of the expedition until the arrival of its survivors in Espiritu -Santo Bay, with his instructions as treasurer, is printed in the -_Coleccion de Documentos de Indias_, XIV. 265-279 (Madrid, 1870). The -most recent Spanish edition of the more famous _Relacion_ reprinted -in the following pages forms a part of volume V. of the _Coleccion -de Libros y Documentos referentes a la Historia de America_ (Madrid, -1906), which also contains the _Comentarios_. - -The single French translation was published as volume VII. of Henri -Ternaux-Compans's _Voyages_ (Paris, 1837), from the edition of 1555, -while the _Commentaires_ form volume VI. - -In 1851 a translation of the edition of 1555 into English, by -(Thomas) Buckingham Smith, under the title The _Narrative of Alvar -Nunez Cabeca de Vaca_, was published privately at Washington by -George W. Riggs; and shortly after Mr. Smith's death, in 1871, -another edition, with many additions, was published in New York under -the editorial supervision of John Gilmary Shea and at the expense of -Henry C. Murphy. It is this edition of the _Narrative_ that is here -reprinted. A paraphrase of the 1851 edition of Smith's translation -appears in Henry Kingsley's _Tales of Old Travels_ (London, 1869). -The first fourteen chapters of W. W. H. Davis's _Spanish Conquest -of New Mexico_ (Doylestown, Pa., 1869) are also a paraphrase of -the same work. Chapters XXX.-XXXVI. of the 1871 edition of Smith, -somewhat abridged, were printed in an _Old South Leaflet_ (Gen. -Ser., No. 39, Boston, 1893). A "Relation of what Befel the Persons -who Escaped from the Disasters that Attended the Armament of Captain -Pamphilo de Narvaez on the Shores and in the countries of the North," -translated and condensed from the letter published by Oviedo, is -printed in _The Historical Magazine_ (vol. XII., pp. 141, 204, 267, -347; September-December, 1867). The most recent English edition of -the Cabeza de Vaca _Relation_, translated from the very rare imprint -of 1542 by Mrs. Fanny Bandelier, and edited, with an introduction, -by her husband Ad. F. Bandelier, was published in New York, in 1905, -under the title, _The Journey of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca_, as one -of the volumes of the "Trail Makers" series. - - F. W. HODGE. - - - - -THE NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA - - _Relation that Alvar Nunez Cabeca de Vaca gave of what befell - the armament in the Indies whither Panfilo de Narvaez went for - Governor from the year 1527 to the year 1536 [1537] when with - three comrades he returned and came to Sevilla._[1] - - [1] This heading is taken from the title-page of the edition of - 1542. The edition of 1555, generally followed in this book, has a - title-page so phrased as to cover both the North American and the - South American narratives of the author. The return really took - place in 1537. - - - - -PROEM - - - SACRED CAESARIAN CATHOLIC MAJESTY: - -Among the many who have held sway, I think no prince can be found -whose service has been attended with the ardor and emulation shown -for that of your Highness[2] at this time. The inducement is evident -and powerful: men do not pursue together the same career without -motive, and strangers are observed to strive with those who are -equally impelled by religion and loyalty. - - [2] The Emperor Charles V. - -Although ambition and love of action are common to all, as to the -advantages that each may gain, there are great inequalities of -fortune, the result not of conduct, but only accident, nor caused by -the fault of any one, but coming in the providence of God and solely -by His will. Hence to one arises deeds more signal than he thought to -achieve; to another the opposite in every way occurs, so that he can -show no higher proof of purpose than his effort, and at times even -this is so concealed that it cannot of itself appear. - -As for me, I can say in undertaking the march I made on the main -by the royal authority, I firmly trusted that my conduct and -services would be as evident and distinguished as were those of my -ancestors[3] and that I should not have to speak in order to be -reckoned among those who for diligence and fidelity in affairs your -Majesty honors. Yet, as neither my counsel nor my constancy availed -to gain aught for which we set out, agreeably to your interests, for -our sins, no one of the many armaments that have gone into those -parts has been permitted to find itself in straits great like ours, -or come to an end alike forlorn and fatal. To me, one only duty -remains, to present a relation of what was seen and heard in the ten -years[4] I wandered lost and in privation through many and remote -lands. Not merely a statement of positions and distances, animals -and vegetation, but of the diverse customs of the many and very -barbarous people with whom I talked and dwelt, as well as all other -matters I could hear of and discern, that in some way I may avail -your Highness. My hope of going out from among those nations was -always small, still my care and diligence were none the less to keep -in particular remembrance everything, that if at any time God our -Lord should will to bring me where I now am, it might testify to my -exertion in the royal behalf. - - [3] He doubtless refers particularly to the services of his - grandfather, Pedro de Vera, conqueror of the Canaries, to whom he - refers at the close of this work. See the Introduction. - - [4] He arrived in Florida with the Narvaez expedition in April, - 1528, and reached New Spain overland in April, 1536--eight years - later. - -As the narrative is in my opinion of no trivial value to those who in -your name go to subdue those countries and bring them to a knowledge -of the true faith and true Lord, and under the imperial dominion, -I have written this with much exactness; and although in it may be -read things very novel and for some persons difficult to believe, -nevertheless they may without hesitation credit me as strictly -faithful. Better than to exaggerate, I have lessened in all things, -and it is sufficient to say the relation is offered to your Majesty -for truth. I beg it may be received in the name of homage, since it -is the most that one could bring who returned thence naked. - - - - -Chapter 1 - -_In which is told when the Armada sailed, and of the officers and -persons who went in it._ - - -On the seventeenth day[5] of June, in the year fifteen hundred and -twenty-seven, the Governor Panphilo de Narvaez left the port of San -Lucar de Barrameda,[6] authorized and commanded by your Majesty -to conquer and govern the provinces of the main, extending from -the River Palmas[7] to the cape of Florida. The fleet he took was -five ships, in which went six hundred men, a few more or less; the -officers (for we shall have to speak of them), were these, with their -rank: Cabeca de Vaca, treasurer and high-sheriff; Alonso Enrriquez, -comptroller; Alonso de Solis, distributor to your Majesty and -assessor; Juan Xuarez,[8] a friar of Saint Francis, commissary, and -four more friars of the same order. - - [5] The Spanish edition of 1542 has the date June 27. - - [6] At the mouth of the Guadalquivir, in the province of Cadiz, - Spain; noted as the point of debarkation of Fernao Magalhaes, or - Magellan, September 20, 1519. - - [7] Probably the Rio de Santander, which enters the Gulf of - Mexico one hundred miles north of Tampico. The name was later - applied to the province that joined the province of Panuco on the - north. The latter was, in general terms, the region drained by - the streams that empty into the Gulf about Tampico. - - [8] The edition of 1542 has "Juan Gutierrez." - -We arrived at the island of Santo Domingo, where we tarried near -forty-five days, engaged in procuring for ourselves some necessary -material, particularly horses. Here we lost from our fleet more than -one hundred and forty men, who wished to remain, seduced by the -partidos,[9] and advantages held out to them by the people of that -country. - - [9] A term often used to designate one of the districts or - territories into which a Spanish province was divided for - purposes of administration, and having a head pueblo or village; - but here employed to signify the favorable proposals which the - colonists made to the deserters from the fleet. - -We sailed from the island and arrived at Santiago,[10] a port of -Cuba, where, during some days that we remained, the Governor supplied -himself further with men, also with arms and horses. It happened -there that a gentleman, Vasco Porcallo[11] of Trinidad, which is also -on the island,[12] offered to give the Governor some provisions which -he had in the town, a hundred leagues from the port of Santiago. -Accordingly the Governor set out with all the fleet for Trinidad; but -coming to a port half way, called Cabo de Santa Cruz,[13] he thought -it well to wait there, and send a vessel to bring the stores. To this -end he ordered that a Captain Pantoja[14] should go for them with -his ship, and for greater security, that I should accompany him with -another. The Governor remained with four ships, having bought one at -the island of Santo Domingo. - - [10] In southeastern Cuba, the Santiago de Cuba that was - surrendered to the American forces in the summer of 1898. - - [11] Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa afterward became De Soto's - lieutenant-general in Florida, but returned to Cuba early in the - history of the expedition. - - [12] On the southern coast, longitude 80 deg.. - - [13] Now Cabo Cruz, longitude 77 deg. 40'. - - [14] One Juan Pantoja, captain of crossbowmen and Lord of - Ixtlahuaca, accompanied Narvaez on his first expedition to - Mexico. If the same as the present Pantoja, which seems likely, - he was killed by Sotomayor in a quarrel. See ch. 17. - -We having arrived with the two vessels at the port of Trinidad, -Captain Pantoja went with Vasco Porcalle (_sic_) to the town, a -league off, to receive the provisions, while I remained at sea with -the pilots, who said we ought to go thence with the greatest despatch -possible, for it was a very bad port in which many vessels were lost. -As what there occurred to us was very remarkable, it appears to me -not foreign to the purpose with which I write this, to relate it here. - -The next morning began to give signs of bad weather; rain commenced -falling, and the sea ran so high, that, although I gave the men -permission to go on shore, many of them returned to the ship to avoid -exposure to the wet and cold, and because the town was a league away. -In this time a canoe came off, bringing me a letter from a resident -of the place, asking me to come for the needed provisions that were -there; from which request I excused myself, saying that I could not -leave the ships. At noon the canoe returned with another letter, in -which I was solicited again with much urging, and a horse was brought -for me to ride. I gave the same answer as before, that I could not -leave the ships; but the pilots and the people entreated me to go, so -that I might hasten the provisions as fast as possible, and we might -join the fleet where it lay, for they had great fear lest remaining -long in this port, the ships should be lost. For these reasons, -I determined to go to the town; but first I left orders with the -pilots, that if the south wind, which often wrecks vessels there, -came on to blow, and they should find themselves in much danger, to -put the ships on shore at some place where the men and horses could -be saved. I wished to take some of the men with me for company; but -they said the weather was too rainy and cold, and the town too far -off; that to-morrow, which was Sunday, they would come, with God's -help, and hear mass. - -An hour after I left, the sea began to rise very high, and the north -wind was so violent that neither the boats dared come to land, nor -could the vessels be let drive on shore, because of the head wind, -so that the people remained severely laboring against the adverse -weather, and under a heavy fall of water all that day and Sunday -until dark. At this time, the rain and the tempest had increased to -such a degree, there was no less agitation in the town than on the -sea; for all the houses and churches fell, and it was necessary in -order to move upright, that we should go seven or eight holding on -to each other that the wind might not blow us away; and walking in -the groves, we had no less fear of the trees than of the houses, as -they too were falling and might kill us under them. In this tempest -and danger we wandered all night, without finding place or spot where -we could remain a half-hour in safety. During the time, particularly -from midnight forward, we heard much tumult and great clamor of -voices, the sound of timbrels, flutes, and tambourines, as well as -other instruments, which lasted until the morning, when the tempest -ceased. Nothing so terrible as this storm had been seen in those -parts before. I drew up an authenticated account of it, and sent the -testimony to your Majesty. - -On Monday morning we went down to the harbor, but did not find the -ships. The buoys belonging to them were floating on the water; whence -we knew the ships were lost, and we walked along the shore to see -if any thing could be found of them. As nothing was discovered, we -struck into the woods, and, having travelled about a quarter of a -league in water, we found the little boat of a ship lodged upon some -trees. Ten leagues thence, along the coast, two bodies were found, -belonging to my ship, and some lids of boxes; but the persons were -so disfigured by beating against the rocks that they could not be -recognized. A cloak too was seen, also a coverlet rent in pieces, -and nothing more. Sixty persons were lost in the ships, and twenty -horses. Those who had gone on shore the day of our arrival, who may -have been as many as thirty, were all the survivors of both ships. -During some days we were struggling with much hardship and hunger; -for the provisions and subsistence were destroyed, and some herds. -The country was left in a condition piteous to behold; the trees -prostrate, the woods parched, there being neither grass nor leaf. - -Thus we lived until the fifth of November, when the Governor arrived -with four ships, which had lived through the great storm, having run -into a place of safety in good time. The people who came in them, -as well as those on shore, were so intimidated by what had passed, -that they feared to go on board in the winter, and they besought the -Governor to spend it there. Seeing their desire and that it was also -the wish of the townspeople, he staid through the season. He gave the -ships and people into my charge, that I might go with them to pass -the winter at the port of Xagua,[15] twelve leagues thence, where I -remained until the twentieth day of February. - - [15] The present Jagua, at the entrance to the bay of Cienfuegos. - - - - -Chapter 2 - -_The coming of the Governor to the Port of Xagua and with a pilot._ - - -At this time, the Governor arrived with a brigantine bought in -Trinidad, and brought with him a pilot named Miruelo, who was -employed because he said he knew the position of the River Palmas, -and had been there, and was a thorough pilot for all the coast of -the North. The Governor had also purchased and left on the shore -of Havana another vessel, of which Alvaro de la Cerda remained in -charge, with forty infantry and twelve cavalry. - -The second day after arrival the Governor set sail with four hundred -men and eighty horses, in four ships and a brigantine. The pilot -being again on board, put the vessels among the shoals they call -Canarreo,[16] and on the day following we struck: thus we were -situated fifteen days, the keels of our vessels frequently touching -bottom. At the end of this time, a tempest from the south threw -so much water upon the shoals that we could get off, although not -without danger. We left this place and arrived at Guaniguanico, where -another storm overtook us, in which we were at one time near being -lost. At Cape Corrientes[17] we had still another, which detained -us three days. These places being passed, we doubled Cape Sant -Anton,[18] and sailed with head winds until we were within twelve -leagues of Havana. Standing in the next day to enter the harbor, a -wind came from the south which drove us from the land towards the -coast of Florida. We came in sight on Tuesday, the twelfth day of -April, and sailed along the coast. On Holy Thursday we anchored near -the shore in the mouth of a bay[19] at the head of which we saw some -houses or habitations of Indians.[20] - - [16] Evidently one of the numerous keys between Xagua Bank and - the Isle of Pines. - - [17] Southwestern Cuba. - - [18] The westernmost point of the island. - - [19] The place of landing is identified as having been about - St. Clement's Point, on the peninsula west of Tampa Bay, on - the western coast of Florida. See Woodbury Lowery, _Spanish - Settlements_, 1513-1561 (New York, 1901), p. 177, and App. J. - - [20] These were Indians belonging to the Timuquanan, or Timucuan - family, now entirely extinct. The Seminoles were comparatively - recent intruders in the peninsula, except in the extreme northern - part. - - - - -Chapter 3 - -_Our arrival in Florida._ - - -On the same day[21] the comptroller, Alonzo Enrriquez, landed on an -island in the bay. He called to the Indians, who came and remained -with him some time; and in barter gave him fish and several pieces of -venison. The day following, which was Good Friday,[22] the governor -debarked with as many of the people as the boats he brought could -contain. When we came to the _buhios_,[23] or houses that we had -seen, we found them vacant and abandoned, the inhabitants having fled -at night in their canoes. One of the buhios was very large; it could -hold more than three hundred persons. The others were smaller. We -found a tinklet of gold among some fish nets. - - [21] April 14, 1528. - - [22] April 15, 1528 - - [23] An Arawak term for house, referring specifically to a - dwelling with an open shed attached. The Spaniards became - acquainted with the word in Santo Domingo. For descriptions of - these habitations see Fewkes, "The Aborigines of Porto Rico and - Neighboring Islands," _Twenty-fifth Annual Report of the Bureau - of American Ethnology_, 1906. - -The next day[24] the Governor raised ensigns for your Majesty, and -took possession of the country in your royal name.[25] He made known -his authority, and was obeyed as governor, as your Majesty had -commanded. At the same time we laid our commissions before him, and -he acknowledged them according to their tenor. Then he ordered that -the rest of the people and the horses should land. Of the beasts -there were only forty-two; by reason of the great storms and the -length of time passed at sea, the rest were dead. These few remaining -were so lean and fatigued that for the time we could have little -service from them. The following day the Indians of the town came and -spoke to us; but as we had no interpreter we could not understand -what they meant. They made many signs and menaces, and appeared to -say we must go away from the country. With this they left us and went -off, offering no interruption. - - [24] April 16, 1528. - - [25] For the interesting if farcical formula used in taking - possession of a country in the name of Spain, see Buckingham - Smith, _Relation of Alvar Nunez Cabeca de Vaca_ (ed. 1871), App. - III., 215-217, and Lowery, _op. cit._, pp. 178-180. - - - - -Chapter 4 - -_Our entrance into the country._ - - -The day following, the Governor resolved to make an incursion to -explore the land, and see what it might contain. With him went the -commissary, the assessor, and myself, with forty men, among them six -cavalry, of which we could make little use. We took our way towards -the north,[26] until the hour of vespers, when we arrived at a very -large bay that appeared to stretch far inland.[27] We remained there -that night, and the next day we returned to the place where were our -ships and people. The Governor ordered that the brigantine should -sail along the coast of Florida and search for the harbor that -Miruelo, the pilot, said he knew (though as yet he had failed to find -it, and could not tell in what place we were, or where was the port), -and that if it were not found, she should steer for Havana and seek -the ship of which Alvaro de la Cerda was in command,[28] and, taking -provisions, together, they should come to look for us. - - [26] Really northeast. - - [27] The western arm of Tampa Bay, known as Old Tampa Bay. - - [28] With forty men and a dozen horses. - -After the brigantine left, the same party, with some persons more, -returned to enter the land. We kept along the shores of the bay we -had found, and, having gone four leagues, we captured four Indians. -We showed them maize, to see if they had knowledge of it, for up to -that time we had seen no indication of any. They said they could take -us where there was some; so they brought us to their town near by, -at the head of the bay, and showed us a little corn not yet fit for -gathering. - -There we saw many cases, such as are used to contain the merchandise -of Castile, in each of them a dead man, and the bodies were covered -with painted deer-skins. This appeared to the commissary to be a kind -of idolatry, and he burned the cases with the bodies. We also found -pieces of linen and of woollen cloth, and bunches of feathers which -appeared like those of New Spain.[29] There were likewise traces of -gold. Having by signs asked the Indians whence these things came, -they motioned to us that very far from there, was a province called -Apalachen,[30] where was much gold, and so the same abundance in -Palachen[31] of everything that we at all cared for. - - [29] In the letter addressed by the survivors to the Audiencia - of Santo Domingo (Oviedo, _Historia General y Natural de las - Indias_, III., cap. i. 583, Madrid, 1853), it is stated that when - the natives were asked whence came these intrusive articles, - which included also some pieces of shoes, canvas, broadcloth, - and iron, they replied by signs that they had taken them from a - vessel that had been wrecked in the bay. Compare also cap. VII. - 615. It has been suggested that possibly the objects may have - come from the vessel which Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon lost in 1526, - but as this wreck occurred at the mouth of Cape Fear River, on - the southern coast of North Carolina, it does not seem likely - that they could have been derived from this source. That natives - of the West Indies had intercourse by canoe with Florida, and - that an Arawakan colony was early established on the southwest - coast of the peninsula, is now well established. - - [30] The Apalachee were one of the Muskhogean tribes that - occupied northwestern Florida from the vicinity of Pensacola - eastward to Ocilla River, their chief seats being in the - vicinity of Tallahassee and St. Marks. In 1655 they numbered six - or eight thousand, but about the beginning of the eighteenth - century they were warred against by the Creeks, instigated by - the English of Carolina, and in 1703 and 1704 expeditions by - English troops, reinforced by Creek warriors, resulted in the - capture and enslavement of about fourteen hundred Apalachee - and in practically exterminating the remainder. The town of - Apalachicola, on the Savannah River, was inhabited by Apalachee - refugees colonized later by the Carolina government, but these - were finally merged with the Creeks. Appalachee Bay and the - Appalachian Mountains derive their names from this tribe. - - [31] "Apalachen," as above, in the edition of 1542 (Bandelier - translation). - -Taking these Indians for guides, we departed, and travelling ten or -twelve leagues[32] we came to a town of fifteen houses. Here a large -piece of ground was cultivated in maize then ripe, and we likewise -found some already dry. After staying there two days, we returned to -where the comptroller tarried with the men and ships, and related to -him and the pilots what we had seen, and the information the natives -had given. - - [32] The Spanish league varied greatly, but in these early - narratives the judicial league, equivalent to 2.634 English - miles, is usually meant. Distances, however, while sometimes - paced, were generally loose guesses, as is often shown by the - great disparity in the figures given by two or more chroniclers - of the same journey. - -The next day, the first of May, the Governor called aside the -commissary, the comptroller, the assessor, myself, a sailor named -Bartolome Fernandez, and a notary, Hieronymo Alaniz.[33] Being -together he said that he desired to penetrate the interior, and that -the ships ought to go along the coast until they should come to the -port which the pilots believed was very near on the way to the River -Palmas. He asked us for our views. - - [33] "Jeronimo de Albaniz" in the edition of 1542 (Bandelier - translation). - -I said it appeared to me that under no circumstances ought we to -leave the vessels until they were in a secure and peopled harbor; -that he should observe the pilots were not confident, and did not -agree in any particular, neither did they know where we were; that, -more than this, the horses were in no condition to serve us in such -exigencies as might occur. Above all, that we were going without -being able to communicate with the Indians by use of speech and -without an interpreter, and we could but poorly understand ourselves -with them, or learn what we desired to know of the land; that we -were about entering a country of which we had no account, and had -no knowledge of its character, of what there was in it, or by what -people inhabited, neither did we know in what part of it we were; and -beside all this, we had not food to sustain us in wandering we knew -not whither; that with regard to the stores in the ships, rations -could not be given to each man for such a journey, more than a pound -of biscuit and another of bacon; that my opinion was, we should -embark and seek a harbor and a soil better than this to occupy, since -what we had seen of it was desert and poor, such as had never before -been discovered in those parts. - -To the commissary[34] every thing appeared otherwise. He thought we -ought not to embark; but that, always keeping the coast, we should -go in search of the harbor, which the pilots stated was only ten or -fifteen leagues from there, on the way to Panuco; and that it was not -possible, marching ever by the shore, we should fail to come upon -it, because they said it stretched up into the land a dozen leagues; -that whichever might first find it should wait for the other; that -to embark would be to brave the Almighty after so many adversities -encountered since leaving Spain, so many storms, and so great losses -of men and ships sustained before reaching there; that for these -reasons we should march along the coast until we reached the harbor, -and those in the ships should take a like direction until they -arrived at the same place. - - [34] Fray Juan Xuarez. - -This plan seemed the best to adopt, to the rest who were present, -except the notary, who said that when the ships should be abandoned -they ought to be in a known, safe haven, a place with inhabitants; -that this done the Governor might advance inland and do what might -seem to him proper. - -The Governor followed his own judgment and the counsel of others. -Seeing his determination, I required him in behalf of your Majesty, -not to quit the ships before putting them in port and making them -secure; and accordingly I asked a certificate of this under the hand -of the notary. The Governor responded that he did but abide by the -judgment of the commissary, and of the majority of the officers, and -that I had no right to make these requirements of him. He then asked -the notary to give him a certificate, that inasmuch as there was no -subsistence in that country for the maintenance of a colony, nor -haven for the ships, he broke up the settlement he had placed there, -taking its inhabitants in quest of a port and land that should be -better. He then ordered the people who were to go with him to be -mustered, that they might be victualled with what was needed for the -journey. After they had been provided for, he said to me, in the -hearing of those present, that since I so much discouraged and feared -entering the land, I should sail in charge of the ships and people in -them, and form a settlement, should I arrive at the port before him; -but from this proposal I excused myself. - -After we had separated, the same evening, having said that it did -not appear to him that he could entrust the command to any one else, -he sent to me to say that he begged I would take it; but finding, -notwithstanding he so greatly importuned me, that I still refused, -he asked me the cause of my reluctance. I answered that I rejected -the responsibility, as I felt certain and knew that he was never more -to find the ships, nor the ships him, which might be foreseen in the -slender outfit we had for entering the country; that I desired rather -to expose myself to the danger which he and the others adventured, -and to pass with them what he and they might go through, than to -take charge of the ships and give occasion for it to be said I had -opposed the invasion and remained behind from timidity, and thus my -courage be called in question. I chose rather to risk my life than -put my honor in such position. Seeing that what he said to me availed -nothing, he begged many persons to reason with me on the subject -and entreat me. I answered them in the same way I had him; so he -appointed for his lieutenant of the ships an alcalde he had brought -with him, whose name was Caravallo. - - - - -Chapter 5 - -_The Governor leaves the ships._ - - -On Saturday,[35] first of May, the date of this occurrence, the -Governor ordered to each man going with him, two pounds of biscuit -and half a pound of bacon; and thus victualled we took up our march -into the country. The whole number of men was three hundred:[36] -among them went the commissary, Friar Juan Xuarez, and another -friar, Juan de Palos, three clergymen and the officers. We of the -mounted men consisted of forty. We travelled on the allowance we had -received fifteen days, without finding any other thing to eat than -palmitos,[37] which are like those of Andalusia. In all that time -we saw not an Indian, and found neither village nor house. Finally -we came to a river,[38] which we passed with great difficulty, by -swimming and on rafts. It detained us a day to cross because of the -very strong current. Arrived on the other side, there appeared as -many as two hundred natives, more or less. The Governor met them, -and conversing by signs, they so insulted us with their gestures, -that we were forced to break with them.[39] We seized upon five or -six, and they took us to their houses half a league off. Near by we -found a large quantity of maize in a fit state to be gathered. We -gave infinite thanks to our Lord for having succored us in this great -extremity, for we were yet young in trials, and besides the weariness -in which we came, we were exhausted from hunger. - - [35] Buckingham Smith has "Sunday," translating _Sabado_ - ("Sabbath") literally; the Christian Sabbath is the Spanish - _Domingo_. - - [36] The Letter (Oviedo, 584) says two hundred and sixty men - afoot and forty horsemen. References to the Letter to the - Audiencia of Santo Domingo will henceforth be cited simply as - Oviedo, in whose work it appears (see the Introduction). - - [37] Buckingham Smith says: "This is the dwarf fan-palm, not - the cabbage-palm, to which we often inadvertently apply the - diminutive termination _ito_, mispelled _etto_." Smith lived in - Florida for many years. - - [38] Evidently the Withlacoochee, which enters the Gulf at - latitude 29 deg.. - - [39] The Spaniards were still among the Timucuan tribes. - -On the third day after our arrival, the comptroller, the assessor, -the commissary and I met, and together besought the Governor to -send to look for the sea, that if possible we might find a port, -as the Indians stated there was one not a very great way off. He -said that we should cease to speak of the sea, for it was remote; -but as I chiefly importuned him, he told me to go and look for it, -and seek a harbor, to take forty men and to travel on foot. So the -next day[40] I left with Captain Alonzo del Castello[41] and forty -men of his company. We marched until noon, when we arrived at some -sea sands that appeared to lie a good ways inland. Along this sand -we walked for a league and a half,[42] with the water half way up -the leg, treading on oysters, which cut our feet badly and made us -much trouble, until we reached the river[43] we had before crossed, -emptying into this bay. As we could not cross it by reason of our -slim outfit for such purpose, we returned to camp and reported what -we had discovered. To find out if there was a port and examine the -outlet well, it was necessary to repass the river at the place where -we had first gone over; so the next day the Governor ordered a -captain, Valencuela by name, with sixty men[44] and six cavalry, to -cross, and following the river down to the sea, ascertain if there -was a harbor. He returned after an absence of two days, and said he -had explored the bay, that it was not deeper any where than to the -knee, and that he found no harbor. He had seen five or six canoes of -Indians passing from one shore to the other, wearing many plumes. - - [40] May 18, 1528. - - [41] Castillo. - - [42] Two leagues, according to Oviedo, _op. cit._, 585. - - [43] The Withlacoochee. - - [44] Forty men according to Oviedo, 585. - -With this information, we left the next day, going ever in quest -of Apalache, the country of which the Indians told us, having for -our guides those we had taken. We travelled without seeing any -natives who would venture to await our coming up with them until the -seventeenth day of June, when a chief approached, borne on the back -of another Indian, and covered with a painted deer-skin. A great many -people attended him, some walking in advance, playing on flutes of -reed.[45] In this manner he came to where the Governor stood, and -spent an hour with him. By signs we gave him to understand that we -were going to Apalachen, and it appeared to us by those he made that -he was an enemy to the people of Apalachen, and would go to assist us -against them. We gave him beads and hawk-bells, with other articles -of barter; and he having presented the Governor with the skin he -wore, went back, when we followed in the road he took. - - [45] When Hernando de Soto passed through this country eleven - years later he also was met by Indians playing flutes. - -That night we came to a wide and deep river with a very rapid -current.[46] As we would not venture to cross on rafts, we made a -canoe for the purpose, and spent a day in getting over. Had the -Indians desired to oppose us, they could well have disputed our -passage; for even with their help we had great difficulty in making -it. One of the mounted men, Juan Velazquez by name, a native of -Cuellar, impatient of detention, entered the river, when the violence -of the current casting him from his horse, he grasped the reins of -the bridle, and both were drowned. The people of that chief, whose -name was Dulchanchellin, found the body of the beast; and having told -us about where in the stream below we should find the corpse, it was -sought for. This death caused us much regret, for until now not a man -had been lost. The horse afforded supper to many that night. - - [46] The Suwannee. - -Leaving that spot, the next day we arrived at the town of the chief, -where he sent us maize. During the night one of our men was shot at -in a place where we got water, but it pleased God that he should not -be hit. The next day we departed, not one of the natives making his -appearance, as all had fled. While going on our way a number came in -sight, prepared for battle; and though we called to them, they would -not return nor await our arrival, but retired following us on the -road. The Governor left some cavalry in ambush, which sallying as the -natives were about to pass, seized three or four, who thenceforth -served as guides. They conducted us through a country very difficult -to travel and wonderful to look upon. In it are vast forests, the -trees being astonishingly high. So many were fallen on the ground -as to obstruct our way in such a manner that we could not advance -without much going about and a considerable increase of toil. Many -of the standing trees were riven from top to bottom by bolts of -lightning which fall in that country of frequent storms and tempests. - -We labored on through these impediments until the day after -Saint John's,[47] when we came in view of Apalachen, without the -inhabitants being aware of our approach. We gave many thanks to God, -at seeing ourselves so near, believing true what had been told us -of the land, and that there would be an end to our great hardships, -caused as much by the length and badness of the way as by our -excessive hunger; for although we sometimes found maize, we oftener -travelled seven and eight leagues without seeing any; and besides -this and the great fatigue, many had galled shoulders from carrying -armor on the back; and even more than these we endured. Yet, having -come to the place desired, and where we had been informed were much -food and gold, it appeared to us that we had already recovered in -part from our sufferings and fatigue. - - [47] Saint John the Baptist's Day, June 24. They had been - travelling through the jungle for four or five days. - - - - -Chapter 6 - -_Our arrival at Apalache._ - - -When we came in view of Apalachen, the Governor ordered that I should -take nine cavalry with fifty infantry and enter the town. Accordingly -the assessor[48] and I assailed it; and having got in, we found only -women and boys there, the men being absent; however these returned -to its support, after a little time, while we were walking about, -and began discharging arrows at us. They killed the horse of the -assessor, and at last taking to flight, they left us. - - [48] The assessor, or inspector, it will be recalled, was Alonzo - de Solis. - -We found a large quantity of maize fit for plucking, and much dry -that was housed; also many deer-skins, and among them some mantelets -of thread, small and poor, with which the women partially cover their -persons. There were numerous mortars for cracking maize. The town -consisted of forty small houses, made low, and set up in sheltered -places because of the frequent storms. The material was thatch. They -were surrounded by very dense woods, large groves and many bodies -of fresh water, in which so many and so large trees are fallen, that -they form obstructions rendering travel difficult and dangerous. - - - - -Chapter 7 - -_The character of the country._ - - -The country where we came on shore to this town and region of -Apalachen is for the most part level, the ground of sand and stiff -earth. Throughout are immense trees and open woods, in which are -walnut, laurel, and another tree called liquid-amber,[49] cedars, -savins, evergreen oaks, pines, red-oaks, and palmitos like those of -Spain. There are many lakes, great and small, over every part of it; -some troublesome of fording, on account of depth and the great number -of trees lying throughout them. Their beds are sand. The lakes in -the country of Apalachen are much larger than those we found before -coming there.[50] - - [49] The sweet-gum, copalm, or alligator tree (_Liquidambar - styraciflua_). - - [50] Seemingly the lake country in the northern part of Leon and - Jefferson counties, Florida. "Apalachen" town was perhaps on - Miccosukee Lake. - -In this province are many maize fields; and the houses are scattered -as are those of the Gelves. There are deer of three kinds, rabbits, -hares, bears, lions, and other wild beasts. Among them we saw an -animal with a pocket on its belly,[51] in which it carries its -young until they know how to seek food, and if it happen that they -should be out feeding and any one come near, the mother will not -run until she has gathered them in together. The country is very -cold.[52] It has fine pastures for herds. Birds are of various kinds. -Geese in great numbers. Ducks, mallards, royal-ducks, fly-catchers, -night-herons and partridges abound. We saw many falcons, gerfalcons, -sparrow-hawks, merlins, and numerous other fowl.[53] - - [51] The opossum. This is probably the first allusion to this - animal. The name is derived from the Algonquian language of - Virginia, having first been recorded by Captain John Smith. - - [52] As it was now late in June, this is not explicable, unless - the season was an unusual one. - - [53] Buckingham Smith thinks it strange that the turkey and the - alligator are not particularly mentioned among the fauna of the - region. - -Two hours after our arrival at Apalachen, the Indians who had fled -from there came in peace to us, asking for their women and children, -whom we released; but the detention of a cacique by the Governor -produced great excitement, in consequence of which they returned for -battle early the next day, and attacked us with such promptness and -alacrity that they succeeded in setting fire to the houses in which -we were. As we sallied they fled to the lakes near by, because of -which and the large maize fields we could do them no injury, save in -the single instance of one Indian, whom we killed. The day following, -others came against us from a town on the opposite side of the lake, -and attacked us as the first had done, escaping in the same way, -except one who was also slain. - -We were in the town twenty-five days, in which time we made three -incursions, and found the country very thinly peopled and difficult -to travel for the bad passages, the woods and lakes. We inquired of -the cacique we kept and the natives we brought with us, who were -the neighbors and enemies of these Indians, as to the nature of the -country, the character and condition of the inhabitants, of the -food and all other matters concerning it. Each answered apart from -the rest, that the largest town in all that region was Apalachen; -the people beyond were less numerous and poorer, the land little -occupied, and the inhabitants much scattered; that thenceforward -were great lakes, dense forests, immense deserts and solitudes. We -then asked touching the region towards the south, as to the towns -and subsistence in it. They said that in keeping such a direction, -journeying nine days, there was a town called Aute,[54] the -inhabitants whereof had much maize, beans, and pumpkins, and being -near the sea they had fish, and that those people were their friends. - - [54] Most authorities agree that this place was at or near the - site of St. Marks, south-southeast of Tallahassee, although the - distance seems too short for nine days' travel, as will be seen. - -In view of the poverty of the land, the unfavorable accounts of -the population and of everything else we heard, the Indians making -continual war upon us, wounding our people and horses at the places -where they went to drink, shooting from the lakes with such safety to -themselves that we could not retaliate, killing a lord of Tescuco, -named Don Pedro,[55] whom the commissary brought with him, we -determined to leave that place and go in quest of the sea, and the -town of Aute of which we were told. - - [55] See Buckingham Smith, _Relation of Alvar Nunez Cabeca de - Vaca_, 1871, p. 42, note 7, regarding this Aztec prince of the - blood. - -At the termination of the twenty-five days[56] after our arrival -we departed,[57] and on the first day got through those lakes and -passages without seeing any one, and on the second day we came to a -lake difficult of crossing, the water reaching to the paps, and in it -were numerous logs. On reaching the middle of it we were attacked by -many Indians from behind trees, who thus covered themselves that we -might not get sight of them, and others were on the fallen timbers. -They drove their arrows with such effect that they wounded many men -and horses, and before we got through the lake they took our guide. -They now followed, endeavoring to contest the passage; but our coming -out afforded no relief, nor gave us any better position; for when -we wished to fight them they retired immediately into the lake, -whence they continued to wound our men and beasts. The Governor, -seeing this, commanded the cavalry to dismount and charge the Indians -on foot. Accordingly the comptroller[58] alighting with the rest, -attacked them, when they all turned and ran into the lake at hand, -and thus the passage was gained. - - [56] "Twenty-six days." Oviedo, 586. The edition of 1542 - (Bandelier trans., p. 30) says: "And so we left, arriving there - five days after. The first day we travelled across lagunes and - trails without seeing a single Indian." - - [57] July 19-20, 1528. - - [58] Alonzo Enrriquez. - -Some of our men were wounded in this conflict, for whom the good -armor they wore did not avail. There were those this day who swore -that they had seen two red oaks, each the thickness of the lower part -of the leg, pierced through from side to side by arrows; and this is -not so much to be wondered at, considering the power and skill with -which the Indians are able to project them. I myself saw an arrow -that had entered the butt of an elm to the depth of a span. - -The Indians we had so far seen in Florida are all archers. They go -naked, are large of body, and appear at a distance like giants. They -are of admirable proportions, very spare and of great activity and -strength. The bows they use are as thick as the arm, of eleven or -twelve palms in length, which they will discharge at two hundred -paces with so great precision that they miss nothing. - -Having got through this passage, at the end of a league we arrived -at another of the same character, but worse, as it was longer, being -half a league in extent. This we crossed freely, without interruption -from the Indians, who, as they had spent on the former occasion their -store of arrows, had nought with which they dared venture to engage -us. Going through a similar passage the next day, I discovered the -trail of persons ahead, of which I gave notice to the Governor, who -was in the rear-guard, so that though the Indians came upon us, as -we were prepared they did no harm. After emerging upon the plain -they followed us, and we went back on them in two directions. Two we -killed, and they wounded me and two or three others. Coming to woods -we could do them no more injury, nor make them further trouble. - -In this manner we travelled eight days. After that occurrence we were -not again beset until within a league of the place to which I have -said we were going. There, while on our way, the Indians came about -us without our suspicion, and fell upon the rear-guard. A hidalgo, -named Avellaneda, hearing the cries of his serving boy, went back -to give assistance, when he was struck by an arrow near the edge of -his cuirass; and so severe was the wound, the shaft having passed -almost entirely through his neck, that he presently died. The corpse -was carried to Aute, where we arrived at the end of nine days'[59] -travel from Apalache. We found all the inhabitants gone and the -houses burned. Maize, beans, and pumpkins were in great plenty, -all beginning to be fit for gathering. Having rested two days, the -Governor begged me to go and look for the sea, as the Indians said -it was near; and we had before discovered it, while on the way, from -a very large stream, to which we had given the name of River of the -Magdalena.[60] - - [59] "Eight or nine days." Oviedo, 587. - - [60] St. Marks River, which flows into St. Marks Bay, at the head - of which Aute was situated. - -Accordingly, I set out the next day after, in company with the -commissary, Captain Castillo, Andres Dorantes, seven more on -horseback, and fifty on foot. We travelled until the hour of vespers, -when we arrived at a road or entrance of the sea. Oysters were -abundant, over which the men rejoiced, and we gave thanks to God that -he had brought us there. The following morning[61] I sent twenty men -to explore the coast and ascertain its direction. They returned the -night after, reporting that those creeks and bays were large, and lay -so far inland as made it difficult to examine them agreeably to our -desires, and that the sea shore was very distant. - -These tidings obtained, seeing our slender means, and condition for -exploring the coast, I went back to the Governor. On our arrival we -found him and many others sick. The Indians had assaulted them the -night before, and because of the malady that had come upon them, they -had been pushed to extremity. One of the horses had been killed. I -gave a report of what I had done, and of the embarrassing nature of -the country. We remained there that day. - - [61] August 1, 1528. - - - - -Chapter 8 - -_We go from Aute._ - - -The next morning[62] we left Aute, and travelled all day before -coming to the place I had visited. The journey was extremely -arduous. There were not horses enough to carry the sick, who went on -increasing in numbers day by day, and we knew of no cure. It was -piteous and painful to witness our perplexity and distress. We saw -on our arrival how small were the means for advancing farther. There -was not anywhere to go; and if there had been, the people were unable -to move forward, the greater part being ill, and those were few who -could be on duty. I cease here to relate more of this, because any -one may suppose what would occur in a country so remote and malign, -so destitute of all resource, whereby either to live in it or go out -of it; but most certain assistance is in God, our Lord, on whom we -never failed to place reliance. One thing occurred, more afflicting -to us than all the rest, which was, that of the persons mounted, the -greater part commenced secretly to plot, hoping to secure a better -fate for themselves by abandoning the Governor and the sick, who were -in a state of weakness and prostration. But, as among them were many -hidalgos and persons of gentle condition, they would not permit this -to go on, without informing the Governor and the officers of your -Majesty; and as we showed them the deformity of their purpose, and -placed before them the moment when they should desert their captain, -and those who were ill and feeble, and above all the disobedience -to the orders of your Majesty, they determined to remain, and that -whatever might happen to one should be the lot of all, without any -forsaking the rest. - - [62] August 3, 1528. - -After the accomplishment of this, the Governor called them all to -him, and of each apart he asked advice as to what he should do to get -out of a country so miserable, and seek that assistance elsewhere -which could not here be found, a third part of the people being -very sick, and the number increasing every hour; for we regarded it -as certain that we should all become so, and could pass out of it -only through death, which from its coming in such a place was to us -all the more terrible. These, with many other embarrassments being -considered, and entertaining many plans, we coincided in one great -project extremely difficult to put in operation, and that was to -build vessels in which we might go away. This appeared impossible to -every one; we knew not how to construct, nor were there tools, nor -iron, nor forge, nor tow, nor resin, nor rigging; finally, no one -thing of so many that are necessary, nor any man who had a knowledge -of their manufacture; and, above all, there was nothing to eat, -while building, for those who should labor. Reflecting on all this, -we agreed to think of the subject with more deliberation, and the -conversation dropped from that day, each going his way, commending -our course to God, our Lord, that he would direct it as should best -serve Him. - -The next day it was His will that one of the company should come -saying that he could make some pipes out of wood, which with -deer-skins might be made into bellows; and, as we lived in a time -when anything that had the semblance of relief appeared well, we -told him to set himself to work. We assented to the making of nails, -saws, axes, and other tools of which there was such need, from the -stirrups, spurs, crossbows, and the other things of iron there were; -and we laid out for support, while the work was going on, that we -would make four entries into Aute, with all the horses and men that -were able to go, and that on every third day a horse should be killed -to be divided among those who labored in the work of the boats and -the sick. The incursions were made with the people and horses that -were available, and in them were brought back as many as four hundred -fanegas[63] of maize; but these were not got without quarrels and -contentions with the Indians. We caused many palmitos to be collected -for the woof or covering, twisting and preparing it for use in the -place of tow for the boats. - - [63] About six hundred and forty bushels. - -We commenced to build on the fourth, with the only carpenter in -the company, and we proceeded with so great diligence that on the -twentieth day of September five boats were finished, twenty-two -cubits in length, each caulked with the fibre of the palmito. We -pitched them with a certain resin, made from pine trees by a Greek, -named Don Theodoro; from the same husk of the palmito, and from -the tails and manes of the horses we made ropes and rigging, from -our shirts, sails, and from the savins growing there we made the -oars that appeared to us requisite. Such was the country into which -our sins had cast us, that only by very great search could we find -stone for ballast and anchors, since in it all we had not seen one. -We flayed the horses, taking the skin from their legs entire, and -tanning them to make bottles wherein to carry water. - -During this time some went gathering shell-fish in the coves and -creeks of the sea, at which employment the Indians twice attacked -them and killed ten men in sight of the camp, without our being able -to afford succor. We found their corpses traversed from side to side -with arrows; and for all some had on good armor, it did not give -adequate protection or security against the nice and powerful archery -of which I have spoken. According to the declaration of our pilots -under oath, from the entrance to which we had given the name Bahia de -la Cruz[64] to this place, we had travelled two hundred and eighty -leagues[65] or thereabout. Over all that region we had not seen a -single mountain, and had no information of any whatsoever. - - [64] Tampa Bay. - - [65] In reality they could not have travelled much more than as - many miles in a straight line from Tampa Bay. - -Before we embarked there died more than forty men of disease and -hunger, without enumerating those destroyed by the Indians. By -the twenty-second of the month of September, the horses had been -consumed, one only remaining; and on that day we embarked in the -following order: In the boat of the Governor went forty-nine men; in -another, which he gave to the comptroller and the commissary, went -as many others; the third, he gave to Captain Alonzo del Castillo -and Andres Dorantes, with forty-eight men; and another he gave to -two captains, Tellez and Penalosa, with forty-seven men. The last -was given to the assessor and myself, with forty-nine men. After the -provisions and clothes had been taken in, not over a span of the -gunwales remained above water; and more than this, the boats were so -crowded that we could not move: so much can necessity do, which drove -us to hazard our lives in this manner, running into a turbulent sea, -not a single one who went having a knowledge of navigation.[66] - - [66] Consult Garcilasso de la Vega, _La Florida_, 78, 1723, for - the finding of the relics of Narvaez by De Soto's expedition in - 1539, and see the De Soto narration of the Gentleman of Elvas, - later in the present volume. - - - - -Chapter 9 - -_We leave the Bay of Horses._ - - -The haven we left bears the name of Bahia de Caballos.[67] We passed -waist deep in water through sounds without seeing any sign of the -coast, and at the close of the seventh day, we came to an island -near the main. My boat went first, and from her we saw Indians -approaching in five canoes, which they abandoned and left in our -hands, finding that we were coming after them. The other boats passed -ahead, and stopped at some houses on the island, where we found many -dried mullet and roes, which were a great relief in our distress. -After taking these we went on, and two leagues thence, we discovered -a strait the island makes with the land,[68] which we named Sant -Miguel, for having passed through it on his day.[69] Coming out we -went to the coast, where with the canoes I had taken, we somewhat -improved the boats, making waist-boards and securing them, so that -the sides rose two palms above the water. This done we returned to -move along the coast in the direction of the River Palmas,[70] our -hunger and thirst continually increasing; for our scant subsistence -was getting near the end, the water was out, and the bottles made -from the legs of the horses having soon rotted, were useless. -Sometimes we entered coves and creeks that lay far in, and found them -all shallow and dangerous. Thus we journeyed along them thirty days, -finding occasionally Indian fishermen, a poor and miserable lot. - - [67] "Bay of Horses": St. Marks Bay of Appalachee Bay. - - [68] The conditions are applicable to the mouth of St. Marks Bay, - the two small islands, and the strait between them and the coast. - - [69] St. Michael's Day, September 29, 1528. - - [70] That is, in a southwesterly direction. - -At the end of this time, while the want of water was great, going -near the coast at night we heard the approach of a canoe, for which, -so soon as it was in sight, we paused; but it would not meet us, -and, although we called, it would neither come nor wait for us. As -the night was dark, we did not follow, and kept on our way. When the -sun rose we saw a small island, and went to it to find water; but -our labor was vain, as it had none. Lying there at anchor, a heavy -storm came on, that detained us six days, we not daring to go to sea; -and as it was now five days since we had drunk, our thirst was so -excessive that it put us to the extremity of swallowing salt water, -by which some of the men became so crazed that three or four suddenly -died. I state this so briefly, because I do not believe there is any -necessity for particularly relating the sufferings and toils amidst -which we found ourselves; since, considering the place where we were, -and the little hope we had of relief, every one may conceive much of -what must have passed. - -Although the storm had not ceased, as our thirst increased and -the water killed us, we resolved to commend ourselves to God our -Lord, and adventure the peril of the sea rather than await the end -which thirst made certain. Accordingly we went out by the way we -had observed the canoe go the night we came. On this day we were -ourselves many times overwhelmed by the waves, and in such jeopardy -that there was not one who did not suppose his death inevitable. -Thanks be to Him, that in the greatest dangers, He was wont to show -us his favor; for at sunset doubling a point made by the land, we -found shelter with much calm.[71] - - [71] Pensacola Bay. The Indians were Choctaws or a closely - related tribe. - -Many canoes came off with Indians who spoke with us and returned, -not being disposed to await our arrival. They were of large stature -and well formed: they had no bows and arrows. We followed them to -their houses near by, at the edge of the water, and jumped on shore. -Before their dwellings were many clay pitchers with water, and a -large quantity of cooked fish, which the chief of these territories -offered to the Governor and then took him to his house. Their -dwellings were made of mats, and so far as we observed, were not -movable. On entering the house the cacique gave us fish, and we gave -him of the maize we brought, which the people ate in our presence. -They asked for more and received it, and the Governor presented the -cacique with many trinkets. While in the house with him, at the -middle hour of night, the Indians fell suddenly upon us, and on those -who were very sick, scattered along the shore.[72] They also beset -the house in which the Governor was, and with a stone struck him -in the face. Those of our comrades present seized the cacique; but -his people being near liberated him, leaving in our hands a robe of -civet-marten. - - [72] "Killing three men." Oviedo, p. 589. - -These skins are the best, I think, that can be found; they have a -fragrance that can be equalled by amber and musk alone, and even at a -distance is strongly perceptible. We saw there other skins, but none -comparable to these. - -Those of us around, finding the Governor wounded, put him into -his boat; and we caused others of our people to betake themselves -likewise to their boats, some fifty remaining to withstand the -natives. They attacked us thrice that night, and with so great -impetuosity, that on each occasion they made us retire more than a -stone's cast. Not one among us escaped injury: I was wounded in the -face. They had not many arrows, but had they been further provided, -doubtless they would have done us much harm. In the last onset, the -Captains Dorantes, Penalosa, and Tellez put themselves in ambuscade -with fifteen men, and fell upon the rear in such manner that the -Indians desisted and fled. - -The next morning[73] I broke up more than thirty canoes, which were -serviceable for fuel in a north wind in which we were kept all day -suffering severe cold, without daring to go to sea, because of the -rough weather upon it. This having subsided, we again embarked, -and navigated three days.[74] As we brought little water and the -vessels were few, we were reduced to the last extremity. Following -our course, we entered an estuary, and being there we saw Indians -approaching in a canoe. We called to them and they came. The -Governor, at whose boat they first arrived, asked for water, which -they assented to give, asking for something in which they might bring -it, when Dorotheo Theodoro, a Greek spoken of before, said that he -wished to go with them. The Governor tried to dissuade him, and so -did others, but were unable; he was determined to go whatever might -betide. Accordingly he went, taking with him a negro, the natives -leaving two of their number as hostages. At night the Indians -returned with the vessels empty and without the Christians; and when -those we held were spoken to by them, they tried to plunge into the -sea. Being detained by the men, the Indians in the canoe thereupon -fled, leaving us sorrowful and much dejected for our loss.[75] - - [73] October 28, 1528. - - [74] "Three or four days." Oviedo, p. 589. - - [75] Biedma's Narrative (_Publications of the Hakluyt Society_, - IX. 1-83, 1851) says of the De Soto expedition in 1539: "Having - set out for this village [Mavila, Mauvila, Mobile], we found a - large river which we supposed to be that which falls into the - bay of Chuse [Pensacola Bay]; we learned that the vessels of - Narvaez had arrived there in want of water, and that a Christian - named Teodoro and an Indian had remained among these Indians: at - the same time they showed us a dagger which had belonged to the - Christian." - - - - - Chapter 10 - - _The assault from the Indians._ - - - The morning having come, many natives arrived in canoes who - asked us for the two that had remained in the boat. The Governor - replied that he would give up the hostages when they should - bring the Christians they had taken. With the Indians had come - five or six chiefs,[76] who appeared to us to be the most comely - persons, and of more authority and condition than any we had - hitherto seen, although not so large as some others of whom we - have spoken. They wore the hair loose and very long, and were - covered with robes of marten such as we had before taken. Some - of the robes were made up after a strange fashion, with wrought - ties of lion skin, making a brave show. They entreated us to go - with them, and said they would give us the Christians, water, and - many other things. They continued to collect about us in canoes, - attempting in them to take possession of the mouth of that - entrance; in consequence, and because it was hazardous to stay - near the land, we went to sea, where they remained by us until - about mid-day. As they would not deliver our people, we would not - give up theirs; so they began to hurl clubs at us and to throw - stones with slings, making threats of shooting arrows, although - we had not seen among them all more than three or four bows. - While thus engaged, the wind beginning to freshen, they left us - and went back. - - [76] "Three or four," according to the Letter (Oviedo, p. 589), - which also gives the number of canoes as twenty. - -We sailed that day until the middle of the afternoon, when my boat, -which was the first, discovered a point made by the land, and against -a cape opposite, passed a broad river.[77] I cast anchor near a -little island forming the point, to await the arrival of the other -boats. The Governor did not choose to come up, and entered a bay near -by in which were a great many islets. We came together there, and -took fresh water from the sea, the stream entering it in freshet.[78] -To parch some of the maize we brought with us, since we had eaten -it raw for two days, we went on an island; but finding no wood we -agreed to go to the river beyond the point, one league off. By no -effort could we get there, so violent was the current on the way, -which drove us out, while we contended and strove to gain the land. -The north wind, which came from the shore, began to blow so strongly -that it forced us to sea without our being able to overcome it. We -sounded half a league out, and found with thirty fathoms[79] we could -not get bottom; but we were unable to satisfy ourselves that the -current was not the cause of failure. Toiling in this manner to fetch -the land, we navigated three days, and at the end of this time, a -little before the sun rose, we saw smoke in several places along the -shore. Attempting to reach them, we found ourselves in three fathoms -of water, and in the darkness we dared not come to land; for as we -had seen so many smokes, some surprise might lie in wait, and the -obscurity leave us at a loss how to act. We determined therefore to -stop until morning. - - [77] According to the Letter they travelled two days more before - reaching this point of land. - - [78] The Mississippi, the waters of which were now seen by white - men fourteen years before the "discovery" of the stream by De - Soto. - - [79] The present normal depth at this distance from the delta is - about sixty feet. - -When day came, the boats had lost sight of each other. I found myself -in thirty fathoms. Keeping my course until the hour of vespers, -I observed two boats, and drawing near I found that the first I -approached was that of the Governor. He asked me what I thought -we should do. I told him we ought to join the boat which went in -advance, and by no means to leave her; and, the three being together, -we must keep on our way to where God should be pleased to lead. He -answered saying that could not be done, because the boat was far to -sea and he wished to reach the shore; that if I wished to follow him, -I should order the persons of my boat to take the oars and work, as -it was only by strength of arm that the land could be gained. He -was advised to this course by a captain with him named Pantoja, who -said that if he did not fetch land that day, in six days more they -would not reach it, and in that time they must inevitably famish. -Discovering his will I took my oar, and so did every one his, in my -boat, to obey it. We rowed until near sunset; but the Governor having -in his boat the healthiest of all the men, we could not by any means -hold with or follow her. Seeing this, I asked him to give me a rope -from his boat, that I might be enabled to keep up with him; but he -answered me that he would do much, if they, as they were, should be -able to reach the land that night. I said to him, that since he saw -the feeble strength we had to follow him, and do what he ordered, -he must tell me how he would that I should act. He answered that it -was no longer a time in which one should command another; but that -each should do what he thought best to save his own life; that he so -intended to act; and saying this, he departed with his boat.[80] - - [80] The selfishness and incompetence of Narvaez, shown - throughout the narration, are here further exemplified. His - life had more than once been spared through the self-sacrifice - of his men, yet he now thought more of saving himself, with the - aid of his hardy crew, than of lending a hand to his weakened - companions. - -As I could not follow him, I steered to the other boat at sea, -which waited for me, and having come up, I found her to be the one -commanded by the Captains Penalosa and Tellez. - -Thus we continued in company, eating a daily allowance of half a -handful of raw maize, until the end of four days, when we lost -sight of each other in a storm; and such was the weather that only -by God's favor we did not all go down. Because of winter and its -inclemency, the many days we had suffered hunger, and the heavy -beating of the waves, the people began next day to despair in such a -manner that when the sun sank, all who were in my boat were fallen -one on another, so near to death that there were few among them in a -state of sensibility. Of the whole number at this time not five men -were on their feet; and when night came, only the master and myself -were left, who could work the boat. Two hours after dark, he said -to me that I must take charge of her as he was in such condition he -believed he should die that night. So I took the paddle, and going -after midnight to see if the master was alive he said to me he was -rather better, and would take the charge until day. I declare in that -hour I would more willingly have died than seen so many people before -me in such condition. After the master took the direction of the -boat, I lay down a little while; but without repose, for nothing at -that time was farther from me than sleep. - -Near the dawn of day, it seemed to me I heard the tumbling of the -sea; for as the coast was low, it roared loudly. Surprised at this, -I called to the master, who answered me that he believed we were -near the land. We sounded and found ourselves in seven fathoms. He -advised that we should keep to sea until sunrise; accordingly I took -an oar and pulled on the land side, until we were a league distant, -when we gave her stern to the sea. Near the shore a wave took us, -that knocked the boat out of water the distance of the throw of a -crowbar,[81] and from the violence with which she struck, nearly all -the people who were in her like dead, were roused to consciousness. -Finding themselves near the shore, they began to move on hands and -feet, crawling to land into some ravines. There we made fire, parched -some of the maize we brought, and found rain water. From the warmth -of the fire the people recovered their faculties, and began somewhat -to exert themselves. The day on which we arrived was the sixth of -November [1528]. - - [81] _Juego de herradura_, a game played with an iron bar, often - a crowbar, which is grasped at the middle and cast as far as - possible. - - - - -Chapter 11 - -_Of what befell Lope de Oviedo with the Indians._ - - -After the people had eaten, I ordered Lope de Oviedo, who had more -strength and was stouter than any of the rest, to go to some trees -that were near by, and climbing into one of them to look about and -try to gain knowledge of the country. He did as I bade, and made out -that we were on an island.[82] He saw that the land was pawed up in -the manner that ground is wont to be where cattle range, whence it -appeared to him that this should be a country of Christians; and thus -he reported to us. I ordered him to return and examine much more -particularly, and see if there were any roads that were worn, but -without going far, because there might be danger. - - [82] See p. 57, note 2. - -He went, and coming to a path, took it for the distance of half a -league, and found some huts, without tenants, they having gone into -the field.[83] He took from these an earthen pot, a little dog, -some few mullets, and returned. As it appeared to us he was gone a -long time, we sent two men that they should look to see what might -have happened. They met him near by, and saw that three Indians -with bows and arrows followed and were calling to him, while he, -in the same way, was beckoning them on. Thus he arrived where we -were, the natives remaining a little way back, seated on the shore. -Half an hour after, they were supported by one hundred other Indian -bowmen,[84] who if they were not large, our fears made giants of -them. They stopped near us with the first three. It were idle to -think that any among us could make defence, for it would have been -difficult to find six that could rise from the ground. The assessor -and I went out and called to them, and they came to us. We endeavored -the best we could to encourage them and secure their favor. We gave -them beads and hawk-bells, and each of them gave me an arrow, which -is a pledge of friendship. They told us by signs that they would -return in the morning and bring us something to eat, as at that time -they had nothing.[85] - - [83] As this was the root-digging season, the word _campo_ in the - original evidently refers to the digging "grounds" in the shoal - water, and not to "woods" as Mr. Smith interpreted it. - - [84] "Two hundred archers with holes in their ears in which were - joints of cane." Oviedo, p. 590. - - [85] For an account of these Indians, see ch. 14, p. 50, 51. - - - - -Chapter 12 - -_The Indians bring us food._ - - -At sunrise the next day, the time the Indians appointed, they came -according to their promise, and brought us a large quantity of fish -with certain roots, some a little larger than walnuts, others a -trifle smaller, the greater part got from under the water and with -much labor. In the evening they returned and brought us more fish -and roots. They sent their women and children to look at us, who -went back rich with the hawk-bells and beads given them, and they -came afterwards on other days, returning as before. Finding that we -had provision, fish, roots, water, and other things we asked for, we -determined to embark again and pursue our course. Having dug out our -boat from the sand in which it was buried, it became necessary that -we should strip, and go through great exertion to launch her, we -being in such a state that things very much lighter sufficed to make -us great labor. - -Thus embarked, at the distance of two crossbow shots in the sea -we shipped a wave that entirely wet us. As we were naked, and the -cold was very great, the oars loosened in our hands, and the next -blow the sea struck us, capsized the boat. The assessor[86] and two -others held fast to her for preservation, but it happened to be far -otherwise; the boat carried them over, and they were drowned under -her. As the surf near the shore was very high, a single roll of the -sea threw the rest into the waves and half drowned upon the shore -of the island, without our losing any more than those the boat took -down. The survivors escaped naked as they were born, with the loss -of all they had; and although the whole was of little value, at that -time it was worth much, as we were then in November, the cold was -severe, and our bodies were so emaciated the bones might be counted -with little difficulty, having become the perfect figures of death. -For myself I can say that from the month of May passed, I had eaten -no other thing than maize, and sometimes I found myself obliged to -eat it unparched; for although the beasts were slaughtered while the -boats were building, I could never eat their flesh, and I did not -eat fish ten times. I state this to avoid giving excuses, and that -every one may judge in what condition we were. Besides all these -misfortunes, came a north wind upon us, from which we were nearer -to death than life. Thanks be to our Lord that, looking among the -brands we had used there, we found sparks from which we made great -fires. And thus were we asking mercy of Him and pardon for our -transgressions, shedding many tears, and each regretting not his own -fate alone, but that of his comrades about him. - - [86] Alonzo de Solis. - -At sunset, the Indians thinking that we had not gone, came to seek -us and bring us food; but when they saw us thus, in a plight so -different from what it was before, and so extraordinary, they were -alarmed and turned back. I went toward them and called, when they -returned much frightened. I gave them to understand by signs that -our boat had sunk and three of our number had been drowned. There, -before them, they saw two of the departed, and we who remained were -near joining them. The Indians, at sight of what had befallen us, -and our state of suffering and melancholy destitution, sat down -among us, and from the sorrow and pity they felt, they all began to -lament so earnestly that they might have been heard at a distance, -and continued so doing more than half an hour. It was strange to -see these men, wild and untaught, howling like brutes over our -misfortunes. It caused in me as in others, an increase of feeling and -a livelier sense of our calamity. - -The cries having ceased, I talked with the Christians, and said that -if it appeared well to them, I would beg these Indians to take us to -their houses. Some, who had been in New Spain, replied that we ought -not to think of it; for if they should do so, they would sacrifice -us to their idols. But seeing no better course, and that any other -led to a nearer and more certain death, I disregarded what was -said, and besought the Indians to take us to their dwellings. They -signified that it would give them delight, and that we should tarry -a little, that they might do what we asked. Presently thirty men -loaded themselves with wood and started for their houses, which were -far off,[87] and we remained with the others until near night, when, -holding us up, they carried us with all haste. Because of the extreme -coldness of the weather, lest any one should die or fail by the way, -they caused four or five very large fires to be placed at intervals, -and at each they warmed us; and when they saw that we had regained -some heat and strength, they took us to the next so swiftly that they -hardly let us touch our feet to the ground. In this manner we went as -far as their habitations, where we found that they had made a house -for us with many fires in it. An hour after our arrival, they began -to dance and hold great rejoicing, which lasted all night, although -for us there was no joy, festivity nor sleep, awaiting the hour they -should make us victims. In the morning they again gave us fish and -roots, showing us such hospitality that we were reassured, and lost -somewhat the fear of sacrifice. - - [87] As he does not speak of crossing water, the dwellings of - these Indians were doubtless those seen by Lope de Oviedo on - the island, where they lived from October until March, for the - purpose of obtaining the roots from the shoal water, as well as - fish and oysters. - - - - -Chapter 13 - -_We hear of other Christians._ - - -This day I saw a native with an article of traffic I knew was not -one we had bestowed; and asking whence it came, I was told by signs -that it had been given by men like ourselves who were behind. Hearing -this I sent two Indians, and with them two Christians to be shown -those persons. They met near by,[88] as the men were coming to look -after us; for the Indians of the place where they were, gave them -information concerning us. They were Captains Andres Dorantes and -Alonzo del Castillo, with all the persons of their boat. Having come -up they were surprised at seeing us in the condition we were, and -very much pained at having nothing to give us, as they had brought no -other clothes than what they had on. - - [88] This would seem to indicate that Dorantes' boat was cast - ashore on the same island. - -Thus together again, they related that on the fifth day of that -month,[89] their boat had capsized a league and a half[90] from -there, and they escaped without losing any thing. We all agreed to -refit their [our] boat, that those of us might go in her who had -vigor sufficient and disposition to do so, and the rest should remain -until they became well enough to go, as they best might, along the -coast until God our Lord should be pleased to conduct us alike to a -land of Christians. Directly as we arranged this, we set ourselves -to work. Before we threw the boat out into the water, Tavera, a -gentleman of our company, died; and the boat, which we thought to -use, came to its end, sinking from unfitness to float. - - [89] November, 1528. Dorantes' boat was therefore cast ashore the - day before the landing of Cabeza de Vaca's party. - - [90] About four miles. - -As we were in the condition I have mentioned, the greater number of -us naked, and the weather boisterous for travel, and to cross rivers -and bays by swimming, and we being entirely without provisions or -the means of carrying any, we yielded obedience to what necessity -required, to pass the winter in the place where we were. We also -agreed that four men of the most robust should go on to Panunco,[91] -which we believed to be near, and if, by Divine favor, they should -reach there, they could give information of our remaining on that -island, and of our sorrows and destitution. These men were excellent -swimmers. One of them was Alvaro Fernandez, a Portuguese sailor and -carpenter, the second was named Mendez, the third Figueroa, who was a -native of Toledo, and the fourth Astudillo, a native of Cafra. They -took with them an Indian of the island of Auia.[92] - - [91] Panuco, previously referred to. - - [92] The edition of 1542 omits the last two words. _Auia_ has - been regarded as the native name of Malhado Island, but this - is seemingly an error, otherwise Cabeza de Vaca would in all - probability have mentioned the nativity of the Indian in later - speaking (ch. 17) of his death from cold and hunger. Herrera - says: "the island of Cuba," which seems more probable. - - - - -Chapter 14 - -_The departure of four Christians._ - - -The four Christians being gone, after a few days such cold and -tempestuous weather succeeded that the Indians could not pull up -roots, the cane weirs in which they took fish no longer yielded any -thing, and the houses being very open, our people began to die. -Five Christians, of a mess [quartered] on the coast, came to -such extremity that they ate their dead; the body of the last one -only was found unconsumed. Their names were Sierra, Diego Lopez, -Corral, Palacios and Goncalo Ruiz. This produced great commotion -among the Indians giving rise to so much censure that had they known -it in season to have done so, doubtless they would have destroyed -any survivor, and we should have found ourselves in the utmost -perplexity. Finally, of eighty men who arrived in the two instances, -fifteen only remained alive. - -After this, the natives were visited by a disease of the bowels, of -which half their number died. They conceived that we had destroyed -them,[93] and believing it firmly, they concerted among themselves to -dispatch those of us who survived. When they were about to execute -their purpose, an Indian who had charge of me, told them not to -believe we were the cause of those deaths, since if we had such power -we should also have averted the fatality from so many of our people, -whom they had seen die without our being able to minister relief, -already very few of us remaining, and none doing hurt or wrong, and -that it would be better to leave us unharmed. God our Lord willed -that the others should heed this opinion and counsel, and be hindered -in their design. - - [93] That is, the Indians believed the Christians to be sorcerers. - -To this island we gave the name Malhado.[94] The people[95] we found -there are large and well formed; they have no other arms than bows -and arrows, in the use of which they are very dexterous. The men -have one of their nipples bored from side to side, and some have -both, wearing a cane in each, the length of two palms and a half, and -the thickness of two fingers. They have the under lip also bored, -and wear in it a piece of cane the breadth of half a finger. Their -women are accustomed to great toil. The stay they make on the island -is from October to the end of February. Their subsistence then is -the root I have spoken of, got from under the water in November and -December. They have weirs of cane and take fish only in this season; -afterwards they live on the roots. At the end of February, they go -into other parts to seek food; for then the root is beginning to grow -and is not food. - - [94] "Misfortune," "ill-fate." - - [95] The Capoques, or Cahoques, and the Hans. See ch. 26. - -Those people love their offspring the most of any in the world, and -treat them with the greatest mildness.[96] When it occurs that a son -dies, the parents and kindred weep as does everybody; the wailing -continuing for him a whole year. They begin before dawn every day, -the parents first and after them the whole town. They do the same at -noon and at sunset. After a year of mourning has passed, the rites -of the dead are performed; then they wash and purify themselves from -the stain of smoke. They lament all the deceased in this manner, -except the aged, for whom they show no regret, as they say that -their season has passed, they having no enjoyment, and that living -they would occupy the earth and take aliment from the young. Their -custom is to bury the dead, unless it be those among them who have -been physicians. These they burn. While the fire kindles they are all -dancing and making high festivity, until the bones become powder. -After the lapse of a year the funeral honors are celebrated, every -one taking part in them, when that dust is presented in water for the -relatives to drink.[97] - - [96] This is characteristic of all Indians, who punish their - children very rarely. - - [97] Nevertheless these same people were so horrified by the - uncanny action of the Spaniards who ate their dead companions - that they sought to put them to death. It should be noted that - the Attacapan and probably the Karankawan tribes of the Texas - coast, to which the people of Malhado Island may have belonged, - were reputed to be cannibals. - -Every man has an acknowledged wife. The physicians are allowed more -freedom: they may have two or three wives, among whom exist the -greatest friendship and harmony. From the time a daughter marries, -all that he who takes her to wife kills in hunting or catches in -fishing, the woman brings to the house of her father, without daring -to eat or take any part of it, and thence victuals are taken to the -husband. From that time neither her father nor mother enters his -house, nor can he enter theirs, nor the houses of their children; and -if by chance they are in the direction of meeting, they turn aside, -and pass the distance of a crossbow shot from each other, carrying -the head low the while, the eyes cast on the ground; for they hold -it improper to see or to speak to each other.[98] But the woman has -liberty to converse and communicate with the parents and relatives of -her husband. The custom exists from this island the distance of more -than fifty leagues inland. - - [98] Tabu of the mother-in-law by a young man is quite common - among the Indians, but refusal to see or to speak to the wife's - father is very rare. - -There is another custom, which is, when a son or brother dies, at the -house where the death takes place they do not go after food for three -months, but sooner famish, their relatives and neighbors providing -what they eat. As in the time we were there a great number of the -natives died, in most houses there was very great hunger, because -of the keeping of this their custom and observance; for although -they who sought after food worked hard, yet from the severity of the -season they could get but little; in consequence, the Indians who -kept me, left the island, and passed over in canoes to the main, -into some bays where are many oysters. For three months in the year -they eat nothing besides these, and drink very bad water.[99] There -is great want of wood: mosquitos are in great plenty. The houses are -of mats, set up on masses of oyster shells, which they sleep upon, -and in skins, should they accidentally possess them. In this way we -lived until April [1529], when we went to the seashore, where we ate -blackberries all the month, during which time the Indians did not -omit to observe their _areitos_[100] and festivities. - - [99] On their food, compare Oviedo, p. 592. - - [100] An _areito_, or _areyto_, was a dance ceremony of the - Arawak Indians of the West Indies in which their traditions were - recounted in chants. Like _buhio_, previously mentioned, the word - was now carried to the continent. - - - - -Chapter 15 - -_What befell us among the people of Malhado._ - - -On an island of which I have spoken, they wished to make us -physicians without examination or inquiring for diplomas. They cure -by blowing upon the sick, and with that breath and the imposing of -hands they cast out infirmity. They ordered that we also should do -this, and be of use to them in some way. We laughed at what they -did, telling them it was folly, that we knew not how to heal. In -consequence, they withheld food from us until we should practise -what they required. Seeing our persistence, an Indian told me I knew -not what I uttered, in saying that what he knew availed nothing; for -stones and other matters growing about in the fields have virtue, -and that passing a pebble along the stomach would take away pain and -restore health, and certainly then we who were extraordinary men must -possess power and efficacy over all other things. At last, finding -ourselves in great want we were constrained to obey; but without fear -lest we should be blamed for any failure or success. - -Their custom is, on finding themselves sick to send for a physician, -and after he has applied the cure, they give him not only all -they have, but seek among their relatives for more to give. The -practitioner scarifies over the seat of pain, and then sucks about -the wound. They make cauteries with fire, a remedy among them in -high repute, which I have tried on myself and found benefit from it. -They afterwards blow on the spot, and having finished, the patient -considers that he is relieved. - -Our method was to bless the sick, breathing upon them, and recite -a Pater-noster and an Ave-Maria, praying with all earnestness to -God our Lord that he would give health and influence them to make -us some good return. In his clemency he willed that all those for -whom we supplicated, should tell the others that they were sound -and in health, directly after we made the sign of the blessed cross -over them. For this the Indians treated us kindly; they deprived -themselves of food that they might give to us, and presented us with -skins and some trifles. - -So protracted was the hunger we there experienced, that many times I -was three days without eating. The natives also endured as much; and -it appeared to me a thing impossible that life could be so prolonged, -although afterwards I found myself in greater hunger and necessity, -which I shall speak of farther on. - -The Indians who had Alonzo del Castillo, Andres Dorantes, and the -others that remained alive, were of a different tongue and ancestry -from these,[101] and went to the opposite shore of the main to eat -oysters, where they staid until the first day of April, when they -returned. The distance is two leagues in the widest part. The island -is half a league in breadth and five leagues in length.[102] - - [101] These were evidently the Hans, of whom he speaks later. - - [102] See p. 57, note 2. - -The inhabitants of all this region go naked. The women alone have -any part of their persons covered, and it is with a wool[103] that -grows on trees. The damsels dress themselves in deer-skin. The people -are generous to each other of what they possess. They have no chief. -All that are of a lineage keep together. They speak two languages; -those of one are called Capoques, those of the other, Han.[104] They -have a custom when they meet, or from time to time when they visit, -of remaining half an hour before they speak, weeping;[105] and, this -over, he that is visited first rises and gives the other all he has, -which is received, and after a little while he carries it away, and -often goes without saying a word. They have other strange customs; -but I have told the principal of them, and the most remarkable, that -I may pass on and further relate what befell us. - - [103] Spanish moss. - - [104] Important as it is in affording evidence of the route of - Cabeza de Vaca and his companions, it is not possible, with our - present knowledge of the former tribes of the coast region of - Texas, to identify with certainty the various Indians mentioned - by the narrator. Whether the names given by him are those - which the natives applied to themselves or are those given - by other tribes is unknown, and as no remnant of this once - considerable coast population now exists, the only hope of the - ultimate determination of these Indians lies in the historical - archives of Texas, Mexico, and Spain. The two languages and - stocks represented on the island of Malhado--the Capoque and - the Han--would seem to apply to the Karankawan and Attacapan - families respectively. The Capoques (called Cahoques on p. 87) - are seemingly identical with the Cocos who lived with the Mayayes - on the coast between the Brazos and Colorado Rivers in 1778, and - with the Cokes, who as late as 1850 are described as a branch of - the Koronks (Karankawa). Of the Han people nothing more definite - is known than that which is here recorded. - - [105] Compare Barcia, _Ensayo_, 263, 1723, and Gatschet in - _Archaeological and Ethnological Papers of the Peabody Museum_, - Harvard University, 1891, for references to these "weepers." - - - - -Chapter 16 - -_The Christians leave the island of Malhado._ - - -After Dorantes and Castillo returned to the island, they brought -together the Christians, who were somewhat separated, and found them -in all to be fourteen. As I have said, I was opposite on the main, -where my Indians had taken me, and where so great sickness had come -upon me, that if anything before had given me hopes of life, this -were enough to have entirely bereft me of them. - -When the Christians heard of my condition, they gave an Indian the -cloak of marten skins we had taken from the cacique, as before -related, to pass them over to where I was that they might visit -me. Twelve of them crossed; for two were so feeble that their -comrades could not venture to bring them. The names of those who -came were Alonzo del Castillo, Andres Dorantes, Diego Dorantes, -Valdevieso,[106] Estrada, Tostado, Chaves, Gutierrez, Asturiano a -clergyman, Diego de Huelva, Estevanico the black, and Benitez; and -when they reached the main land, they found another, who was one of -our company, named Francisco de Leon. The thirteen together followed -along the coast. So soon as they had come over, my Indians informed -me of it, and that Hieronymo de Alvaniz[107] and Lope de Oviedo -remained on the island. But sickness prevented me from going with my -companions or even seeing them. - - [106] Diego Dorantes and Pedro de Valdivieso were cousins of - Andres Dorantes. See p. 69. - - [107] Called also Alaniz--the notary. - -I was obliged to remain with the people belonging to the island[108] -more than a year, and because of the hard work they put upon me and -the harsh treatment, I resolved to flee from them and go to those of -Charruco, who inhabit the forests and country of the main, the life I -led being insupportable. Besides much other labor, I had to get out -roots from below the water, and from among the cane where they grew -in the ground. From this employment I had my fingers so worn that -did a straw but touch them they would bleed. Many of the canes are -broken, so they often tore my flesh, and I had to go in the midst of -them with only the clothing on I have mentioned. - - [108] The Capoques. - -Accordingly, I put myself to contriving how I might get over to the -other Indians, among whom matters turned somewhat more favorably for -me. I set to trafficking, and strove to make my employment profitable -in the ways I could best contrive, and by that means I got food and -good treatment. The Indians would beg me to go from one quarter -to another for things of which they have need; for in consequence -of incessant hostilities, they cannot traverse the country, nor -make many exchanges. With my merchandise and trade I went into the -interior as far as I pleased, and travelled along the coast forty -or fifty leagues. The principal wares were cones and other pieces -of sea-snail, conchs used for cutting, and fruit like a bean of the -highest value among them, which they use as a medicine and employ in -their dances and festivities. Among other matters were sea-beads. -Such were what I carried into the interior; and in barter I got -and brought back skins, ochre with which they rub and color the -face, hard canes of which to make arrows, sinews, cement and flint -for the heads, and tassels of the hair of deer that by dyeing they -make red. This occupation suited me well; for the travel allowed me -liberty to go where I wished, I was not obliged to work, and was not -a slave. Wherever I went I received fair treatment, and the Indians -gave me to eat out of regard to my commodities. My leading object, -while journeying in this business, was to find out the way by which -I should go forward, and I became well known. The inhabitants were -pleased when they saw me, and I had brought them what they wanted; -and those who did not know me sought and desired the acquaintance, -for my reputation. The hardships that I underwent in this were long -to tell, as well of peril and privation as of storms and cold. -Oftentimes they overtook me alone and in the wilderness; but I came -forth from them all by the great mercy of God our Lord. Because of -them I avoided pursuing the business in winter, a season in which -the natives themselves retire to their huts and ranches, torpid and -incapable of exertion. - -I was in this country nearly six years,[109] alone among the Indians, -and naked like them. The reason why I remained so long, was that I -might take with me the Christian, Lope de Oviedo, from the island; -Alaniz, his companion, who had been left with him by Alonzo del -Castillo, and by Andres Dorantes, and the rest, died soon after -their departure; and to get the survivor out from there, I went over -to the island every year, and entreated him that we should go, in -the best way we could contrive, in quest of Christians. He put me -off every year, saying in the next coming we would start. At last I -got him off, crossing him over the bay, and over four rivers in the -coast,[110] as he could not swim. In this way we went on with some -Indians, until coming to a bay a league in width, and everywhere -deep. From the appearance we supposed it to be that which is called -Espiritu Sancto. We met some Indians on the other side of it, coming -to visit ours, who told us that beyond them were three men like us, -and gave their names. We asked for the others, and were told that -they were all dead of cold and hunger; that the Indians farther on, -of whom they were, for their diversion had killed Diego Dorantes, -Valdevieso, and Diego de Huelva,[111] because they left one house for -another; and that other Indians, their neighbors with whom Captain -Dorantes now was, had in consequence of a dream, killed Esquivel -and Mendez.[112] We asked how the living were situated, and they -answered that they were very ill used, the boys and some of the -Indian men being very idle, out of cruelty gave them many kicks, -cuffs, and blows with sticks; that such was the life they led. - - [109] From 1528 to 1533. - - [110] The identification of Malhado Island is a difficult - problem. On general principles Galveston Island would seem to - supply the conditions, in that it more likely would have been - inhabited by two distinct tribes, perhaps representing distinct - linguistic families, as it is known to have been occupied by - Indians (the Karankawa) at a later period, besides having the - smaller island or islands behind it. But its size and the other - conditions are not in favor of the identification, for its - length is at least twice as great as that of Malhado, as given - in the narrative, and it is also more than two leagues from - its nearest end to the first stream that the Spaniards crossed - after departing from the island (Oviedo, p. 593). Mr. James - Newton Baskett suggests that the so-called Velasco Island, next - south of Galveston Island, better fulfils the requirements, as - indeed it does topographically, except for the fact that it - is really a peninsula. Aside from this, it possesses all the - physical features,--length and width, distance from the first - stream to the southward, and having the necessary island or - islands (Mud and San Luis) off its northern shore. Accepting - Mr. Baskett's determination, it is not difficult to account for - the four streams, "very large and of rapid current," one of - which flowed directly into the gulf. Following the journey of - the Spaniards from the island, down the coast, in April, when - the streams were swollen by flood, the first river was crossed - in two leagues after they had reached the mainland. This was - evidently Oyster Creek. Three leagues farther was another river, - running so powerfully that one of the rafts was driven to sea - more than a league. This fully agrees with the Brazos, which - indeed is the only large stream of the landlocked Texas coast - that flows directly into the gulf. Four leagues still farther - they reached another river, where the boat of the comptroller and - the commissary was found. From this fact it may be assumed that - this stream also flowed into the open gulf, a condition satisfied - by Caney Creek. The San Bernardo may well have escaped notice in - travelling near the coast, from the fact that it flows into Cedar - Lake. Five or six leagues more brought them to another large - river (the Colorado), which the Indians carried them across in a - canoe; and in four days they reached the bay of Espiritu Santo - (La Vaca Bay?). "The bay was broad, nearly a league across. The - side toward Panuco [the south] forms a point running out nearly - a quarter of a league, having on it some large white sand-stacks - which it is reasonable to suppose can be descried from a distance - at sea, and were consequently thought to mark the River Espiritu - Santo." After two days of exertion they succeeded in crossing the - bay in a broken canoe; and at the end of twelve leagues they came - to a small bay not more than the breadth of a river. Here they - found Figueroa, the only survivor of the four who had attempted - to return to Mexico. The distance from Malhado Island is given as - sixty leagues, consequently the journey from the Colorado to the - bay now reached, which seems to be no other than San Antonio Bay, - covered thirty-two to thirty-three leagues. Lofty sand dunes, - such as those seen on what we regard as perhaps La Vaca Bay, - occur on San Antonio Bay. See _United States Coast Survey Report_ - for 1859, p. 325. The western shore of the bay is a bluff or bank - of twenty feet. "At one place on this side, a singular range of - sand-hills, known as the Sand-mounds, approaches the shore. The - highest peak is about seventy-five feet above the bay." - - [111] These were all members of Dorantes' party who visited - Cabeza de Vaca when he was ill on the mainland. See p. 55. - - [112] Esquivel was one of the party under Enrriquez the - comptroller; Mendez was one of the good swimmers who started from - the island in the hope of reaching Panuco. - -We desired to be informed of the country ahead, and of the -subsistence: they said there was nothing to eat, and that it was thin -of people, who suffered of cold, having no skins or other things -to cover them. They told us also if we wished to see those three -Christians, two days from that time the Indians who had them would -come to eat walnuts a league from there on the margin of that river; -and that we might know what they told us of the ill usage to be -true, they slapped my companion and beat him with a stick, and I was -not left without my portion. Many times they threw lumps of mud at -us, and every day they put their arrows to our hearts, saying that -they were inclined to kill us in the way that they had destroyed -our friends. Lope Oviedo, my comrade, in fear said that he wished -to go back with the women of those who had crossed the bay with us, -the men having remained some distance behind. I contended strongly -against his returning, and urged my objections; but in no way could I -keep him. So he went back, and I remained alone with those savages. -They are called Quevenes,[113] and those with whom he returned, -Deaguanes.[114] - - [113] _Guevenes_ in the edition of 1542 (Bandelier translation). - There is reason to believe that these people may have been - identical with the Cohani, who lived west of the Colorado River - of Texas in the first quarter of the nineteenth century. - - [114] _Doguenes_ in ch. 26. - - - - -Chapter 17 - -_The coming of Indians with Andres Dorantes, Castillo, and -Estevanico._ - - -Two days after Lope de Oviedo left, the Indians who had Alonzo del -Castillo and Andres Dorantes, came to the place of which we had been -told, to eat walnuts. These are ground with a kind of small grain, -and this is the subsistence of the people two months in the year -without any other thing; but even the nuts they do not have every -season, as the tree produces in alternate years. The fruit is the -size of that in Galicia; the trees are very large and numerous. - -An Indian told me of the arrival of the Christians, and that if I -wished to see them I must steal away and flee to the point of a wood -to which he directed me, and that as he and others, kindred of his, -should pass by there to visit those Indians, they would take me with -them to the spot where the Christians were. I determined to attempt -this and trust to them, as they spoke a language distinct from that -of the others. I did so, and the next day they left, and found me in -the place that had been pointed out, and accordingly took me with -them. - -When I arrived near their abode, Andres Dorantes came out to see -who it could be, for the Indians had told him that a Christian was -coming. His astonishment was great when he saw me, as they had for -many a day considered me dead, and the natives had said that I was. -We gave many thanks at seeing ourselves together, and this was a day -to us of the greatest pleasure we had enjoyed in life. Having come -to where Castillo was, they inquired of me where I was going. I told -them my purpose was to reach the land of Christians, I being then in -search and pursuit of it. Andres Dorantes said that for a long time -he had entreated Castillo and Estevanico to go forward; but that they -dared not venture, because they knew not how to swim, and greatly -dreaded the rivers and bays they should have to cross, there being -many in that country. Thus the Almighty had been pleased to preserve -me through many trials and diseases, conducting me in the end to the -fellowship of those who had abandoned me, that I might lead them over -the bays and rivers that obstructed our progress. They advised me on -no account to let the natives know or have a suspicion of my desire -to go on, else they would destroy me; and that for success it would -be necessary for me to remain quiet until the end of six months, when -comes the season in which these Indians go to another part of the -country to eat prickly pears.[115] People would arrive from parts -farther on, bringing bows to barter and for exchange, with whom, -after making our escape, we should be able to go on their return. -Having consented to this course, I remained. The prickly pear is the -size of a hen's egg, vermillion and black in color, and of agreeable -flavor. The natives live on it three months in the year, having -nothing beside. - - [115] The fruit of the _Opuntia_ cactus, of which there are about - two hundred species. - -I was given as a slave to an Indian, with whom was Dorantes. He -was blind of one eye, as were also his wife and sons, and likewise -another who was with him; so that of a fashion they were all blind. -These are called Marians;[116] Castillo was with another neighboring -people, called Yguases.[117] - - [116] _Mariames_ in ch. 26, and in the edition of 1542. These - people are not identified. They were possibly of Karankawan or - Coahuiltecan affinity, but there is no direct evidence of this. - - [117] _Iguaces_ in the edition of 1542. - -While here the Christians related to me how they had left the -island of Malhado, and found the boat in which the comptroller and -the friars had sailed, bottom up on the seashore; and that going -along crossing the rivers, which are four,[118] very large and of -rapid current, their boats[119] were swept away and carried to sea, -where four of their number were drowned; that thus they proceeded -until they crossed the bay, getting over it with great difficulty, -and fifteen leagues thence they came to another. By the time they -reached this, they had lost two companions in the sixty leagues they -travelled, and those remaining were nearly dead, in all the while -having eaten nothing but crabs and rockweed.[120] Arrived at this -bay, they found Indians eating mulberries, who, when they saw them, -went to a cape opposite. While contriving and seeking for some means -to cross the bay, there came over to them an Indian, and a Christian -whom they recognized to be Figueroa, one of the four we had sent -forward from the island of Malhado. He there recounted how he and -his companions had got as far as that place, when two of them and -an Indian[121] died of cold and hunger, being exposed in the most -inclement of seasons. He and Mendez were taken by the Indians, and -while with them his associate fled, going as well as he could in the -direction of Panuco, and the natives pursuing, put him to death. - - [118] See p. 57, note 2. - - [119] Rafts built for the purpose of crossing the streams. - - [120] _Yerba pedrera_: "Of which glass is made in Spain." Oviedo, - p. 593. Doubtless kelp. It was burned and from the product glass - and soap were formerly manufactured. It is still a source of - manufacture of carbonate of soda and iodine. - - [121] Alvaro Fernandez, the Portuguese sailor and carpenter; - Astudillo, the native of Zafra; and the Indian from the island of - "Auia" (Cuba). - -While living with these Indians, Figueroa learned from them that -there was a Christian among the Mariames, who had come over from the -opposite side, and he found him among the Quevenes. This was Hernando -de Esquivel, a native of Badajoz, who had come in company with the -commissary. From him Figueroa learned the end to which the Governor, -the comptroller, and the others had come. Esquivel told him that the -comptroller and the friars had upset their boat at the confluence -of the rivers,[122] and that the boat of the Governor, moving along -the coast, came with its people to land. Narvaez went in the boat -until arriving at that great bay, where he took in the people, and, -crossing them to the opposite point, returned for the comptroller, -the friars, and the rest. And he related that being disembarked, the -Governor had recalled the commission the comptroller held as his -lieutenant, assigning the duties to a captain with him named Pantoja: -that Narvaez stayed the night in his boat, not wishing to come on -shore, having a cockswain with him and a page who was unwell, there -being no water nor anything to eat on board; that at midnight, the -boat having only a stone for anchor, the north wind blowing strongly -took her unobserved to sea, and they never knew more of their -commander. - - [122] The Mississippi delta. - -The others then went along the coast, and as they were arrested by a -wide extent of water, they made rafts with much labor, on which they -crossed to the opposite shore. Going on, they arrived at a point of -woods on the banks of the water where were Indians, who, as they saw -them coming, put their houses[123] into their canoes and went over to -the opposite side. The Christians, in consideration of the season, -for it was now the month of November, stopped at this wood, where -they found water and fuel, some crabs and shell-fish. They began, one -by one, to die of cold and hunger; and, more than this, Pantoja, who -was Lieutenant-Governor, used them severely, which Soto-Mayor (the -brother of Vasco Porcallo, of the island of Cuba), who had come with -the armament as camp-master, not being able to bear, had a struggle -with him, and, giving him a blow with a club, Pantoja was instantly -killed. - - [123] Doubtless consisting of mats fastened to a framework. - -Thus did the number go on diminishing. The living dried the flesh of -them that died; and the last that died was Soto-Mayor, when Esquivel -preserved his flesh, and, feeding on it, sustained existence until -the first of March, when an Indian of those that had fled, coming to -see if they were alive, took Esquivel with him. While he was in the -possession of the native, Figueroa saw him, and learned all that had -been related. He besought Esquivel to come with him, that together -they might pursue the way to Panuco; to which Esquivel would not -consent, saying that he had understood from the friars that Panuco -had been left behind:[124] so he remained there and Figueroa went to -the coast where he was accustomed to live. - - [124] That is, he supposed that he was then somewhere on the - coast of central Mexico. - - - - -Chapter 18 - -_The story Figueroa recounted from Esquivel._ - - -This account was all given by Figueroa, according to the relation he -received from Esquivel, and from him through the others it came to -me; whence may be seen and understood the fate of the armament, and -the individual fortunes of the greater part of the people. Figueroa -said, moreover, that if the Christians should at any time go in that -direction, it were possible they might see Esquivel, for he knew that -he had fled from the Indian with whom he was, to the Mariames, who -were neighbors. After Figueroa had finished telling the story, he and -the Asturian made an attempt to go to other Indians farther on; but -as soon as they who had the Christians discovered it, they followed, -and beating them severely, stripped the Asturian and shot an arrow -through his arm. They finally escaped by flight. - -The other Christians remained, and prevailed on the Indians to -receive them as slaves. In their service they were abused as slaves -never were, nor men in any condition have ever been. Not content with -frequently buffeting them, striking them with sticks, and pulling -out their beard for amusement, they killed three of the six for only -going from one house to another. These were the persons I have named -before: Diego Dorantes, Valdivieso, and Diego de Huelva: and the -three that remained looked forward to the same fate. Not to endure -this life, Andres Dorantes fled, and passed to the Mariames, the -people among whom Esquivel tarried. They told him that having had -Esquivel there, he wished to run away because a woman dreamed that a -son of hers would kill him; and that they followed after, and slew -him. They showed Dorantes his sword, beads, and book, with other -things that had been his.[125] - - [125] See the extracts from the letter of the survivors - (preserved by Oviedo) appended to this chapter. - -Thus in obedience to their custom they take life, destroying even -their male children on account of dreams. They cast away their -daughters at birth, and cause them to be eaten by dogs. The reason of -their doing this, as they state, is because all the nations of the -country are their foes; and as they have unceasing war with them, -if they were to marry away their daughters, they would so greatly -multiply their enemies that they must be overcome and made slaves; -thus they prefer to destroy all, rather than that from them should -come a single enemy. We asked why they did not themselves marry -them; and they said it would be a disgustful thing to marry among -relatives, and far better to kill than to give them either to their -kindred or to their foes. - -This is likewise the practice of their neighbors the Yguazes, but of -no other people of that country. When the men would marry, they buy -the women of their enemies: the price paid for a wife is a bow, the -best that can be got, with two arrows: if it happens that the suitor -should have no bow, then a net a fathom in length and another in -breadth. They kill their male children, and buy those of strangers. -The marriage state continues no longer than while the parties are -satisfied, and they separate for the slightest cause. Dorantes was -among this people, and after a few days escaped. - -Castillo and Estevanico went inland to the Yguazes. This people are -universally good archers and of a fine symmetry, although not so -large as those we left. They have a nipple and a lip bored.[126] -Their support is principally roots, of two or three kinds, and they -look for them over the face of all the country. The food is poor -and gripes the persons who eat it. The roots require roasting two -days: many are very bitter, and withal difficult to be dug. They are -sought the distance of two or three leagues, and so great is the -want these people experience, that they cannot get through the year -without them. Occasionally they kill deer, and at times take fish; -but the quantity is so small and the famine so great, that they eat -spiders and the eggs of ants, worms, lizards, salamanders, snakes, -and vipers that kill whom they strike; and they eat earth and wood, -and all that there is, the dung of deer, and other things that I omit -to mention; and I honestly believe that were there stones in that -land they would eat them. They save the bones of the fishes they -consume, of snakes and other animals, that they may afterwards beat -them together and eat the powder. The men bear no burthens, nor carry -anything of weight; such are borne by women and old men who are of -the least esteem. They have not so great love for their children as -those we have before spoken of.[127] Some among them are accustomed -to sin against nature. The women work very hard, and do a great deal; -of the twenty-four hours they have only six of repose; the rest of -the night they pass in heating the ovens to bake those roots they -eat. At daybreak they begin to dig them, to bring wood and water to -their houses and get in readiness other things that may be necessary. -The majority of the people are great thieves; for though they are -free to divide with each other, on turning the head, even a son or a -father will take what he can. They are great liars, and also great -drunkards, which they became from the use of a certain liquor.[128] - - [126] Evidently for the insertion of canes, as was the custom of - the Capoques and Hans of the island of Malhado. - - [127] The Capoques of Malhado Island. - - [128] It is not improbable that the liquor was made from the - peyote, or mescal button, still used by the Kiowa, Comanche, and - others to produce stupefaction. See Mooney in _Seventeenth Report - of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, 1898. - -These Indians are so accustomed to running, that without rest or -fatigue they follow a deer from morning to night. In this way they -kill many. They pursue them until tired down, and sometimes overtake -them in the race. Their houses are of matting, placed upon four -hoops. They carry them on the back, and remove every two or three -days in search of food. Nothing is planted for support. They are a -merry people, considering the hunger they suffer; for they never -cease, notwithstanding, to observe their festivities and _areytos_. -To them the happiest part of the year is the season of eating prickly -pears; they have hunger then no longer, pass all the time in dancing, -and eat day and night. While these last, they squeeze out the juice, -open and set them to dry, and when dry they are put in hampers like -figs. These they keep to eat on their way back. The peel is beaten to -powder. - -It occurred to us many times while we were among this people, and -there was no food, to be three or four days without eating, when -they, to revive our spirits, would tell us not to be sad, that soon -there would be prickly pears when we should eat a plenty and drink -of the juice, when our bellies would be very big and we should be -content and joyful, having no hunger. From the time they first told -us this, to that at which the earliest were ripe enough to be eaten, -was an interval of five or six months; so having tarried until the -lapse of this period, and the season had come, we went to eat the -fruit. - -We found mosquitos of three sorts, and all of them abundant in every -part of the country. They poison and inflame, and during the greater -part of the summer gave us great annoyance. As a protection we made -fires, encircling the people with them, burning rotten and wet wood -to produce smoke without flame. The remedy brought another trouble, -and the night long we did little else than shed tears from the smoke -that came into our eyes, besides feeling intense heat from the many -fires, and if at any time we went out for repose to the seaside and -fell asleep, we were reminded with blows to make up the fires. The -Indians of the interior have a different method, as intolerable, and -worse even than the one I have spoken of, which is to go with brands -in the hand firing the plains and forests within their reach, that -the mosquitos may fly away, and at the same time to drive out lizards -and other like things from the earth for them to eat. - -They are accustomed also to kill deer by encircling them with fires. -The pasturage is taken from the cattle by burning, that necessity may -drive them to seek it in places where it is desired they should go. -They encamp only where there are wood and water; and sometimes all -carry loads of these when they go to hunt deer, which are usually -found where neither is to be got. On the day of their arrival, they -kill the deer and other animals which they can, and consume all the -water and all the wood in cooking and on the fires they make to -relieve them of mosquitos. They remain the next day to get something -to sustain them on their return; and when they go, such is their -state from those insects that they appear to have the affliction -of holy Lazarus. In this way do they appease their hunger, two or -three times in the year, at the cost I have mentioned. From my own -experience, I can state there is no torment known in this world that -can equal it. - -Inland are many deer, birds, and beasts other than those I have -spoken of. Cattle[129] come as far as here. Three times I have seen -them and eaten of their meat. I think they are about the size of -those in Spain. They have small horns like the cows of Morocco; the -hair is very long and flocky like the merino's. Some are tawny, -others black. To my judgment the flesh is finer and fatter than that -of this country. Of the skins of those not full grown the Indians -make blankets, and of the larger they make shoes and bucklers. They -come as far as the sea-coast of Florida, from a northerly direction, -ranging through a tract of more than four hundred leagues; and -throughout the whole region over which they run, the people who -inhabit near, descend and live upon them, distributing a vast many -hides into the interior country. - - [129] This is the first printed reference to the bison. - - * * * * * - -[Buckingham Smith introduces the following translation from the -_Letter_ (Oviedo, pp. 594-598) as throwing important light on the -occurrences related in the foregoing chapter. F. W. H.] - - "Thus ended the account of Figueroa, without his being able - to add more to it, than that Esquivel was about there in the - possession of some natives, and they might see him in a little - while; but a month afterwards, it was known that he no longer - lived, for having gone from the natives, they had followed after - and put him to death. Figueroa tarried a few moments, long - enough to relate the sad news. The Indian who brought him would - not permit him to remain. Asturiano, the clergyman, and a young - man being the only ones who could swim, accompanied them for - the purpose of returning with fish which they were promised, as - likewise that they should be brought back over that bay; but - when the Indians found them at their houses, they would neither - bring them nor let them return; on the contrary, they put their - houses into their canoes and took the two Christians with them, - saying that they would soon come back.... - - "The eight companions remained that day to appease their hunger, - and the next morning they saw two Indians of a rancho coming - over the water to place their dwellings on the hither side. The - purpose was to live on blackberries that grow in some places - along the coast, which they seek at a season they know full - well, and although precarious, they promise a food that supports - life. They called to the Indians, who came as to persons they - thought lightly of, taking some part of what they possessed - almost by force. The Christians besought the natives to set them - over, which they did in a canoe, taking them to their houses - near by, and at dark gave them a small quantity of fish. They - went out the next day for more, and returned at night, giving - them a part of what they had caught. The day following they - moved off with the Christians and never after were the two seen - whom the other Indians had taken away. - - "At last the natives, weary of seeking food for their guests, - turned away five, that they should go to some Indians who they - said were to be found in another bay, six leagues farther on. - Alonzo del Castillo went there with Pedro de Valdivieso, cousin - of Andres Dorantes, and another, Diego de Huelva, where they - remained a long time; the two others went down near the coast, - seeking relief, where they died, as Dorantes states, who found - the bodies, one of whom, Diego Dorantes, was his cousin. The two - hidalgos and the negro remaining in that rancho, sufficed for - the use of the natives, to bring back-loads of wood and water as - slaves. After three or four days however, these likewise were - turned off, when for some time they wandered about lost, without - hope of relief; and going naked among marshes, having been - previously despoiled one night of their clothing, they came upon - those dead. - - "They continued the route until they found some Indians, with - whom Andres Dorantes remained. A cousin of his, one of the three - who had gone on to the bay where they stopped, came over from - the opposite shore, and told him that the swimmers who went - from them had passed in that direction, having their clothes - taken from them and they much bruised about the head with sticks - because they would not remain; still though beaten and stripped, - they had gone on for the sake of the oath they had taken, never - to stop even if death stood in the path, before coming to a - country of Christians. Dorantes states that he saw in the rancho - where he was, the clothes belonging to the clergyman and to one - of the swimmers, with a breviary or prayer book. Valdivieso - returned, and a couple of days afterwards was killed, because he - wished to flee, and likewise in a little time Diego de Huelva, - because he forsook one lodge-house for another. - - "The Christians were there made slaves, forced with more cruelty - to serve than the Moor would have used. Besides going stark - naked and bare-footed over the coast burning in summer like - fire, their continual occupation was bringing wood and water on - the back, or whatever the Indians needed, and dragging canoes - over inundated grounds in hot weather. - - "These natives eat nothing the year round but fish, and of - that not much. They experience far less hunger however, than - the inhabitants inland among whom the Spaniards afterwards - lived. The food often fails, causing frequent removals, or - otherwise they starve.... They have finger nails that for any - ordinary purpose are knives, and are their principal arms among - themselves.... - - "The Spaniards lived here fourteen months, from May to the May - ensuing of the year 1530, and to the middle of the month of - August, when Andres Dorantes, being at a point that appeared - most favorable for going, commended himself to God, and went off - at mid-day.... Castillo tarried among that hard people a year - and a half later, until an opportunity presented for starting; - but on arriving he found only the negro; Dorantes, finding these - Indians unbearably cruel, had gone back more than twenty leagues - to a river near the bay of Espiritu Sancto, among those who had - killed Esquivel, the solitary one that had escaped from the - boats of the Governor and Alonzo Enrriques, slain, as they were - told, because a woman had dreamed some absurdity. The people of - this country have belief in dreams, their only superstition. On - account of them they will even kill their children; and this - hidalgo Dorantes states, that in the course of four years he - had been a witness to the killing or burying alive of eleven or - twelve young males, and rarely do they let a girl live.... - - "Andres Dorantes passed ten months among this people, enduring - much privation with continual labor, and in fear of being - killed...." - - - - -Chapter 19 - -_Our separation by the Indians._ - - -When the six months were over, I had to spend with the Christians to -put in execution the plan we had concerted, the Indians went after -prickly pears, the place at which they grew being thirty leagues -off;[130] and when we approached the point of flight, those among -whom we were, quarrelled about a woman. After striking with fists, -beating with sticks and bruising heads in great anger, each took -his lodge and went his way, whence it became necessary that the -Christians should also separate, and in no way could we come together -until another year. - - [130] In an article on the wanderings of Cabeza de Vaca, by - Ponton and McFarland (_Texas Historical Association Quarterly_, - I. 176, map, 1898), the northern limit of the cactus belt is - placed on a line extending irregularly westward from the mouth of - the Colorado River of Texas. - -In this time I passed a hard life, caused as much by hunger as ill -usage. Three times I was obliged to run from my masters, and each -time they went in pursuit and endeavored to slay me; but God our Lord -in his mercy chose to protect and preserve me; and when the season -of prickly pears returned, we again came together in the same place. -After we had arranged our escape, and appointed a time, that very day -the Indians separated and all went back. I told my comrades I would -wait for them among the prickly-pear plants until the moon should be -full. This day was the first of September,[131] and the first of the -moon; and I said that if in this time they did not come as we had -agreed, I would leave and go alone. So we parted, each going with his -Indians. I remained with mine until the thirteenth day of the moon, -having determined to flee to others when it should be full. - - [131] 1534. Cabeza de Vaca had evidently lost his reckoning - (perhaps during his illness), as the date of the new moon in this - year was September 8. - -At this time Andres Dorantes arrived with Estevanico and informed -me that they had left Castillo with other Indians near by, called -Lanegados;[132] that they had encountered great obstacles and -wandered about lost; that the next day the Indians, among whom we -were, would move to where Castillo was, and were going to unite with -those who held him and become friends, having been at war until then, -and that in this way we should recover Castillo. - - [132] _Anagados_ in the 1542 edition. The tribe cannot be - identified, although it may be well known under some other name. - _Anegado_ is Spanish for "overflowed," "inundated," but it is by - no means certain that the Spaniards applied this name to them. - Buckingham Smith suggests that they may have been the Nacadoch - (Nacogdoches), but this does not seem probable, as the latter - tribe lived very far to the northeast of the point where the - Spaniards now were, that is, some thirty leagues inland from the - coast between latitude 28 deg. and 29 deg.. The name sounds more like - _N[)a]dako_, the designation which the Anadarcos give themselves. - This Caddoan tribe, when first known, lived high up on the Brazos - and the Trinity, but in 1812 their village was on the Sabine. - They are now incorporated with the Caddo in Oklahoma. - -We had thirst all the time we ate the pears, which we quenched with -their juice. We caught it in a hole made in the earth, and when it -was full we drank until satisfied. It is sweet, and the color of -must. In this manner they collect it for lack of vessels. There are -many kinds of prickly pears, among them some very good, although they -all appeared to me to be so, hunger never having given me leisure to -choose, nor to reflect upon which were the best. - -Nearly all these people drink rain-water, which lies about in -spots. Although there are rivers, as the Indians never have fixed -habitations, there are no familiar or known places for getting water. -Throughout the country are extensive and beautiful plains with good -pasturage; and I think it would be a very fruitful region were it -worked and inhabited by civilized men. We nowhere saw mountains. - -These Indians told us that there was another people next in advance -of us, called Camones,[133] living towards the coast, and that they -had killed the people who came in the boat of Penalosa and Tellez, -who arrived so feeble that even while being slain they could offer no -resistance, and were all destroyed. We were shown their clothes and -arms, and were told that the boat lay there stranded. This, the fifth -boat, had remained till then unaccounted for. We have already stated -how the boat of the Governor had been carried out to sea, and that of -the comptroller and the friars had been cast away on the coast, of -which Esquevel[134] narrated the fate of the men. We have once told -how the two boats in which Castillo, I, and Dorantes came, foundered -near the Island of Malhado. - - [133] _Camoles_ in ch. 26. They evidently lived toward the - northeast, north of Malhado Island; unidentified. - - [134] Esquivel. - - - - -Chapter 20 - -_Of our escape._ - - -The second day after we had moved, we commended ourselves to God and -set forth with speed, trusting, for all the lateness of the season -and that the prickly pears were about ending, with the mast which -remained in the woods [field], we might still be enabled to travel -over a large territory. Hurrying on that day in great dread lest -the Indians should overtake us, we saw some smokes, and going in -the direction of them we arrived there after vespers, and found an -Indian. He ran as he discovered us coming, not being willing to wait -for us. We sent the negro[135] after him, when he stopped, seeing him -alone. The negro told him we were seeking the people who made those -fires. He answered that their houses were near by, and he would guide -us to them. So we followed him. He ran to make known our approach, -and at sunset we saw the houses. Before our arrival, at the distance -of two crossbow shots from them, we found four Indians, who waited -for us and received us well. We said in the language of the Mariames, -that we were coming to look for them. They were evidently pleased -with our company, and took us to their dwellings. Dorantes and the -negro were lodged in the house of a physician,[136] Castillo and -myself in that of another. - - [135] Estevanico. - - [136] A shaman, or "medicine-man." - -These people speak a different language, and are called -Avavares.[137] They are the same that carried bows to those with whom -we formerly lived,[138] going to traffic with them, and although -they are of a different nation and tongue, they understand the other -language. They arrived that day with their lodges, at the place where -we found them. The community directly brought us a great many prickly -pears, having heard of us before, of our cures, and of the wonders -our Lord worked by us, which, although there had been no others, -were adequate to open ways for us through a country poor like this, -to afford us people where oftentimes there are none, and to lead us -through immediate dangers, not permitting us to be killed, sustaining -us under great want, and putting into those nations the heart of -kindness, as we shall relate hereafter. - - [137] _Chavavares_ in ch. 26, in which it is said that they - joined the Mariames. Their affinity is unknown. The statement - that the Spaniards are again among these tribes suggests that - they were now pursuing a northerly direction. - - [138] The Mariames. See note to ch. 26, respecting these tribes. - - - - -Chapter 21 - -_Our cure of some of the afflicted._ - - -That same night of our arrival, some Indians came to Castillo and -told him that they had great pain in the head, begging him to cure -them. After he made over them the sign of the cross, and commended -them to God, they instantly said that all the pain had left, and went -to their houses bringing us prickly pears, with a piece of venison, -a thing to us little known. As the report of Castillo's performances -spread, many came to us that night sick, that we should heal them, -each bringing a piece of venison, until the quantity became so great -we knew not where to dispose of it. We gave many thanks to God, for -every day went on increasing his compassion and his gifts. After -the sick were attended to, they began to dance and sing, making -themselves festive, until sunrise; and because of our arrival, the -rejoicing was continued for three days. - -When these were ended, we asked the Indians about the country farther -on, the people we should find in it, and of the subsistence there. -They answered us, that throughout all the region prickly-pear plants -abounded; but the fruit was now gathered and all the people had gone -back to their houses. They said the country was very cold, and there -were few skins. Reflecting on this, and that it was already winter, -we resolved to pass the season with these Indians. - -Five days after our arrival, all the Indians went off, taking us with -them to gather more prickly pears, where there were other peoples -speaking different tongues. After walking five days in great hunger, -since on the way was no manner of fruit, we came to a river[139] -and put up our houses. We then went to seek the product of certain -trees, which is like peas. As there are no paths in the country, I -was detained some time. The others returned, and coming to look for -them in the dark I got lost. Thank God I found a burning tree, and -in the warmth of it I passed the cold of that night. In the morning, -loading myself with sticks, and taking two brands with me, I returned -to seek them. In this manner I wandered five days, ever with my fire -and load; for if the wood had failed me where none could be found, -as many parts are without any, though I might have sought sticks -elsewhere, there would have been no fire to kindle them. This was all -the protection I had against cold, while walking naked as I was born. -Going to the low woods near the rivers, I prepared myself for the -night, stopping in them before sunset. I made a hole in the ground -and threw in fuel which the trees abundantly afforded, collected in -good quantity from those that were fallen and dry. About the whole -I made four fires, in the form of a cross, which I watched and made -up from time to time. I also gathered some bundles of the coarse -straw that there abounds, with which I covered myself in the hole. In -this way I was sheltered at night from cold. On one occasion while -I slept, the fire fell upon the straw, when it began to blaze so -rapidly that notwithstanding the haste I made to get out of it, I -carried some marks on my hair of the danger to which I was exposed. -All this while I tasted not a mouthful, nor did I find anything -I could eat. My feet were bare and bled a good deal. Through the -mercy of God, the wind did not blow from the north in all this time, -otherwise I should have died. - - [139] This may have been the San Antonio or the San - Marcos-Guadalupe. - -At the end of the fifth day I arrived on the margin of a river,[140] -where I found the Indians, who with the Christians, had considered me -dead, supposing that I had been stung by a viper. All were rejoiced -to see me, and most so were my companions. They said that up to that -time they had struggled with great hunger, which was the cause of -their not having sought me. At night, all gave me of their prickly -pears, and the next morning we set out for a place where they were -in large quantity, with which we satisfied our great craving, the -Christians rendering thanks to our Lord that He had ever given us His -aid. - - [140] Presumably the river last mentioned, where they had erected - their shelters. - - - - -Chapter 22 - -_The coming of other sick to us the next day._ - - -The next day morning, many Indians came, and brought five persons -who had cramps and were very unwell. They came that Castillo might -cure them. Each offered his bow and arrows, which Castillo received. -At sunset he blessed them, commending them to God our Lord, and we -all prayed to Him the best we could to send health; for that He knew -there was no other means, than through Him, by which this people -would aid us, so we could come forth from this unhappy existence. -He bestowed it so mercifully, that, the morning having come, all -got up well and sound, and were as strong as though they never had -a disorder. It caused great admiration, and inclined us to render -many thanks to God our Lord, whose goodness we now clearly beheld, -giving us firm hopes that He would liberate and bring us to where we -might serve Him. For myself I can say that I ever had trust in His -providence that He would lead me out from that captivity, and thus I -always spoke of it to my companions. - -The Indians having gone and taken their friends with them in health, -we departed for a place at which others were eating prickly pears. -These people are called Cuthalchuches[141] and Malicones, who speak -different tongues. Adjoining them were others called Coayos and -Susolas, who were on the opposite side, others called Atayos,[142] -who were at war with the Susolas, exchanging arrow shots daily. As -through all the country they talked only of the wonders which God our -Lord worked through us, persons came from many parts to seek us that -we might cure them. At the end of the second day after our arrival, -some of the Susolas came to us and besought Castillo that he would go -to cure one wounded and others sick, and they said that among them -was one very near his end. Castillo was a timid practitioner, most -so in serious and dangerous cases, believing that his sins would -weigh, and some day hinder him in performing cures. The Indians told -me to go and heal them, as they liked me; they remembered that I -had ministered to them in the walnut grove when they gave us nuts -and skins, which occurred when I first joined the Christians. So I -had to go with them, and Dorantes accompanied me with Estevanico. -Coming near their huts, I perceived that the sick man we went to heal -was dead. Many persons were around him weeping, and his house was -prostrate, a sign that the one who dwelt in it is no more.[143] When -I arrived I found his eyes rolled up, and the pulse gone, he having -all the appearances of death, as they seemed to me and as Dorantes -said. I removed a mat with which he was covered, and supplicated our -Lord as fervently as I could, that He would be pleased to give health -to him, and to the rest that might have need of it. After he had been -blessed and breathed upon many times, they brought me his bow, and -gave me a basket of pounded prickly pears. - - [141] Cultalchulches in ch. 26 (q. v.), and in the edition of - 1542. - - [142] These were possibly the Adai, or Adaize, although their - country was in northeastern Texas, about Red River and the - Sabine; nevertheless they may have wandered very far during the - prickly-pear season. There is evidence that in 1792, fourteen - families of the Adai migrated to a region south of San Antonio de - Bejar, where they were merged with the tribes living thereabout. - The main body, although greatly reduced, did not leave their old - home until the nineteenth century, when the remnant, who had been - missionized, were incorporated with their kindred the Caddo. - - [143] It is not uncommon for all the possessions of an Indian, - including his dwelling, to be destroyed at the time of his death. - In recent times this custom has had the tendency, as among the - Navahos, for example, to cause them to adhere to their simple - aboriginal form of dwellings instead of to go to the trouble of - erecting substantial houses that might have to be demolished. - -The natives took me to cure many others who were sick of a stupor, -and presented me two more baskets of prickly pears, which I gave to -the Indians who accompanied us. We then went back to our lodgings. -Those to whom we gave the fruit tarried, and returned at night to -their houses, reporting that he who had been dead and for whom I -wrought before them, had got up whole and walked, had eaten and -spoken with them and that all to whom I had ministered were well and -much pleased. This caused great wonder and fear, and throughout the -land the people talked of nothing else. All to whom the fame of it -reached, came to seek us that we should cure them and bless their -children. - -When the Cuthalchuches, who were in company with our Indians, were -about to return to their own country, they left us all the prickly -pears they had, without keeping one: they gave us flints of very -high value there, a palm and a half in length, with which they cut. -They begged that we would remember them and pray to God that they -might always be well, and we promised to do so. They left, the most -satisfied beings in the world, having given us the best of all they -had. - -We remained with the Avavares eight months, reckoned by the number -of moons. In all this time people came to seek us from many parts, -and they said that most truly we were children of the sun. Dorantes -and the negro to this time had not attempted to practise; but because -of the great solicitation made by those coming from different parts -to find us, we all became physicians, although in being venturous -and bold to attempt the performance of any cure, I was the most -remarkable. No one whom we treated, but told us he was left well; -and so great was the confidence that they would become healed if we -administered to them, they even believed that whilst we remained none -of them could die. These and the rest of the people behind, related -an extraordinary circumstance, and by the way they counted, there -appeared to be fifteen or sixteen years since it occurred. - -They said that a man wandered through the country whom they called -Badthing; he was small of body and wore beard, and they never -distinctly saw his features. When he came to the house where they -lived, their hair stood up and they trembled. Presently a blazing -torch shone at the door, when he entered and seized whom he chose, -and giving him three great gashes in the side with a very sharp -flint, the width of the hand and two palms in length, he put his -hand through them, drawing forth the entrails, from one of which -he would cut off a portion more or less, the length of a palm, and -throw it on the embers. Then he would give three gashes to an arm, -the second cut on the inside of an elbow, and would sever the limb. -A little after this, he would begin to unite it, and putting his -hands on the wounds, these would instantly become healed. They said -that frequently in the dance he appeared among them, sometimes in the -dress of a woman, at others in that of a man; that when it pleased -him he would take a buhio,[144] or house, and lifting it high, after -a little he would come down with it in a heavy fall. They also stated -that many times they offered him victuals, but that he never ate: -they asked him whence he came and where was his abiding place, and -he showed them a fissure in the earth and said that his house was -there below. These things they told us of, we much laughed at and -ridiculed; and they seeing our incredulity, brought to us many of -those they said he had seized; and we saw the marks of the gashes -made in the places according to the manner they had described. We -told them he was an evil one, and in the best way we could, gave -them to understand, that if they would believe in God our Lord, and -become Christians like us, they need have no fear of him, nor would -he dare to come and inflict those injuries, and they might be certain -he would not venture to appear while we remained in the land. At this -they were delighted and lost much of their dread. They told us that -they had seen the Asturian and Figueroa with people farther along the -coast, whom we had called those of the figs.[145] - - [144] See page 19, note 5. - - [145] See chap. 26. - -They are all ignorant of time, either by the sun or moon, nor do they -reckon by the month or year; they better know and understand the -differences of the seasons, when the fruits come to ripen, where the -fish resort,[146] and the position of the stars, at which they are -ready and practised. By these we were ever well treated. We dug our -own food and brought our loads of wood and water. Their houses and -also the things we ate, are like those of the nation from which we -came, but they suffer far greater want, having neither maize, acorns, -nor nuts. We always went naked like them, and covered ourselves at -night with deer-skins. - - [146] Buckingham Smith prefers this meaning for _i en tiempo que - muere el Pescado_ to "by the time when the fish die," or "at - times at which the fishes die." - -Of the eight months we were among this people, six we supported in -great want, for fish are not to be found where they are. At the -expiration of the time, the prickly pears began to ripen,[147] and -I and the negro went, without these Indians knowing it, to others -farther on, a day's journey distant, called Maliacones.[148] At -the end of three days, I sent him to bring Castillo and Dorantes, -and they having arrived, we all set out with the Indians who -were going to get the small fruit of certain trees on which they -support themselves ten or twelve days whilst the prickly pears are -maturing. They joined others called Arbadaos,[149] whom we found to -be very weak, lank, and swollen, so much so as to cause us great -astonishment. We told those with whom we came, that we wished to stop -with these people, at which they showed regret and went back by the -way they came; so we remained in the field near the houses of the -Indians, which when they observed, after talking among themselves -they came up together, and each of them taking one of us by the hand, -led us to their dwellings. Among them we underwent greater hunger -than with the others; we ate daily not more than two handfuls of the -prickly pears, which were green and so milky they burned our mouths. -As there was lack of water, those who ate suffered great thirst. In -our extreme want we bought two dogs, giving in exchange some nets, -with other things, and a skin I used to cover myself. - - [147] That is, until the summer of 1535. - - [148] See ch. 27: "By the coast live those called Quitoks, and in - front inward on the main are the Chavavares, to whom adjoin the - Maliacones, the Cultalchulches and others called Susolas and the - Comos." This would seem to indicate that he was journeying in a - generally northward or north-westward direction. - - [149] The name suggests the Bidai, a Caddoan tribe that lived at - a later period west of the Trinity, about latitude 31 deg., but this - locality does not agree with the narrative. - -I have already stated that throughout all this country we went naked, -and as we were unaccustomed to being so, twice a year we cast our -skins like serpents. The sun and air produced great sores on our -breasts and shoulders, giving us sharp pain; and the large loads we -had, being very heavy, caused the cords to cut into our arms. The -country is so broken and thickset, that often after getting our wood -in the forests, the blood flowed from us in many places, caused by -the obstruction of thorns and shrubs that tore our flesh wherever -we went. At times, when my turn came to get wood, after it had cost -me much blood, I could not bring it out either on my back or by -dragging. In these labors my only solace and relief were in thinking -of the sufferings of our Redeemer, Jesus Christ, and in the blood -He shed for me, in considering how much greater must have been the -torment He sustained from the thorns, than that I there received. - -I bartered with these Indians in combs that I made for them and -in bows, arrows, and nets. We made mats, which are their houses, -that they have great necessity for; and although they know how to -make them, they wish to give their full time to getting food, since -when otherwise employed they are pinched with hunger. Sometimes the -Indians would set me to scraping and softening skins; and the days of -my greatest prosperity there, were those in which they gave me skins -to dress. I would scrape them a very great deal and eat the scraps, -which would sustain me two or three days. When it happened among -these people, as it had likewise among others whom we left behind, -that a piece of meat was given us, we ate it raw; for if we had put -it to roast, the first native that should come along would have taken -it off and devoured it; and it appeared to us not well to expose it -to this risk; besides we were in such condition it would have given -us pain to eat it roasted, and we could not have digested it so well -as raw. Such was the life we spent there; and the meagre subsistence -we earned by the matters of traffic which were the work of our hands. - - - - -Chapter 23 - -_Of our departure after having eaten the dogs._ - - -After eating the dogs, it seemed to us we had some strength to go -forward; and so commending ourselves to God our Lord, that He would -guide us, we took our leave of the Indians. They showed us the way -to others, near by, who spoke their language. While on our journey, -rain fell, and we travelled the day in wet. We lost our way and went -to stop in an extensive wood. We pulled many leaves of the prickly -pear, which we put at night in an oven we made, and giving them much -heat, by the morning they were in readiness. After eating, we put -ourselves under the care of the Almighty and started. We discovered -the way we had lost. Having passed the wood, we found other houses, -and coming up to them, we saw two women with some boys walking in the -forest, who were frightened at the sight of us and fled, running into -the woods to call the men. These arriving, stopped behind trees to -look at us. We called to them, and they came up with much timidity. -After some conversation they told us that food was very scarce with -them; that near by were many houses of their people to which they -would guide us. We came at night where were fifty dwellings. The -inhabitants were astonished at our appearance, showing much fear. -After becoming somewhat accustomed to us, they reached their hands to -our faces and bodies, and passed them in like manner over their own. - -We stayed there that night, and in the morning the Indians brought us -their sick, beseeching us that we would bless them. They gave us of -what they had to eat, the leaves of the prickly pear and the green -fruit roasted. As they did this with kindness and good will, and were -happy to be without anything to eat, that they might have food to -give us, we tarried some days. While there, others came from beyond, -and when they were about to depart, we told our entertainers that we -wished to go with those people. They felt much uneasiness at this, -and pressed us warmly to stay: however, we took our leave in the -midst of their weeping, for our departure weighed heavily upon them. - - - - -Chapter 24 - -_Customs of the Indians of that country._ - - -From the Island of Malhado to this land, all the Indians whom we saw -have the custom from the time in which their wives find themselves -pregnant, of not sleeping with them until two years after they have -given birth. The children are suckled until the age of twelve years, -when they are old enough to get support for themselves. We asked -why they reared them in this manner; and they said because of the -great poverty of the land, it happened many times, as we witnessed, -that they were two or three days without eating, sometimes four, and -consequently, in seasons of scarcity, the children were allowed to -suckle, that they might not famish; otherwise those who lived would -be delicate, having little strength. - -If any one chance to fall sick in the desert, and cannot keep up -with the rest, the Indians leave him to perish, unless it be a son -or a brother; him they will assist, even to carrying on their back. -It is common among them all to leave their wives when there is no -conformity, and directly they connect themselves with whom they -please. This is the course of the men who are childless; those who -have children remain with their wives and never abandon them. When -they dispute and quarrel in their towns, they strike each other with -the fists, fighting until exhausted, and then separate. Sometimes -they are parted by the women going between them; the men never -interfere. For no disaffection that arises do they resort to bows and -arrows. After they have fought, or had out their dispute, they take -their dwellings and go into the woods, living apart from each other -until their heat has subsided. When no longer offended and their -anger is gone, they return. From that time they are friends as if -nothing had happened; nor is it necessary that any one should mend -their friendships, as they in this way again unite them. If those -that quarrel are single, they go to some neighboring people, and -although these should be enemies, they receive them well and welcome -them warmly, giving them so largely of what they have, that when -their animosity cools, and they return to their town, they go rich. - -They are all warlike, and have as much strategy for protecting -themselves against enemies as they could have were they reared in -Italy in continual feuds. When they are in a part of the country -where their enemies may attack them, they place their houses on the -skirt of a wood, the thickest and most tangled they can find, and -near it make a ditch in which they sleep. The warriors are covered -by small pieces of stick through which are loop-holes; these hide -them and present so false an appearance, that if come upon they -are not discovered. They open a very narrow way, entering into the -midst of the wood, where a spot is prepared on which the women and -children sleep. When night comes they kindle fires in their lodges, -that should spies be about, they may think to find them there; and -before daybreak they again light those fires. If the enemy comes to -assault the houses, they who are in the ditch make a sally; and from -their trenches do much injury without those who are outside seeing -or being able to find them. When there is no wood in which they can -take shelter in this way, and make their ambuscades, they settle on -open ground at a place they select, which they invest with trenches -covered with broken sticks, having apertures whence to discharge -arrows. These arrangements are made for night. - -While I was among the Aguenes,[150] their enemies coming suddenly -at midnight, fell upon them, killed three and wounded many, so that -they ran from their houses to the fields before them. As soon as -these ascertained that their assailants had withdrawn, they returned -to pick up all the arrows the others had shot, and following after -them in the most stealthy manner possible, came that night to their -dwellings without their presence being suspected. At four o'clock -in the morning the Aguenes attacked them, killed five, and wounded -numerous others, and made them flee from their houses, leaving their -bows with all they possessed. In a little while came the wives of the -Quevenes[151] to them and formed a treaty whereby the parties became -friends. The women, however, are sometimes the cause of war. All -these nations, when they have personal enmities, and are not of one -family, assassinate at night, waylay, and inflict gross barbarities -on each other. - - [150] Elsewhere called Doguenes. - - [151] Guevenes in the edition of 1542. - - - - -Chapter 25 - -_Vigilance of the Indians in war._ - - -They are the most watchful in danger of any people I ever knew. If -they fear an enemy they are awake the night long, each with a bow -at his side and a dozen arrows. He that would sleep tries his bow, -and if it is not strung, he gives the turn necessary to the cord. -They often come out from their houses, bending to the ground in such -manner that they cannot be seen, looking and watching on all sides to -catch every object. If they perceive anything about, they are at once -in the bushes with their bows and arrows, and there remain until day, -running from place to place where it is needful to be, or where they -think their enemies are. When the light has come, they unbend their -bows until they go out to hunt. The strings are the sinews of deer. - -The method they have of fighting, is bending low to the earth, and -whilst shot at they move about, speaking and leaping from one point -to another, thus avoiding the shafts of their enemies. So effectual -is their manoeuvring that they can receive very little injury from -crossbow or arquebus; they rather scoff at them; for these arms are -of little value employed in open field, where the Indians move -nimbly about. They are proper for defiles and in water; everywhere -else the horse will best subdue, being what the natives universally -dread.[152] Whosoever would fight them must be cautious to show no -fear, or desire to have anything that is theirs; while war exists -they must be treated with the utmost rigor; for if they discover -any timidity or covetousness, they are a race that well discern the -opportunities for vengeance, and gather strength from any weakness of -their adversaries. When they use arrows in battle and exhaust their -store, each returns his own way, without the one party following the -other, although the one be many and the other few, such being their -custom. Oftentimes the body of an Indian is traversed by the arrow; -yet unless the entrails or the heart be struck, he does not die but -recovers from the wound. - - [152] Cabeza de Vaca is now evidently recalling the experience of - Narvaez's men in Florida. - -I believe these people see and hear better, and have keener senses -than any other in the world. They are great in hunger, thirst, and -cold, as if they were made for the endurance of these more than other -men, by habit and nature. - -Thus much I have wished to say, beyond the gratification of that -desire men have to learn the customs and manners of each other, -that those who hereafter at some time find themselves amongst these -people, may have knowledge of their usages and artifices, the value -of which they will not find inconsiderable in such event. - - - - -Chapter 26 - -_Of the nations and tongues._ - - -I desire to enumerate the natives and tongues that exist from those -of Malhado to the farthest Cuchendados there are. Two languages are -found in the island; the people of one are called Cahoques,[153] -of the other, Han. On the tierra-firme, over against the island, -is another people, called Chorruco, who take their names from the -forests where they live. Advancing by the shores of the sea, others -inhabit who are called the Doguenes, and opposite them others by -the name of Mendica. Farther along the coast are the Quevenes, and -in front of them on the main, the Mariames; and continuing by the -coast are other called Guaycones; and in front of them, within on -the main, the Yguazes. At the close of these are the Atayos; and in -their rear others, the Acubadaos, and beyond them are many in the -same direction. By the coast live those called Quitoks, and in front -inward on the main are the Chavavares, to whom adjoin the Maliacones, -the Cultalchulches and others called Susolas, and the Comos; and -by the coast farther on are the Camoles; and on the same coast in -advance are those whom we called People of the Figs. - - [153] In the 1542 edition these tribal names are similarly - spelled except in the case of Capoques, Charruco, Deguenes, - Yeguaces, Decubadaos (for Acubadaos), Quitoles (for Quitoks), - Chauauares, and Camolas. None of these Indians have thus far been - conclusively identified with later historical tribes, with the - possible exception of the Atayos and the Quevenes. See p. 76, - note 2, and p. 59, note 1. - -They all differ in their habitations, towns and tongues. There is a -language in which calling to a person, for "look here" they say "Arre -aca," and to a dog "Xo."[154] Everywhere they produce stupefaction -with a smoke, and for that they will give whatever they possess. -They drink a tea made from leaves of a tree like those of the oak, -which they toast in a pot; and after these are parched, the vessel, -still remaining on the fire, is filled with water. When the liquor -has twice boiled, they pour it into a jar, and in cooling it use the -half of a gourd. So soon as it is covered thickly with froth, it is -drunk as warm as can be supported; and from the time it is taken -out of the pot until it is used they are crying aloud: "Who wishes -to drink?" When the women hear these cries, they instantly stop, -fearing to move; and although they may be heavily laden, they dare do -nothing further. Should one of them move, they dishonor her, beating -her with sticks, and greatly vexed, throw away the liquor they have -prepared; while they who have drunk eject it, which they do readily -and without pain. The reason they give for this usage is, that when -they are about to drink, if the women move from where they hear the -cry, something pernicious enters the body in that liquid, shortly -producing death. At the time of boiling, the vessel must be covered; -and if it should happen to be open when a woman passes, they use no -more of that liquid, but throw it out. The color is yellow. They are -three days taking it, eating nothing in the time, and daily each one -drinks an arroba and a half.[155] - - [154] In the 1542 edition, as given by Mrs. Bandelier, "Among - them is a language wherein they call men _mira aca_, _arraca_, - and dogs _xo_." Compare _haka_, "sit down," in Karankawa - (Gatschet, _Karankawa Indians_, Cambridge, Mass., 1891, p. 80). - In the above it would appear as if the Spanish _mira_ had been - regarded as a part of the Indian exclamation. - - [155] The tree from which the so-called "black drink" is made - is _Ilex cassine_, and the custom of preparing and partaking - of the liquid (known also as Carolina tea) was general among - the tribes of the South, including the Gulf coast. The drink - was known among the Catawbas as _yaupon_, among the Creeks as - _assi-luputski_, the latter signifying "small leaves," commonly - abbreviated _assi_, whence the name of the celebrated Seminole - chief _Osceola_, _i.e._, "Black-drink Hallooer," or "Black-drink - Singer." The partaking of the black drink was an important part - of the _puskita_, or _busk_, ceremony among the Creeks. - -When the women have their indisposition, they seek food only for -themselves, as no one else will eat of what they bring. In the time I -was thus among these people, I witnessed a diabolical practice; a man -living with another, one of those who are emasculate and impotent. -These go habited like women, and perform their duties, use the bow, -and carry heavy loads. Among them we saw many mutilated in the way -I describe. They are more muscular than other men, and taller: they -bear very weighty burthens. - - - - -Chapter 27 - -_We moved away and were well received._ - - -After parting with those we left weeping,[156] we went with the -others to their houses and were hospitably received by the people -in them. They brought their children to us that we might touch their -hands, and gave us a great quantity of the flour of mezquiquez.[157] -The fruit while hanging on the tree, is very bitter and like unto the -carob; when eaten with earth it is sweet and wholesome. The method -they have of preparing it is this: they make a hole of requisite -depth in the ground, and throwing in the fruit, pound it with a club -the size of the leg, a fathom and a half in length, until it is well -mashed. Besides the earth that comes from the hole, they bring and -add some handfuls, then returning to beat it a little while longer. -Afterward it is thrown into a jar, like a basket, upon which water is -poured until it rises above and covers the mixture. He that beats it -tastes it, and if it appears to him not sweet, he asks for earth to -stir in, which is added until he finds it sweet. Then all sit round, -and each putting in a hand, takes out as much as he can. The pits -and hulls are thrown upon a skin, whence they are taken by him who -does the pounding, and put into the jar whereon water is poured as at -first, whence having expressed the froth and juice, again the pits -and husks are thrown upon the skin. This they do three or four times -to each pounding. Those present, for whom this is a great banquet, -have their stomachs greatly distended by the earth and water they -swallow. The Indians made a protracted festival of this sort on our -account, and great _areitos_[158] during the time we remained. - - [156] The Arbadaos or Acubadaos. See chs. 22, 23. - - [157] The mesquite (_Prosopis juliflora_). The beans are still - extensively used as food by the Indians of southern Arizona and - northern Mexico. - - [158] See p. 52, note 3. - -When we proposed to leave them, some women of another people came -there who lived farther along. They informed us whereabout were -their dwellings, and we set out for them, although the inhabitants -entreated us to remain for that day, because the houses whither we -were going were distant, there was no path to them, the women had -come tired, and would the next day go with us refreshed and show us -the way. Soon after we had taken our leave, some of the women, who -had come on together from the same town, followed behind us. As -there are no paths in the country we presently got lost, and thus -travelled four leagues, when, stopping to drink, we found the women -in pursuit of us at the water, who told us of the great exertion -they had made to overtake us. We went on taking them for guides, -and passed over a river towards evening, the water reaching to the -breast. It might be as wide as that at Seville; its current was very -rapid.[159] - - [159] Probably the Colorado River. Buckingham Smith remarks that - the Guadalquivir at Seville is about a hundred paces in width. - -At sunset we reached a hundred Indian habitations. Before we arrived, -all the people who were in them came out to receive us, with such -yells as were terrific, striking the palms of their hands violently -against their thighs. They brought us gourds bored with holes -and having pebbles in them, an instrument for the most important -occasions, produced only at the dance or to effect cures, and which -none dare touch but those who own them. They say there is virtue in -them, and because they do not grow in that country, they come from -heaven; nor do they know where they are to be found, only that the -rivers bring them in their floods.[160] So great were the fear and -distraction of these people, some to reach us sooner than others that -they might touch us, they pressed us so closely that they lacked -little of killing us; and without letting us put our feet to the -ground, carried us to their dwellings. We were so crowded upon by -numbers, that we went into the houses they had made for us. On no -account would we consent that they should rejoice over us any more -that night. The night long they passed in singing and dancing among -themselves; and the next day they brought us all the people of the -town, that we should touch and bless them in the way we had done to -others among whom we had been. After this performance they presented -many arrows to some women of the other town who had accompanied -theirs. - - [160] The Pueblo Indians of New Mexico have cultivated gourds for - use as rattles and receptacles, especially dippers, from time - immemorial. If the Pecos were the stream, or one of the streams, - whence the gourds were derived, they might have come from the - pueblo of Pecos, southeast of the present Santa Fe; if from the - Rio Grande, they might have come from various villages along that - river and its tributaries in the north. See p. 95, note 1. - -The next day we left, and all the people of the place went with us; -and when we came to the other Indians we were as well received as -we had been by the last. They gave us of what they had to eat, and -the deer they had killed that day. Among them we witnessed another -custom, which is this: they who were with us took from him who came -to be cured, his bow and arrows, shoes and beads if he wore any, and -then brought him before us, that we should heal him. After being -attended to, he would go away highly pleased, saying that he was -well. So we parted from these Indians, and went to others by whom we -were welcomed. They brought us their sick, which, we having blessed, -they declared were sound; he who was healed, believed we could cure -him; and with what the others to whom we had administered would -relate, they made great rejoicing and dancing, so that they left us -no sleep. - - - - -Chapter 28 - -_Of another strange custom._ - - -Leaving these Indians, we went to the dwellings of numerous others. -From this place began another novel custom, which is, that while -the people received us very well, those who accompanied us began to -use them so ill as to take their goods and ransack their houses, -without leaving anything. To witness this unjust procedure gave us -great concern, inflicted too on those who received us hospitably; -we feared also that it might provoke offence, and be the cause of -some tumult between them; but, as we were in no condition to make it -better, or to dare chastise such conduct, for the present we had to -bear with it, until a time when we might have greater authority among -them. They, also, who lost their effects, noticing our dejection, -attempted to console us by saying that we should not be grieved on -this account, as they were so gratified at having seen us, they held -their properties to be well bestowed, and that farther on they would -be repaid by others who were very rich. - -On all the day's travel we received great inconvenience from the many -persons following us. Had we attempted to escape we could not have -succeeded, such was their haste in pursuit, in order to touch us. So -great was the importunity for this privilege, we consumed three hours -in going through with them that they might depart. The next day all -the inhabitants were brought before us. The greater part were clouded -of an eye, and others in like manner were entirely blind, which -caused in us great astonishment. They are a people of fine figure, -agreeable features, and whiter than any of the many nations we had -seen until then. - -Here we began to see mountains; they appeared to come in succession -from the North Sea, and, according to the information the Indians -gave us, we believe they rise fifteen leagues from the sea.[161] We -set forth in a direction towards them with these Indians, and they -guided us by the way of some kindred of theirs; for they wished to -take us only where were their relations, and were not willing that -their enemies should come to such great good, as they thought it -was to see us. After we arrived they that went with us plundered -the others; but as the people there knew the fashion, they had -hidden some things before we came; and having welcomed us with great -festivity and rejoicing, they brought out and presented to us what -they had concealed. These were beads, ochre, and some little bags of -silver.[162] In pursuance of custom, we directly gave them to the -Indians who came with us, which, when they had received, they began -their dances and festivities, sending to call others from a town near -by, that they also might see us. - - [161] Probably the escarpment that extends from Austin to Eagle - Pass. The Colorado (which was probably the wide, deep stream - previously encountered) was crossed seemingly below the present - Austin. It should be remembered that the information regarding - the point at which the mountains commenced to rise was given by - Indians whose language the Spaniards could not understand. At any - rate, the fact that the latter believed the mountains to rise - fifteen leagues from the sea would tend to indicate that the - direction they had been following was a northerly one. See the - statement in the following paragraph of the text. - - [162] According to Oviedo (p. 617): "This is an error of the - printer, and should read 'little bags of margarite [pearl-mica],' - instead of silver." Buckingham Smith translates Oviedo's - _margarita_, "pearls," and Cabeza de Vaca's _margarita_ (ch. 29) - as "marquesite." It may be added that magnetic iron ore of the - highest quality occurs in Mason County, Texas. - -In the afternoon they all came and brought us beads and bows, with -trifles of other sort, which we also distributed. Desiring to leave -the next day, the inhabitants all wished to take us to others, -friends of theirs, who were at the point of the ridge, stating that -many houses were there, and people who would give us various things. -As it was out of our way, we did not wish to go to them, and took -our course along the plain near the mountains, which we believed -not to be distant from the coast[163] where the people are all evil -disposed, and we considered it preferable to travel inland;[164] -for those of the interior are of a better condition and treated -us mildly, and we felt sure that we should find it more populous -and better provisioned. Moreover, we chose this course because in -traversing the country we should learn many particulars of it, so -that should God our Lord be pleased to take any of us thence, and -lead us to the land of Christians, we might carry that information -and news of it. As the Indians saw that we were determined not to go -where they would take us, they said that in the direction we would -go, there were no inhabitants, nor any prickly pears nor other thing -to eat, and begged us to tarry there that day; we accordingly did -so. They directly sent two of their number to seek for people in the -direction that we wished to go; and the next day we left, taking -with us several of the Indians. The women went carrying water, and -so great was our authority that no one dared drink of it without our -permission. - - [163] In the face of such an assertion it is difficult to - conceive that the Spaniards had been journeying directly - westward, away from the coast. - - [164] That is, they decided to change their course from northward - to a more westward direction. - -Two leagues from there we met those who had gone out, and they -said that they had found no one; at which the Indians seemed -much disheartened, and began again to entreat us to go by way -of the mountains. We did not wish to do so, and they, seeing our -disposition, took their leave of us with much regret, and returned -down the river to their houses, while we ascended along by it. After -a little time we came upon two women with burthens, who put them down -as they saw us, and brought to us, of what they carried. It was the -flour of maize. They told us that farther up on that river we should -find dwellings, a plenty of prickly pears and of that meal. We bade -them farewell: they were going to those whom we had left. - -We walked until sunset, and arrived at a town of some twenty houses, -where we were received with weeping and in great sorrow; for they -already knew that wheresoever we should come, all would be pillaged -and spoiled by those who accompanied us. When they saw that we were -alone, they lost their fear, and gave us prickly pears with nothing -more. We remained there that night, and at dawn, the Indians who had -left us the day before, broke upon their houses. As they came upon -the occupants unprepared and in supposed safety, having no place in -which to conceal anything, all they possessed was taken from them, -for which they wept much. In consolation the plunderers told them -that we were children of the sun and that we had power to heal the -sick and to destroy; and other lies even greater than these, which -none knew how to tell better than they when they find it convenient. -They bade them conduct us with great respect, advised that they -should be careful to offend us in nothing, give us all they might -possess, and endeavor to take us where people were numerous; and that -wheresoever they arrived with us, they should rob and pillage the -people of what they have, since this was customary. - - - - -Chapter 29 - -_The Indians plunder each other._ - - -After the Indians had told and shown these natives well what to do, -they left us together and went back. Remembering the instruction, -they began to treat us with the same awe and reverence that the -others had shown. We travelled with them three days, and they took us -where were many inhabitants. Before we arrived, these were informed -of our coming by the others, who told them respecting us all that -the first had imparted, adding much more; for these people are all -very fond of romance, and are great liars, particularly so where they -have any interest. When we came near the houses all the inhabitants -ran out with delight and great festivity to receive us. Among other -things, two of their physicians gave us two gourds, and thenceforth -we carried these with us, and added to our authority a token highly -reverenced by Indians.[165] Those who accompanied us rifled the -houses; but as these were many and the others few, they could not -carry off what they took, and abandoned more than the half. - - [165] The possession of one of these "medicine" rattles was not - improbably one of the causes of the death of Estevanico at the - hands of the Zunis of Cibola in 1539. See the Introduction, and - compare p. 90, note 2; p. 117, note 2. - -From here we went along the base of the ridge, striking inland more -than fifty leagues, and at the close we found upwards of forty -houses. Among the articles given us, Andres Dorantes received a -hawk-bell of copper, thick and large, figured with a face, which the -natives had shown, greatly prizing it. They told him that they had -received it from others, their neighbors; we asked them whence the -others had obtained it, and they said it had been brought from the -northern direction, where there was much copper, which was highly -esteemed. We concluded that whencesoever it came there was a foundry, -and that work was done in hollow form.[166] - - [166] See p. 97, note 1. - -We departed the next day, and traversed a ridge seven leagues in -extent. The stones on it are scoria of iron.[167] At night we arrived -at many houses seated on the banks of a very beautiful river.[168] -The owners of them came half way out on the road to meet us, -bringing their children on their backs. They gave us many little bags -of margarite[169] and pulverized galena,[170] with which they rub the -face. They presented us many beads, and blankets of cowhide, loading -all who accompanied us with some of every thing they had. They eat -prickly pears and the seed of pine. In that country are small pine -trees,[171] the cones like little eggs; but the seed is better than -that of Castile, as its husk is very thin, and while green is beaten -and made into balls, to be thus eaten. If the seed be dry, it is -pounded in the husk, and consumed in the form of flour. - - [167] See pp. 92-93, note 2, regarding the occurrence of magnetic - iron in Mason County, where it is found in great quantities, but - is yet unworked. - - [168] Perhaps the Llano, a branch of the Colorado, or possibly - they had met the Colorado again. See p. 90, note 1. - - [169] See p. 92, note 2. In the edition of 1542 the text here - says _silver_. - - [170] Lead is found in Texas in the trans-Pecos region. The - mineral resources of the state have not yet been well exploited. - - [171] Doubtless the nut pine (_Pinus edulis_). Cabeza de Vaca - evidently here aims to describe the character of this tree and - its fruit without necessarily asserting that the tree was found - growing very far east of the Pecos. In the valley of the latter - stream it is more or less prolific. - -Those who there received us, after they had touched us went running -to their houses and directly returned, and did not stop running, -going and coming, to bring us in this manner many things for support -on the way. They fetched a man to me and stated that a long time -since he had been wounded by an arrow in the right shoulder, and -that the point of the shaft was lodged above his heart, which, he -said, gave him much pain, and in consequence, he was always sick. -Probing the wound I felt the arrow-head, and found it had passed -through the cartilage. With a knife I carried, I opened the breast -to the place, and saw the point was aslant and troublesome to take -out. I continued to cut, and, putting in the point of the knife, at -last with great difficulty I drew the head forth. It was very large. -With the bone of a deer, and by virtue of my calling, I made two -stitches that threw the blood over me, and with hair from a skin I -stanched the flow. They asked me for the arrow-head after I had taken -it out, which I gave, when the whole town came to look at it. They -sent it into the back country that the people there might view it. -In consequence of this operation they had many of their customary -dances and festivities. The next day I cut the two stitches and the -Indian was well. The wound I made appeared only like a seam in the -palm of the hand. He said he felt no pain or sensitiveness in it -whatsoever. This cure gave us control throughout the country in all -that the inhabitants had power, or deemed of any value, or cherished. -We showed them the hawk-bell we brought, and they told us that in -the place whence that had come, were buried many plates of the same -material; it was a thing they greatly esteemed, and where it came -from were fixed habitations.[172] The country we considered to be on -the South Sea, which we had ever understood to be richer than the one -of the North. - - [172] The allusion is probably to Mexico rather than to a - northern country, as previously asserted by the Indians. See the - second preceding paragraph. - -We left there, and travelled through so many sorts of people, of -such diverse languages, the memory fails to recall them. They ever -plundered each other, and those that lost, like those that gained, -were fully content.[173] We drew so many followers that we had not -use for their services. While on our way through these vales, every -Indian carried a club three palms in length, and kept on the alert. -On raising a hare, which animals are abundant, they surround it -directly and throw numerous clubs at it with astonishing precision. -Thus they cause it to run from one to another; so that, according to -my thinking, it is the most pleasing sport which can be imagined, -as oftentimes the animal runs into the hand. So many did they give -us that at night when we stopped we had eight or ten back-loads -apiece.[174] Those having bows were not with us; they dispersed about -the ridge in pursuit of deer; and at dark came bringing five or six -for each of us, besides quail, and other game. Indeed, whatever -they either killed or found, was put before us, without themselves -daring to take anything until we had blessed it, though they should -be expiring of hunger, they having so established the rule, since -marching with us. - - [173] Of this exchange of gifts, or perhaps we may call it - plunder, there was an echo a few years later, when Coronado and - his army were traversing the eastern part of the Staked Plain, - under the guidance of the "Turk," in search of Quivira, in 1541. - Before sending the army back, and while among the ravines of - western Texas, Rodrigo Maldonado was sent forward to explore, and - in four days reached a deep ravine in the bottom of which was a - village that Cabeza de Vaca had visited, on which account (see - p. 332) "they presented Don Rodrigo with a pile of tanned skins - and other things." An unfair distribution being threatened, the - men rushed upon the skins and took possession without further - ado. "The women and some others were left crying, because they - thought that the strangers were not going to take anything, but - would bless them as Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had done _when - they passed through here_." Captain Jaramillo does not mention - this occurrence in his narrative (_Fourteenth Report of the - Bureau of American Ethnology_, p. 588), but he speaks of reaching - a settlement of Indians, in advance of that, according to the - narrations, of which Castaneda speaks, "among whom there was an - old blind man with a beard, who gave us to understand by signs - which he made, that he had seen four others like us many days - before, whom he had seen near there and rather more toward New - Spain [Mexico], and we so understood him, and presumed that it - was Dorantes and Cabeza de Vaca and those whom I have mentioned." - Although we do not have here conclusive evidence that Cabeza de - Vaca actually visited the village or villages mentioned, there is - no question that he must have been in this vicinity, and as the - evidence is strong that the Rio Colorado was the ravined stream - alluded to, there is little likelihood that Cabeza de Vaca's - route lay far below that river. - - [174] The Pueblo Indians of New Mexico have similar communal - rabbit-hunts, in which the animals are killed with a curved stick - shaped somewhat like a boomerang. - -The women carried many mats, of which the men made us houses, each of -us having a separate one, with all his attendants. After these were -put up, we ordered the deer and hares to be roasted, with the rest -that had been taken. This was done by means of certain ovens made for -the purpose. Of each we took a little and the remainder we gave to -the principal personage of the people coming with us, directing him -to divide it among the rest. Every one brought his portion to us, -that we might breathe upon and give it our benediction; for not until -then did they dare eat any of it. Frequently we were accompanied by -three or four thousand persons, and as we had to breathe upon and -sanctify the food and drink for each, and grant permission to do the -many things they would come to ask, it may be seen how great was the -annoyance. The women first brought us prickly pears, spiders, worms, -and whatever else they could gather; for even were they famishing, -they would eat nothing unless we gave it them. - -In company with these, we crossed a great river coming from the -north,[175] and passing over some plains thirty leagues in extent, -we found many persons coming a long distance to receive us, who met -us on the road over which we were to travel, and welcomed us in the -manner of those we had left. - - [175] Evidently the Pecos. This is the first stream mentioned as - flowing from the north. - - - - -Chapter 30 - -_The fashion of receiving us changes._ - - -From this place was another method of receiving us, as respects the -pillage. Those who came out in the ways to bring us presents were not -plundered; but on our coming into their houses, themselves offered us -all they had, as well as the houses. We gave the things to the chief -personages who accompanied us, that they should divide them; those -who were despoiled always followed us until coming to a populous -country, where they might repair their loss. They would tell those -among whom we came, to retain everything and make no concealment, -as nothing could be done without our knowledge, and we might cause -them to die, as the sun revealed everything to us. So great was their -fear that during the first days they were with us, they continually -trembled, without daring even to speak, or raise their eyes to the -heavens. They guided us through more than fifty leagues of desert, -over rough mountains, which being dry were without game, and in -consequence we suffered much from hunger.[176] - - [176] Eighty leagues would probably be a reasonable estimate - of the distance from the Pecos to the Rio Grande, which the - travellers had now reached. It would seem strange that no mention - is made of the canon of the latter stream (which hereabouts flows - through a territory four thousand feet above sea level), were - it not for the fact that they had become thoroughly inured to - suffering and hard travelling; nevertheless, the terribly rough - country through which they had just been guided from stream to - stream is commented on, while the fact that the Rio Grande here - "flows between some ridges" is mentioned farther on. - -At the termination we forded a very large river, the water coming up -to our breasts. From this place, many of the people began to sicken -from the great privation and labor they had undergone in the passage -of those ridges, which are sterile and difficult in the extreme. They -conducted us to certain plains at the base of the mountains, where -people came to meet us from a great distance, and received us as the -last had done, and gave so many goods to those who came with us, that -the half were left because they could not be carried. I told those -who gave, to resume the goods that they might not lie there and be -lost; but they answered they could in no wise do so, as it was not -their custom after they had bestowed a thing to take it back;[177] so -considering the articles no longer of value, they were left to perish. - - [177] An assertion quite contrary to the popular belief in - "Indian gifts." - -We told these people that we desired to go where the sun sets; and -they said inhabitants in that direction were remote. We commanded -them to send and make known our coming; but they strove to excuse -themselves the best they could, the people being their enemies, and -they did not wish to go to them. Not daring to disobey, however, -they sent two women, one of their own, the other a captive from that -people; for the women can negotiate even though there be war. We -followed them, and stopped at a place where we agreed to wait. They -tarried five days; and the Indians said they could not have found -anybody. - -We told them to conduct us towards the north; and they answered, as -before, that except afar off there were no people in that direction, -and nothing to eat, nor could water be found.[178] Notwithstanding -all this, we persisted, and said we desired to go in that course. -They still tried to excuse themselves in the best manner possible. -At this we became offended, and one night I went out to sleep in -the woods apart from them; but directly they came to where I was, -and remained all night without sleep, talking to me in great fear, -telling me how terrified they were, beseeching us to be no longer -angry, and said that they would lead us in the direction it was our -wish to go, though they knew they should die on the way. - - [178] The Indians were evidently endeavoring to compel the - Spaniards to remain among them as long as possible. - -Whilst we still feigned to be displeased lest their fright should -leave them, a remarkable circumstance happened, which was that on the -same day many of the Indians became ill, and the next day eight men -died. Abroad in the country, wheresoever this became known, there was -such dread that it seemed as if the inhabitants would die of fear at -sight of us. They besought us not to remain angered, nor require that -more of them should die. They believed we caused their death by only -willing it, when in truth it gave us so much pain that it could not -be greater; for, beyond their loss, we feared they might all die, or -abandon us of fright, and that other people thenceforward would do -the same, seeing what had come to these. We prayed to God, our Lord, -to relieve them; and from that time the sick began to get better. - -We witnessed one thing with great admiration, that the parents, -brothers, and wives of those who died had great sympathy for them -in their suffering; but, when dead, they showed no feeling, neither -did they weep nor speak among themselves, make any signs, nor dare -approach the bodies until we commanded these to be taken to burial. - -While we were among these people, which was more than fifteen days, -we saw no one speak to another, nor did we see an infant smile: the -only one that cried they took off to a distance, and with the sharp -teeth of a rat they scratched it from the shoulders down nearly to -the end of the legs. Seeing this cruelty, and offended at it, I asked -why they did so: they said for chastisement, because the child had -wept in my presence. These terrors they imparted to all those who had -lately come to know us, that they might give us whatever they had; -for they knew we kept nothing, and would relinquish all to them. This -people were the most obedient we had found in all the land, the best -conditioned, and, in general, comely. - -The sick having recovered, and three days having passed since we came -to the place, the women whom we sent away returned, and said they -had found very few people; nearly all had gone for cattle, being -then in the season. We ordered the convalescent to remain and the -well to go with us, and that at the end of two days' journey those -women should go with two of our number to fetch up the people, and -bring them on the road to receive us. Consequently, the next morning -the most robust started with us. At the end of three days' travel we -stopped, and the next day Alonzo del Castillo set out with Estevanico -the negro, taking the two women as guides. She that was the captive -led them to the river which ran between some ridges,[179] where was a -town at which her father lived; and these habitations were the first -seen, having the appearance and structure of houses.[180] - - [179] _The_ river was the Rio Grande, to which they had now - returned. The description of the topography is in accordance with - the facts. - - [180] The substantial character of the houses was noted also - by Antonio de Espejo, toward the close of 1582, on his journey - northward to New Mexico. Espejo speaks of these Indians, the - Jumanos, or Patarabueyes, as occupying five villages from about - the junction of the Conchos northward up the Rio Grande for - twelve days' journey, and as numbering ten thousand souls--but - Espejo's estimates of population are always greatly exaggerated. - More important is his statement that the Jumanos knew something - of Christianity which they had gleaned years before from three - Christians and a negro, whom he naturally believed to have been - "Alvaro Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, y Dorantes, y Castillo Maldonado, - y un negro," who had made their escape from Narvaez's fleet. - This is one of the few definite points of the narrative that can - be established without question. See _Coleccion de Documentos - Ineditos relativos ... de America y Oceania_, XV. 107 (1871). - -Here Castillo and Estevanico arrived, and, after talking with the -Indians, Castillo returned at the end of three days to the spot where -he had left us, and brought five or six of the people. He told us -he had found fixed dwellings of civilization, that the inhabitants -lived on beans and pumpkins,[181] and that he had seen maize. This -news the most of anything delighted us, and for it we gave infinite -thanks to our Lord. Castillo told us the negro was coming with all -the population to wait for us in the road not far off. Accordingly -we left, and, having travelled a league and a half, we met the negro -and the people coming to receive us. They gave us beans, many -pumpkins, calabashes,[182] blankets of cowhide and other things. As -this people and those who came with us were enemies,[183] and spoke -not each other's language, we discharged the latter, giving them -what we received, and we departed with the others. Six leagues from -there, as the night set in we arrived at the houses, where great -festivities were made over us. We remained one day, and the next set -out with these Indians. They took us to the settled habitations of -others,[184] who lived upon the same food. - - [181] _Melones_ in the edition of 1542. Bandelier has no doubt - that a species of squash is meant. - - [182] ... "beans and many squashes to eat, gourds to carry water - in" (ed. of 1542, Bandelier translation). - - [183] That is, the Jumanos and probably the Tobosos respectively. - The captive woman evidently belonged to the latter tribe. - - [184] Apparently other settlements of the Jumanos, as mentioned - in the above note. The Spaniards were now going up the Rio Grande. - -From that place onward was another usage. Those who knew of our -approach did not come out to receive us on the road as the others had -done, but we found them in their houses, and they had made others for -our reception. They were all seated with their faces turned to the -wall, their heads down, the hair brought before their eyes, and their -property placed in a heap in the middle of the house. From this place -they began to give us many blankets of skin; and they had nothing -they did not bestow. They have the finest persons of any people we -saw, of the greatest activity and strength, who best understood us -and intelligently answered our inquiries. We called them the Cow -nation, because most of the cattle killed are slaughtered in their -neighborhood, and along up that river for over fifty leagues they -destroy great numbers.[185] - - [185] Although they resided in permanent habitations at this - time, the Jumanos lived east of the Rio Grande, in New Mexico, - a century later and practised the habits of the buffalo-hunting - plains tribes rather than those of sedentary Indians. The - "neighborhood" was evidently not the immediate vicinity, and the - stream alluded to seems much more likely to have been the Pecos - than the Rio Grande, the former having been named Rio de las - Vacas by Espejo in 1583. On this point see the opening paragraph - of the following chapter. - -They go entirely naked after the manner of the first we saw. The -women are dressed with deer-skin, and some few men, mostly the aged, -who are incapable of fighting. The country is very populous. We asked -how it was they did not plant maize. They answered it was that they -might not lose what they should put in the ground; that the rains -had failed for two years in succession, and the seasons were so dry -the seed had everywhere been taken by the moles, and they could not -venture to plant again until after water had fallen copiously. They -begged us to tell the sky to rain, and to pray for it, and we said we -would do so. We also desired to know whence they got the maize, and -they told us from where the sun goes down; there it grew throughout -the region, and the nearest was by that path. Since they did not wish -to go thither, we asked by what direction we might best proceed, -and bade them inform us concerning the way; they said the path was -along up by that river towards the north, for otherwise in a journey -of seventeen days we should find nothing to eat, except a fruit -they call _chacan_, that is ground between stones, and even then it -could with difficulty be eaten for its dryness and pungency,--which -was true. They showed it to us there, and we could not eat it. They -informed us also that, whilst we travelled by the river upward, we -should all the way pass through a people that were their enemies, who -spoke their tongue, and, though they had nothing to give us to eat, -they would receive us with the best good will, and present us with -mantles of cotton, hides, and other articles of their wealth.[186] -Still it appeared to them we ought by no means to take that course. - - [186] The Pueblo Indians of New Mexico are here referred to. - Later Spanish explorers found cotton garments in abundance in - their country. The statement here that the Jumanos spoke the same - tongue as some of the Pueblos is significant, and accounts in a - measure for the affiliation of the Jumanos with the Piros when - missions were established by the Franciscans among these two - tribes east of the Rio Grande, in New Mexico, in 1629. - -Doubting what it would be best to do, and which way we should -choose for suitableness and support, we remained two days with -these Indians, who gave us beans and pumpkins for our subsistence. -Their method of cooking is so new that for its strangeness I desire -to speak of it; thus it may be seen and remarked how curious and -diversified are the contrivances and ingenuity of the human family. -Not having discovered the use of pipkins, to boil what they would -eat, they fill the half of a large calabash with water, and throw -on the fire many stones of such as are most convenient and readily -take the heat. When hot, they are taken up with tongs of sticks and -dropped into the calabash until the water in it boils from the fervor -of the stones. Then whatever is to be cooked is put in, and until it -is done they continue taking out cooled stones and throwing in hot -ones. Thus they boil their food.[187] - - [187] This was not an uncommon practice, especially among the - non-sedentary tribes who could not readily transport pottery from - place to place. The name _Assiniboin_, meaning "stone Sioux," - abbreviated to "Stonies," is derived from this custom. Tightly - woven baskets and wooden bowls were also used for the purpose. - - - - -Chapter 31 - -_Of our taking the way to the maize._ - - -Two days being spent while we tarried, we resolved to go in search -of the maize. We did not wish to follow the path leading to where -the cattle are, because it is towards the north, and for us very -circuitous, since we ever held it certain that going towards the -sunset we must find what we desired. - -Thus we took our way, and traversed all the country until coming -out at the South Sea. Nor was the dread we had of the sharp hunger -through which we should have to pass (as in verity we did, throughout -the seventeen days' journey of which the natives spoke) sufficient -to hinder us. During all that time, in ascending by the river, they -gave us many coverings of cowhide; but we did not eat of the fruit. -Our sustenance each day was about a handful of deer-suet, which we -had a long time been used to saving for such trials. Thus we passed -the entire journey of seventeen days, and at the close we crossed the -river[188] and travelled other seventeen days. - - [188] Probably the Rio Santa Maria, in Chihuahua. - -As the sun went down, upon some plains that lie between chains -of very great mountains,[189] we found a people who for the third -part of the year eat nothing but the powder of straw, and, that -being the season when we passed, we also had to eat of it, until -reaching permanent habitations, where was abundance of maize brought -together.[190] They gave us a large quantity in grain and flour, -pumpkins, beans, and shawls of cotton. With all these we loaded our -guides, who went back the happiest creatures on earth. We gave thanks -to God, our Lord, for having brought us where we had found so much -food. - - [189] The Sierra Madre. - - [190] The numerous villages of the Opata and cognate tribes of - Sonora. - -Some houses are of earth, the rest all of cane mats. From this -point we marched through more than a hundred leagues of country, -and continually found settled domicils, with plenty of maize and -beans. The people gave us many deer and cotton shawls better than -those of New Spain, many beads and certain corals found on the South -Sea, and fine turquoises that come from the north. Indeed they gave -us every thing they had. To me they gave five emeralds[191] made -into arrow-heads, which they use at their singing and dancing. They -appeared to be very precious. I asked whence they got these; and they -said the stones were brought from some lofty mountains that stand -toward the north, where were populous towns and very large houses, -and that they were purchased with plumes and the feathers of parrots. - - [191] Bandelier (p. 156) believes that there may have been - malachites. - -Among this people the women are treated with more decorum than in -any part of the Indias we had visited. They wear a shirt of cotton -that falls as low as the knee, and over it half sleeves with skirts -reaching to the ground, made of dressed deer-skin.[192] It opens -in front and is brought close with straps of leather. They soap -this with a certain root[193] that cleanses well, by which they are -enabled to keep it becomingly. Shoes are worn. The people all came to -us that we should touch and bless them, they being very urgent, which -we could accomplish only with great labor, for sick and well all -wished to go with a benediction. Many times it occurred that some of -the women who accompanied us gave birth; and so soon as the children -were born the mothers would bring them to us that we should touch and -bless them. - - [192] For the clothing of the Opata Indians, see Castaneda's - narration in this volume. - - [193] Amole, the root of the yucca. - -These Indians ever accompanied us until they delivered us to others; -and all held full faith in our coming from heaven. While travelling, -we went without food all day until night, and we ate so little as -to astonish them. We never felt exhaustion, neither were we in fact -at all weary, so inured were we to hardship. We possessed great -influence and authority: to preserve both, we seldom talked with -them. The negro was in constant conversation; he informed himself -about the ways we wished to take, of the towns there were, and the -matters we desired to know. - -We passed through many and dissimilar tongues. Our Lord granted us -favor with the people who spoke them, for they always understood us, -and we them. We questioned them, and received their answers by signs, -just as if they spoke our language and we theirs; for, although we -knew six languages, we could not everywhere avail ourselves of them, -there being a thousand differences. - -Throughout all these countries the people who were at war immediately -made friends, that they might come to meet us, and bring what they -possessed. In this way we left all the land at peace, and we taught -all the inhabitants by signs, which they understood, that in heaven -was a Man we called God, who had created the sky and the earth; Him -we worshipped and had for our master; that we did what He commanded -and from His hand came all good; and would they do as we did, all -would be well with them. So ready of apprehension we found them that, -could we have had the use of language by which to make ourselves -perfectly understood, we should have left them all Christians. Thus -much we gave them to understand the best we could. And afterward, -when the sun rose, they opened their hands together with loud -shouting towards the heavens, and then drew them down all over their -bodies. They did the same again when the sun went down. They are a -people of good condition and substance, capable in any pursuit. - - - - -Chapter 32 - -_The Indians give us the hearts of deer._ - - -In the town where the emeralds were presented to us the people gave -Dorantes over six hundred open hearts of deer. They ever keep a -good supply of them for food, and we called the place Pueblo de los -Corazones.[194] It is the entrance into many provinces on the South -Sea. They who go to look for them, and do not enter there, will be -lost. On the coast is no maize: the inhabitants eat the powder of -rush and of straw, and fish that is caught in the sea from rafts, not -having canoes. With grass and straw the women cover their nudity. -They are a timid and dejected people.[195] - - [194] Town of the Hearts, at or near the present Ures, on the Rio - Sonora. The place became celebrated in 1540, when Coronado's army - passed through the country. See the Castaneda narration in this - volume. - - [195] These were the Seri, Guaymas, Upanguaymas, and Tepoca - tribes. The Seri particularly have ever been noted for their - warlike character, but Cabeza de Vaca does not here speak from - personal knowledge. - -We think that near the coast by way of those towns through which -we came are more than a thousand leagues of inhabited country, -plentiful of subsistence. Three times the year it is planted with -maize and beans. Deer are of three kinds; one the size of the young -steer of Spain. There are innumerable houses, such as are called -_bahios_.[196] They have poison from a certain tree the size of the -apple. For effect no more is necessary than to pluck the fruit and -moisten the arrow with it, or, if there be no fruit, to break a twig -and with the milk do the like. The tree is abundant and so deadly -that, if the leaves be bruised and steeped in some neighboring water, -the deer and other animals drinking it soon burst.[197] - - [196] That is, in the West Indies, see p. 19, note 5. - - [197] See the Castaneda narration, p. 326, _post_; and compare - the _Rudo Ensayo_ (_ca._ 1763), p. 64, 1863, which says: "_Mago_, - in the Opata language, is a small tree, very green, luxuriant, - and beautiful to the eye; but it contains a deadly juice which - flows upon making a slight incision in the bark. The natives rub - their arrows with it, and for this reason they call it arrow - herb; but at present they use very little." - -We were in this town three days. A day's journey[198] farther was -another town,[199] at which the rain fell heavily while we were -there, and the river became so swollen we could not cross it, which -detained us fifteen days. In this time Castillo saw the buckle of a -sword-belt on the neck of an Indian and stitched to it the nail of -a horseshoe. He took them, and we asked the native what they were: -he answered that they came from heaven. We questioned him further, -as to who had brought them thence: they all responded that certain -men who wore beards like us had come from heaven and arrived at that -river, bringing horses, lances, and swords, and that they had lanced -two Indians. In a manner of the utmost indifference we could feign, -we asked them what had become of those men. They answered us that -they had gone to sea, putting their lances beneath the water, and -going themselves also under the water; afterwards that they were -seen on the surface going towards the sunset. For this we gave many -thanks to God our Lord. We had before despaired of ever hearing more -of Christians. Even yet we were left in great doubt and anxiety, -thinking those people were merely persons who had come by sea on -discoveries. However, as we had now such exact information, we made -greater speed, and, as we advanced on our way, the news of the -Christians continually grew. We told the natives that we were going -in search of that people, to order them not to kill nor make slaves -of them, nor take them from their lands, nor do other injustice. Of -this the Indians were very glad. - - [198] Twelve leagues, and the same distance from the Gulf of - California, according to the last paragraph of this chapter. - - [199] Perhaps at or in the vicinity of the present Hermosillo, - Sonora, although the distance is greater than that given later. - -We passed through many territories and found them all vacant: their -inhabitants wandered fleeing among the mountains, without daring -to have houses or till the earth for fear of Christians. The sight -was one of infinite pain to us, a land very fertile and beautiful, -abounding in springs and streams, the hamlets deserted and burned, -the people thin and weak, all fleeing or in concealment. As they did -not plant, they appeased their keen hunger by eating roots and the -bark of trees. We bore a share in the famine along the whole way; -for poorly could these unfortunates provide for us, themselves being -so reduced they looked as though they would willingly die. They -brought shawls of those they had concealed because of the Christians, -presenting them to us; and they related how the Christians at other -times had come through the land, destroying and burning the towns, -carrying away half the men, and all the women and the boys, while -those who had been able to escape were wandering about fugitives. We -found them so alarmed they dared not remain anywhere. They would not -nor could they till the earth, but preferred to die rather than live -in dread of such cruel usage as they received. Although these showed -themselves greatly delighted with us, we feared that on our arrival -among those who held the frontier, and fought against the Christians, -they would treat us badly, and revenge upon us the conduct of their -enemies; but, when God our Lord was pleased to bring us there, they -began to dread and respect us as the others had done, and even -somewhat more, at which we no little wondered. Thence it may at once -be seen that, to bring all these people to be Christians and to the -obedience of the Imperial Majesty, they must be won by kindness, -which is a way certain, and no other is. - -They took us to a town on the edge of a range of mountains, to which -the ascent is over difficult crags. We found many people there -collected out of fear of the Christians. They received us well, -and presented us all they had. They gave us more than two thousand -back-loads of maize, which we gave to the distressed and hungered -beings who guided us to that place. The next day we despatched four -messengers through the country, as we were accustomed to do, that -they should call together all the rest of the Indians at a town -distant three days' march. We set out the day after with all the -people. The tracks of the Christians and marks where they slept were -continually seen. At mid-day we met our messengers, who told us -they had found no Indians, that they were roving and hiding in the -forests, fleeing that the Christians might not kill nor make them -slaves; the night before they had observed the Christians from behind -trees, and discovered what they were about, carrying away many people -in chains. - -Those who came with us were alarmed at this intelligence; some -returned to spread the news over the land that the Christians were -coming; and many more would have followed, had we not forbidden -it and told them to cast aside their fear, when they reassured -themselves and were well content. At the time we had Indians with us -belonging a hundred leagues behind, and we were in no condition to -discharge them, that they might return to their homes. To encourage -them, we stayed there that night; the day after we marched and slept -on the road. The following day those whom we had sent forward as -messengers guided us to the place where they had seen Christians. We -arrived in the afternoon, and saw at once that they told the truth. -We perceived that the persons were mounted, by the stakes to which -the horses had been tied. - -From this spot, called the river Petutan,[200] to the river to -which Diego de Guzman came,[201] where we heard of Christians, may -be as many as eighty leagues; thence to the town where the rains -overtook us, twelve leagues, and that is twelve leagues from the -South Sea.[202] Throughout this region, wheresoever the mountains -extend, we saw clear traces of gold and lead, iron, copper, and other -metals. Where the settled habitations are, the climate is hot; even -in January the weather is very warm. Thence toward the meridian, the -country unoccupied to the North Sea is unhappy and sterile. There we -underwent great and incredible hunger. Those who inhabit and wander -over it are a race of evil inclination and most cruel customs. The -people of the fixed residences[203] and those beyond regard silver -and gold with indifference, nor can they conceive of any use for them. - - [200] Petatlan; so also in the edition of 1542. This is the Rio - Sinaloa. See Castaneda's narration of the Coronado expedition, - part 2, ch. 2, _post_. - - [201] See the note on Guzman in the Castaneda relation. The - narrative is here slightly confused, as the town at which - they first heard of Christians was the one in which they were - overtaken by the rain, according to Cabeza de Vaca's previous - statement in this chapter. - - [202] The Gulf of California. As he did not go to the coast, - however, his estimate is considerably below the actual distance. - - [203] The Jumanos, previously mentioned. - - - - -Chapter 33 - -_We see traces of Christians._ - - -When we saw sure signs of Christians, and heard how near we were to -them, we gave thanks to God our Lord for having chosen to bring us -out of a captivity so melancholy and wretched. The delight we felt -let each one conjecture, when he shall remember the length of time -we were in that country, the suffering and perils we underwent. That -night I entreated my companions that one of them should go back three -days' journey after the Christians who were moving about over the -country, where we had given assurance of protection. Neither of them -received this proposal well, excusing themselves because of weariness -and exhaustion; and although either might have done better than I, -being more youthful and athletic, yet seeing their unwillingness, the -next morning I took the negro with eleven Indians, and, following the -Christians by their trail, I travelled ten leagues, passing three -villages, at which they had slept. - -The day after I overtook four of them on horseback, who were -astonished at the sight of me, so strangely habited as I was, and -in company with Indians.[204] They stood staring at me a length of -time, so confounded that they neither hailed me nor drew near to make -an inquiry. I bade them take me to their chief: accordingly we went -together half a league to the place where was Diego de Alcaraz, their -captain.[205] - - [204] There were twenty horsemen according to the _Letter_ - (Oviedo, p. 612). - - [205] Alcaraz later served as a lieutenant under Diaz in the - Coronado expedition. Castaneda characterizes him as a weakling. - -After we had conversed, he stated to me that he was completely -undone; he had not been able in a long time to take any Indians; he -knew not which way to turn, and his men had well begun to experience -hunger and fatigue. I told him of Castillo and Dorantes, who were -behind, ten leagues off, with a multitude that conducted us. He -thereupon sent three cavalry to them, with fifty of the Indians who -accompanied him. The negro returned to guide them, while I remained. -I asked the Christians to give me a certificate of the year, month, -and day I arrived there, and of the manner of my coming, which they -accordingly did. From this river[206] to the town of the Christians, -named San Miguel,[207] within the government of the province called -New Galicia, are thirty leagues. - - [206] Evidently the Rio Sinaloa. - - [207] San Miguel Culiacan. See Castaneda's narration. - - - - -Chapter 34 - -_Of sending for the Christians._ - - -Five days having elapsed, Andres Dorantes and Alonzo del Castillo -arrived with those who had been sent after them. They brought more -than six hundred persons of that community, whom the Christians had -driven into the forests, and who had wandered in concealment over the -land. Those who accompanied us so far had drawn them out, and given -them to the Christians, who thereupon dismissed all the others they -had brought with them. Upon their coming to where I was, Alcaraz -begged that we would summon the people of the towns on the margin of -the river, who straggled about under cover of the woods, and order -them to fetch us something to eat. This last was unnecessary, the -Indians being ever diligent to bring us all they could. Directly we -sent our messengers to call them, when there came six hundred souls, -bringing us all the maize in their possession. They fetched it in -certain pots, closed with clay, which they had concealed in the -earth. They brought us whatever else they had; but we, wishing only -to have the provision, gave the rest to the Christians, that they -might divide among themselves. After this we had many high words with -them; for they wished to make slaves of the Indians we brought. - -In consequence of the dispute, we left at our departure many bows -of Turkish shape we had along with us and many pouches. The five -arrows with the points of emerald were forgotten among others, and -we lost them. We gave the Christians a store of robes of cowhide and -other things we brought. We found it difficult to induce the Indians -to return to their dwellings, to feel no apprehension and plant -maize. They were willing to do nothing until they had gone with us -and delivered us into the hands of other Indians, as had been the -custom; for, if they returned without doing so, they were afraid -they should die, and, going with us, they feared neither Christians -nor lances. Our countrymen became jealous at this, and caused their -interpreter to tell the Indians that we were of them, and for a long -time we had been lost; that they were the lords of the land who must -be obeyed and served, while we were persons of mean condition and -small force. The Indians cared little or nothing for what was told -them; and conversing among themselves said the Christians lied: that -we had come whence the sun rises, and they whence it goes down; we -healed the sick, they killed the sound; that we had come naked and -barefooted, while they had arrived in clothing and on horses with -lances; that we were not covetous of anything, but all that was given -to us we directly turned to give, remaining with nothing; that the -others had the only purpose to rob whomsoever they found, bestowing -nothing on any one. - -In this way they spoke of all matters respecting us, which they -enhanced by contrast with matters concerning the others, delivering -their response through the interpreter of the Spaniards. To other -Indians they made this known by means of one among them through whom -they understood us. Those who speak that tongue we discriminately -call Primahaitu, which is like saying Vasconyados.[208] We found -it in use over more than four hundred leagues of our travel, -without another over that whole extent. Even to the last, I could -not convince the Indians that we were of the Christians; and only -with great effort and solicitation we got them to go back to their -residences. We ordered them to put away apprehension, establish their -towns, plant and cultivate the soil. - - [208] Evidently intended for _Pimahaitu_, through - misunderstanding. These tribes who lived in permanent - habitations, from the village of the Corazones (Hearts) to - Culiacan, were all of the Piman family, and consequently spoke - related languages. The Pima do not call themselves _Pima_, but - _O-otam_, "men," "people." _Pima_ means "no"; _pimahaitu_, "no - thing." The term _Vasconyados_, or _Vascongados_, refers to the - Biscayans. - -From abandonment the country had already grown up thickly in trees. -It is, no doubt, the best in all these Indias, the most prolific -and plenteous in provisions. Three times in the year it is planted. -It produces great variety of fruit, has beautiful rivers, with many -other good waters. There are ores with clear traces of gold and -silver. The people are well disposed: they serve such Christians as -are their friends, with great good will. They are comely, much more -so than the Mexicans. Indeed, the land needs no circumstance to make -it blessed. - -The Indians, at taking their leave, told us they would do what we -commanded, and would build their towns, if the Christians would -suffer them; and this I say and affirm most positively, that, if they -have not done so, it is the fault of the Christians. - -After we had dismissed the Indians in peace, and thanked them for the -toil they had supported with us, the Christians with subtlety sent -us on our way under charge of Zebreros, an alcalde, attended by two -men. They took us through forests and solitudes, to hinder us from -intercourse with the natives, that we might neither witness nor have -knowledge of the act they would commit. It is but an instance of how -frequently men are mistaken in their aims; we set about to preserve -the liberty of the Indians and thought we had secured it, but the -contrary appeared; for the Christians had arranged to go and spring -upon those we had sent away in peace and confidence. They executed -their plan as they had designed, taking us through the woods, wherein -for two days we were lost, without water and without way. Seven of -our men died of thirst, and we all thought to have perished. Many -friendly to the Christians in their company were unable to reach -the place where we got water the second night, until the noon of -next day. We travelled twenty-five leagues, little more or less, and -reached a town of friendly Indians. The alcalde left us there, and -went on three leagues farther to a town called Culiacan where was -Melchior Diaz, principal alcalde and captain of the province.[209] - - [209] For the later career of this officer, see Castaneda's - narration. Melchior Diaz was a man of very different stamp to - Guzman, Alcaraz, and Zebreros (or Cebreros), so far as his - treatment of the Indians is concerned. - - - - -Chapter 35 - -_The chief alcalde receives us kindly the night we arrive._ - - -The _alcalde mayor_ knew of the expedition, and, hearing of our -return, he immediately left that night and came to where we were. -He wept with us, giving praises to God our Lord for having extended -over us so great care. He comforted and entertained us hospitably. -In behalf of the Governor, Nuno de Guzman and himself, he tendered -all that he had, and the service in his power. He showed much regret -for the seizure, and the injustice we had received from Alcaraz and -others. We were sure, had he been present, what was done to the -Indians and to us would never have occurred. - -The night being passed, we set out the next day for Anhacan. The -chief alcalde besought us to tarry there, since by so doing we could -be of eminent service to God and your Majesty; the deserted land was -without tillage and everywhere badly wasted, the Indians were fleeing -and concealing themselves in the thickets, unwilling to occupy their -towns; we were to send and call them, commanding them in behalf of -God and the King, to return to live in the vales and cultivate the -soil. - -To us this appeared difficult to effect. We had brought no native -of our own, nor of those who accompanied us according to custom, -intelligent in these affairs. At last we made the attempt with two -captives, brought from that country, who were with the Christians -we first overtook. They had seen the people who conducted us, and -learned from them the great authority and command we carried and -exercised throughout those parts, the wonders we had worked, the sick -we had cured, and the many things besides we had done. We ordered -that they, with others of the town, should go together to summon the -hostile natives among the mountains and of the river Petachan,[210] -where we had found the Christians, and say to them they must come -to us, that we wished to speak with them. For the protection of the -messengers, and as a token to the others of our will, we gave them -a gourd of those we were accustomed to bear in our hands, which had -been our principal insignia and evidence of rank,[211] and with this -they went away. - - [210] Petatlan--the Rio Sinaloa. - - [211] Evidently one of those obtained in Texas and which the - Indians there so highly regarded. See p. 90, note 2; p. 95, note - 1. - -The Indians were gone seven days, and returned with three chiefs of -those revolted among the ridges, who brought with them fifteen men, -and presented us beads, turquoises, and feathers. The messengers -said they had not found the people of the river where we appeared, -the Christians having again made them run away into the mountains. -Melchior Diaz told the interpreter to speak to the natives for us; -to say to them we came in the name of God, who is in heaven; that -we had travelled about the world many years, telling all the people -we found that they should believe in God and serve Him; for He was -the Master of all things on the earth, benefiting and rewarding the -virtuous, and to the bad giving perpetual punishment of fire; that, -when the good die, He takes them to heaven, where none ever die, nor -feel cold, nor hunger, nor thirst, nor any inconvenience whatsoever, -but the greatest enjoyment possible to conceive; that those who will -not believe in Him, nor obey His commands, He casts beneath the earth -into the company of demons, and into a great fire which is never -to go out, but always torment; that, over this, if they desired to -be Christians and serve God in the way we required, the Christians -would cherish them as brothers and behave towards them very kindly; -that we would command they give no offence nor take them from their -territories, but be their great friends. If the Indians did not do -this, the Christians would treat them very hardly, carrying them away -as slaves into other lands.[212] - - [212] Among the Indians of this region who were carried away into - captivity were the Yaqui, who have been hostile to the whites to - this day. - -They answered through the interpreter that they would be true -Christians and serve God. Being asked to whom they sacrifice and -offer worship, from whom they ask rain for their corn-fields and -health for themselves, they answered of a man that is in heaven. We -inquired of them his name, and they told us Aguar; and they believed -he created the whole world, and the things in it. We returned to -question them as to how they knew this; they answered their fathers -and grandfathers had told them, that from distant time had come their -knowledge, and they knew the rain and all good things were sent to -them by him. We told them that the name of him of whom they spoke we -called Dios; and if they would call him so, and would worship him as -we directed, they would find their welfare. They responded that they -well understood, and would do as we said. We ordered them to come -down from the mountains in confidence and peace, inhabit the whole -country and construct their houses: among these they should build one -for God, at its entrance place a cross like that which we had there -present; and, when Christians came among them, they should go out to -receive them with crosses in their hands, without bows or any arms, -and take them to their dwellings, giving of what they have to eat, -and the Christians would do them no injury, but be their friends; and -the Indians told us they would do as we had commanded. - -The captain having given them shawls and entertained them, they -returned, taking the two captives who had been used as emissaries. -This occurrence took place before the notary, in the presence of many -witnesses. - - - - -Chapter 36 - -_Of building churches in that land._ - - -As soon as these Indians went back, all those of that province who -were friendly to the Christians, and had heard of us, came to visit -us, bringing beads and feathers. We commanded them to build churches -and put crosses in them: to that time none had been raised; and we -made them bring their principal men to be baptized. - -Then the captain made a covenant with God, not to invade nor consent -to invasion, nor to enslave any of that country and people, to whom -we had guaranteed safety; that this he would enforce and defend until -your Majesty and the Governor Nuno de Guzman, or the Viceroy in your -name, should direct what would be most for the service of God and -your Highness. - -When the children had been baptized, we departed for the town of San -Miguel. So soon as we arrived, April 1, 1536, came Indians, who told -us many people had come down from the mountains and were living in -the vales; that they had made churches and crosses, doing all we had -required. Each day we heard how these things were advancing to a full -improvement. - -Fifteen days of our residence having passed, Alcaraz got back with -the Christians from the incursion, and they related to the captain -the manner in which the Indians had come down and peopled the plain; -that the towns were inhabited which had been tenantless and deserted, -the residents, coming out to receive them with crosses in their -hands, had taken them to their houses, giving of what they had, and -the Christians had slept among them over night. They were surprised -at a thing so novel; but, as the natives said they had been assured -of safety, it was ordered that they should not be harmed, and the -Christians took friendly leave of them. - -God in His infinite mercy is pleased that in the days of your -Majesty, under your might and dominion, these nations should come to -be thoroughly and voluntarily subject to the Lord, who has created -and redeemed us. We regard this as certain, that your Majesty is he -who is destined to do so much, not difficult to accomplish; for in -the two thousand leagues we journeyed on land, and in boats on water, -and in that we travelled unceasingly for ten months after coming out -of captivity, we found neither sacrifices nor idolatry. - -In the time, we traversed from sea to sea; and from information -gathered with great diligence, there may be a distance from one to -another at the widest part, of two thousand leagues; and we learned -that on the coast of the South Sea there are pearls and great riches, -and the best and all the most opulent countries are near there. - -We were in the village of San Miguel until the fifteenth day of -May.[213] The cause of so long a detention was, that from thence to -the city of Compostela, where the Governor Nuno de Guzman resided, -are a hundred leagues of country, entirely devastated and filled -with enemies, where it was necessary we should have protection. -Twenty mounted men went with us for forty leagues, and after that six -Christians accompanied us, who had with them five hundred slaves. -Arrived at Compostela, the Governor entertained us graciously and -gave us of his clothing for our use. I could not wear any for some -time, nor could we sleep anywhere else but on the ground. After ten -or twelve days we left for Mexico, and were all along on the way well -entertained by Christians. Many came out on the roads to gaze at us, -giving thanks to God for having saved us from so many calamities. -We arrived at Mexico on Sunday, the day before the vespers of Saint -Iago,[214] where we were handsomely treated by the Viceroy and -the Marquis del Valle,[215] and welcomed, with joy. They gave us -clothing and proffered whatsoever they had. On the day of Saint Iago -was a celebration, and a joust of reeds with bulls. - - [213] 1536. - - [214] The day of Saint James the Apostle--July 25, 1536. - - [215] The Viceroy Mendoza and Cortes. - - - - -Chapter 37 - -_Of what occurred when I wished to return._ - - -When we had rested two months in Mexico, I desired to return to these -kingdoms;[216] and being about to embark in the month of October, a -storm came on, capsizing the ship, and she was lost. In consequence I -resolved to remain through the winter; because in those parts it is -a boisterous season for navigation. After that had gone by, Dorantes -and I left Mexico, about Lent, to take shipping at Vera Cruz. We -remained waiting for a wind until Palm Sunday, when we went on board, -and were detained fifteen days longer for a wind. The ship leaked so -much that I quitted her, and went to one of two other vessels that -were ready to sail, but Dorantes remained in her. - - [216] Spain. - -On the tenth day of April,[217] the three ships left the port, and -sailed one hundred and fifty leagues. Two of them leaked a great -deal; and one night the vessel I was in lost their company. Their -pilots and masters, as afterwards appeared, dared not proceed with -the other vessels so, and without telling us of their intentions, or -letting us know aught of them, put back to the port they had left. -We pursued our voyage, and on the fourth day of May we entered the -harbor of Havana, in the island of Cuba. We remained waiting for the -other vessels, believing them to be on their way, until the second -of June, when we sailed, in much fear of falling in with Frenchmen, -as they had a few days before taken three Spanish vessels. Having -arrived at the island of Bermuda, we were struck by one of those -storms that overtake those who pass there, according to what they -state who sail thither. All one night we considered ourselves lost; -and we were thankful that when morning was come, the storm ceased, -and we could go on our course. - - [217] 1537. - -At the end of twenty-nine days after our departure from Havana, we -had sailed eleven hundred leagues, which are said to be thence to the -town of the Azores. The next morning, passing by the island called -Cuervo,[218] we fell in with a French ship. At noon she began to -follow, bringing with her a caravel captured from the Portuguese, and -gave us chase. In the evening we saw nine other sail; but they were -so distant we could not make out whether they were Portuguese or of -those that pursued us. At night the Frenchman was within shot of a -lombard from our ship, and we stole away from our course in the dark -to evade him, and this we did three or four times. He approached so -near that he saw us and fired. He might have taken us, or, at his -option could leave us until the morning. I remember with gratitude to -the Almighty when the sun rose, and we found ourselves close with the -Frenchman, that near us were the nine sail we saw the evening before, -which we now recognized to be of the fleet of Portugal. I gave thanks -to our Lord for escape from the troubles of the land and perils of -the sea. The Frenchman, so soon as he discovered their character, -let go the caravel he had seized with a cargo of negroes and kept as -a prize, to make us think he was Portuguese, that we might wait for -him. When he cast her off, he told the pilot and the master of her, -that we were French and under his convoy. This said, sixty oars were -put out from his ship, and thus with these and sail he commenced to -flee, moving so fast it was hardly credible. The caravel being let -go, went to the galleon, and informed the commander that the other -ship and ours were French. As we drew nigh the galleon, and the fleet -saw we were coming down upon them, they made no doubt we were, and -putting themselves in order of battle, bore up for us, and when near -we hailed them. Discovering that we were friends, they found that -they were mocked in permitting the corsair to escape, by being told -that we were French and of his company. - - [218] Corvo. - -Four caravels were sent in pursuit. The galleon drawing near, after -the salutation from us, the commander, Diego de Silveira, asked -whence we came and what merchandise we carried, when we answered -that we came from New Spain, and were loaded with silver and gold. -He asked us how much there might be; the captain told him we carried -three thousand _castellanos_. The commander replied: "In honest truth -you come very rich, although you bring a very sorry ship and a still -poorer artillery. By Heaven, that renegade whoreson Frenchman has -lost a good mouthful. Now that you have escaped, follow me, and do -not leave me that I may, with God's help, deliver you in Spain." - -After a little time, the caravels that pursued the Frenchman -returned, for plainly he moved too fast for them; they did not like -either, to leave the fleet, which was guarding three ships that came -laden with spices. Thus we reached the island of Terceira, where we -reposed fifteen days, taking refreshment and awaiting the arrival of -another ship coming with a cargo from India, the companion of the -three of which the armada was in charge. The time having run out, we -left that place with the fleet, and arrived at the port of Lisbon on -the ninth of August, on the vespers of the day of our master Saint -Lawrence,[219] in the year one thousand five hundred and thirty-seven. - - [219] The day of Saint Lawrence (San Lorenzo) is August 10. - -That what I have stated in my foregoing narrative is true, I -subscribe with my name. - - CABEZA DE VACA. - -The narrative here ended is signed with his name and arms. - - - - -Chapter 38 - -_Of what became of the others who went to Indias._ - - -Since giving this circumstantial account of events attending the -voyage to Florida, the invasion, and our going out thence until the -arrival in these realms, I desire to state what became of the ships -and of the people who remained with them. I have not before touched -on this, as we were uninformed until coming to New Spain, where we -found many of the persons, and others here in Castile, from whom we -learned everything to the latest particular. - -At the time we left, one of the ships had already been lost on the -breakers, and the three others were in considerable danger, having -nearly a hundred souls on board and few stores. Among the persons -were ten married women, one of whom had told the Governor many things -that afterwards befell him on the voyage. She cautioned him before he -went inland not to go, as she was confident that neither he nor any -going with him could ever escape; but should any one come back from -that country, the Almighty must work great wonders in his behalf, -though she believed few or none would return. The Governor said -that he and his followers were going to fight and conquer nations -and countries wholly unknown, and in subduing them he knew that -many would be slain; nevertheless, that those who survived would be -fortunate, since from what he had understood of the opulence of that -land, they must become very rich. And further he begged her to inform -him whence she learned those things that had passed, as well as -those she spoke of, that were to come; she replied that in Castile a -Moorish woman of Hornachos had told them to her, which she had stated -to us likewise before we left Spain, and while on the passage many -things happened in the way she foretold. - -After the Governor had made Caravallo, a native of Cuenca de Huete, -his lieutenant and commander of the vessels and people, he departed, -leaving orders that all diligence should be used to repair on board, -and take the direct course to Panuco, keeping along the shore closely -examining for the harbor, and having found it, the vessels should -enter there and await our arrival. And the people state, that when -they had betaken themselves to the ships, all of them looking at that -woman, they distinctly heard her say to the females, that well, -since their husbands had gone inland, putting their persons in so -great jeopardy, their wives should in no way take more account of -them, but ought soon to be looking after whom they would marry, and -that she should do so. She did accordingly: she and others married, -or became the concubines of those who remained in the ships. - -After we left, the vessels made sail, taking their course onward; but -not finding the harbor, they returned. Five leagues below the place -at which we debarked, they found the port, the same we discovered -when we saw the Spanish cases containing dead bodies, which were of -Christians.[220] Into this haven and along this coast, the three -ships passed with the other ship that came from Cuba, and the -brigantine, looking for us nearly a year, and not finding us, they -went to New Spain. - - [220] Tampa Bay, Florida. - -The port of which we speak is the best in the world. At the entrance -are six fathoms of water and five near the shore. It runs up into the -land seven or eight leagues. The bottom is fine white sand. No sea -breaks upon it nor boisterous storm, and it can contain many vessels. -Fish is in great plenty. There are a hundred leagues to Havana, a -town of Christians in Cuba, with which it bears north and south. The -north-east wind ever prevails and vessels go from one to the other, -returning in a few days; for the reason that they sail either way -with it on the quarter. - -As I have given account of the vessels, it may be well that I state -who are, and from what parts of these kingdoms come, the persons whom -our Lord has been pleased to release from these troubles. The first -is Alonzo del Castillo Maldonado, native of Salamanca, son of Doctor -Castillo and Dona Aldonca Maldonado. The second is Andres Dorantes, -son of Pablo Dorantes, native of Bejar, and citizen of Gibraleon. The -third is Alvar Nunez Cabeca de Vaca, son of Francisco de Vera, and -grandson of Pedro de Vera who conquered the Canaries, and his mother -was Dona Tereca Cabeca de Vaca, native of Xerez de la Frontera. The -fourth, called Estevanico, is an Arabian black, native of Acamor. - - -THE END - -The present tract was imprinted in the very magnificent, noble and -very ancient City of Zamora, by the honored residents Augustin de Paz -and Juan Picardo, partners, printers of books, at the cost and outlay -of the virtuous Juan Pedro Musetti, book merchant of Medina del -Campo, having been finished the sixth day of the month of October, in -the year one thousand five hundred and forty-two of the birth of our -Saviour Jesus Christ.[221] - - [221] Colophon of the first edition. - - - - -THE NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO, BY THE GENTLEMAN -OF ELVAS - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -In the early annals of the exploration, conquest, and settlement -of the territory of the United States none are to be found to -which more interest is attached than to the expedition of Hernando -de Soto through the Gulf States. History, tradition, and poetry -are indissolubly linked with his name. Counties, towns, and lakes -have been named after him, and tradition attaches his name to many -localities far removed from the line of his march. - -In the narrative of the expedition we get our first geographical -knowledge of the interior of the states of Florida, Georgia, North -and South Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, -Texas, and the Indian Territory. The Spaniards while on their minor -expeditions among the Indians may also have entered the states of -Missouri and Louisiana, but of this there is no certainty. - -The earliest history of the great Indian tribes or nations residing -in the above-named states is related by these narratives, the -expedition having traversed the territory of the Timuguas, Cherokees, -the various divisions or tribes of the Muskogee or Creek confederacy, -the Choctaws, Chickasaws, Quapaws or Arkansas, several branches -of the great Pani nation, and some other tribes that are not so -easily identified. In the narratives are also to be found the first -descriptions of the habits, manners, and customs of the native tribes -met with. Their towns, villages, houses, temples, granaries, bridges, -canoes, banners, arms, wearing apparel, and culinary implements are -also described. - -The first published narrative was written by a gentleman from -the town of Elvas, in Portugal, who joined the expedition and -participated in its trials and privations, and in the weary but -memorable march through what was then known as Florida. If he was one -of those Portuguese who are named in the book as having started from -Elvas, the inference may be drawn from the wording of the narrative -that he was named Alvaro Fernandez. His narrative was written after -his return from the expedition, and is evidently not based upon a -diary, or even field-notes, but seemingly was drawn entirely from -memory. His descriptions are somewhat vague, the localities sometimes -indefinite, the distances sometimes confused, and there are some -palpable errors. The lengthy addresses of the caciques belong to -romance rather than to history; at least, they are open to grave -suspicion that they were manufactured for the occasion. Nevertheless, -when the narrative is considered as a whole, it is decidedly the -best full account that has been handed down to us. It records the -first discovery and navigation of the Mississippi River, the death -of its discoverer, De Soto, the building of the first sea-going -vessels--brigantines--by Moscoso, the first voyage down "the great -river," and the arrival in Mexico of the remnants of the once -powerful expedition. The narrative, taken in connection with that -of Ranjel, preserved in Oviedo's _Historia General y Natural de las -Indias_ (Seville, 1547), supplies almost a daily record of the events -as they occurred. - -The Gentleman of Elvas having been an eye-witness, and his narrative -being the best one that has been preserved, it must be taken as a -basis for laying down the route of the expedition. The abridged -journal of Ranjel, De Soto's private secretary, should also be -accepted as a standard, especially as to dates and the order in which -the towns and provinces are named. The narrative of Biedma, the -factor of the expedition,[222] although written after his arrival -in Mexico, supplies some additional information. It furnishes the -only clue as to the direction pursued by Moscoso, after leaving -Guachoya, and therefore contains valuable auxiliary evidence. The -account written by Garcilaso de la Vega, "the Inca," _Florida del -Ynca_ (Lisbon, 1605), is principally based upon the oral statements -of a noble Spaniard who accompanied Soto as a volunteer, and the -written but illiterate reports of two common soldiers, Alonzo -de Carmona and Juan Coles. After eliminating all the overdrawn, -flowery, and fanciful portions of the account, there is a residue -consisting, in part, of misplaced towns, provinces, and events, -together with occasional duplications of descriptions. Of the -remainder, only such portions as conform to, or do not conflict -with, the other narratives are worthy of consideration. By combining -the geographical, topographical, and descriptive portions of the -narratives, and exploring the probable and possible sections of the -route, the present writer has succeeded in identifying a number of -points visited by Soto and his followers. A detailed description -of the places identified will be found in the _Publications of the -Mississippi Historical Society_ (VI. 449-467); and the relative value -of the narratives, together with the minor documents, is discussed in -the same series (VII. 379-387). - - [222] First printed by Buckingham Smith in his _Coleccion de - varios Documentos para la Historia de la Florida_ (London, 1857). - -The Gentleman of Elvas, unlike Ranjel, does not put himself forward, -but was so modest that only once does he refer to himself while on -the march through Florida, and that was on the occasion of the death -of some relatives while at Aminoya. Seemingly he did not take an -active part at the front or in the advances, but was always with the -main army. - -The Narrative of the Gentleman of Elvas was first published at -Evora, Portugal, in 1557. It was reprinted at Lisbon in 1844 by -the Royal Academy, and again in 1875. The first French edition -appeared in 1685, and an English translation from this edition was -published in 1686. The first English version, by Hakluyt, entitled -_Virginia richly valued by the Description of the Mainland of -Florida_, appeared in 1609, and a reprint entitled _The worthye and -famous Historie of the Travailles, Discovery, and Conquest of Terra -Florida_, in 1611. A reprint from the latter, edited by William -B. Rye, was published by the Hakluyt Society in 1851. The version -of 1611 is included in Force's _Tracts_, Volume IV., 1846, and in -French's _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, Part 2. The English -translation by Buckingham Smith, which was published by the Bradford -Club in 1866, in a volume entitled _The Career of Hernando de Soto in -the Conquest of Florida_, is the latest and most authentic version. -It is this which is followed in the present volume. A reprint of -Smith's translation, edited by Professor Edward G. Bourne, was -published in 1904. - - T. HAYES LEWIS. - - - - -THE NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO, BY THE GENTLEMAN -OF ELVAS - - _True relation of the vicissitudes that attended the Governor - Don Hernando de Soto and some nobles of Portugal in the - discovery of the Province of Florida now just given by a Fidalgo - of Elvas. Viewed by the Lord Inquisitor._[223] - - [223] From the title page of the original. - - Fernando da Silveira, Senhor da Serzedas, great Poet and very - Illustrious, respecting the Material of this Book, and in Praise - of the Author. - - -EPIGRAM - - He who would see the New World, - The Golden Pole,[224] the second, - Other seas, other lands, - Achievements great, and wars, - And such things attempted - As alarm and give pleasure, - Strike terror and lend delight;-- - Read of the author this pleasing story, - Where nothing fabulous is told, - All worthy of being esteemed, - Read, considered, used. - - [224] We inhabit the Northern Arctic Pole, and that people - inhabit the Southern Antarctic Pole. Golden Pole is used because - the region is rich. (Footnote in the original.) - - -ANDRE DE BURGOS[225] TO THE PRUDENT READER. - - [225] The printer. - -Aristotle writes that all, or at least most men, are given or prone -to look at and listen to novelties, especially when they are of -foreign or remote countries. These things, he says, enliven the -heavy while they give recreation to delicate and subtile minds, that -propensity moving men not only to see and hear, but, if possible, -to take part in occurrences. This desire exists in the Lusitanians -more than in any other people,--for two reasons: the one, because -they are very ingenious and warlike; the other, because they are by -nature great navigators, having discovered more land, with wider -sailing, than all the nations of the earth beside. So, it appearing -to me that I could do some little service to those who should read -this book, I resolved to imprint it, assured, beyond its being in the -Portuguese, that it is composed by a native, and likewise because -citizens of Elvas took part in the discovery, as the narrative will -itself disclose. What he has written I undoubtingly credit: he tells -no tales, nor speaks of fabulous things; and we may believe that -the author--having no interest in the matter--would not swerve from -truth. We have his assurance besides, that all he has set down passed -before him. Should the language, by chance, appear to you careless, -lay not the fault on me; I imprint and do not write. God be your -protector. - - -DISCOVERY OF FLORIDA - - _Relation of the toils and hardships that attended Don Hernando - de Soto, governor of Florida, in the conquest of that country; - in which is set forth who he was, and also who were others - with him; containing some account of the peculiarities and - diversities of the country, of all that they saw and of what - befell them._ - - - - -Chapter 1 - - _Who Soto was, and how he came to get the government of Florida._ - - -Hernando de Soto was the son of an esquire of Xerez de Badajoz, and -went to the Indias of the Ocean Sea, belonging to Castile, at the -time Pedrarias Davila was the Governor. He had nothing more than -blade and buckler: for his courage and good qualities Pedrarias -appointed him to be captain of a troop of horse, and he went by his -order with Hernando Pizarro to conquer Peru.[226] According to the -report of many persons who were there, he distinguished himself -over all the captains and principal personages present, not only at -the seizure of Atabalipa, lord of Peru, and in carrying the City -of Cuzco, but at all other places wheresoever he went and found -resistance. Hence, apart from his share in the treasure of Atabalipa, -he got a good amount, bringing together in time, from portions -falling to his lot, one hundred and eighty thousand cruzados, which -he brought with him to Spain. Of this the Emperor borrowed a part, -which was paid; six hundred thousand reales[227] in duties on the -silks of Granada, and the rest at the Casa de Contratacion.[228] - - [226] In 1531. - - [227] Span. _real_, the eighth of a silver dollar. - - [228] The India House, or Board of Trade, at Seville. - -In Seville, Soto employed a superintendent of household, an usher, -pages, equerry, chamberlain, footmen, and all the other servants -requisite for the establishment of a gentleman. Thence he went to -Court, and while there was accompanied by Juan de Anasco of Seville, -Luis Moscoso de Alvarado, Nuno de Tobar, and Juan Rodriguez Lobillo. -All, except Anasco, came with him from Peru; and each brought -fourteen or fifteen thousand cruzados. They went well and costly -apparelled; and Soto, although by nature not profuse, as it was the -first time he was to show himself at Court, spent largely, and went -about closely attended by those I have named, by his dependents, and -by many others who there came about him. He married Dona Ysabel de -Bobadilla, daughter of Pedrarias Davila, Count of Punonrostro. The -Emperor made him Governor of the Island of Cuba and Adelantado of -Florida, with title of Marquis to a certain part of the territory he -should conquer. - - - - -Chapter 2 - - _How Cabeca de Vaca arrived at Court, and gave account of the - country of Florida; and of the persons who assembled at Seville - to accompany Don Hernando de Soto._ - - -After Don Hernando had obtained the concession, a fidalgo[229] -arrived at Court from the Indias, Cabeca de Vaca by name, who had -been in Florida with Narvaez; and he stated how he with four others -had escaped, taking the way to New Spain; that the Governor had been -lost in the sea, and the rest were all dead. He brought with him a -written relation of adventures, which said in some places: Here I -have seen this; and the rest which I saw I leave to confer of with -His Majesty: generally, however, he described the poverty of the -country, and spoke of the hardships he had undergone. Some of his -kinsfolk, desirous of going to the Indias, strongly urged him to -tell them whether he had seen any rich country in Florida or not; -but he told them that he could not do so; because he and another (by -name Orantes,[230] who had remained in New Spain with the purpose of -returning into Florida) had sworn not to divulge certain things which -they had seen, lest some one might beg the government in advance of -them, for which he had come to Spain; nevertheless, he gave them to -understand that it was the richest country in the world. - - [229] Gentleman. - - [230] Dorantes. - -Don Hernando de Soto was desirous that Cabeca de Vaca should go with -him, and made him favorable proposals; but after they had come upon -terms they disagreed, because the Adelantado would not give the money -requisite to pay for a ship that the other had bought. Baltasar -de Gallegos and Cristobal de Espindola told Cabeca de Vaca, their -kinsman, that as they had made up their minds to go to Florida, in -consequence of what he had told them, they besought him to counsel -them; to which he replied, that the reason he did not go was because -he hoped to receive another government, being reluctant to march -under the standard of another; that he had himself come to solicit -the conquest of Florida, and though he found it had already been -granted to Don Hernando de Soto, yet, on account of his oath, he -could not divulge what they desired to know; nevertheless, he would -advise them to sell their estates and go--that in so doing they would -act wisely. - -As soon as Cabeca de Vaca had an opportunity he spoke with the -Emperor; and gave him an account of all that he had gone through -with, seen, and could by any means ascertain. Of this relation, -made by word of mouth, the Marquis of Astorga was informed. He -determined at once to send his brother, Don Antonio Osorio; and with -him Francisco and Garcia Osorio, two of his kinsmen, also made ready -to go. Don Antonio disposed of sixty thousand reales income that he -received of the Church, and Francisco of a village of vassals he -owned in Campos. They joined the Adelantado at Seville, as did also -Nuno de Tobar, Luis de Moscoso, and Juan Rodriguez Lobillo. Moscoso -took two brothers; there went likewise Don Carlos, who had married -the Governor's niece, and he carried her with him. From Badajoz went -Pedro Calderon, and three kinsmen of the Adelantado: Arias Tinoco, -Alonso Romo, and Diego Tinoco. - -As Luis de Moscoso passed through Elvas,[231] Andre de Vasconcelos -spoke with him, and requested him to speak to Don Hernando de Soto -in his behalf; and he gave him warrants, issued by the Marquis of -Vilareal, conferring on him the captaincy of Ceuta, that he might -show them; which when the Adelantado saw, and had informed himself of -who he was, he wrote to him that he would favor him in and through -all, and would give him a command in Florida. From Elvas went Andre -de Vasconcelos, Fernan Pegado, Antonio Martinez Segurado, Men Royz -Pereyra, Joam Cordeiro, Estevan Pegado, Bento Fernandez, Alvaro -Fernandez; and from Salamanca, Jaen, Valencia, Albuquerque, and -other parts of Spain, assembled many persons of noble extraction in -Seville; so much so that many men of good condition, who had sold -their lands, remained behind in Sanlucar for want of shipping, when -for known countries and rich it was usual to lack men: and the cause -of this was what Cabeca de Vaca had told the Emperor, and given -persons to understand who conversed with him respecting that country. -He went for Governor to Rio de la Plata, but his kinsmen followed -Soto. - - [231] In eastern Portugal, near the Spanish border. - -Baltasar de Gallegos received the appointment of chief castellan, and -took with him his wife. He sold houses, vineyards, a rent of wheat, -and ninety geiras of olive-field in the Xarafe of Seville. There went -also many other persons of mark. The offices, being desired of many, -were sought through powerful influence: the place of factor was held -by Antonio de Biedma, that of comptroller by Juan de Anasco, and that -of treasurer by Juan Gaytan, nephew of the Cardinal of Ciguenza. - - - - -Chapter 3 - - _How the Portuguese went to Seville and thence to Sanlucar; and - how the captains were appointed over the ships, and the people - distributed among them._ - - -The Portuguese left Elvas the 15th day of January, and came to -Seville on the vespers of Saint Sebastian.[232] They went to the -residence of the Governor; and entering the court, over which -were some galleries in which he stood, he came down and met them -at the foot of the stairs, whence they returned with him; and he -ordered chairs to be brought, in which they might be seated. Andre -de Vasconcelos told him who he was, and who the others were; that -they had all come to go with him, and aid in his enterprise. The -Adelantado thanked him, and appeared well pleased with their coming -and proffer. The table being already laid, he invited them to sit -down; and while at dinner, he directed his major-domo to find -lodgings for them near his house. - - [232] January 20. - -From Seville the Governor went to Sanlucar, with all the people that -were to go. He commanded a muster to be made, to which the Portuguese -turned out in polished armor, and the Castilians very showily, in -silk over silk, pinked and slashed. As such luxury did not appear -to him becoming on such occasion, he ordered a review to be called -for the next day, when every man should appear with his arms; to -which the Portuguese came as at first; and the Governor set them in -order near the standard borne by his ensign. The greater number of -the Castilians were in very sorry and rusty shirts of mail; all wore -steel caps or helmets, but had very poor lances. Some of them sought -to get among the Portuguese. Those that Soto liked and accepted of -were passed, counted, and enlisted; six hundred men in all followed -him to Florida. He had bought seven ships; and the necessary -subsistence was already on board. He appointed captains, delivering -to each of them his ship, with a roll of the people he was to take -with him. - - - - -Chapter 4 - - _How the Adelantado with his people left Spain, going to the - Canary Islands, and afterward arrived in the Antillas._ - - -In the month of April, of the year 1538 of the Christian era, the -Adelantado delivered the vessels to their several captains, took -for himself a new ship, fast of sail, and gave another to Andre de -Vasconcelos, in which the Portuguese were to go. He passed over the -bar of Sanlucar on Sunday, the morning of Saint Lazarus, with great -festivity, commanding the trumpets to be sounded and many charges of -artillery to be fired. With a favorable wind he sailed four days, -when it lulled, the calms continuing for eight days, with such -rolling sea that the ships made no headway. - -The fifteenth day after our departure we came to Gomera, one of -the Canaries, on Easter Sunday, in the morning. The Governor of the -Island was apparelled all in white, cloak, jerkin, hose, shoes, and -cap, so that he looked like a governor of Gypsies. He received the -Adelantado with much pleasure, lodging him well and the rest with him -gratuitously. To Dona Ysabel he gave a natural daughter of his to be -her waiting-maid. For our money we got abundant provision of bread, -wine, and meats, bringing off with us what was needful for the ships. -Sunday following, eight days after arrival, we took our departure. - -On Pentecost we came into the harbor of the city of Santiago, in -Cuba of the Antillas. Directly a gentleman of the town sent to the -seaside a splendid roan horse, well caparisoned, for the Governor to -mount, and a mule for his wife; and all the horsemen and footmen in -town at the time came out to receive him at the landing. He was well -lodged, attentively visited and served by all the citizens. Quarters -were furnished to every one without cost. Those who wished to go into -the country were divided among the farm-houses, into squads of four -and six persons, according to the several ability of the owners, who -provided them with food. - - - - -Chapter 5 - - _Of the inhabitants there are in the city of Santiago and other - towns of the island,--the character of the soil and of the - fruit._ - - -The city of Santiago consists of about eighty spacious and -well-contrived dwellings. Some are built of stone and lime, covered -with tiles: the greater part have the sides of board and the roofs -of dried grass. There are extensive country seats, and on them many -trees, which differ from those of Spain. The fig-tree bears fruit as -big as the fist, yellow within and of little flavor: another tree -with a delicious fruit, called anane, is of the shape and size of a -small pine-apple, the skin of which being taken off, the pulp appears -like a piece of curd. On the farms about in the country are other -larger pines, of very agreeable and high flavor, produced on low -trees that look like the aloe. Another tree yields a fruit called -mamei, the size of a peach, by the islanders more esteemed than any -other in the country. The guayaba is in the form of a filbert, and -is the size of a fig. There is a tree, which is a stalk without any -branch, the height of a lance, each leaf the length of a javelin, the -fruit of the size and form of a cucumber, the bunch having twenty or -thirty of them, with which the tree goes on bending down more and -more as they grow: they are called plantanos in that country, are of -good flavor, and will ripen after they are gathered, although they -are better when they mature on the tree. The stalks yield fruit but -once, when they are cut down, and others, which spring up at the -butt, bear in the coming year. There is another fruit called batata, -the subsistence of a multitude of people, principally slaves, and -now grows in the island of Terceira, belonging to this kingdom of -Portugal. It is produced in the earth, and looks like the ynhame, -with nearly the taste of chestnut. The bread of the country is made -from a root that looks like the batata, the stalk of which is like -alder. The ground for planting is prepared in hillocks; into each are -laid four or five stalks, and a year and a half after they have been -set the crop is fit to be dug. Should any one, mistaking the root for -batata, eat any of it, he is in imminent danger; as experience has -shown, in the case of a soldier, who died instantly from swallowing -a very little. The roots being peeled and crushed, they are squeezed -in a sort of press; the juice that flows has an offensive smell; the -bread is of little taste and less nourishment. The fruit from Spain -are figs and oranges, which are produced the year round, the soil -being very rich and fertile. - -There are numerous cattle and horses in the country, which find -fresh grass at all seasons. From the many wild cows and hogs, the -inhabitants everywhere are abundantly supplied with meat. Out of the -towns are many fruits wild over the country; and, as it sometimes -happens, when a Christian misses his way and is lost for fifteen or -twenty days, because of the many paths through the thick woods made -by the herds traversing to and fro, he will live on fruit and on -wild cabbage, there being many and large palm-trees everywhere which -yield nothing else available beside. - -The island of Cuba is three hundred leagues long from east to -southeast, and in places thirty, in others forty leagues from north -to south. There are six towns of Christians, which are Santiago, -Baracoa, the Bayamo, Puerto Principe, Sancti Spiritus, and Havana. -They each have between thirty and forty householders, except Santiago -and Havana, which have some seventy or eighty dwellings apiece. -The towns have all a chaplain to hear confession, and a church in -which to say mass. In Santiago is a monastery of the order of Saint -Francis; it has few friars, though well supported by tithes, as the -country is rich. The Church of Santiago is endowed, has a cura, a -prebend, and many priests, as it is the church of the city which is -the metropolis. - -Although the earth contains much gold, there are few slaves to seek -it, many having destroyed themselves because of the hard usage they -receive from the Christians in the mines. The overseer of Vasco -Porcallo, a resident of the island, having understood that his slaves -intended to hang themselves, went with a cudgel in his hand and -waited for them in the place at which they were to meet, where he -told them that they could do nothing, nor think of any thing, that he -did not know beforehand; that he had come to hang himself with them, -to the end that if he gave them a bad life in this world, a worse -would he give them in that to come. This caused them to alter their -purpose and return to obedience. - - - - -Chapter 6 - - _How the Governor sent Dona Ysabel with the ships from Santiago - to Havana, while he with some of the men went thither by land._ - - -The Governor sent Don Carlos with the ships, in company with Dona -Ysabel, to tarry for him at Havana, a port in the eastern end of the -island, one hundred and eighty leagues from Santiago. He and those -that remained, having bought horses, set out on their journey, and at -the end of twenty-five leagues came to Bayamo, the first town. They -were lodged, as they arrived, in parties of four and six, where their -food was given to them; and nothing was paid for any other thing than -maize for the beasts; because the Governor at each town assessed tax -on the tribute paid, and the labor done, by the Indians. - -A deep river runs near Bayamo, larger than the Guadiana, called -Tanto. The monstrous alligators do harm in it sometimes to the -Indians and animals in the crossing. In all the country there are -no wolves, foxes, bears, lions, nor tigers: there are dogs in the -woods, which have run wild from the houses, that feed upon the swine: -there are snakes, the size of a man's thigh, and even bigger; but -they are very sluggish and do no kind of injury. From that town to -Puerto Principe there are fifty leagues. The roads throughout the -island are made by cutting out the undergrowth, which if neglected to -be gone over, though only for a single year, the shrubs spring up in -such manner that the ways disappear; and so numerous likewise are the -paths made by cattle, that no one can travel without an Indian of the -country for a guide, there being everywhere high and thick woods. - -From Puerto Principe the Governor went by sea in a canoe to the -estate of Vasco Porcallo, near the coast, to get news of Dona Ysabel, -who, at the time, although not then known, was in a situation of -distress, the ships having parted company, two of them being driven -in sight of the coast of Florida, and all on board were suffering -for lack of water and subsistence. The storm over, and the vessels -come together, not knowing where they had been tossed, Cape San -Antonio was described, an uninhabited part of the island, where they -got water; and at the end of forty days from the time of leaving -Santiago, they arrived at Havana. The Governor presently received the -news and hastened to meet Dona Ysabel. The troops that went by land, -one hundred and fifty mounted men in number, not to be burdensome -upon the islanders, were divided into two squadrons, and marched to -Sancti Spiritus, sixty leagues from Puerto Principe. The victuals -they carried was the cacabe[233] bread I have spoken of, the nature -of which is such that it directly dissolves from moisture; whence -it happened that some ate meat and no bread for many days. They -took dogs with them, and a man of the country, who hunted as they -journeyed, and who killed the hogs at night found further necessary -for provision where they stopped; so that they had abundant supply, -both of beef and pork. They found immense annoyance from mosquitos, -particularly in a lake called Bog of Pia, which they had much ado in -crossing between mid-day and dark, it being more than half a league -over, full half a bow-shot of the distance swimming, and all the rest -of the way the water waist deep, having clams on the bottom that -sorely cut the feet, for not a boot nor shoe sole was left entire at -half way. The clothing and saddles were floated over in baskets of -palm-leaf. In this time the insects came in great numbers and settled -on the person where exposed, their bite raising lumps that smarted -keenly, a single blow with the hand sufficing to kill so many that -the blood would run over the arms and body. There was little rest at -night, as happened also afterwards at like seasons and places. - - [233] Cassava. - -They came to Sancti Spiritus, a town of thirty houses, near which -passes a little river. The grounds are very fertile and pleasant, -abundant in good oranges, citrons, and native fruit. Here one half -the people were lodged; the other half went on twenty-five leagues -farther, to a town of fifteen or twenty householders, called -Trinidad. There is a hospital for the poor, the only one in the -island. They say the town was once the largest of any; and that -before the Christians came into the country a ship sailing along the -coast had in her a very sick man, who begged to be set on shore, -which the captain directly ordered, and the vessel kept on her way. -The inhabitants, finding him where he had been left, on that shore -which had never yet been hunted up by Christians carried him home, -and took care of him until he was well. The chief of the town gave -him a daughter; and being at war with the country round about, -through the prowess and exertion of the Christian he subdued and -reduced to his control all the people of Cuba. A long time after, -when Diego Velasquez went to conquer the island, whence he made the -discovery of New Spain, this man, then among the natives, brought -them, by his management, to obedience, and put them under the rule of -that Governor. - -From Trinidad they travelled a distance of eighty leagues without -a town, and arrived at Havana in the end of March. They found the -Governor there, and the rest of the people who had come with him from -Spain. He sent Juan de Anasco in a caravel, with two pinnaces and -fifty men, to explore the harbor in Florida, who brought back two -Indians taken on the coast. In consequence, as much because of the -necessity of having them for guides and interpreters, as because they -said, by signs, that there was much gold in Florida, the Governor and -all the company were greatly rejoiced, and longed for the hour of -departure--that land appearing to them to be the richest of any which -until then had been discovered. - - - - -Chapter 7 - - _How we left Havana and came to Florida, and what other matters - took place._ - - -Before our departure, the Governor deprived Nuno de Tobar of the -rank of captain-general, and conferred it on a resident of Cuba, -Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa, which caused the vessels to be well -provisioned, he giving a great many hogs and loads of cacabe bread. -That was done because Nuno de Tobar had made love to Dona Ysabel's -waiting-maid, daughter of the Governor of Gomera; and though he had -lost his place, yet, to return to Soto's favor, for she was with -child by him, he took her to wife and went to Florida. Dona Ysabel -remained, and with her the wife of Don Carlos, of Baltasar de -Gallegos, and of Nuno de Tobar. The Governor left, as his lieutenant -over the island, Juan de Rojas, a fidalgo of Havana. - -On Sunday, the 18th day of May, in the year 1539, the Adelantado -sailed from Havana with a fleet of nine vessels, five of them ships, -two caravels, two pinnaces; and he ran seven days with favorable -weather. On the 25th of the month, being the festival of Espiritu -Santo,[234] the land was seen, and anchor cast a league from shore, -because of the shoals. On Friday, the 30th, the army landed in -Florida, two leagues from the town[235] of an Indian chief named -Ucita. Two hundred and thirteen horses were set on shore, to unburden -the ships, that they should draw the less water; the seamen only -remained on board, who going up every day a little with the tide, the -end of eight days brought them near to the town. - - [234] Whitsunday. - - [235] Ucita or Ocita. This first town was on the point at the - mouth of Charlotte Harbor, Florida. - -So soon as the people were come to land, the camp was pitched on the -sea-side, nigh the bay, which goes up close to the town. Presently -the captain-general, Vasco Porcallo, taking seven horsemen with him, -beat up the country half a league about, and discovered six Indians, -who tried to resist him with arrows, the weapons they are accustomed -to use. The horsemen killed two, and the four others escaped, the -country being obstructed by bushes and ponds, in which the horses -bogged and fell, with their riders, of weakness from the voyage. At -night the Governor, with a hundred men in the pinnaces, came upon -a deserted town; for, so soon as the Christians appeared in sight -of land, they were descried, and all along on the coast many smokes -were seen to rise, which the Indians make to warn one another. The -next day, Luis de Moscoso, master of the camp, set the men in order. -The horsemen he put in three squadrons--the vanguard, battalion, and -rearward; and thus they marched that day and the next, compassing -great creeks which run up from the bay; and on the first of June, -being Trinity Sunday, they arrived at the town of Ucita,[236] where -the Governor tarried. - - [236] The name of this town was Hirriga, according to the Inca, - and it seems to have been located on the northeast arm of the - harbor. - -The town was of seven or eight houses, built of timber, and covered -with palm-leaves. The chief's house stood near the beach, upon a very -high mount made by hand for defence; at the other end of the town -was a temple, on the top of which perched a wooden fowl with gilded -eyes, and within were found some pearls of small value, injured by -fire, such as the Indians pierce for beads, much esteeming them, and -string to wear about the neck and wrists. The Governor lodged in the -house of the chief, and with him Vasco Porcallo and Luis de Moscoso; -in other houses, midway in the town, was lodged the chief castellan, -Baltasar de Gallegos, where were set apart the provisions brought in -the vessels. The rest of the dwellings, with the temple, were thrown -down, and every mess of three or four soldiers made a cabin, wherein -they lodged. The ground about was very fenny, and encumbered with -dense thicket and high trees. The Governor ordered the woods to be -felled the distance of a crossbow-shot around the place, that the -horses might run, and the Christians have the advantage, should the -Indians make an attack at night. In the paths, and at proper points, -sentinels of foot-soldiers were set in couples, who watched by turns; -the horsemen, going the rounds, were ready to support them should -there be an alarm. - -The Governor made four captains of horsemen and two of footmen: those -of the horse were Andre de Vasconcelos, Pedro Calderon of Badajoz, -and the two Cardenosas his kinsmen (Arias Tinoco and Alfonso Romo), -also natives of Badajoz; those of the foot were Francisco Maldonado -of Salamanca, and Juan Rodriguez Lobillo. While we were in this town -of Ucita, the Indians which Juan de Anasco had taken on that coast, -and were with the Governor as guides and interpreters, through the -carelessness of two men who had charge of them, got away one night. -For this the Governor felt very sorry, as did every one else; for -some excursions had already been made, and no Indians could be -taken, the country being of very high and thick woods, and in many -places marshy. - - - - -Chapter 8 - - _Of some inroads that were made, and how a Christian was found - who had been a long time in the possession of a Cacique._ - - -From the town of Ucita the Governor sent the chief castellan, -Baltasar de Gallegos, into the country, with forty horsemen and -eighty footmen, to procure an Indian if possible. In another -direction he also sent, for the same purpose, Captain Juan Rodriguez -Lobillo, with fifty infantry: the greater part were of sword and -buckler; the remainder were crossbow and gun men. The command of -Lobillo marched over a swampy land, where horses could not travel; -and, half a league from camp, came upon some huts near a river. The -people in them plunged into the water; nevertheless, four women were -secured; and twenty warriors, who attacked our people, so pressed us -that we were forced to retire into camp. - -The Indians are exceedingly ready with their weapons, and so -warlike and nimble, that they have no fear of footmen; for if -these charge them they flee, and when they turn their backs they -are presently upon them. They avoid nothing more easily than the -flight of an arrow. They never remain quiet, but are continually -running, traversing from place to place, so that neither crossbow nor -arquebuse can be aimed at them. Before a Christian can make a single -shot with either, an Indian will discharge three or four arrows; -and he seldom misses of his object. Where the arrow meets with no -armor, it pierces as deeply as the shaft from a crossbow. Their bows -are very perfect; the arrows are made of certain canes, like reeds, -very heavy, and so stiff that one of them, when sharpened, will pass -through a target. Some are pointed with the bone of a fish, sharp -and like a chisel; others with some stone like a point of diamond: -of such the greater number, when they strike upon armor, break at -the place the parts are put together; those of cane split, and will -enter a shirt of mail, doing more injury than when armed. - -Juan Rodriguez Lobillo got back to camp with six men wounded, of whom -one died, and he brought with him the four women taken in the huts, -or cabins. When Baltasar de Gallegos came into the open field, he -discovered ten or eleven Indians, among whom was a Christian, naked -and sun-burnt, his arms tattooed after their manner, and he in no -respect differing from them. As soon as the horsemen came in sight, -they ran upon the Indians, who fled, hiding themselves in a thicket, -though not before two or three of them were overtaken and wounded. -The Christian, seeing a horseman coming upon him with a lance, began -to cry out: "Do not kill me, cavalier; I am a Christian! Do not slay -these people; they have given me my life!" Directly he called to the -Indians, putting them out of fear, when they left the wood and came -to him. The horsemen took up the Christian and Indians behind them -on their beasts, and, greatly rejoicing, got back to the Governor at -nightfall. When he and the rest who had remained in camp heard the -news, they were no less pleased than the others. - - - - -Chapter 9 - - _How the Christian came to the land of Florida, who he was, and - of what passed at his interview with the Governor._ - - -The name of the Christian was Juan Ortiz, a native of Seville, and of -noble parentage. He had been twelve years among the Indians, having -gone into the country with Panphilo de Narvaez, and returned in the -ships to the island of Cuba, where the wife of the Governor remained; -whence, by her command, he went back to Florida, with some twenty -or thirty others, in a pinnace; and coming to the port in sight of -the town, they saw a cane sticking upright in the ground, with a -split in the top, holding a letter, which they supposed the Governor -had left there, to give information of himself before marching into -the interior. They asked it, to be given to them, of four or five -Indians walking along the beach, who, by signs, bade them come to -land for it, which Ortiz and another did, though contrary to the -wishes of the others. No sooner had they got on shore, when many -natives came out of the houses, and, drawing near, held them in such -way that they could not escape. One, who would have defended himself, -they slew on the spot; the other they seized by the hands, and took -him to Ucita, their chief. The people in the pinnace, unwilling to -land, kept along the coast and returned to Cuba. - -By command of Ucita, Juan Ortiz was bound hand and foot to four -stakes, and laid upon scaffolding, beneath which a fire was kindled, -that he might be burned; but a daughter of the chief entreated that -he might be spared. Though one Christian, she said, might do no good, -certainly he could do no harm, and it would be an honor to have one -for a captive; to which the father acceded, directing the injuries to -be healed. When Ortiz got well, he was put to watching a temple, that -the wolves, in the night-time, might not carry off the dead there, -which charge he took in hand, having commended himself to God. One -night they snatched away from him the body of a little child, son -of a principal man; and, going after them, he threw a dart at the -wolf that was escaping, which, feeling itself wounded, let go its -hold, and went off to die; and he returned, without knowing what he -had done in the dark. In the morning, finding the body of the little -boy gone, he became very sober; and Ucita, when he heard what had -happened, determined he should be killed; but having sent on the -trail which Ortiz pointed out as that the wolves had made, the body -of the child was found, and a little farther on a dead wolf; at which -circumstance the chief became well pleased with the Christian, and -satisfied with the guard he had kept, ever after taking much notice -of him. - -Three years having gone by since he had fallen into the hands of -this chief, there came another, named Mococo,[237] living two days' -journey distant from that port, and burnt the town, when Ucita fled -to one he had in another seaport, whereby Ortiz lost his occupation, -and with it the favor of his master. The Indians are worshippers of -the Devil, and it is their custom to make sacrifices of the blood and -bodies of their people, or of those of any other they can come by; -and they affirm, too, that when he would have them make an offering, -he speaks, telling them that he is athirst, and that they must -sacrifice to him. The girl who had delivered Ortiz from the fire, -told him how her father had the mind to sacrifice him the next day, -and that he must flee to Mococo, who she knew would receive him with -regard, as she had heard that he had asked for him, and said he would -like to see him: and as he knew not the way, she went half a league -out of town with him at dark, to put him on the road, returning early -so as not to be missed. - - [237] The town of Mococo was located west of Miakka River (Macaco - of the old maps), which enters the northwest arm of the harbor. - -Ortiz travelled all night, and in the morning came to a river, the -boundary of the territory of Mococo, where he discovered two men -fishing. As this people were at war with those of Ucita, and their -languages different, he did not know how he should be able to tell -them who he was, and why he came, or make other explanation, that -they might not kill him as one of the enemy. It was not, however, -until he had come up to where their arms were placed that he was -discovered, when they fled towards the town; and though he called out -to them to wait, that he would do them no injury, they only ran the -faster for not understanding him. As they arrived, shouting, many -Indians came out of the town, and began surrounding, in order to -shoot him with their arrows, when he, finding himself pressed, took -shelter behind trees, crying aloud that he was a Christian fled from -Ucita, come to visit and serve Mococo. At the moment, it pleased God -that an Indian should come up, who, speaking the language, understood -him and quieted the others, telling them what was said. Three or -four ran to carry the news, when the cacique, much gratified, came -a quarter of a league on the way to receive him. He caused the -Christian immediately to swear to him, according to the custom of -his country, that he would not leave him for any other master; and, -in return, he promised to show him much honor, and if at any time -Christians should come to that land, he would let him go freely, and -give him his permission to return to them, pledging his oath to this -after the Indian usage. - -Three years from that time, some people fishing out at sea, three -leagues from land, brought news of having seen ships; when Mococo, -calling Ortiz, gave him permission to depart, who, taking leave, -made all haste possible to the shore, where, finding no vessels, he -supposed the story to be only a device of the cacique to discover -his inclination. In this way he remained with him nine years, having -little hope of ever seeing Christians more; but no sooner had the -arrival of the Governor in Florida taken place, when it was known to -Mococo, who directly told Ortiz that Christians were in the town of -Ucita. The captive, thinking himself jested with, as he had supposed -himself to be before, said that his thoughts no longer dwelt on -his people, and that his only wish now was to serve him. Still the -cacique assured him that it was even as he stated, and gave him leave -to go, telling him that if he did not, and the Christians should -depart, he must not blame him, for he had fulfilled his promise. - -Great was the joy of Ortiz at this news, though still doubtful of -its truth; however, he thanked Mococo, and went his way. A dozen -principal Indians were sent to accompany him; and on their way to -the port, they met Baltasar de Gallegos, in the manner that has been -related. Arrived at the camp, the Governor ordered that apparel be -given to him, good armor, and a fine horse. When asked if he knew -of any country where there was either gold or silver, he said that -he had not been ten leagues in any direction from where he lived; -but that thirty leagues distant was a chief named Paracoxi, to whom -Mococo, Ucita, and all they that dwelt along the coast paid tribute, -and that he perhaps had knowledge of some good country, as his land -was better than theirs, being more fertile, abounding in maize. -Hearing this, the Governor was well pleased, and said he only -desired to find subsistence, that he might be enabled to go inland -with safety; for that Florida was so wide, in some part or other of -it, there could not fail to be a rich country. The cacique of Mococo -came to the port, and calling on the Governor, he thus spoke: - - MOST HIGH AND POWERFUL CHIEF: - - Though less able, I believe, to serve you than the least of - these under your control, but with the wish to do more than even - the greatest of them can accomplish, I appear before you in the - full confidence of receiving your favor, as much so as though I - deserved it, not in requital of the trifling service I rendered - in setting free the Christian while he was in my power, which I - did, not for the sake of my honor and of my promise, but because - I hold that great men should be liberal. As much as in your - bodily perfections you exceed all, and in your command over fine - men are you superior to others, so in your nature are you equal - to the full enjoyment of earthly things. The favor I hope for, - great Lord, is that you will hold me to be your own, calling on - me freely to do whatever may be your wish. - -The Governor answered him, that although it were true, in freeing -and sending him the Christian, he had done no more than to keep his -word and preserve his honor, nevertheless he thanked him for an act -so valuable, that there was no other for him that could be compared -to it, and that, holding him henceforth to be a brother, he should in -all, and through all, favor him. Then a shirt and some other articles -of clothing were directed to be given to the chief, who, thankfully -receiving them, took leave and went to his town. - - - - -Chapter 10 - - _How the Governor, having sent the ships to Cuba, marched - inland, leaving one hundred men at the port._ - - -From the port of Espiritu Santo, where the Governor was, he sent the -chief castellan, with fifty cavalry and thirty or forty infantry, to -the province of Paracoxi, to observe the character of the country, -to inquire of that farther on, and to let him hear by message of -what he should discover; he also sent the vessels to Cuba, that, -at an appointed time, they might return with provisions. As the -principal object of Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa in coming to Florida -had been to get slaves for his plantation and mines, finding, after -some incursions, that no seizures could be made, because of dense -forest and extensive bogs, he determined to go back to Cuba; and -in consequence of that resolution, there grew up such a difference -between him and Soto, that neither of them treated nor spoke to the -other kindly. Still, with words of courtesy, he asked permission of -him to return, and took his leave. - -Baltasar de Gallegos having arrived at Paracoxi, thirty Indians -came to him on the part of the absent cacique, one of whom said: -"King Paracoxi, lord of this province, whose vassals we are, sends -us to ask of you what it is you seek in his country, and in what he -can serve you;" to which the chief castellan replied, that he much -thanked the cacique for his proffer, and bade them tell him to return -to his town, where they would talk together of a peace and friendship -he greatly desired to establish. They went off, and came again the -next day, reporting that as their lord could not appear, being very -unwell, they had come in his stead to see what might be wanted. They -were asked if they had knowledge or information of any country where -gold and silver might be found in plenty; to which they answered yes; -that towards the sunset was a province called Cale, the inhabitants -of which were at war with those of territories where the greater -portion of the year was summer, and where there was so much gold, -that when the people came to make war upon those of Cale, they wore -golden hats like casques. - -As the cacique had not come, Gallegos, reflecting, suspected the -message designed for delay, that he might put himself in a condition -of safety; and fearing that, if those men were suffered to depart, -they might never return, he ordered them to be chained together, -and sent the news to camp by eight men on horseback. The Governor, -hearing what had passed, showed great pleasure, as did the rest who -were with him, believing what the Indians said might be true. He left -thirty cavalry and seventy infantry at the port, with provisions -for two years, under command of Captain Calderon, marching with the -others inland to Paracoxi; thence, having united with the force -already there, he passed through a small town named Acela, and came -to another called Tocaste,[238] whence he advanced with fifty of -foot and thirty horse towards Cale;[239] and having gone through an -untenanted town, some natives were seen in a lake, to whom having -spoken by an interpreter, they came out and gave him a guide. From -there he went to a river of powerful current, in the midst of which -was a tree, whereon they made a bridge. Over this the people passed -in safety, the horses being crossed swimming to a hawser, by which -they were drawn to the other bank, the first that entered the water -having been drowned for the want of one. - - [238] Tocaste was on an island in the marsh at the first crossing - of "the great marsh," so graphically described by the Inca. - - [239] This was the river or marsh of Cale, and the Inca's second - crossing of the great marsh. - -The Governor sent two men on horseback, with word to those in the -rear that they should advance rapidly, for that the way was becoming -toilsome and the provisions were short. He came to Cale and found -the town abandoned; but he seized three spies, and tarried there -until the people should arrive, they travelling hungry and on bad -roads, the country being very thin of maize, low, very wet, pondy, -and thickly covered with trees.[240] Where there were inhabitants, -some watercresses could be found, which they who arrived first would -gather, and, cooking them in water with salt, eat them without other -thing; and they who could get none, would seize the stalks of maize -and eat them, the ear, being young, as yet containing no grain. -Having come to the river, which the Governor had passed, they got -cabbage from the low palmetto growing there, like that of Andalusia. -There they were met by the messengers, who, reporting a great deal -of maize in Cale, gave much satisfaction. - - [240] They had now reached the higher country, which begins in - the southern part of Polk County. - -While the people should be coming up, the Governor ordered all the -ripe grain in the fields, enough for three months, to be secured. -In gathering it three Christians were slain. One of two Indians who -were made prisoners stated that seven days' journey distant was a -large province, abounding in maize, called Apalache. Presently, with -fifty cavalry and sixty infantry, he set out from Cale, leaving Luis -de Moscoso, the master of the camp,[241] in command, with directions -not to move until he should be ordered. Up to that time, no one had -been able to get servants who should make his bread; and the method -being to beat out the maize in log mortars with a one-handed pestle -of wood, some also sifting the flour afterward through their shirts -of mail, the process was found so laborious, that many, rather than -crush the grain, preferred to eat it parched and sodden. The mass -was baked in clay dishes, set over fire, in the manner that I have -described as done in Cuba. - - [241] An officer somewhat like an adjutant-general. - - - - -Chapter 11 - - _How the Governor arrived at Caliquen, and thence, taking - the cacique with him, came to Napetaca, where the Indians, - attempting to rescue him, had many of their number killed and - captured._ - - -On the eleventh day of August, in the year 1539, the Governor left -Cale, and arrived to sleep at a small town called Ytara, and the -next day at another called Potano, and the third at Utinama, and -then at another named Malapaz. This place was so called because one, -representing himself to be its cacique, came peacefully, saying that -he wished to serve the Governor with his people, and asked that he -would cause the twenty-eight men and women, prisoners taken the night -before, to be set at liberty; that provisions should be brought, -and that he would furnish a guide for the country in advance of -us; whereupon, the Governor having ordered the prisoners to be let -loose, and the Indian put under guard, the next day in the morning -came many natives close to a scrub surrounding the town, near which -the prisoner asked to be taken, that he might speak and satisfy them, -as they would obey in whatever he commanded; but no sooner had he -found himself close to them, than he boldly started away, and fled -so swiftly that no one could overtake him, going off with the rest -into the woods. The Governor ordered a bloodhound, already fleshed -upon him, to be let loose, which, passing by many, seized upon the -faithless cacique, and held him until the Christians had come up. - -From this town the people went to sleep at that of Cholupaha, which, -for its abundance of maize, received the name of Villafarta; thence, -crossing a river before it, by a bridge they had made of wood, the -Christians marched two days through an uninhabited country. - -On the seventeenth day of August they arrived at Caliquen, where -they heard of the province of Apalache, of Narvaez having been there -and having embarked, because no road was to be found over which to -go forward, and of there being no other town, and that water was on -all sides. Every mind was depressed at this information, and all -counselled the Governor to go back to the port, that they might not -be lost, as Narvaez had been, and to leave the land of Florida; that, -should they go further, they might not be able to get back, as the -little maize that was yet left the Indians would secure: to which -Soto replied, that he would never return until he had seen with his -own eyes what was asserted, things that to him appeared incredible. -Then he ordered us to be in readiness for the saddle, sending word to -Luis de Moscoso to advance from Cale, that he waited for him; and, -as in the judgment of the master of the camp, and of many others, -they should have to return from Apalache, they buried in Cale some -iron implements with other things. They reached Caliquen through -much suffering; for the land over which the Governor had marched lay -wasted and was without maize. - -All the people having come up, a bridge was ordered to be made over -a river that passed near the town, whereon we crossed, the tenth day -of September, taking with us the cacique. When three days on our -journey, some Indians arrived to visit their lord; and every day they -came out to the road, playing upon flutes, a token among them that -they come in peace. They stated that further on there was a cacique -named Uzachil, kinsman of the chief of Caliquen, their lord, who -waited the arrival of the Governor, prepared to do great services; -and they besought him to set their cacique free, which he feared to -do, lest they should go off without giving him any guides; so he got -rid of them from day to day with specious excuses. - -We marched five days, passing through some small towns, and arrived -at Napetaca on the fifteenth day of September, where we found -fourteen or fifteen Indians who begged for the release of the cacique -of Caliquen, to whom the Governor declared that their lord was no -prisoner, his attendance being wished only as far as Uzachil. Having -learned from Juan Ortiz, to whom a native had made it known, that -the Indians had determined to assemble and fall upon the Christians, -for the recovery of their chief, the Governor, on the day for which -the attack was concerted, commanded his men to be in readiness, the -cavalry to be armed and on horseback, each one so disposed of in his -lodge as not to be seen of the Indians, that they might come to the -town without reserve. Four hundred warriors, with bows and arrows, -appeared in sight of the camp; and, going into a thicket, they sent -two of their number to demand the cacique: the Governor, with six men -on foot, taking the chief by the hand, conversing with him the while -to assure the Indians, went towards the place where they were, when, -finding the moment propitious, he ordered a trumpet to be sounded: -directly, they who were in the houses, foot as well as horse, set -upon the natives, who, assailed unexpectedly, thought only of their -safety. Of two horses killed, one was that of the Governor, who was -mounted instantly on another. From thirty to forty natives fell by -the lance; the rest escaped into two very large ponds, situated some -way apart, wherein they swam about; and, being surrounded by the -Christians, they were shot at with crossbow and arquebuse, although -to no purpose, because of the long distance they were off. - -At night, one of the lakes was ordered to be guarded, the people -not being sufficient to encircle both. The Indians, in attempting -to escape in the dark, would come swimming noiselessly to the -shore, with a leaf of water-lily on the head, that they might pass -unobserved; when those mounted, at sight of any ruffle on the -surface, would dash into the water up to the breasts of the horses, -and the natives would again retire. In such way passed the night, -neither party taking any rest. Juan Ortiz told them that, as escape -was impossible, they would do well to give up; which they did, driven -by extreme chillness of the water; and one after another, as cold -overpowered, called out to him, asking not to be killed--that he was -coming straightway to put himself in the hands of the Governor. At -four o'clock in the morning they had all surrendered, save twelve -of the principal men, who, as of more distinction and more valiant -than the rest, preferred to die rather than yield: then the Indians -of Paracoxi, who were going about unshackled, went in after them, -swimming, and pulled them out by the hair. They were all put in -chains, and, on the day following, were divided among the Christians -for their service. - -While captives, these men determined to rebel, and gave the lead to -an interpreter, one reputed brave, that when the Governor might come -near to speak with him, he should strangle him; but no sooner was the -occasion presented, and before his hands could be thrown about the -neck of Soto, his purpose was discovered, and he received so heavy -a blow from him in the nostrils, that they gushed with blood. The -Indians all rose together. He who could only catch up a pestle from -a mortar, as well as he who could grasp a weapon, equally exerted -himself to kill his master, or the first one he met; and he whose -fortune it was to light on a lance, or a sword, handled it in a -manner as though he had been accustomed to use it all his days. One -Indian, in the public yard of the town, with blade in hand, fought -like a bull in the arena, until the halberdiers of the Governor, -arriving, put an end to him. Another got up, with a lance, into a -maize crib, made of cane, called by Indians barbacoa, and defended -the entrance with the uproar of ten men, until he was stricken down -with a battle-axe. They who were subdued may have been in all two -hundred men: some of the youngest the Governor gave to those who -had good chains and were vigilant; all the rest were ordered to -execution, and, being bound to a post in the middle of the town yard, -they were shot to death with arrows by the people of Paracoxi. - - - - -Chapter 12 - - _How the Governor arrived at Palache, and was informed that - there was much gold inland._ - - -On the twenty-third day of September the Governor left Napetaca, and -went to rest at a river, where two Indians brought him a deer from -the cacique of Uzachil; and the next day, having passed through a -large town called Hapaluya, he slept at Uzachil. He found no person -there; for the inhabitants, informed of the deaths at Napetaca, dared -not remain. In the town was found their food, much maize, beans, and -pumpkins, on which the Christians lived. The maize is like coarse -millet; the pumpkins are better and more savory than those of Spain. - -Two captains having been sent in opposite directions, in quest of -Indians, a hundred men and women were taken, one or two of whom were -chosen out for the Governor, as was always customary for officers to -do after successful inroads, dividing the others among themselves and -companions. They were led off in chains, with collars about the neck, -to carry luggage and grind corn, doing the labor proper to servants. -Sometimes it happened that, going with them for wood or maize, they -would kill the Christian, and flee, with the chain on, which others -would file at night with a splinter of stone, in the place of iron, -at which work, when caught, they were punished, as a warning to -others, and that they might not do the like. The women and youths, -when removed a hundred leagues from their country, no longer cared, -and were taken along loose, doing the work, and in a very little time -learning the Spanish language. - -From Uzachil the Governor went towards Apalache, and at the end of -two days' travel arrived at a town called Axille. After that, the -Indians having no knowledge of the Christians, they were come upon -unawares, the greater part escaping, nevertheless, because there were -woods near town. The next day, the first of October, the Governor -took his departure in the morning, and ordered a bridge to be made -over a river which he had to cross. The depth there, for a stone's -throw, was over the head, and afterward the water came to the waist, -for the distance of a crossbow-shot, where was a growth of tall and -dense forest, into which the Indians came, to ascertain if they could -assail the men at work and prevent a passage; but they were dispersed -by the arrival of crossbowmen, and some timbers being thrown in, the -men gained the opposite side and secured the way. On the fourth day -of the week, Wednesday of St. Francis,[242] the Governor crossed over -and reached Uitachuco, a town subject to Apalache, where he slept. He -found it burning, the Indians having set it on fire. - - [242] St. Francis's day is the fourth of the month (October), but - it was not Wednesday in 1539. Ranjel says that the crossing was - finished on Friday, October 3. - -Thenceforward the country was well inhabited, producing much corn, -the way leading by many habitations like villages. Sunday, the -twenty-fifth of October,[243] he arrived at the town of Uzela,[244] -and on Monday at Anhayca Apalache, where the lord of all that country -and province resided. The camp-master, whose duty it is to divide and -lodge the men, quartered them about the town, at the distance of half -a league to a league apart. There were other towns which had much -maize, pumpkins, beans, and dried plums of the country, whence were -brought together at Anhayca Apalache what appeared to be sufficient -provision for the winter. These _ameixas_[245] are better than those -of Spain, and come from trees that grow in the fields without being -planted. - - [243] This should be Sunday, October 5. October 25, 1539, came on - Saturday. - - [244] Calahuchi, according to Ranjel. The modern name may be - Chattahuchi. - - [245] This word means plums, but when applied to the American - fruit, it has reference to the persimmon. - -Informed that the sea was eight leagues distant, the Governor -directly sent a captain thither, with cavalry and infantry, who found -a town called Ochete, eight leagues on the way; and, coming to the -coast, he saw where a great tree had been felled, the trunk split -up into stakes, and with the limbs made into mangers. He found also -the skulls of horses. With these discoveries he returned, and what -was said of Narvaez was believed to be certain, that he had there -made boats,[246] in which he left the country, and was lost in them -at sea. Presently Juan de Anasco made ready to go to the port of -Espiritu Santo, taking thirty cavalry, with orders from the Governor -to Calderon, who had remained there, that he should abandon the town, -and bring all the people to Apalache. - - [246] The bay where Narvaez built his brigantines was known to - the Spaniards as Bahia de Caballos, or Horse Bay. The modern name - is Bay Ocklockonee. - -In Uzachill, and other towns on the way, Anasco found many people who -had already become careless; still, to avoid detention, no captures -were made, as it was not well to give the Indians sufficient time -to come together. He went through the towns at night, stopping at a -distance from the population for three or four hours, to rest, and at -the end of ten days arrived at the port. He despatched two caravels -to Cuba, in which he sent to Dona Ysabel twenty women brought by -him from Ytara and Potano, near Cale; and, taking with him the -foot-soldiers in the brigantines, from point to point along the coast -by sea, he went towards Palache. Calderon with the cavalry, and some -crossbowmen of foot, went by land. The Indians at several places -beset him, and wounded some of the men. On his arrival, the Governor -ordered planks and spikes to be taken to the coast for building a -piragua, into which thirty men entered well armed from the bay, going -to and coming from sea, waiting the arrival of the brigantines, and -sometimes fighting with the natives, who went up and down the estuary -in canoes. On Saturday, the twenty-ninth of November, in a high wind, -an Indian passed through the sentries undiscovered, and set fire -to the town, two portions of which, in consequence, were instantly -consumed. - -On Sunday, the twenty-eighth of December, Juan de Anasco arrived; -and the Governor directed Francisco Maldonado, captain of infantry, -to run the coast to the westward with fifty men, and look for an -entrance; proposing to go himself in that direction by land on -discoveries. The same day, eight men rode two leagues about the -town in pursuit of Indians, who had become so bold that they would -venture up within two crossbow-shot of the camp to kill our people. -Two were discovered engaged in picking beans, and might have escaped, -but a woman being present, the wife of one of them, they stood to -fight. Before they could be killed, three horses were wounded, one -of which died in a few days. Calderon going along the coast near -by, the Indians came out against him from a wood, driving him from -his course, and capturing from many of his company a part of their -indispensable subsistence. - -Three or four days having elapsed beyond the time set for the going -and return of Maldonado, the Governor resolved that, should he not -appear at the end of eight days, he would go thence and wait no -longer; when the captain arrived, bringing with him an Indian from -a Province called Ochus, sixty leagues from Apalache, and the news -of having found a sheltered port with a good depth of water. The -Governor was highly pleased, hoping to find a good country ahead; and -he sent Maldonado to Havana for provisions, with which to meet him at -that port of his discovery, to which he would himself come by land; -but should he not reach there that summer, then he directed him to go -back to Havana and return there the next season to await him, as he -would make it his express object to march in quest of Ochus. - -Francisco Maldonado went, and Juan de Guzman remained instead, -captain of his infantry. Of the Indians taken in Napetuca, the -treasurer, Juan Gaytan, brought a youth with him, who stated that he -did not belong to that country, but to one afar in the direction of -the sun's rising, from which he had been a long time absent visiting -other lands; that its name was Yupaha, and was governed by a woman, -the town she lived in being of astonishing size, and many neighboring -lords her tributaries, some of whom gave her clothing, others gold in -quantity. He showed how the metal was taken from the earth, melted, -and refined, exactly as though he had seen it all done, or else the -Devil had taught him how it was; so that they who knew aught of -such matters declared it impossible that he could give that account -without having been an eye-witness; and they who beheld the signs he -made, credited all that was understood as certain. - - - - -Chapter 13 - - _How the Governor went from Apalache in quest of Yupaha, and - what befell him._ - - -On Wednesday, the third of March, in the year 1540, the Governor -left Anhaica Apalache to seek Yupaha. He had ordered his men to go -provided with maize for a march through sixty leagues of desert. The -cavalry carried their grain on the horses, and the infantry theirs -on the back; because the Indians they brought with them for service, -being naked and in chains, had perished in great part during the -winter. On the fourth day of the journey they arrived at a deep -river,[247] where a piragua was made; and, in consequence of the -violence of the current, a cable of chains was extended from shore to -shore, along which the boat passed, and the horses were drawn over, -swimming thereto, by means of a windlass to the other side. - - [247] Probably Flint River. - -A day and a half afterwards, they arrived at a town by the name of -Capachiqui, and on Friday, the eleventh,[248] the inhabitants were -found to have gone off. The following day, five Christians, going -in the rear of the camp to search for mortars, in which the natives -beat maize, went to some houses surrounded by a thicket, where many -Indians lurked as spies, an equal number of whom, separating from -the rest, set upon our men, one of whom fled back, crying out to -arms. When they who could first answer to the call reached the spot, -they found one of the Christians killed, and the three others badly -wounded, the Indians fleeing into a sheet of water, full of woods, -into which the horses could not go. The Governor left Capachiqui, -passing through a desert; and on Wednesday, the twenty-first[249] of -the month, came to Toalli. - - [248] This should be Thursday the eleventh, which was the day on - which they arrived at the first town in Capachiqui. Capachiqui - was the second town in that province, according to Ranjel. - - [249] Wednesday was the twenty-fourth, but they arrived at Toalli - early on the morning of the twenty-third, according to Ranjel. - -The houses of this town were different from those behind, which were -covered with dry grass; thenceforward they were roofed with cane, -after the fashion of tile. They are kept very clean: some have their -sides so made of clay as to look like tapia.[250] Throughout the cold -country every Indian has a winter house, plastered inside and out, -with a very small door, which is closed at dark, and a fire being -made within, it remains heated like an oven, so that clothing is not -needed during the night-time. He has likewise a house for summer, -and near it a kitchen, where fire is made and bread baked. Maize is -kept in a barbacoa, which is a house with wooden sides, like a room, -raised aloft on four posts, and has a floor of cane. The difference -between the houses of the masters, or principal men, and those of the -common people is that, besides being larger than the others, they -have deep balconies on the front side, with cane seats, like benches; -and about are many barbacoas, in which they bring together the -tribute their people give them of maize, skins of deer, and blankets -of the country. These are like shawls, some of them made from the -inner bark of trees, and others of a grass resembling nettle, which, -by treading out, becomes like flax. The women use them for covering, -wearing one about the body from the waist downward, and another over -the shoulder, with the right arm left free, after the manner of the -Gypsies: the men wear but one, which they carry over the shoulder -in the same way, the loins being covered with a _bragueiro_ of -deer-skin, after the fashion of the woollen breech-cloth that was -once the custom of Spain. The skins are well dressed, the color being -given to them that is wished, and in such perfection, that, when of -vermilion, they look like very fine red broadcloth; and when black, -the sort in use for shoes, they are of the purest. The same hues are -given to blankets. - - [250] Mud walls. - -The Governor left Toalli on the twenty-fourth day of March, and -arrived on Thursday, in the evening, at a little stream[251] where a -small bridge was made, and the people passed to the opposite side. -Benito Fernandes, a Portuguese, fell off from it, and was drowned. So -soon as the Governor had crossed, he found a town, a short way on, -by the name of Achese, the people of which, having had no knowledge -of the Christians, plunged into a river; nevertheless, some men -and women were taken, among whom was found one who understood the -youth, the guide to Yupaha, which rather confirmed what he stated, as -they had come through regions speaking different languages, some of -which he did not understand. By one of the Indians taken there, the -Governor sent to call the cacique from the farther side of the river, -who, having come to him, thus spoke: - - VERY HIGH, POWERFUL, AND GOOD MASTER: - - The things that seldom happen bring astonishment. Think, then, - what must be the effect on me and mine, of the sight of you and - your people, whom we have at no time seen, astride the fierce - brutes, your horses, entering with such speed and fury into - my country, that we had no tidings of your coming--things so - altogether new, as to strike awe and terror to our hearts, which - it was not nature to resist, so that we should receive you with - the sobriety due to so kingly and famous a lord. Trusting to - your greatness and personal qualities, I hope no fault will be - found in me, and that I shall rather receive favors, of which - one is that with my person, my country, and my vassals, you will - do as with your own things; and another, that you tell me who - you are, whence you come, whither you go, and what it is you - seek, that I may the better serve you. - - [251] Before arriving at this stream they crossed a very broad - river, according to Ranjel, which Biedma says was the first river - flowing to the east. This was the Ocmulgee River. - -The Governor responded, that he greatly thanked him for his -good-will, as much so as though he had given him a great treasure. He -told him that he was the child of the Sun, coming from its abode, and -that he was going about the country, seeking for the greatest prince -there, and the richest province. The cacique stated that farther on -was a great lord, whose territory was called Ocute. He gave him a -guide, who understood the language, to conduct him thither; and the -Governor commanded his subjects to be released. A high cross, made of -wood, was set up in the middle of the town-yard; and, as time did not -allow more to be done, the Indians were instructed that it was put -there to commemorate the suffering of Christ, who was God and man; -that he had created the skies and the earth, and had suffered for the -salvation of all, and therefore, that they should revere that sign; -and they showed by their manner that they would do so. - -The Governor set out on the first day of April, and advanced -through the country of the chief, along up a river, the shores of -which were very populous. On the fourth he went through the town -of Altamaca,[252] and on the tenth arrived at Ocute. The cacique -sent him a present, by two thousand Indians, of many rabbits and -partridges, maize bread, many dogs, and two turkeys. On account -of the scarcity of meat, the dogs were as much esteemed by the -Christians as though they had been fat sheep. There was such want -of meat and salt that oftentimes, in many places, a sick man had -nothing for his nourishment, and was wasting away to bone, of some -ail that elsewhere might have found a remedy; and would die of pure -debility, saying: "Now, if I had but a slice of meat, or only a few -lumps of salt, I should not thus die." - - [252] Altamaha, according to Ranjel. Before arriving at this - place they crossed a great river which was either the Oconee or - the Altamaha River. - -The Indians never lacked meat. With arrows they get abundance of -deer, turkeys, rabbits, and other wild animals, being very skilful -in killing game, which the Christians were not; and even if they -had been, there was not the opportunity for it, they being on the -march the greater part of their time; nor did they, besides, ever -dare to straggle off. Such was the craving for meat, that when the -six hundred men who followed Soto arrived at a town, and found there -twenty or thirty dogs, he who could get sight of one and kill him, -thought he had done no little; and he who proved himself so active, -if his captain knew of it, and he forgot to send him a quarter, would -show his displeasure, and make him feel it in the watches, or in any -matter of labor that came along, with which he could bear upon him. - -On Monday, the twelfth of April, the Governor took his departure, the -cacique of Ocute giving him four hundred tamemes, the Indians that -carry burdens. He passed through a town, the lord of which was called -Cofaqui, and came to the province of another, named Patofa, who, -being at peace with the chief of Ocute and other neighboring lords, -had heard of the Governor for a long time, and desired to see him. He -went to call on him, and made this speech: - - POWERFUL LORD: - - Not without reason, now, will I ask that some light mishap - befall me, in return for so great good fortune, and deem my lot - a happy one; since I have come to what I most wished in life, to - behold and have the opportunity in some way to serve you. Thus - the tongue casts the shadow of the thought; but I, nevertheless, - am as unable to produce the perfect image of my feelings as to - control the appearances of my contentment. By what circumstance - has this your land, which I govern, deserved to be seen by one - so superior and excellent that all on earth should obey and - serve him [Soto] as a prince? And those who here inhabit being - so insignificant, how can they forget, in receiving this vast - enjoyment, that, in the order of things, will follow upon it - some great adversity? If we are held worthy of being yours, - we can never be other than favored, nor less than protected - in whatsoever is reasonable and just; for they that fail of - deserving either, with the name of men can only be considered - brutes. From the depth of my heart, and with the respect due to - such a chief, I make mine offer; and pray that, in return for so - sincere good-will, you dispose of me, my country, and my vassals. - -The Governor answered that his offers and good-will, shown in works, -would greatly please him, and that he should ever bear them in memory -to honor and favor him as he would a brother. From this province of -Patofa, back to the first cacique we found at peace, a distance of -fifty leagues, the country is abundant, picturesque, and luxuriant, -well watered, and having good river margins; thence to the harbor of -Espiritu Santo, where we first arrived, the land of Florida, which -may be three hundred leagues in length, a little more or less, is -light, the greater part of it of pine-trees, and low, having many -ponds; and in places are high and dense forests, into which the -Indians that were hostile betook themselves, where they could not be -found; nor could horses enter there, which, to the Christians, was -the loss of the food they carried away, and made it troublesome to -get guides. - - - - -Chapter 14 - - _How the Governor left the province of Patofa, marching into a - desert country, where he, with his people, became exposed to - great peril and underwent severe privation._ - - -In the town of Patofa, the youth, whom the Governor brought with -him for guide and interpreter, began to froth at the mouth, and -threw himself on the ground as if he were possessed of the Devil. An -exorcism being said over him, the fit went off. He stated that four -days' journey from there, towards the sunrise, was the province he -spoke of: the Indians at Patofa said that they knew of no dwellings -in that direction, but that towards the northwest there was a -province called Coca, a plentiful country having very large towns. -The cacique told the Governor that if he desired to go thither he -would give him a guide and Indians to carry burdens, and if he would -go in the direction pointed out by the youth, he would furnish him -with everything necessary for that also. - -With words of love, and tendering each other services, they parted, -the Governor receiving seven hundred tamemes. He took maize for the -consumption of four days, and marched by a road that, gradually -becoming less, on the sixth day disappeared. Led by the youth, they -forded two rivers,[253] each the breadth of two shots of a crossbow, -the water rising to the stirrups of the saddles, and passing in a -current so powerful, that it became necessary for those on horseback -to stand one before another, that they on foot, walking near, might -cross along above them: then came to another[254] of a more violent -current, and larger, which was got over with more difficulty, the -horses swimming for a lance's length at the coming out, into a -pine-grove. The Governor menaced the youth, motioning that he would -throw him to the dogs for having lied to him in saying that it was -four days' journey, whereas they had travelled nine, each day of -seven or eight leagues; and that the men and horses had become very -thin, because of the sharp economy practised with the maize. The -youth declared that he knew not where he was. Fortunately for him, -at the time, there was not another whom Juan Ortiz understood, or he -would have been cast to the dogs. - - [253] The Great Ohoopee and Cannouchee rivers. - - [254] The Ogeechee River. - -The Governor, leaving the camp among the pine-trees, marched that -day, with some cavalry and infantry, five or six leagues, looking -for a path, and came back at night very cast down, not having found -any sign of inhabitants. The next day there was a variety of opinion -about the course proper to take, whether to return or do otherwise. -The country through which they had come remained wasted and without -maize; the grain they had so far brought with them was spent; the -beasts, like the men, were become very lean; and it was held very -doubtful whether relief was anywhere to be found: moreover, it was -the opinion that they might be beaten by any Indians whatsoever who -should venture to attack them, so that continuing thus, whether by -hunger or in strife, they must inevitably be overcome. The Governor -determined to send thence in all directions on horseback, in quest -of habitations; and the next day he despatched four captains to as -many points, with eight of cavalry to each. They came back at night -leading their beasts by the bridle, unable to carry their masters, or -driven before them with sticks, having found no road, nor any sign of -a settlement. He sent other four again the next day, with eight of -cavalry apiece, men who could swim, that they might cross any ponds -and rivers in the way, the horses being chosen of the best that were; -Baltasar de Gallegos ascending by the river, Juan de Anasco going -down it, Alfonso Romo and Juan Rodriguez Lobillo striking into the -country. - -The Governor had brought thirteen sows to Florida, which had -increased to three hundred swine; and the maize having failed for -three or four days, he ordered to be killed daily, for each man, half -a pound of pork, on which small allowance, and some boiled herbs, the -people with much difficulty lived. There being no food to give to -the Indians of Patofa, they were dismissed, though they still wished -to keep with the Christians in their extremity, and showed great -regret at going back before leaving them in a peopled country. Juan -de Anasco came in on Sunday, in the afternoon, bringing with him a -woman and a youth he had taken, with the report that he had found a -small town twelve or thirteen leagues off; at which the Governor and -his people were as much delighted as though they had been raised from -death to life. - -On Monday, the twenty-sixth of April, the Governor set out for Aymay, -a town to which the Christians gave the name of Socorro. At the foot -of a tree, in the camp, they buried a paper, and in the bark, with a -hatchet, they cut these words: "Dig here; at the root of this pine -you will find a letter;" and this was so fixed that the captains, -who had gone in quest of an inhabited country, should learn what the -Governor had done and the direction he had taken. There was no other -road than the one Juan de Anasco had made moving along through the -woods. - -On Monday the Governor arrived at the town, with those the best -mounted, all riding the hardest possible; some sleeping two leagues -off, others three and four, each as he was able to travel and his -strength held out. A barbacoa was found full of parched meal and some -maize, which were distributed by allowance. Four Indians were taken, -not one of whom would say anything else than that he knew of no other -town. The Governor ordered one of them to be burned; and thereupon -another said, that two days' journey from there was a province called -Cutifachiqui.[255] - - [255] From the wording of the Ranjel narrative, Aymay was on the - east side of the Savannah River and Cutifachiqui on the west - side. The latter town was not at Silver Bluff, South Carolina, as - commonly thought, but further down the river. Cofitachequi (as - Ranjel spells it) is proper Creek, and means Dog-wood Town. - -On Wednesday the three captains came up: they had found the letter -and followed on after the rest. From the command of Juan Rodriguez -two men remained behind, their horses having given out, for which the -Governor reprimanded him severely, and sent him to bring them. While -they should be coming on he set out for Cutifachiqui, capturing three -Indians in the road, who stated that the mistress of that country -had already information of the Christians, and was waiting for them -in a town. He sent to her by one of them, offering his friendship -and announcing his approach. Directly as the Governor arrived, four -canoes came towards him, in one of which was a kinswoman of the -Cacica, who, coming near, addressed him in these words: - - EXCELLENT LORD: - - My sister sends me to salute you, and to say, that the reason - why she has not come in person is, that she has thought to - serve you better by remaining to give orders on the other - shore; and that, in a short time, her canoes will all be here, - in readiness to conduct you thither, where you may take your - repose and be obeyed. - -The Governor thanked her, and she returned to cross the river. After -a little time the Cacica came out of the town, seated in a chair, -which some principal men having borne to the bank, she entered a -canoe. Over the stern was spread an awning, and in the bottom lay -extended a mat where were two cushions, one above the other, upon -which she sate; and she was accompanied by her chief men, in other -canoes, with Indians. She approached the spot where the Governor was, -and, being arrived, thus addressed him: - - EXCELLENT LORD: - - Be this coming to these your shores most happy. My ability can - in no way equal my wishes, nor my services become the merits of - so great a prince; nevertheless, good wishes are to be valued - more than all the treasures of the earth without them. With - sincerest and purest good-will I tender you my person, my lands, - my people, and make you these small gifts. - -The Cacica presented much clothing of the country, from the shawls -and skins that came in the other boats; and drawing from over her -head a large string of pearls, she threw them about his neck, -exchanging with him many gracious words of friendship and courtesy. -She directed that canoes should come to the spot, whence the Governor -and his people passed to the opposite side of the river. So soon as -he was lodged in the town, a great many turkeys were sent to him. -The country was delightful and fertile, having good interval lands -upon the streams; the forest was open, with abundance of walnut and -mulberry trees. The sea was stated to be distant two days' travel. -About the place, from half a league to a league off, were large -vacant towns, grown up in grass, that appeared as if no people had -lived in them for a long time. The Indians said that, two years -before, there had been a pest in the land, and the inhabitants had -moved away to other towns. In the barbacoas were large quantities of -clothing, shawls of thread, made from the bark of trees, and others -of feathers, white, gray, vermilion, and yellow, rich and proper for -winter. There were also many well-dressed deer-skins, of colors drawn -over with designs, of which had been made shoes, stockings, and hose. -The Cacica, observing that the Christians valued the pearls, told -the Governor that, if he should order some sepulchres that were in -the town to be searched, he would find many; and if he chose to send -to those that were in the uninhabited towns, he might load all his -horses with them. They examined those in the town, and found three -hundred and fifty pounds' weight of pearls, and figures of babies and -birds made of them. - -The inhabitants are brown of skin, well formed and proportioned. -They are more civilized than any people seen in all the territories -of Florida, wearing clothes and shoes. This country, according to -what the Indians stated, had been very populous. It appeared that -the youth who was the guide had heard of it; and what was told him -he declared to have seen, and magnified such parts as he chose, to -suit his pleasure. He told the Governor that they had begun to enter -upon the country he had spoken to him about, which, because of its -appearance, with his being able to understand the language of the -people, gained for him some credit. He wished to become a Christian, -and asked to be baptized, which was done, he receiving the name of -Pedro; and the Governor commanded the chain to be struck off that he -had carried until then. - -In the town were found a dirk and beads that had belonged to -Christians, who, the Indians said, had many years before been in -the port, distant two days' journey. He that had been there was the -Governor-licentiate Ayllon, who came to conquer the land, and, on -arriving at the port, died, when there followed divisions and murders -among the chief personages, in quarrels as to who should command; and -thence, without knowing any thing of the country, they went back to -Spain. - -To all it appeared well to make a settlement there, the point being -a favorable one, to which could come all the ships from New Spain, -Peru, Sancta Marta, and Tierra-Firme, going to Spain; because it is -in the way thither, is a good country, and one fit in which to raise -supplies; but Soto, as it was his object to find another treasure -like that of Atabalipa, lord of Peru, would not be content with good -lands nor pearls, even though many of them were worth their weight in -gold (and if the country were divided among Christians, more precious -should those be the Indians would procure than these they have, being -bored with heat, which causes them to lose their hue): so he answered -them who urged him to make a settlement, that in all the country -together there was not support for his troops a single month; that -it was necessary to return to Ochus, where Maldonado was to wait; -and should a richer country not be found, they could always return -to that who would, and in their absence the Indians would plant -their fields and be better provided with maize. The natives were -asked if they had knowledge of any great lord farther on, to which -they answered, that twelve days' travel thence was a province called -Chiaha, subject to a chief of Coca. - -The Governor then resolved at once to go in quest of that country, -and being an inflexible man, and dry of word, who, although he liked -to know what the others all thought and had to say, after he once -said a thing he did not like to be opposed, and as he ever acted as -he thought best, all bent to his will; for though it seemed an error -to leave that country, when another might have been found about it, -on which all the people could have been sustained until the crops had -been made and the grain gathered, there were none who would say a -thing to him after it became known that he had made up his mind. - - - - -Chapter 15 - - _How the Governor went from Cutifachiqui in quest of Coca, and - what occurred to him on the journey._ - - -On the third day of May,[256] the Governor set out from Cutifachiqui; -and, it being discovered that the wish of the Cacica was to leave the -Christians, if she could, giving them neither guides nor tamemes, -because of the outrages committed upon the inhabitants, there never -failing to be men of low degree among the many, who will put the -lives of themselves and others in jeopardy for some mean interest, -the Governor ordered that she should be placed under guard and took -her with him. This treatment, which was not a proper return for the -hospitable welcome he had received, makes true the adage, For well -doing, etc.; and thus she was carried away on foot with her female -slaves. - - [256] This should be May 13, according to Ranjel. - -This brought us service in all the places that were passed, she -ordering the Indians to come and take the loads from town to town. -We travelled through her territories a hundred leagues, in which, -according to what we saw, she was greatly obeyed, whatsoever she -ordered being performed with diligence and efficacy. Pedro, the -guide, said she was not the suzeraine, but her niece, who had come to -that town by her command to punish capitally some principal Indians -who had seized upon the tribute; but to this no credit was given, -because of the falsehoods in which he had been taken, though all -was put up with, from the necessity of having some one whereby to -understand what the Indians said. - -In seven days the Governor arrived at the province of Chalaque,[257] -the country poorest off for maize of any that was seen in Florida, -where the inhabitants subsisted on the roots of plants that they -dig in the wilds, and on the animals they destroy there with their -arrows. They are very domestic people, are slight of form, and go -naked. One lord brought the Governor two deer-skins as a great gift. -Turkeys were abundant; in one town they presented seven hundred, -and in others brought him what they had and could procure. He was -detained in going from this province to that of Xualla[258] five -days, where they found little grain, but remained two days, because -of the weariness of the men and the leanness of the horses. - - [257] In two days, according to Ranjel. - - [258] This town is the Choualla of the Inca and the old Cherokee - town of Qualla, which was located above the junction of the - Tuckaseegee and Oconna-Luftee Rivers, in Swain County, North - Carolina. From Cofitachequi the army took a northerly course, - probably following the old Indian and traders' trail to old Fort - Prince George, in Jackson County, South Carolina, and from there - to Xualla. - -From Ocute to Cutifachiqui are one hundred and thirty leagues, of -which eighty are desert; from Cutifa to Xualla are two hundred and -fifty of mountainous country; thence to Guaxule, the way is over very -rough and lofty ridges. - -One day while on this journey, the Cacica of Cutifachi, whom the -Governor brought with him, as has been stated, to the end of taking -her to Guaxule, the farthest limit of her territories, conducted -by her slaves, she left the road, with an excuse of going into a -thicket, where, deceiving them, she so concealed herself that for -all their search she could not be found. She took with her a cane -box, like a trunk, called petaca, full of unbored pearls, of which -those who had the most knowledge of their value said they were very -precious. They were carried for her by one of the women; and the -Governor, not to give offence, permitted it so, thinking that in -Guaxulle he would beg them of her when he should give her leave to -depart; but she took them with her, going to Xualla, with three -slaves who had fled from the camp. A horseman, named Alimamos, who -remained behind, sick of a fever, wandering out of the way, got lost; -and he labored with the slaves to make them leave their evil design. -Two of them did so, and came on with him to the camp. They overtook -the Governor, after a journey of fifty leagues, in a province called -Chiaha; and he reported that the Cacica remained in Xualla, with a -slave of Andre de Vasconcelos, who would not come with him, and that -it was very sure they lived together as man and wife, and were to go -together to Cutifachiqui. - -At the end of five days the Governor arrived at Guaxulle.[259] The -Christians being seen to go after dogs, for their flesh, which the -Indians do not eat, they gave them three hundred of those animals. -Little maize was found there, or anywhere upon that route. The -Governor sent a native with a message to the cacique of Chiaha, -begging that he would order some maize to be brought together at -his town, that he might sojourn there some time. He left Guaxulle, -and after two days' travel arrived at Canasagua, where twenty men -came out from the town on the road, each laden with a basket of -mulberries. This fruit is abundant and good, from Cutifachiqui to -this place, and thence onward in other provinces, as are the walnut -and the plum (persimmon); the trees growing about over the country, -without planting or pruning, of the size and luxuriance they would -have were they cultivated in orchards, by hoeing and irrigation. -Leaving Canasagua, he marched five days through a desert. - - [259] The second day after leaving Xualla they camped at the - junction of two rivers, according to Ranjel. This was probably at - the junction of the Little Tennessee and Oconna-Luftee rivers. - -Two leagues before he came to Chiaha, fifteen men met the Governor, -bearing loads of maize, with word from the cacique that he waited -for him, having twenty barbacoas full; that, moreover, himself, his -lands, and his vassals, were subject to his orders. On the fifth day -of July[260] the Governor entered Chiaha.[261] The cacique received -him with great pleasure, and, resigning to him his dwellings for his -residence, thus addressed him:-- - - POWERFUL AND EXCELLENT MASTER: - - Fortunate am I that you will make use of my services. Nothing - could happen that would give me so great contentment, or which I - should value more. From Guaxule you sent to have maize for you - in readiness to last two months: you have in this town twenty - barbacoas full of the choicest and the best to be found in all - this country. If the reception I give is not worthy of so great - a prince, consider my youth, which will relieve me of blame, and - receive my good-will, which, with true loyalty and pure, shall - ever be shown in all things that concern your welfare. - - [260] It should be June 5, according to Ranjel. - - [261] Chiaha was evidently on the island at the junction of - the Little Tennessee and Tennessee Rivers, in Loudon County, - Tennessee. - -The Governor answered him, that his gifts and his kindness pleased -him greatly, and that he should ever consider him to be his brother. - -There was abundance of lard in calabashes, drawn like olive oil, -which the inhabitants said was the fat of bear. There was likewise -found much oil of walnuts, which, like the lard, was clear and of -good taste; and also a honey-comb, which the Christians had never -seen before, nor saw afterwards, nor honey, nor bees, in all the -country. - -The town was isolated, between two arms of a river, and seated near -one of them. Above it, at the distance of two crossbow-shot, the -water divided, and united again a league below. The vale between, -from side to side, was the width in places of a crossbow-shot, -and in others of two. The branches were very wide, and both were -fordable: along their shores were very rich meadow-lands, having many -maize-fields. - -As the Indians remained at home, no houses were taken save those -of the chief, in which the Governor lodged; the people lived out, -wherever there happened to be shelter, each man having his tree. -In this manner the army lay, the men out of order and far apart. -The Governor passed it over, as the Indians were peaceful, and the -weather very calm: the people would have suffered greatly had they -been required to do differently. The horses arrived so worn out, that -they could not bear their riders from weakness; for they had come -all the way with only a little maize to live on, travelling, hungry -and tired, even from beyond the desert of Ocute; so, as the greater -part of them were unfit to be mounted, even in the necessary case of -battle, they were turned out at night to graze, about a quarter of a -league from the camp. The Christians were greatly exposed, so much so -that if at that time the Indians had set upon them, they would have -been in bad way to defend themselves. - -The duration of the sojourn was thirty days, in which time, the soil -being covered with verdure, the horses fattened. At the departure, -in consequence of the importunity of some who wanted more than was -in reason, the Governor asked thirty women of the chief for slaves, -who replied that he would confer with his principal men; when one -night, before giving an answer, all went off from the town with their -women and children. The next day, he having made up his mind to go -in search of them, the cacique arrived, and, approaching, thus -addressed him:-- - - POWERFUL LORD: - - Because of my shame, and out of fear of you, discovering that - my subjects, contrary to my wishes, had chosen to absent - themselves, I left without your permission; but, finding the - error of my way, I have returned like a true vassal, to put - myself in your power, that you may do with my person as shall - seem best to you. My people will not obey me, nor do any thing - that an uncle of mine does not command: he governs this country, - in my place, until I shall be of mature age. If you would pursue - and punish them for disobedience, I will be your guide, since my - fate at present forbids me doing more. - -The Governor then, with thirty mounted men and as many footmen, went -in search of the people. Passing by the towns of some of the chiefs -who had gone off, he cut down and destroyed the great maize-fields; -and going along up the stream where the natives were, on an islet, to -which the cavalry could not go, he sent word to them, by an Indian, -that they should put away all their fears, and, returning to their -abodes, give him tamemes, as had been done all the way along, since -he did not wish to have women, finding how very dear they were to -them. The Indians judged it well to come and make their excuses to -him, so they all went back to the town. - -A cacique of Acoste, who came to see the Governor, after tendering -his services, and they had exchanged compliments and proffers of -friendship, was asked if he had any information of a rich land; he -answered yes: that towards the north there was a province called -Chisca, and that a forge was there for copper, or other metal of -that color, though brighter, having a much finer hue, and was to -appearances much better, but was not so much used, for being softer; -which was the statement that had been given in Cutifachiqui, where -we had seen some chopping-knives that were said to have a mixture -of gold. As the country on the way was thinly peopled, and it was -said there were mountains over which the beasts could not go, the -Governor would not march directly thither, but judged that, keeping -in an inhabited territory, the men and animals would be in better -condition, while he would be more exactly informed of what there was, -until he should turn to it through the ridges and a region which he -could more easily travel. He sent two Christians to the country of -Chisca, by Indians who spoke the language, that they might view it, -and were told that he would await their return at Chiaha for what -they should have to say. - - - - -Chapter 16 - - _How the Governor left Chiaha, and, having run a hazard of - falling by the hands of the Indians, at Acoste, escaped by his - address: what occurred to him on the route, and how he came to - Coca._ - - -When the Governor had determined to move from Chiaha towards -Coste,[262] he sent for the cacique to come before him, and with -kind words took his leave, receiving some slaves as a gift, which -pleased him. In seven days the journey was concluded. On the -second day of July, the camp being pitched among the trees, two -crossbow-shot distant from the town, he went with eight men of his -guard toward where the cacique was, who received him evidently with -great friendship. While they were conversing, some infantry went -into the town after maize, and, not satisfied with what they got, -they rummaged and searched the houses, taking what they would; at -which conduct the owners began to rise and arm; some of them, with -clubs in their hands, going at five or six men who had given offence, -beat them to their satisfaction. The Governor, discovering that they -were all bent upon some mischief, and himself among them with but -few Christians about him, turned to escape from the difficulty by a -stratagem much against his nature, clear and reliable as it was, and -the more unwillingly as it grieved him that an Indian should presume, -either with or without cause, to offer any indignity to a Christian: -he seized a stave and took part with the assailants against his own -people, which while it gave confidence, directly he sent a message -secretly to the camp, that armed men should approach where he was; -then taking the chief by the hand, speaking to him with kind words, -drew him with some principal men away from the town, out into an open -road in sight of the encampment, where cautiously the Christians -issued and by degrees surrounded them. In this manner they were -conducted within the tents; and when near his marquee the Governor -ordered them to be put under guard. He told them that they could not -go thence without giving him a guide and Indians for carrying loads, -nor until the sick men had arrived whom he had ordered to come down -by the river in canoes from Chiaha, and so likewise those he had -sent to the province of Chisca. He feared that both the one and the -other had been killed by the Indians. In three days they that went -to Chisca got back, and related that they had been taken through a -country so scant of maize, and with such high mountains, that it was -impossible the army should march in that direction; and finding the -distance was becoming long, and that they should be back late, upon -consultation they agreed to return, coming from a poor little town -where there was nothing of value, bringing a cow-hide as delicate as -a calf-skin the people had given them, the hair being like the soft -wool on the cross of the merino with the common sheep. - - [262] This place was located on one of the islands in the - Tennessee River, just above Chattanooga. - -The cacique having furnished the guide and tamemes, by permission of -the Governor he went his way. The Christians left Coste the ninth day -of July, and slept that night at Tali.[263] The cacique had come from -the town to meet the Governor on the road, and made him this speech:-- - - EXCELLENT GREAT PRINCE: - - Worthy are you of being served and obeyed by all the princes - of the world, for by the face can one judge far of the inner - qualities. Who you are I knew, and also of your power, before - your coming here. I wish not to draw attention to the lowliness - in which I stand before you, to make my poor services acceptable - and agreeable, since, where the strength fails, the will should - instead be praised and taken. Hence, I dare to ask that you will - only consider and attend to what you will command me to do here - in your country. - - [263] Tali was located in the bend of the Tennessee River, just - below Chattanooga. Here they left the river. - -The Governor answered, that his good-will and offer pleased him as -much as though he had tendered him all the treasures of the earth: -that he would always be treated by him as a true brother, favored and -esteemed. The cacique ordered provision to be brought for two days' -use, the time the Governor should be present; and on his departure, -gave him the use of two men and four women, who were wanted to carry -burdens. - -They travelled six days, passing by many towns subject to the -cacique of Coca; and, as they entered those territories, numerous -messengers came from him on the road every day to the Governor, some -going, others coming, until they arrived at Coca,[264] on Friday, -the sixteenth of July. The cacique came out to receive him at the -distance of two crossbow-shot from the town, borne in a litter on the -shoulders of his principal men, seated on a cushion, and covered with -a mantle of marten-skins, of the size and shape of a woman's shawl: -on his head he wore a diadem of plumes, and he was surrounded by -many attendants playing upon flutes and singing. Coming to where the -Governor was, he made his obeisance, and followed it by these words:-- - - POWERFUL LORD, SUPERIOR TO EVERY OTHER OF THE EARTH: - - Although I come but now to meet you, it is a long time since - I have received you in my heart. That was done the first day - I heard of you, with so great desire to serve, please, and - give you contentment, that this, which I express, is nothing - in comparison with that which is within me. Of this you may be - sure, that to have received the dominion of the world would not - have interested me so greatly as the sight of you, nor would - I have held it for so great a felicity. Do not look for me to - offer you that which is your own--this person, these lands, - these vassals. My only desire is to employ myself in commanding - these people, that, with all diligence and befitting respect, - they conduct you hence to the town in festivity of voices and - with flutes, where you will be lodged and waited upon by me and - them, where all I possess you will do with as with your own, and - in thus doing you will confer favor. - - [264] Coca may not have been the Coosa of the last century, which - was located some two miles north of Childersburg, in Talladega - County, Alabama. - -The Governor gave him thanks, and with mutual satisfaction they -walked on toward the place conferring, the Indians giving up their -habitations by order of their cacique, and in which the General and -his men took lodging. In the barbacoas was a great quantity of maize -and beans: the country, thickly settled in numerous and large towns, -with fields between, extending from one to another, was pleasant, and -had a rich soil with fair river margins. In the woods were many plums -(persimmons), as well those of Spain as of the country; and wild -grapes on vines growing up into the trees, near the streams; likewise -a kind that grew on low vines elsewhere, the berry being large and -sweet, but, for want of hoeing and dressing, had large stones. - -It was the practice to keep watch over the caciques that none -should absent themselves, they being taken along by the Governor -until coming out of their territories; for by thus having them the -inhabitants would await their arrival in the towns, give a guide, and -men to carry the loads, who before leaving their country would have -liberty to return to their homes, as sometimes would the tamemes, -so soon as they came to the domain of any chief where others could -be got. The people of Coca, seeing their lord was detained, took it -amiss, and, going off, hid themselves in the scrub, as well those -of the town of the cacique as those of the towns of the principal -men his vassals. The Governor despatched four captains in as many -directions to search for them: many men and women were taken who were -put in chains. Seeing how much harm they received, and how little -they gained by going off, they came in, declaring that they desired -to serve in all that was possible. Of the prisoners, some of the -chiefs, whom the cacique interceded for, were let go; of the rest, -each one took away with him as slaves those he had in chains, none -returning to their country save some whose fortune it was to escape, -laboring diligently to file off their irons at night; or, while on -the march, could slip out of the way, observing the carelessness of -those who had them in charge, sometimes taking off with them in their -chains the burdens and the clothing with which they were laden. - - - - -Chapter 17 - - _Of how the Governor went from Coca to Tascaluca._ - - -The Governor rested in Coca twenty-five days. On Friday, the -twentieth of August, he set out in quest of a province called -Tascaluca, taking with him the cacique of Coca. The first day he -went through Tallimuchase, a great town without inhabitants, halting -to sleep half a league beyond, near a river-bank. The following day -he came to Ytaua, a town subject to Coca. He was detained six days, -because of a river near by that was then swollen: so soon as it could -be crossed he took up his march, and went towards Ullibahali. Ten -or twelve chiefs came to him on the road, from the cacique of that -province, tendering his service, bearing bows and arrows and wearing -bunches of feathers. - -The Governor having arrived at the town with a dozen cavalry and -several of his guard, he left them at the distance of a crossbow-shot -and entered the town. He found all the Indians with their weapons, -and, according to their ways, it appeared to him in readiness for -action: he understood afterwards that they had determined to wrest -the cacique of Coca from his power, should that chief have called on -them. The place was enclosed, and near by ran a small stream. The -fence, which was like that seen afterwards to other towns, was of -large timber sunk deep and firmly into the earth, having many long -poles the size of the arm, placed crosswise to nearly the height of -a lance, with embrasures, and coated with mud inside and out, having -loop-holes for archery.[265] The Governor ordered all his men to -enter the town. The cacique, who at the moment was at a town on the -opposite shore, was sent for, and he came at once. After some words -between him and the Governor, proffering mutual service, he gave the -tamemes that were requisite and thirty women as slaves. Mancano, a -native of Salamanca, of noble ancestry, having strayed off in search -of the grapes, which are good here, and plenty, was lost. - - [265] Ranjel applies a similar description to an old town on the - road, three days' march from Toasi or Tuasi. - -The Christians left, and that day they arrived to sleep at a town -subject to the lord of Ullibahali, and the next day they came to -pass the night at the town of Toasi, where the inhabitants gave -the Governor thirty women and the tamemes that were wanted. The -amount of travel usually performed was five or six leagues a day, -passing through settled country; and when through desert, all the -haste possible was made, to avoid the want of maize. From Toasi, -passing through some towns subject to the lord of the province of -Tallise,[266] he journeyed five days, and arrived at the town the -eighteenth day of September. - - [266] This is probably not the modern town of that name, - which was located above the elbow of the Tallapoosa River, in - Tallapoosa County. - -Tallise was large, situated by the side of a great river, other towns -and many fields of maize being on the opposite shore, the country on -both sides having the greatest abundance of grain. The inhabitants -had gone off. The Governor sent to call the cacique, who, having -arrived, after an interchange of kind words and good promises, lent -him forty men. A chief came to the Governor in behalf of the cacique -of Tastaluca,[267] and made the following address: - - VERY POWERFUL, VIRTUOUS, AND ESTEEMED LORD: - - The grand cacique of Tascaluca, my master, sends me to salute - you. He bids me say, that he is told how all, not without - reason, are led captive by your perfections and power; that - wheresoever lies your path you receive gifts and obedience, - which he knows are all your due; and that he longs to see you - as much as he could desire for the continuance of life. Thus, - he sends me to offer you his person, his lands, his subjects; - to say, that wheresoever it shall please you to go through his - territories, you will find service and obedience, friendship - and peace. In requital of this wish to serve you, he asks that - you so far favor him as to say when you will come; for that the - sooner you do so, the greater will be the obligation, and to him - the earlier pleasure. - - [267] Tascaluca is correct Creek (meaning Black Warrior), - and Tastaluca, there can be little doubt, is a misspelling; - nevertheless we think it better to present all the native names - in the spellings of the Portuguese original. - -The Governor received and parted with the messenger graciously, -giving him beads (which by the Indians are not much esteemed) and -other articles, that he should take them to his lord. He dismissed -the cacique of Coca, that he might return to his country: he of -Tallise gave him the tamemes that were needed; and, having sojourned -twenty days, the Governor set out for Tastaluca. He slept the night -at a large town called Casiste, and the next day, passing through -another, arrived at a village in the province of Tastaluca; and the -following night he rested in a wood, two leagues from the town where -the cacique resided, and where he was then present. He sent the -master of the camp, Luis de Moscoso, with fifteen cavalry, to inform -him of his approach. - -The cacique was at home, in a piazza. Before his dwelling, on a -high place, was spread a mat for him, upon which two cushions were -placed, one above another, to which he went and sat down, his men -placing themselves around, some way removed, so that an open circle -was formed about him, the Indians of the highest rank being nearest -to his person. One of them shaded him from the sun with a circular -umbrella, spread wide, the size of a target, with a small stem, and -having deer-skin extended over cross-sticks, quartered with red -and white, which at a distance made it look of taffeta, the colors -were so very perfect. It formed the standard of the chief, which he -carried into battle. His appearance was full of dignity: he was tall -of person, muscular, lean, and symmetrical. He was the suzerain of -many territories, and of a numerous people, being equally feared by -his vassals and the neighboring nations. The master of the camp, -after he had spoken to him, advanced with his company, their steeds -leaping from side to side, and at times towards the chief, when he, -with great gravity, and seemingly with indifference, now and then -would raise his eyes, and look on as in contempt. - -The Governor approached him, but he made no movement to rise; he took -him by the hand, and they went together to seat themselves on the -bench that was in the piazza. The cacique addressed him these words:-- - - POWERFUL CHIEF: - - Your lordship is very welcome. With the sight of you I receive - as great pleasure and comfort as though you were an own brother - whom I dearly loved. It is idle to use many words here, as it is - not well to speak at length where a few may suffice. The greater - the will the more estimable the deed; and acts are the living - witnesses of truth. You shall learn how strong and positive is - my will, and how disinterested my inclination to serve you. The - gifts you did me the favor to send I esteem in all their value, - but most because they were yours. See in what you will command - me. - -The Governor satisfied the chief with a few brief words of kindness. -On leaving he determined, for certain reasons, to take him along. The -second day on the road he came to a town called Piache;[268] a great -river ran near, and the Governor asked for canoes. The Indians said -they had none, but that they could have rafts of cane and dried wood, -whereon they might readily enough go over, which they diligently set -about making, and soon completed. They managed them; and the water -being calm, the Governor and his men easily crossed. - - [268] From Ranjel's description of this place it is not - improbable that Piachi was located on the north side of the Black - Warrior River. - -From the port of Espiritu Santo to Palache, a march of about a -hundred leagues, the course was west; from Apalache to Cutifachiqui, -which may be four hundred and thirty leagues, it was northeast; from -thence to Xualla, two hundred and fifty leagues, it was towards the -north; and thence to Tastaluca, which may be some other two hundred -and fifty leagues, one hundred and ninety of them were toward the -west, going to the province of Coca, and the sixty southwardly, in -going thence to Tastaluca. - -After crossing the river of Piache, a Christian having gone to look -after a woman gotten away from him, he had been either captured -or killed by the natives, and the Governor pressed the chief to -tell what had been done; threatening, that should the man not -appear, he would never release him. The cacique sent an Indian -thence to Mauilla, the town of a chief, his vassal, whither they -were going, stating that he sent to give him notice that he should -have provisions in readiness and Indians for loads; but which, as -afterwards appeared, was a message for him to get together there all -the warriors in his country. - -The Governor marched three days, the last one of them continually -through an inhabited region, arriving on Monday, the eighteenth day -of October, at Mauilla.[269] He rode forward in the vanguard, with -fifteen cavalry and thirty infantry, when a Christian he had sent -with a message to the cacique, three or four days before, with orders -not to be gone long, and to discover the temper of the Indians, came -out from the town and reported that they appeared to him to be making -preparation; for that while he was present many weapons were brought, -and many people came into the town, and work had gone on rapidly to -strengthen the palisade. Luis de Moscoso said that, since the Indians -were so evil disposed, it would be better to stop in the woods; to -which the Governor answered, that he was impatient of sleeping out, -and that he would lodge in the town. - - [269] Mauilla or Mabila may have been located on the prairie - north of the Black Warrior and east of the Tombigbee River, in - Greene County, Alabama. - -Arriving near, the chief came out to receive him, with many Indians -singing and playing on flutes, and after tendering his services, -gave him three cloaks of marten-skins. The Governor entered the town -with the caciques, seven or eight men of his guard, and three or -four cavalry,[270] who had dismounted to accompany them; and they -seated themselves in a piazza. The cacique of Tastaluca asked the -Governor to allow him to remain there, and not to weary him any more -with walking; but, finding that was not to be permitted, he changed -his plan, and, under pretext of speaking with some of the chiefs, he -got up from where he sate, by the side of the Governor, and entered -a house where were many Indians with their bows and arrows. The -Governor, finding that he did not return, called to him; to which the -cacique answered that he would not come out, nor would he leave that -town; that if the Governor wished to go in peace, he should quit at -once, and not persist in carrying him away by force from his country -and its dependencies. - - [270] "Only forty horsemen," according to Ranjel. - - - - -Chapter 18 - - _How the Indians rose upon the Governor, and what followed upon - that rising._ - - -The Governor, in view of the determination and furious answer of the -cacique, thought to soothe him with soft words; to which he made no -answer, but, with great haughtiness and contempt, withdrew to where -Soto could not see nor speak to him. The Governor, that he might send -word to the cacique for him to remain in the country at his will, and -to be pleased to give him a guide, and persons to carry burdens, that -he might see if he could pacify him with gentle words, called to a -chief who was passing by. The Indian replied, loftily, that he would -not listen to him. Baltasar de Gallegos, who was near, seized him by -the cloak of marten-skins that he had on, drew it off over his head, -and left it in his hands; whereupon, the Indians all beginning to -rise, he gave him a stroke with a cutlass, that laid open his back, -when they, with loud yells, came out of the houses, discharging their -bows. - -The Governor, discovering that if he remained there they could not -escape, and if he should order his men, who were outside of the town, -to come in, the horses might be killed by the Indians from the houses -and great injury done, he ran out; but before he could get away he -fell two or three times, and was helped to rise by those with him. -He and they were all badly wounded: within the town five Christians -were instantly killed. Coming forth, he called out to all his men to -get farther off, because there was much harm doing from the palisade. -The natives discovering that the Christians were retiring, and some, -if not the greater number, at more than a walk, the Indians followed -with great boldness, shooting at them, or striking down such as they -could overtake. Those in chains having set down their burdens near -the fence while the Christians were retiring, the people of Mauilla -lifted the loads on to their backs, and, bringing them into the -town, took off their irons, putting bows and arms in their hands, -with which to fight. Thus did the foe come into possession of all -the clothing, pearls, and whatsoever else the Christians had beside, -which was what their Indians carried. Since the natives had been at -peace as far as to that place, some of us, putting our arms in the -luggage, had gone without any; and two, who were in the town, had -their swords and halberds taken from them, and put to use. - -The Governor, presently as he found himself in the field, called for -a horse, and, with some followers, returned and lanced two or three -of the Indians; the rest, going back into the town, shot arrows from -the palisade. Those who would venture on their nimbleness came out a -stone's throw from behind it, to fight, retiring from time to time, -when they were set upon. - -At the time of the affray there was a friar, a clergyman, a servant -of the Governor, and a female slave in the town, who, having no time -in which to get away, took to a house, and there remained until after -the Indians became masters of the place. They closed the entrance -with a lattice door; and there being a sword among them, which the -servant had, he put himself behind the door, striking at the Indians -that would have come in; while, on the other side, stood the friar -and the priest, each with a club in hand, to strike down the first -that should enter. The Indians, finding that they could not get in -by the door, began to unroof the house: at this moment the cavalry -were all arrived at Mauilla, with the infantry that had been on the -march, when a difference of opinion arose as to whether the Indians -should be attacked, in order to enter the town; for the result was -held doubtful, but finally it was concluded to make the assault. - - - - -Chapter 19 - - _How the Governor set his men in order of battle and entered the - town of Mauilla._ - - -So soon as the advance and the rear of the force were come up, the -Governor commanded that all the best armed should dismount, of which -he made four squadrons of footmen. The Indians, observing how he -was going on arranging his men, urged the cacique to leave, telling -him, as was afterwards made known by some women who were taken in -the town, that as he was but one man, and could fight but as one -only, there being many chiefs present very skilful and experienced -in matters of war, any one of whom was able to command the rest, -and as things in war were so subject to fortune, that it was never -certain which side would overcome the other, they wished him to put -his person in safety; for if they should conclude their lives there, -on which they had resolved rather than surrender, he would remain to -govern the land: but for all that they said, he did not wish to go, -until, from being continually urged, with fifteen or twenty of his -own people he went out of the town, taking with him a scarlet cloak -and other articles of the Christians' clothing, being whatever he -could carry and that seemed best to him. - -The Governor, informed that the Indians were leaving the town, -commanded the cavalry to surround it; and into each squadron of foot -he put a soldier, with a brand, to set fire to the houses, that the -Indians might have no shelter. His men being placed in full concert, -he ordered an arquebuse to be shot off: at the signal the four -squadrons, at their proper points, commenced a furious onset, and, -both sides severely suffering, the Christians entered the town. The -friar, the priest, and the rest who were with them in the house, -were all saved, though at the cost of the lives of two brave and -very able men who went thither to their rescue. The Indians fought -with so great spirit that they many times drove our people back -out of the town. The struggle lasted so long that many Christians, -weary and very thirsty, went to drink at a pond near by, tinged with -the blood of the killed, and returned to the combat. The Governor, -witnessing this, with those who followed him in the returning -charge of the footmen, entered the town on horseback, which gave -opportunity to fire the dwellings; then breaking in upon the Indians -and beating them down, they fled out of the place, the cavalry and -infantry driving them back through the gates, where, losing the hope -of escape, they fought valiantly; and the Christians getting among -them with cutlasses, they found themselves met on all sides by their -strokes, when many, dashing headlong into the flaming houses, were -smothered, and, heaped one upon another, burned to death. - -They who perished there were in all two thousand five hundred, a few -more or less: of the Christians there fell eighteen, among whom was -Don Carlos, brother-in-law of the Governor; one Juan de Gamez, a -nephew; Men. Rodriguez, a Portuguese; and Juan Vazquez, of Villanueva -de Barcarota, men of condition and courage; the rest were infantry. -Of the living, one hundred and fifty Christians had received seven -hundred wounds from the arrow; and God was pleased that they should -be healed in little time of very dangerous injuries. Twelve horses -died, and seventy were hurt. The clothing the Christians carried with -them, the ornaments for saying mass, and the pearls, were all burned -there; they having set the fire themselves, because they considered -the loss less than the injury they might receive of the Indians from -within the houses, where they had brought the things together. - -The Governor learning in Mauilla that Francisco Maldonado was waiting -for him in the port of Ochuse, six days' travel distant, he caused -Juan Ortiz to keep the news secret, that he might not be interrupted -in his purpose; because the pearls he wished to send to Cuba for -show, that their fame might raise the desire of coming to Florida, -had been lost, and he feared that, hearing of him without seeing -either gold or silver, or other thing of value from that land, it -would come to have such reputation that no one would be found to go -there when men should be wanted: so he determined to send no news of -himself until he should have discovered a rich country. - - - - -Chapter 20 - - _How the Governor set out from Mauilla to go to Chicaca, and - what befell him._ - - -From the time the Governor arrived in Florida until he went from -Mauilla, there died one hundred and two Christians, some of sickness, -others by the hand of the Indians. Because of the wounded, he stopped -in that place twenty-eight days, all the time remaining out in the -fields. The country was a rich soil, and well inhabited: some towns -were very large, and were picketed about. The people were numerous -everywhere, the dwellings standing a crossbow-shot or two apart. - -On Sunday, the eighteenth of November,[271] the sick being found -to be getting on well, the Governor left Mauilla, taking with him -a supply of maize for two days. He marched five days through a -wilderness, arriving in a province called Pafallaya, at the town -Taliepataua; and thence he went to another, named Cabusto,[272] near -which was a large river, whence the Indians on the farther bank -shouted to the Christians that they would kill them should they come -over there. He ordered the building of a piragua within the town, -that the natives might have no knowledge of it; which being finished -in four days, and ready, he directed it to be taken on sleds half -a league up stream, and in the morning thirty men entered it, well -armed. The Indians discovering what was going on, they who were -nearest went to oppose the landing, and did the best they could; but -the Christians drawing near, and the piragua being about to reach the -shore, they fled into some cane-brakes. The men on horses went up the -river to secure a landing-place, to which the Governor passed over, -with the others that remained. Some of the towns were well stored -with maize and beans. - - [271] This should be the fourteenth, according to Ranjel. - - [272] According to Ranjel they crossed a large river at a - town called Moculixa which was located one-half league from - Taliepataua, and recrossed the river at Cabusto. Apparently - Cabusto was above the Sipsey River and west of the Tombigbee - River, while Moculixa was below the former and east of the latter - stream. - -Thence towards Chicaca the Governor marched five days through a -desert, and arrived at a river,[273] on the farther side of which -were Indians, who wished to arrest his passage. In two days another -piragua was made, and when ready he sent an Indian in it to the -cacique, to say, that if he wished his friendship he should quietly -wait for him; but they killed the messenger before his eyes, and -with loud yells departed. He crossed the river the seventeenth of -December, and arrived the same day at Chicaca, a small town of twenty -houses.[274] There the people underwent severe cold, for it was -already winter, and snow fell: the greater number were then lying in -the fields, it being before they had time to put up habitations. The -land was thickly inhabited, the people living about over it as they -do in Mauilla; and as it was fertile, the greater part being under -cultivation, there was plenty of maize. So much grain was brought -together as was needed for getting through with the season. - - [273] The east side of the Tombigbee River, and probably in the - northern part of Monroe County, Mississippi. - - [274] This town was located about one mile northwest of Redland, - in Pontotoc County, Mississippi. - -Some Indians were taken, among whom was one the cacique greatly -esteemed. The Governor sent an Indian to the cacique to say, that he -desired to see him and have his friendship. He came, and offered him -the services of his person, territories, and subjects: he said that -he would cause two chiefs to visit him in peace. In a few days he -returned with them, they bringing their Indians. They presented the -Governor one hundred and fifty rabbits, with clothing of the country, -such as shawls and skins. The name of the one was Alimamu, of the -other Nicalasa. - -The cacique of Chicaca came to visit him many times: on some -occasions he was sent for, and a horse taken, on which to bring and -carry him back. He made complaint that a vassal of his had risen -against him, withholding tribute; and he asked for assistance, -desiring to seek him in his territory, and give him the chastisement -he deserved. The whole was found to be feigned, to the end that, -while the Governor should be absent with him, and the force divided, -they would attack the parts separately--some the one under him, -others the other, that remained in Chicaca. He went to the town where -he lived, and came back with two hundred Indians, bearing bows and -arrows. - -The Governor, taking thirty cavalry and eighty infantry, marched to -Saquechuma,[275] the province of the chief whom the cacique said -had rebelled. The town was untenanted, and the Indians, for greater -dissimulation, set fire to it; but the people with the Governor being -very careful and vigilant, as were also those that had been left -in Chicaca, no enemy dared to fall upon them. The Governor invited -the caciques and some chiefs to dine with him, giving them pork to -eat, which they so relished, although not used to it, that every -night Indians would come up to some houses where the hogs slept, -a crossbow-shot off from the camp, to kill and carry away what -they could of them. Three were taken in the act: two the Governor -commanded to be slain with arrows, and the remaining one, his hands -having first been cut off, was sent to the cacique, who appeared -grieved that they had given offence, and glad that they were punished. - - [275] This province was located on the lower Tallahatchie River, - and the town burned by the Indians, as mentioned by Ranjel, was - probably located in Tallahatchie County. - -This chief was half a league from where the Christians were, in an -open country, whither wandered off four of the cavalry: Francisco -Osorio, Reynoso, a servant of the Marquis of Astorga, and two -servants of the Governor,--the one Ribera, his page, the other -Fuentes, his chamberlain. They took some skins and shawls from -the Indians, who made great outcry in consequence, and abandoned -their houses. When the Governor heard of it, he ordered them to -be apprehended, and condemned Osorio and Fuentes to death, as -principals, and all of them to lose their goods. The friars, the -priests, and other principal personages solicited him to let Osorio -live, and moderate the sentence; but he would do so for no one. When -about ordering them to be taken to the town-yard to be beheaded, -some Indians arrived, sent by the chief to complain of them. Juan -Ortiz, at the entreaty of Baltasar de Gallegos and others, changed -their words, telling the Governor, as from the cacique, that he had -understood those Christians had been arrested on his account; that -they were in no fault, having offended him in nothing, and that if -he would do him a favor, to let them go free: then Ortiz said to the -Indians, that the Governor had the persons in custody, and would -visit them with such punishment as should be an example to the rest. -The prisoners were ordered to be released. - -So soon as March had come, the Governor, having determined to leave -Chicaca, asked two hundred tamemes of the cacique, who told him that -he would confer with his chiefs. Tuesday, the eighth, he went where -the cacique was, to ask for the carriers, and was told that he would -send them the next day. When the Governor saw the chief, he said to -Luis de Moscoso that the Indians did not appear right to him; that -a very careful watch should be kept that night, to which the master -of the camp paid little attention. At four o'clock in the morning -the Indians fell upon them in four squadrons, from as many quarters, -and directly as they were discovered, they beat a drum. With loud -shouting, they came in such haste, that they entered the camp at the -same moment with some scouts that had been out; of which, by the time -those in the town were aware, half the houses were in flames. That -night it had been the turn of three horsemen to be of the watch,--two -of them men of low degree, the least value of any in the camp, and -the third a nephew of the Governor, who had been deemed a brave man -until now, when he showed himself as great a coward as either of the -others; for they all fled, and the Indians, finding no resistance, -came up and set fire to the place. They waited outside of the town -for the Christians, behind the gates, as they should come out of the -doors, having had no opportunity to put on their arms; and as they -ran in all directions, bewildered by the noise, blinded by the smoke -and the brightness of the flame, knowing not whither they were going, -nor were able to find their arms, or put saddles on their steeds, -they saw not the Indians who shot arrows at them. Those of the horses -that could break their halters got away, and many were burned to -death in the stalls. - -The confusion and rout were so great that each man fled by the way -that first opened to him, there being none to oppose the Indians: but -God, who chastiseth his own as he pleaseth, and in the greatest wants -and perils hath them in his hand, shut the eyes of the Indians, so -that they could not discern what they had done, and believed that the -beasts running about loose were the cavalry gathering to fall upon -them. The Governor, with a soldier named Tapia, alone got mounted, -and, charging upon the Indians, he struck down the first of them he -met with a blow of the lance, but went over with the saddle, because -in the haste it had not been tightly drawn, and he fell. The men on -foot, running to a thicket outside of the town, came together there: -the Indians imagining, as it was dark, that the horses were cavalry -coming upon them, as has been stated, they fled, leaving only one -dead, which was he the Governor smote. - -The town lay in cinders. A woman, with her husband, having left a -house, went back to get some pearls that had remained there; and when -she would have come out again the fire had reached the door, and she -could not, neither could her husband assist her, so she was consumed. -Three Christians came out of the fire in so bad plight, that one of -them died in three days from that time, and the two others for a long -while were carried in their pallets, on poles borne on the shoulders -of Indians, for otherwise they could not have got along. There died -in this affair eleven Christians, and fifty horses. One hundred of -the swine remained, four hundred having been destroyed, from the -conflagration of Mauilla. - -If, by good luck, any one had been able to save a garment until then, -it was there destroyed. Many remained naked, not having had time to -catch up their skin dresses. In that place they suffered greatly -from cold, the only relief being in large fires, and they passed -the night long in turning, without the power to sleep; for as one -side of a man would warm, the other would freeze. Some contrived -mats of dried grass sewed together, one to be placed below, and the -other above them: many who laughed at this expedient were afterwards -compelled to do the like. The Christians were left so broken up, that -what with the want of the saddles and arms which had been destroyed, -had the Indians returned the second night, they might, with little -effort, have been overpowered. They removed from that town to the one -where the cacique was accustomed to live, because it was in the open -field.[276] In eight days' time they had constructed many saddles -from the ash, and likewise lances, as good as those made in Biscay. - - [276] Chicacilla of the Inca, which was probably located about - three and one-half miles north of Chicaca. - - - - -Chapter 21 - - _How the Indians returned to attack the Christians, and how the - Governor went to Alimamu, and they tarried to give him battle in - the way._ - - -On Wednesday,[277] the fifteenth day of March, in the year 1541, -eight days having passed since the Governor had been living on a -plain, half a league from the place where he wintered, after he had -set up a forge, and tempered the swords which in Chicaca had been -burned, and already had made many targets, saddles, and lances, on -Tuesday, at four o'clock in the morning, while it was still dark, -there came many Indians, formed in three squadrons, each from a -different direction, to attack the camp, when those who watched -beat to arms. In all haste he drew up his men in three squadrons -also, and leaving some for the defence of the camp, he went out to -meet them. The Indians were overthrown and put to flight. The ground -was plain, and in a condition advantageous to the Christians. It -was now daybreak; and but for some disorder, thirty or forty more -enemies might have been slain. It was caused by a friar raising great -shouts in the camp, without any reason, crying, "To the camp! To the -camp!" In consequence the Governor and the rest went thither, and the -Indians had time to get away in safety. - - [277] This should be Tuesday. - -From some prisoners taken, the Governor informed himself of the -region in advance. On the twenty-fifth day of April he left Chicaca -and went to sleep at a small town called Alimamu. Very little maize -was found; and as it became necessary to attempt thence to pass a -desert, seven days' journey in extent, the next day the Governor -ordered that three captains, each with cavalry and foot, should take -a different direction, to get provision for the way. Juan de Anasco, -the comptroller, went with fifteen horse and forty foot on the course -the Governor would have to march, and found a staked fort,[278] where -the Indians were awaiting them. Many were armed, walking upon it, -with their bodies, legs, and arms painted and ochred, red, black, -white, yellow, and vermilion in stripes, so that they appeared -to have on stockings and doublet. Some wore feathers, and others -horns on the head, the face blackened, and the eyes encircled with -vermilion, to heighten their fierce aspect. So soon as they saw the -Christians draw nigh they beat drums, and, with loud yells, in great -fury came forth to meet them. As to Juan de Anasco and others it -appeared well to avoid them and to inform the Governor, they retired -over an even ground in sight, the distance of a crossbow-shot from -the enclosure, the footmen, the crossbowmen, and targeteers putting -themselves before those on horseback, that the beasts might not -be wounded by the Indians, who came forth by sevens and eights to -discharge their bows at them and retire. In sight of the Christians -they made a fire, and, taking an Indian by the head and feet, -pretended to give him many blows on the head and cast him into the -flames, signifying in this way what they would do with the Christians. - - [278] This fort and ford were on the Tallahatchie River, and - probably at or near New Albany, in Union County, Mississippi. - From here the army turned to the westward. - -A message being sent with three of the cavalry to the Governor, -informing him of this, he came directly. It was his opinion that they -should be driven from the place. He said that if this was not done -they would be emboldened to make an attack at some other time, when -they might do him more harm: those on horseback were commanded to -dismount, and, being set in four squadrons, at the signal charged the -Indians. They resisted until the Christians came up to the stakes; -then, seeing that they could not defend themselves, they fled through -that part near which passed a stream, sending back some arrows from -the other bank; and because, at the moment, no place was found where -the horses might ford, they had time to make their escape. Three -Indians were killed and many Christians wounded, of whom, after a -few days, fifteen died on the march. Every one thought the Governor -committed a great fault in not sending to examine the state of the -ground on the opposite shore, and discover the crossing-place before -making the attack; because, with the hope the Indians had of escaping -unseen in that direction, they fought until they were broken; and it -was the cause of their holding out so long to assail the Christians, -as they could, with safety to themselves. - - - - -Chapter 22 - - _How the Governor went from Quizquiz, and thence to the River - Grande._ - - -Three days having gone by since some maize had been sought after, -and but little found in comparison with the great want there was of -it, the Governor became obliged to move at once, notwithstanding the -wounded had need of repose, to where there should be abundance. He -accordingly set out for Quizquiz, and marched seven days through -a wilderness, having many pondy places, with thick forests, all -fordable, however, on horseback, except some basins or lakes that -were swum. He arrived at a town of Quizquiz without being descried, -and seized all the people before they could come out of their houses. -Among them was the mother of the cacique; and the Governor sent word -to him, by one of the captives, to come and receive her, with the -rest he had taken. The answer he returned was, that if his lordship -would order them to be loosed and sent, he would come to visit and do -him service. - -The Governor, since his men arrived weary, and likewise weak, for -want of maize, and the horses were also lean, determined to yield -to the requirement and try to have peace; so the mother and the -rest were ordered to be set free, and with words of kindness were -dismissed. The next day, while he was hoping to see the chief, many -Indians came, with bows and arrows, to set upon the Christians, when -he commanded that all the armed horsemen should be mounted and in -readiness. Finding them prepared, the Indians stopped at the distance -of a crossbow-shot from where the Governor was, near a river-bank, -where, after remaining quietly half an hour, six chiefs arrived at -the camp, stating that they had come to find out what people it might -be; for that they had knowledge from their ancestors that they were -to be subdued by a white race; they consequently desired to return to -the cacique, to tell him that he should come presently to obey and -serve the Governor. After presenting six or seven skins and shawls -brought with them, they took their leave, and returned with the -others who were waiting for them by the shore. The cacique came not, -nor sent another message. - -There was little maize in the place, and the Governor moved to -another town, half a league from the great river,[279] where it was -found in sufficiency. He went to look at the river, and saw that near -it there was much timber of which piraguas might be made, and a good -situation in which the camp might be placed. He directly moved, -built houses, and settled on a plain a crossbow-shot from the water, -bringing together there all the maize of the towns behind, that at -once they might go to work and cut down trees for sawing out planks -to build barges. The Indians soon came from up the stream, jumped on -shore, and told the Governor that they were the vassals of a great -lord, named Aquixo, who was the suzerain of many towns and people on -the other shore; and they made known from him, that he would come -the day after, with all his people, to hear what his lordship would -command him. - - [279] The Mississippi. - -The next day the cacique arrived, with two hundred canoes filled with -men, having weapons. They were painted with ochre, wearing great -bunches of white and other plumes of many colors, having feathered -shields in their hands, with which they sheltered the oarsmen on -either side, the warriors standing erect from bow to stern, holding -bows and arrows. The barge in which the cacique came had an awning -at the poop, under which he sate; and the like had the barges of -the other chiefs; and there, from under the canopy, where the chief -man was, the course was directed and orders issued to the rest. All -came down together, and arrived within a stone's cast of the ravine, -whence the cacique said to the Governor, who was walking along the -river-bank, with others who bore him company, that he had come to -visit, serve, and obey him; for he had heard that he was the greatest -of lords, the most powerful on all the earth, and that he must see -what he would have him do. The Governor expressed his pleasure, and -besought him to land, that they might the better confer; but the -chief gave no reply, ordering three barges to draw near, wherein was -great quantity of fish, and loaves like bricks, made of the pulp of -plums (persimmons), which Soto receiving, gave him thanks and again -entreated him to land. - -Making the gift had been a pretext, to discover if any harm might -be done; but, finding the Governor and his people on their guard, -the cacique began to draw off from the shore, when the crossbowmen -who were in readiness, with loud cries shot at the Indians, and -struck down five or six of them. They retired with great order, -not one leaving the oar, even though the one next to him might have -fallen, and covering themselves, they withdrew. Afterwards they came -many times and landed; when approached, they would go back to their -barges. These were fine-looking men, very large and well formed; and -what with the awnings, the plumes, and the shields, the pennons, and -the number of people in the fleet, it appeared like a famous armada -of galleys. - -During the thirty days that were passed there, four piraguas were -built, into three of which, one morning, three hours before daybreak, -the Governor ordered twelve cavalry to enter, four in each, men in -whom he had confidence that they would gain the land notwithstanding -the Indians, and secure the passage, or die: he also sent some -crossbowmen of foot with them, and in the other piragua, oarsmen, to -take them to the opposite shore. He ordered Juan de Guzman to cross -with the infantry, of which he had remained captain in the place of -Francisco Maldonado; and because the current was stiff, they went up -along the side of the river a quarter of a league, and in passing -over they were carried down, so as to land opposite the camp; but, -before arriving there, at twice the distance of a stone's cast, the -horsemen rode out from the piraguas to an open area of hard and even -ground, which they all reached without accident. - -So soon as they had come to shore the piraguas returned; and when -the sun was up two hours high, the people had all got over.[280] The -distance was near half a league: a man standing on the shore could -not be told, whether he were a man or something else, from the other -side. The stream was swift, and very deep; the water, always flowing -turbidly, brought along from above many trees and much timber, driven -onward by its force. There were many fish of several sorts, the -greater part differing from those of the fresh waters of Spain, as -will be told hereafter. - - [280] The crossing was made either at Council Bend or Walnut - Bend, in Tunica County, Mississippi, in a straight line some - twenty-five to thirty-eight miles below Memphis. - - - - -Chapter 23 - - _How the Governor went from Aquixo to Casqui, and thence to - Pacaha; and how this country differs from the other._ - - -The Rio Grande being crossed, the Governor marched a league and a -half, to a large town of Aquixo, which was abandoned before his -arrival. Over a plain thirty Indians were seen to draw nigh, sent -by the cacique to discover what the Christians intended to do, but -who fled directly as they saw them. The cavalry pursued, killed ten, -and captured fifteen. As the town toward which the Governor marched -was near the river, he sent a captain, with the force he thought -sufficient, to take the piraguas up the stream. As they frequently -wound about through the country, having to go round the bays that -swell out of the river, the Indians had opportunity to attack those -in the piraguas, placing them in great peril, being shot at with bows -from the ravines, while they dared not leave the shore, because of -the swiftness of the current; so that, as soon as the Governor got -to the town, he directly sent crossbowmen to them down the stream, -for their protection. When the piraguas arrived, he ordered them to -be taken to pieces, and the spikes kept for making others, when they -should be needed. - -The Governor slept at the town one night, and the day following he -went in quest of a province called Pacaha, which he had been informed -was nigh Chisca, where the Indians said there was gold. He passed -through large towns in Aquixo, which the people had left for fear -of the Christians. From some Indians that were taken, he heard that -three days' journey thence resided a great cacique, called Casqui. -He came to a small river, over which a bridge was made, whereby he -crossed.[281] All that day, until sunset, he marched through water, -in places coming to the knees; in others, as high as the waist. -They were greatly rejoiced on reaching the dry land; because it had -appeared to them that they should travel about, lost, all night in -the water. At mid-day they came to the first town of Casqui, where -they found the Indians off their guard, never having heard of them. -Many men and women were taken, much clothing, blankets, and skins; -such they likewise took in another town in sight of the first, half a -league off in the field, whither the horsemen had run. - - [281] This was Fifteen-Mile Bayou, and the crossing-place was - probably near the southeast corner of St. Francis County, - Arkansas. - -This land is higher, drier, and more level than any other along -the river that had been seen until then. In the fields were many -walnut-trees, bearing tender-shelled nuts in the shape of acorns, -many being found stored in the houses. The tree did not differ in any -thing from that of Spain, nor from the one seen before, except the -leaf was smaller. There were many mulberry-trees, and trees of plums -(persimmons), having fruit of vermilion hue, like one of Spain, while -others were gray, differing, but far better. All the trees, the year -round, were as green as if they stood in orchards, and the woods were -open. - -The Governor marched two days through the country of Casqui, before -coming to the town[282] where the cacique was, the greater part of -the way lying through fields thickly set with great towns, two or -three of them to be seen from one. He sent word by an Indian to the -cacique, that he was coming to obtain his friendship and to consider -him as a brother; to which he received for answer, that he would be -welcomed; that he would be received with special good-will, and all -that his lordship required of him should be done; and the chief sent -him on the road a present of skins, shawls, and fish. After these -gifts were made, all the towns into which the Governor came were -found occupied; and the inhabitants awaited him in peace, offering -him skins, shawls, and fish. - - [282] This place was probably located near the mouth of Tyronza - River. - -Accompanied by many persons, the cacique came half a league on the -road from the town where he dwelt to receive the Governor, and, -drawing nigh to him, thus spoke: - - VERY HIGH, POWERFUL, AND RENOWNED MASTER: - - I greet your coming. So soon as I had notice of you, your power - and perfections, although you entered my territory capturing - and killing the dwellers upon it, who are my vassals, I - determined to conform my wishes to your will, and hold as right - all that you might do, believing that it should be so for a good - reason, providing against some future event, to you perceptible - but from me concealed; since an evil may well be permitted to - avoid another greater, that good can arise, which I trust will - be so; for from so excellent a prince, no bad motive is to - be suspected. My ability is so small to serve you, according - to your great merit, that though you should consider even my - abundant will and humility in proffering you all manner of - services, I must still deserve little in your sight. If this - ability can with reason be valued, I pray you receive it, and - with it my country and my vassals, of me and them disposing at - your pleasure; for though you were lord of the earth, with no - more good-will would you be received, served, and obeyed. - -The Governor responded appropriately in a few words which satisfied -the chief. Directly they fell to making each other great proffers, -using much courtesy, the cacique inviting the Governor to go and take -lodging in his houses. He excused himself, the better to preserve -peace, saying that he wished to lie in the field; and, because the -heat was excessive, he pitched the camp among some trees, quarter of -a league from the town. The cacique went to his town, and returned -with many Indians singing, who, when they had come to where the -Governor was, all prostrated themselves. Among them were two blind -men. The cacique made an address, of which, as it was long, I will -give the substance in a few words. He said, that inasmuch as the -Governor was son of the Sun, he begged him to restore sight to those -Indians: whereupon the blind men arose, and they very earnestly -entreated him to do so. Soto answered them, that in the heavens above -there was One who had the power to make them whole, and do whatever -they could ask of Him, whose servant he was; that this great Lord -made the sky and the earth, and man after His image; that He had -suffered on the tree of the true cross to save the human race, and -risen from the grave on the third day,--what of man there was of Him -dying, what of divinity being immortal; and that, having ascended -into heaven, He was there with open arms to receive all that would -be converted to Him. He then directed a lofty cross of wood to be -made and set up in the highest part of the town, declaring to the -cacique that the Christians worshipped that, in the form and memory -of the one on which Christ suffered. He placed himself with his -people before it, on their knees, which the Indians did likewise; and -he told them that from that time thenceforth they should thus worship -the Lord, of whom he had spoken to them, that was in the skies, -asking Him for whatsoever they stood in need of. - -The chief being asked what was the distance to Pacaha, he answered -that it was one day's journey, and said that on the extreme of his -territory there was a lake, like an estuary, that entered into the -Rio Grande, to which he would send persons in advance to build a -bridge, whereby they might pass over it. The night of the day the -Governor left, he slept at a town of Casqui; and the next day he -passed in sight of two other towns, and arrived at the lake, which -was half a crossbow-shot over, of great depth and swiftness of -current.[283] The Indians had just got the bridge done as he came up. -It was built of wood, in the manner of timber thrown across from tree -to tree; on one side there being a rail of poles, higher than the -rest, as a support for those who should pass. The cacique of Casqui -having come with his people, the Governor sent word by an Indian -to the cacique of Pacaha, that though he might be at enmity with -him of Casqui, and that chief be present, he should receive neither -injury nor insult, provided that he attended in peace and desired his -friendship, for as a brother would he treat him. The Indian went as -he was bid, and returned, stating that the cacique took no notice of -the message, but that he fled out of the town, from the back part, -with all his people. Then the Governor entered there, and with the -cavalry charged in the direction the Indians were running, and at -another town, a quarter of a league off, many were taken. As fast -as they were captured, the horsemen delivered them to the Indians -of Casqui, who, from being their enemies, brought them with great -heed and pleasure to the town where the Christians were, greatly -regretting that they had not the liberty to kill them. Many shawls, -deer-skins, lion and bear-skins, and many cat-skins were found in the -town. Numbers who had been a long time badly covered, there clothed -themselves. Of the shawls they made mantles and cassocks; some made -gowns and lined them with cat-skins, as they also did the cassocks. -Of the deer-skins were made jerkins, shirts, stockings, and shoes: -and from the bear-skins they made very good cloaks, such as no water -could get through. They found shields of raw cowhide out of which -armor was made for the horses. - - [283] Tyronza River. - - - - -Chapter 24 - - _Of how the cacique of Pacaha came in peace, and he of Casqui - having absented himself, returned to excuse his conduct; and how - the Governor made friendship between the chiefs._ - - -On Wednesday, the nineteenth day of June, the Governor entered -Pacaha,[284] and took quarters in the town where the cacique was -accustomed to reside. It was enclosed and very large. In the towers -and the palisade were many loopholes. There was much dry maize, and -the new was in great quantity, throughout the fields. At the distance -of half a league to a league off were large towns, all of them -surrounded with stockades. - - [284] It was on Wednesday, June 29, that they entered Pacaha. - This place was probably located in the vicinity of Osceola, - Mississippi County, Arkansas, but not further northward. - -Where the Governor stayed was a great lake, near to the enclosure; -and the water entered a ditch that well-nigh went round the town. -From the River Grande to the lake was a canal, through which the -fish came into it, and where the chief kept them for his eating and -pastime. With nets that were found in the place, as many were taken -as need required; and however much might be the casting, there was -never any lack of them. In the many other lakes about were also many -fish, though the flesh was soft, and none of it so good as that -which came from the river. The greater number differ from those in -the fresh water of Spain. There was a fish called bagre, the third -part of which was head, with gills from end to end, and along the -sides were great spines, like very sharp awls. Those of this sort -that lived in the lake were as big as pike; in the river were some -that weighed from one hundred to one hundred and fifty pounds. Many -were taken with the hook. There was one in the shape of barbel; -another like bream, with the head of a hake, having a color between -red and brown, and was the most esteemed. There was likewise a kind -called peel-fish, the snout a cubit in length, the upper lip being -shaped like a shovel. Another fish was like a shad. Except the bagres -and the peel, they were all of scale. There was one, called pereo, -the Indians sometimes brought, the size of a hog, and had rows of -teeth above and below. - -The cacique of Casqui many times sent large presents of fish, shawls, -and skins. Having told the Governor that he would deliver into his -hands the cacique of Pacaha, he went to Casqui, and ordered many -canoes to ascend the river, while he should march by land, taking -many of his warriors. The Governor, with forty cavalry and sixty -infantry, was conducted by him up stream; and the Indians who were -in the canoes discovered the cacique of Pacaha on an islet between -two arms of the river. Five Christians entered a canoe, of whom was -Don Antonio Osorio, to go in advance and see what number of people -the cacique had with him. There were five or six thousand souls, of -whom, directly as they saw the people, taking the Indians who went in -the canoes to be Christians also, the cacique and as many as could -get into three canoes that were there, fled to the opposite bank; the -greater part of the rest, in terror and confusion, plunging into the -river to swim, many, mostly women and infants, got drowned. Then the -Governor, who was on land, without knowing what was passing with Don -Antonio and those who accompanied him, ordered the Christians, in -all haste, to enter the canoes with the Indians of Casqui, and they -directly joining Don Antonio on the islet, many men and women were -taken, and much clothing. - -Many clothes, which the Indians had in cane hurdles and on rafts to -carry over, floated down stream, the people of Casqui filling their -canoes with them; and, in fear that the Christians might take these -away, their chief went off with them down the river to his territory, -without taking leave. At this the Governor became indignant, and -directly returning to Pacaha, two leagues on the road, he overran the -country of Casqui, capturing twenty or thirty of its men. The horses -being tired, and there remaining no time that day to go farther, he -went on to Pacaha, with the intention of marching in three or four -days upon Casqui, directly letting loose a man of Pacaha, sending -word by him to its chief, that should he wish his friendship he -should come to him, and together they would go to carry war upon -Casqui: and immediately there arrived many people of Pacaha, bringing -as the chief an Indian, who was exposed by a prisoner, brother of -the cacique. The Governor told them that their lord must come; that -he well knew that Indian was not he; for that nothing could be done -without its being known to him before they so much as thought of it. -The cacique came the next day, followed by many Indians, with a large -gift of fish, skins, and shawls. He made a speech, that all were glad -to hear, and concluded by saying, that although his lordship had -causelessly inflicted injury on his country and his subjects, he did -not any the less cease to be his, and was always at his command. The -Governor ordered his brother to be let go, and some principal men he -held captives. That day a messenger arrived from Casqui, saying that -his master would come early on the morrow to excuse the error he had -committed in going away without his licence; to which the Governor -bade him say, in return, to the cacique, that if he did not come -himself in person he would go after him, and inflict the punishment -he deserved. - -The chief of Casqui came the next day, and after presenting many -shawls, skins, and fish, he gave the Governor a daughter, saying that -his greatest desire was to unite his blood with that of so great -a lord as he was, begging that he would take her to wife. He made -a long and discreet oration, full of praise of Soto; and concluded -by asking his forgiveness, for the love of that cross he had left, -for having gone off without his permission; that he had done so -because of the shame he felt for what his people had done without his -consent. The Governor said that he had taken a good sponsor; that he -had himself determined, if the cacique had not come to apologize, to -go after him and burn his towns, kill him and his people, and lay -waste his country. To this the chief replied: - - MASTER: - - I and mine belong to you; and my territory is yours, so that you - will destroy it, if you will, as your own, and your people you - will slay. All that falls from your hand I shall receive as from - my lord's, and as merited chastisement. Know, that the service - you have done me in leaving that cross has been signal, and more - than I have deserved; for, you know, of great droughts the maize - in our fields was perishing, and no sooner had I and mine thrown - ourselves on our knees before it, asking for water, than the - want was supplied. - -The Governor made friendship between the chiefs of Casqui and Pacaha, -and placed them at the table, that they should eat with him. They -had a difficulty as to who should sit at his right hand, which the -Governor quieted by telling them that among the Christians the -one seat was as good as the other; that they should so consider -it, and while with him no one should understand otherwise, each -taking the seat he first came to. Thence he sent thirty horsemen -and fifty footmen to the province of Caluca,[285] to see if in that -direction they could turn back towards Chisca, where the Indians -said there was a foundry of gold and copper. They travelled seven -days through desert, and returned in great extremity, eating green -plums (persimmons) and maize-stalks, which they had found in a -poor town of seven or eight houses. The Indians stated that thence -towards the north, the country, being very cold, was very thinly -populated; that cattle were in such plenty, no maize-field could be -protected from them, and the inhabitants lived upon the meat. Seeing -that the country was so poorly off for maize that there could be no -support, the Governor asked the Indians in what direction there were -most inhabitants; and they said that they had knowledge of a large -province and a country of great abundance, called Quiguate, that lay -in the southern direction. - - [285] It was from Chicaca that the expedition was sent. This - province was probably located in the northeastern part of - Mississippi, extending from Baldwyn, Prentiss County, to the - Tennessee River, in Tishomingo County. - - - - -Chapter 25 - -_How the Governor went from Pacaha to Aquiguate and to Coligoa, and -came to Cayas._ - - -The Governor rested in Pacaha forty days, during which time the two -caciques made him presents of fish, shawls, and skins, in great -quantity, each striving to outdo the other in the magnitude of the -gifts. At the time of his departure, the chief of Pacaha bestowed -on him two of his sisters, telling him that they were tokens of -love, for his remembrance, to be his wives. The name of one was -Macanoche, that of the other Mochila. They were symmetrical, tall, -and full: Macanoche bore a pleasant expression; in her manners and -features appeared the lady; the other was robust. The cacique of -Casqui ordered the bridge to be repaired; and the Governor, returning -through his territory, lodged in the field near his town. He brought -there much fish, exchanged two women for as many shirts with two -of the Christians, and furnished a guide and tamemes. The Governor -marched to one of his towns, and slept, and the next night came to -another that was near a river,[286] where he ordered him to bring -canoes, that he might cross over. There taking his leave, the chief -went back. - - [286] St. Francis River. - -The Governor travelled towards Aquiguate,[287] and on the fourth -day of August came to the residence of the cacique, who, although -he had sent him a present, on the road, of many shawls and skins, -abandoned the place through fear on his arrival. That town was the -largest seen in Florida: one-half of it was occupied by the Governor -and his people; and, after a few days, discovering that the Indians -were dealing in falsehoods, he ordered the other part to be burned, -that it might not afford them cover should they attack him at night, -nor be an embarrassment to his cavalry in a movement to repel them. -An Indian having come, attended by a multitude, declaring himself to -be the cacique, the Governor delivered him over to be looked after -by his body-guard. Many of the Indians went off, and returned with -shawls and skins; but, finding small opportunity for carrying out -their evil plan, one day the pretended cacique, walking out of the -house with the Governor, ran away with such swiftness that not one of -the Christians could overtake him; and plunging into the river, at -the distance of a crossbow-shot from the town, he made for the other -shore, where many Indians, giving loud shouts, began to make use -of their arrows. The Governor directly crossed over to attack them -with horse and foot; but they dared not await him: following them -up, he came to a town that was abandoned, before which there was a -lake[288] the horses could not pass over, and on the other side were -many females. The footmen having crossed, capturing many of them, -took much clothing. Returning to the camp early in the night, the -sentinels seized a spy, who assenting to the request to lead to where -the cacique was, the Governor directly set out with twenty cavalry -and fifty infantry in quest of him. After travelling a day and a -half, they found him in a thick wood; and a soldier, ignorant of who -he was, having struck him on the head with a cutlass, he called out -not to kill him, that he was the chief; so he was captured, and with -him one hundred and forty of his people. - - [287] This place was on the west side of the St. Francis River, - in the northern part of Lee County or the southern part of St. - Francis County, Arkansas. - - [288] This may have been Lake Michigamia of the French maps, - which ceased to exist after the New Madrid earthquakes. - -The Governor, returning to Quiguate, directed him to tell his people -to come and serve the Christians; but, after waiting some days, -in the hope of their arrival, and finding that they did not come, -he sent two captains, each on an opposite side of the river, with -infantry and cavalry, whereby many of both sexes were made prisoners. -The Indians, seeing the harm that they received for their rebellious -conduct, waited on the Governor to take his commands, coming and -going often, bringing with them presents of fish. The cacique and two -of his wives being at their liberty in the quarters of the Governor, -which were guarded by his halberdiers, he asked them what part of the -country was most inhabited; to which they replied, that to the south, -or down the river, where were large towns, and the caciques governed -wide territories, with numerous people; and that to the northwest was -a province, near some mountains, called Coligoa. He, with the others, -deemed it well to go thither first; saying that the mountains, -perhaps, would make a difference in the soil, and that silver and -gold might afterward follow. - -The country of Aquiguate, like that of Casqui and Pacaha, was level -and fertile, having rich river margins, on which the Indians made -extensive fields. From Tascaluca to the River Grande may be three -hundred leagues; a region very low, having many lakes: from Pacaha -to Quiguate there may be one hundred and ten leagues. There he left -the cacique in his own town; and an Indian guided them through an -immense pathless thicket of desert for seven days, where they slept -continually in ponds and shallow puddles.[289] Fish were so plentiful -in them that they were killed with blows of cudgels; and as the -Indians travelled in chains, they disturbed the mud at the bottom, by -which the fish, becoming stupefied, would swim to the surface, when -as many were taken as were desired. - - [289] They crossed four swamps, according to Ranjel, which were - the L'Anguille River, Big Creek, Bayou de Vue, and Cache River. - -The inhabitants of Coligoa had never heard of the Christians, and -when these got so near their town as to be seen, they fled up stream -along a river that passed near by there; some throwing themselves -into the water, whence they were taken by their pursuers, who, on -either bank, captured many of both sexes, and the cacique with the -rest. Three days from that time came many Indians, by his order, with -offerings of shawls, deer-skins, and two cowhides: they stated that -at the distance of five or six leagues towards the north were many -cattle, where the country, being cold, was thinly inhabited; and -that, to the best of their knowledge, the province that was better -provisioned than any other, and more populous, was one to the south, -called Cayas. - -About forty leagues from Quiguate stood Coligoa,[290] at the foot of -a mountain, in the vale of a river of medium size, like the Caya, a -stream that passes through Estremadura. The soil was rich, yielding -maize in such profusion that the old was thrown out of store to -make room for the new grain. Beans and pumpkins were likewise in -great plenty: both were larger and better than those of Spain: the -pumpkins, when roasted, have nearly the taste of chestnuts. The -cacique continued behind in his own town, having given a guide for -the way to Cayas. - - [290] Coligoa was in the valley of Little Red River, and before - arriving there, they crossed White River below the mouth of - Little Red River, in Woodruff County, Arkansas. - -We travelled five days, and came to the province of Palisema.[291] -The house of the cacique was canopied with colored deer-skins, -having designs drawn on them, and the ground was likewise covered in -the same manner, as if with carpets. He had left it in that state -for the use of the Governor, a token of peace, and of a desire for -friendship, though still he did not dare to await his coming. The -Governor, finding that he had gone away, sent a captain with horse -and foot to look after him; and though many persons were seen, -because of the roughness of the country, only a few men and boys -were secured. The houses were few and scattered: only a little maize -was found. - - [291] According to Ranjel, before arriving at this place they - passed through Calpista, where there was a flowing salt spring. - This spring was on the bank of Little Red River, in Cleburne - County. - -Directly the Governor set forward and came to Tatalicoya,[292] whence -he took the cacique, who guided him to Cayas, a distance of four -days' journey from that town. When he arrived and saw the scattered -houses, he thought, from the information he had received of the great -populousness of the country, that the cacique was lying to him--that -it was not the province; and he menaced him, bidding him tell where -he was. The chief, as likewise the other Indians taken near by, -declared that to be in Cayas,[293] the best town in all the province; -and that although the houses were far apart, the country occupied -being extensive, it had numerous people and many maize-fields. The -town was called Tanico.[294] The camp was placed in the best part -of it, nigh a river. On the day of arrival, the Governor, with some -mounted men, went a league farther, but found no one, and only some -skins, which the cacique had put on the road to be taken, a sign of -peace, by the usage of the country. - - [292] After leaving Tatalicoya they came to a great river, - according to Ranjel. This was White River. - - [293] This province was in the region of northwestern Arkansas - and the Indian Territory. - - [294] Tanico was located on the east side of Grand or Neosho - River, in the Indian Territory. - - - - -Chapter 26 - -_How the Governor went to visit the province of Tulla, and what -happened to him._ - - -The Governor tarried a month in the province of Cayas. In this time -the horses fattened and throve more than they had done at other -places in a longer time, in consequence of the large quantity of -maize there, The blade of it, I think, is the best fodder that grows. -The beasts drank so copiously from the very warm and brackish lake, -that they came having their bellies swollen with the leaf when they -were brought back from watering. Till they reached that spot the -Christians had wanted salt: they now made a quantity and took it -with them. The Indians carry it into other parts, to exchange for -skins and shawls. - -The salt is made along by a river, which, when the water goes down, -leaves it upon the sand. As they cannot gather the salt without a -large mixture of sand, it is thrown together into certain baskets -they have for the purpose, made large at the mouth and small at the -bottom. These are set in the air on a ridge-pole; and water being -thrown on, vessels are placed under them wherein it may fall; then, -being strained and placed on the fire, it is boiled away, leaving -salt at the bottom. - -The lands on the shores of the river were fields, and maize was in -plenty. The Indians dared not cross the river to where we were. Some -appearing, were called to by the soldiers who saw them, and having -come over were conducted by them before the Governor. On being asked -for the cacique, they said that he was peaceful but afraid to show -himself. The Governor directly sent them back to tell him to come, -and, if he desired his friendship, to bring an interpreter and a -guide for the travel before them; that if he did not do so he would -go in pursuit, when it would be the worse for him. The Governor -waited three days, and finding that the cacique did not come, he went -in pursuit and brought him there a captive, with one hundred and -fifty of his people. He asked him if he had knowledge of any great -cacique, and in what direction the country was most inhabited. The -Indian stated, that the largest population about there was that of a -province lying to the southward, thence a day and a half's travel, -called Tulla; that he could give him a guide, but no interpreter; -that the tongue of that country was different from his, and that he -and his ancestors had ever been at war with its chiefs, so that they -neither conversed together nor understood each other. - -Then the Governor, with cavalry and fifty infantry, directly set out -for Tulla, to see if it were such a land as he might pass through -with his troops. So soon as it became known that he had reached -there, the inhabitants were summoned; and as they gathered by fifteen -and twenty at a time, they would come to attack the Christians. -Finding that they were sharply handled, and that in running the -horses would overtake them, they got upon the house-tops, where they -endeavored to defend themselves with their bows and arrows. When -beaten off from one roof, they would get up on to another; and while -the Christians were going after some, others would attack them from -an opposite direction. The struggle lasted so long that the steeds, -becoming tired, could not be made to run. One horse was killed and -others were wounded. Of the Indians fifteen were slain, and forty -women and boys made prisoners; for to no one who could draw a bow and -could be reached was his life spared him. - -The Governor determined at once to go back, before the inhabitants -should have time to come together. That afternoon, he set out, and -travelling into the night, he slept on the road to avoid Tulla, and -arrived the next day at Cayas. Three days later he marched to Tulla, -bringing with him the cacique, among whose Indians he was unable to -find one who spoke the language of that place. He was three days on -the way, and at his arrival found the town abandoned, the inhabitants -not venturing to remain for him. But no sooner did they know that -he was in the town, than, at four o'clock on the morning of the -first night, they came upon him in two squadrons, from different -directions, with bows and arrows and with long staves like pikes. So -soon as they were felt, both cavalry and infantry turned out. Some -Christians and some horses were injured. Many of the Indians were -killed. - -Of those made captive, the Governor sent six to the cacique, their -right hands and their noses cut off, with the message, that, if he -did not come to him to apologize and render obedience, he would go in -pursuit, and to him, and as many of his as he might find, would he do -as he had done to those he sent. He allowed him three days in which -to appear, making himself understood by signs, in the best manner -possible, for want of an interpreter. At the end of that time an -Indian, bearing a back-load of cow-skins from the cacique, arrived, -weeping with great sobs, and coming to where the Governor was, threw -himself at his feet. Soto raised him up, and the man made a speech, -but there was none to understand him. The Governor, by signs, told -him to return and say to the cacique, that he must send him some one -who could speak with the people of Cayas. Three Indians came the next -day with loads of cow-skins, and three days afterward came twenty -others. Among them was one who understood those of Cayas. After a -long oration from him, of apologies for the cacique and in praise of -the Governor, he concluded by saying, that he with the others had -come, in behalf of the chief, to inquire what his lordship would -command, for that he was ready to serve him. - -At hearing these words the Governor and the rest were all rejoiced; -for in no way could they go on without a guide. He ordered the man to -be safely kept, and told the Indians who came with him to go back to -the cacique and say, that he forgave him the past and greatly thanked -him for the interpreter and the presents; that he should be pleased -to see him, and to come the next day, that they might talk together. -He came at the end of three days, and with him eighty Indians. As -he and his men entered the camp they wept,--the token of obedience -and the repentance of a past error, according to the usage of that -country. He brought a present of many cow-skins, which were found -very useful; the country being cold, they were taken for bed-covers, -as they were very soft and the wool like that of sheep.[295] Near by, -to the northward, are many cattle. The Christians did not see them, -nor go where they were, because it was a country thinly populated, -having little maize. The cacique of Tulla made an address to the -Governor, in which he apologized and offered him his country, his -vassals, and his person. The speech of this cacique--like those of -the other chiefs, and all the messengers in their behalf who came -before the Governor--no orator could more elegantly phrase. - - [295] Buffalo skins are meant. - - - - -Chapter 27 - -_How the Governor went from Tulla to Autiamque, where he passed the -winter._ - - -The Governor informed himself of the country in every direction. He -ascertained that toward the west there was a thin population, and to -the southeast were great towns, principally in a province, abundant -of maize, called Autiamque, at the distance of about eighty leagues, -ten days' journey from Tulla. The winter was already come. The cold, -rain, and snow did not permit the people to travel for two or three -months in the year, and the Governor feared to remain among that -sparse population, lest his force could not be subsisted for that -length of time. Moreover, the Indians said that near Autiamque was -a great water, which, from their account, appeared to him to be an -arm of the sea. Hence, he determined to winter in that province, and -in the following summer to go to the sea-side, where he would build -two brigantines,--one to send to Cuba, the other to New Spain, that -the arrival of either might bear tidings of him. Three years had -elapsed since he had been heard of by Dona Ysabel, or by any person -in a civilized community. Two hundred and fifty men of his were -dead, likewise one hundred and fifty horses. He desired to recruit -from Cuba of man and beast, calculating, out of his property there, -to refit and again go back to advance, to discover and to conquer -farther on towards the west, where he had not reached, and whither -Cabeca de Vaca had wandered. - -Having dismissed the caciques of Tulla and Cayas, the Governor took -up his course, marching five days over very sharp mountains,[296] -and arrived in a peopled district called Quipana. Not a native could -be captured, because of the roughness of the country, and the town -was among ridges. At night an ambuscade was set, in which two men -were taken, who said that Autiamque was six days' journey distant, -and that there was another province toward the south, eight days' -travel off, called Guahate, very abundant in maize and very populous. -However, as Autiamque was nearer, and most of the Indians spoke of -it, the Governor continued on his journey thither.[297] - - [296] The Boston Mountains. - - [297] According to Ranjel they entered the plains on the second - day after leaving Quipana. Before doing so, they crossed the - Arkansas River, probably at the old ford, located some fifteen - miles above Fort Smith. - -At the end of three days he came to a town called Anoixi. Having sent -a captain in advance, with thirty horse and fifty foot, they came -suddenly upon the inhabitants, taking many of both sexes. On the -second day afterwards, the Governor arrived at another town, called -Catamaya, and slept in the adjacent fields. Two Indians coming to -him from the cacique, with the pretext of a message, in order to -ascertain his business, he told them to say to their master, that -he wished to speak with him; but they came no more, nor was other -word returned. The next day the Christians went to the town, which -was without people, and having taken what maize they needed, that -night they reached a wood to rest, and the day following arrived at -Autiamque.[298] - - [298] This town was located within thirty miles east of Fort - Smith, and on the south side of the Arkansas River. - -They found in store much maize, also beans, walnuts, and dried plums -(persimmons) in large quantities. Some Indians were taken while -gathering up their clothing, having already carried away their wives. -The country was level and very populous. The Governor lodged in the -best portion of the town, and ordered a fence immediately to be put -up about the encampment, away from the houses, that the Indians -without might do no injury with fire. Measuring off the ground by -pacing, he allotted to each his part to build, according to the -Indians he possessed; and the timber being soon brought by them, in -three days it was finished, made of very high trees sunk deep in the -ground, and traversed by many pieces. - -Near by passed a river of Cayas, the shores of it well peopled, both -above and below the town. Indians appeared on the part of the cacique -with a present of shawls and skins, and a lame chief, the lord of a -town called Tietiquaquo,[299] subject to the cacique of Autiamque, -came frequently to visit the Governor, and brought him gifts of the -things he possessed. The cacique sent to the Governor to inquire what -length of time he would remain in his territory; and hearing that he -was to be there more than three days, he sent no more messages nor -Indians, but treated with the lame chief to rise in revolt. Numerous -inroads were made, in which many persons of both sexes were taken, -and among the rest that chief, whom the Governor, having reprehended -and admonished, set at liberty, in consideration of the presents he -had made, giving him two Indians to bear him away on their shoulders. - - [299] This place was located in the province of Chaguate. - -The cacique of Autiamque, desiring to drive the strangers out of his -territory, ordered spies to be set about them. An Indian, coming at -night to the entrance of the palisade, was noticed by a soldier on -guard, who, putting himself behind the door as he entered, struck him -down with a cutlass. When taken before the Governor, he was asked why -he came, but fell dead without utterance. The next night the Governor -sent a soldier to beat the alarm, and cry out that he saw Indians, in -order to ascertain how fast the men would hasten to the call. This -was done also in other places, at times when it appeared to him they -were careless, that he might reprove those who were late in coming; -so that for danger, as well as for doing his duty, each one on such -occasion would strive to be the first. - -The Christians stayed three months in Autiamque, enjoying the -greatest plenty of maize, beans, walnuts, and dried plums -(persimmons); also rabbits, which they had never had ingenuity enough -to ensnare until the Indians there taught them. The contrivance is -a strong spring, that lifts the animal off its feet, a noose being -made of a stiff cord to run about the neck, passing through rings -of cane, that it may not be gnawed. Many of them were taken in the -maize-fields, usually when it was freezing or snowing. The Christians -were there a month in snow, when they did not go out of town, save -to a wood, at the distance of two crossbow-shots, to which, whenever -fuel was wanted, a road was opened, the Governor and others, on -horseback, going to and returning from it many times, when the fuel -was brought from there by those on foot. In this time many rabbits -were killed with arrows by the Indians, who were now allowed to go at -large in their shackles. The animal is of two sorts; one of them like -that of Spain, the other of the color, form, and size of the great -hare, though longer even, and having bigger loins. - - - - -Chapter 28 - -_How the Governor went from Autiamque to Nilco, and thence to -Guachoya._ - - -On Monday, the sixth day of March, of the year 1542 of the Christian -era, the Governor set out from Autiamque to seek Nilco, which the -Indians said was nigh the River Grande, with the purpose, by going -to the sea, to recruit his forces. He had not over three hundred -efficient men, nor more than forty horses. Some of the beasts were -lame, and useful only in making out the show of a troop of cavalry; -and, from the lack of iron, they had all gone a year without shoes, -though, from the circumstance of travelling in a smooth country, they -had little need of them. - -Juan Ortiz died in Autiamque, a loss the Governor greatly regretted; -for, without an interpreter, not knowing whither he was travelling, -Soto feared to enter the country, lest he might get lost. Thenceforth -a lad, taken in Cutifachiqui, who had learned somewhat of the -language of the Christians, served as the interpreter. The death was -so great a hindrance to our going, whether on discovery or out of the -country, that to learn of the Indians what would have been rendered -in four words, it became necessary now to have the whole day: and -oftener than otherwise the very opposite was understood of what was -asked; so that many times it happened the road that we travelled one -day, or sometimes two or three days, would have to be returned over, -wandering up and down, lost in thickets. - -The Governor went to a province called Ayays,[300] arriving at a town -near the river that passed by Cayas, and by Autiamque, from which -he had been ten days in coming. He ordered a piragua to be built, -in which he crossed;[301] and, having arrived on the other shore, -there set in such weather that marching was impossible for four days, -because of snow. When that ceased to fall, he travelled three days -through desert, a region so low, so full of lakes and bad passages, -that at one time, for the whole day, the travel lay through water up -to the knees at places, in others to the stirrups; and occasionally, -for the distance of a few paces, there was swimming. And he came -to Tutelpinco,[302] a town untenanted, and found to be without -maize, seated near a lake that flowed copiously into the river with -a violent current. Five Christians, in charge of a captain, in -attempting to cross, by order of the Governor, were upset; when some -seized hold of the canoe they had employed, others of trees that grew -in the water, while one, a worthy man, Francisco Bastian, a native of -Villanueva de Barcarota, became drowned. The Governor travelled all -one day along the margin of the lake, seeking for a ford, but could -discover none, nor any way to get over. - - [300] This province should not be confounded with the province of - Aays, which was located to the southward of Red River, in Texas. - - [301] This crossing-place was to the northward of Pine Bluff, and - probably in Jefferson County. - - [302] This place was on Big Bayou Meto, near the southeast corner - of town 6, range 5, east, in Jefferson County. - -Returning to Tutelpinco at night, the Governor found two friendly -natives, who were willing to show him the crossing, and the road -he was to take. From the reeds and timber of the houses, rafts and -causeways were made, on which the river was crossed. After three -days' marching, at Tianto, in the territory of Nilco, thirty Indians -were taken, among whom were two chiefs of the town. A captain, -with infantry and cavalry, was directly despatched to Nilco, that -the inhabitants might not have time to carry off their provisions. -In going through three or four large towns, at the one where the -cacique resided, two leagues from where the Governor stayed, many -Indians were found to be in readiness, with bows and arrows, who, -surrounding the place, appeared to invite an onset; but so soon as -they saw the Christians drawing nigh to them without faltering, they -approached the dwelling of the cacique, setting fire to it, and, by a -pond near the town, through which the horses could not go, they fled. - -The following day, Wednesday, the twenty-ninth of March, the Governor -arrived at Nilco,[303] making his quarters, and those of his people, -in the town of the cacique, which was in an open field, that for a -quarter of a league over was all inhabited; and at the distance of -from half a league to a league off were many other large towns, in -which was a good quantity of maize, beans, walnuts, and dried plums -(persimmons). This was the most populous of any country that was -seen in Florida, and the most abundant in maize, excepting Coca and -Apalache. An Indian, attended by a party, arrived at the camp, and, -presenting the Governor with a cloak of marten-skins and a string of -pearls, he received some margaridetas (a kind of bead much esteemed -in Peru) and other trinkets, with which he was well pleased. At -leaving, he promised to be back in two days, but did not return. In -the night-time, however, the Indians came in canoes, and carrying -away all the maize they could take, set up their huts on the other -side of the river, among the thickest bushes. The Governor, finding -that the Indians did not arrive within the time promised, ordered an -ambuscade to be placed at some cribs, near the lake, to which the -Indians came for maize. Two of them were taken, who told him that -the person who had come to visit him was not the cacique, but one -sent by him, pretending to be he, in order to observe what might be -the vigilance of the Christians, and whether it was their purpose to -remain in that country, or to go farther. Directly a captain, with -men on horseback and foot, were sent over to the other shore; but, as -their crossing was observed, only ten or a dozen Indians, of both -sexes, could be taken; and with these the Christians returned to camp. - - [303] Nilco was located a few miles southeast of Arkansas Post, - on section 30, town 8, south, range 2, west, in Desha County, - where there is a large mound. - -This river, passing by Anilco, is the same that flows by Cayas and -Autiamque, and falls into the River Grande, which flows by Pacaha and -Aquixo, near the province of Guachoya, the lord of which ascended in -canoes to carry war upon him of Nilco. In his behalf a messenger came -to the Governor, saying that the cacique was his servant, desiring to -be so considered, and that in two days from that time he would come -to make his salutation. He arrived in season, accompanied by some of -his principal men, and with great proffers and courtesy, he presented -many shawls and deer-skins. The Governor gave him some articles of -barter, showing him much attention, and inquired what towns there -might be on the river below. He replied that he knew of none other -than his own; that opposite was the province of a cacique called -Quigaltam; then, taking his leave, returned to his town. - -The Governor determined to go to Guachoya within a few days, to -learn if the sea were near, or if there were any inhabited territory -nigh it, where he might find subsistence whilst those brigantines -were building, that he desired to send to a country of Christians. -As he crossed the River of Nilco, there came up Indians in canoes -from Guachoya, who, when they saw him, thinking that he was in their -pursuit, to do them harm, they returned down the river, and informed -the cacique, when he took away from the town whatsoever his people -could carry, and passed over with them, all that night, to the other -bank of the River Grande. The Governor sent a captain with fifty men, -in six canoes, down the river to Guachoya;[304] while he, with the -rest, marched by land, arriving there on Sunday, the seventeenth day -of April.[305] He took up his quarters in the town of the cacique, -which was palisaded, seated a crossbow-shot from the stream, that is -there called the River Tamaliseu, Tapatu at Nilco, Mico at Coca, and -at its entrance is known as The River. - - [304] Guachoya was in the vicinity of Arkansas City, in Desha - County, and possibly at or near the large mound one mile to the - northward. - - [305] Sunday was the sixteenth of April. - - - - -Chapter 29 - -_The message sent to Quigaltam, and the answer brought back to the -Governor, and what occurred the while._ - - -So soon as the Governor arrived in Guachoya, he ordered Juan de -Anasco, with as many people as could go in the canoes, to ascend the -river; for while they were coming from Anilco they saw some cabins -newly built on the opposite shore. The comptroller went, and brought -back the boats laden with maize, beans, dried plums (persimmons), -and the pulp of them made into many loaves. The same day an Indian -arrived from Guachoya, and said that the cacique would come on the -morrow. The next day, many canoes were seen ascending the river; -and the people in them remained for an hour on the opposite side of -the River Grande, in consultation, as to whether they should come -to us or not; but finally they concluded to come, and crossed the -river, among them being the cacique of Guachoya with many Indians, -bringing much fish, many dogs, skins, and blankets. So soon as they -had landed, they went to the lodging of the Governor in the town, and -having presented him with the offerings, the cacique thus spoke: - - POTENT AND EXCELLENT MASTER: - - I entreat you to forgive me the error I committed in going away - from this town, and not waiting to greet and to obey you; since - the occasion should have been for me, and is, one of pride; but - I dreaded what I should not have feared, and did consequently - what was out of reason; for error comes of haste, and I left - without proper thought. So soon as I had reflected, I resolved - not to follow the inclination of the foolish, which is to - persist in his course, but to take that of the discreet and the - wise: thus have I changed my purpose, coming to see in what it - is you will bid me serve you, within the farthermost limits of - my control. - -The Governor received him with much pleasure, thanking him for the -proffers and gift. Being asked if he had any information of the sea, -he said, none, nor of any other inhabited country below on that -side of the river, except a town two leagues distant, belonging to -a chief subject to him; nor on the other shore, save three leagues -down, the province of Quigaltam, the lord of which was the greatest -of that country. The Governor, suspecting that the cacique spoke -untruthfully, to rid his towns of him, sent Juan de Anasco with -eight of cavalry down the river, to discover what population might -be there, and get what knowledge there was of the sea. He was gone -eight days, and stated, when he got back, that in all that time he -could not travel more than fourteen or fifteen leagues, on account -of the great bogs that came out of the river, the canebrakes and -thick scrubs there were along the margin, and that he had found no -inhabited spot. - -The Governor sank into a deep despondency at sight of the -difficulties that presented themselves to his reaching the sea; -and, what was worse, from the way in which the men and horses were -diminishing in numbers, he could not sustain himself in the country -without succor. Of that reflection he pined: but, before he took -to his pallet, he sent a messenger to the cacique of Quigaltam, to -say that he was the child of the Sun, and whence he came all obeyed -him, rendering their tribute; that he besought him to value his -friendship, and to come where he was; that he would be rejoiced to -see him; and in token of love and his obedience, he must bring him -something from his country that was in most esteem there. By the same -Indian, the chief returned this answer: - - As to what you say of your being the son of the Sun, if you will - cause him to dry up the great river, I will believe you: as to - the rest, it is not my custom to visit any one, but rather all, - of whom I have ever heard, have come to visit me, to serve and - obey me, and pay me tribute, either voluntarily or by force. - If you desire to see me, come where I am; if for peace, I will - receive you with special good-will; if for war, I will await you - in my town; but neither for you, nor for any man, will I set - back one foot. - -When the messenger returned, the Governor was already low, being very -ill of fevers. He grieved that he was not in a state to cross the -river at once, and go in quest of the cacique, to see if he could -not abate that pride; though the stream was already flowing very -powerfully, was nearly half a league broad, sixteen fathoms in depth, -rushing by in furious torrent, and on either shore were many Indians; -nor was his power any longer so great that he might disregard -advantages, relying on his strength alone. - -Every day the Indians of Guachoya brought fish, until they came to be -in such plenty that the town was covered with them. - -The Governor having been told by the cacique, that on a certain -night, the chief of Quigaltam would come to give him battle, he -suspected it to be a fiction of his devising to get him out of his -country, and he ordered him to be put under guard, and from that -night forth the watch to be well kept. When asked why the chief did -not come, he said that he had, but that, finding the Governor in -readiness, he dared not adventure; and he greatly importuned him to -send the captains over the river, offering to supply many men to -go upon Quigaltam; to which the Governor said, that so soon as he -got well he would himself go to seek that cacique. Observing how -many Indians came every day to the town, and how populous was that -country, the Governor fearing that they would plot together, and -practise on him some perfidy, he permitted the gates in use, and -some gaps in the palisade that had not yet been closed up, to remain -open, that the Indians might not suppose he stood in fear, ordering -the cavalry to be distributed there; and the night long they made -the round, from each squadron going mounted men in couples to visit -the scouts, outside the town, at points in the roads, and to the -crossbowmen that guarded the canoes in the river. - -That the Indians might stand in terror of them, the Governor -determined to send a captain to Nilco, which the people of Guachoya -had told him was inhabited, and, treating the inhabitants there -severely neither town would dare to attack him: so he commanded -Captain Nuno de Tobar to march thither with fifteen horsemen, and -Captain Juan de Guzman, with his company of foot, to ascend the river -by water in canoes. The cacique of Guachoya ordered canoes to be -brought, and many warriors to come, who went with the Christians. Two -leagues from Nilco, the cavalry, having first arrived, waited for the -foot, and thence together they crossed the river in the night. At -dawn, in sight of the town, they came upon a scout, who, directly as -he saw the Christians, set up loud yells, and fled to carry the news -to those in the place. Nuno de Tobar, and those with him, hastened on -so rapidly, that they were upon the inhabitants before they could all -get out of town. The ground was open field; the part of it covered by -the houses, which might be a quarter of a league in extent, contained -five or six thousand souls. Coming out of them, the Indians ran from -one to another habitation, numbers collecting in all parts, so that -there was not a man on horseback who did not find himself amidst -many; and when the captain ordered that the life of no male should be -spared, the surprise was such, that there was not a man among them -in readiness to draw a bow. The cries of the women and children were -such as to deafen those who pursued them. About one hundred men were -slain; many were allowed to get away badly wounded, that they might -strike terror into those who were absent. - -Some persons were so cruel and butcher-like that they killed all -before them, young and old, not one having resisted little nor -much; while those who felt it their duty to be wherever there might -be resistance, and were esteemed brave, broke through the crowds -of Indians, bearing down many with their stirrups and the breasts -of their horses, giving some a thrust and letting them go, but -encountering a child or a woman would take and deliver it over to the -footmen. To the ferocious and bloodthirsty, God permitted that their -sin should rise up against them in the presence of all--when there -was occasion for fighting showing extreme cowardice, and in the end -paying for it with their lives. - -Eighty women and children were captured at Nilco, and much clothing. -The Indians of Guachoya, before arriving at the town, had come to a -stop, and from without watched the success of the Christians over the -inhabitants; and when they saw that these were scattered, that the -cavalry were following and lancing them, they went to the houses for -plunder, filling the canoes with clothing; and lest the Christians -might take away what they got, they returned to Guachoya, where they -came greatly astonished at what they had seen done to the people of -Nilco, which they, in great fear, recounted circumstantially to their -cacique. - - - - -Chapter 30 - -_The death of the Adelantado, Don Hernando de Soto, and how Luys -Moscoso de Alvarado was chosen Governor._ - - -The Governor, conscious that the hour approached in which he should -depart this life, commanded that all the King's officers should be -called before him, the captains and the principal personages, to whom -he made a speech. He said that he was about to go into the presence -of God, to give account of all his past life; and since He had been -pleased to take him away at such a time, and when he could recognize -the moment of his death, he, His most unworthy servant, rendered -Him hearty thanks. He confessed his deep obligations to them all, -whether present or absent, for their great qualities, their love and -loyalty to his person, well tried in the sufferance of hardship, -which he ever wished to honor, and had designed to reward, when the -Almighty should be pleased to give him repose from labor with greater -prosperity to his fortune. He begged that they would pray for him, -that through mercy he might be pardoned his sins, and his soul be -received in glory: he asked that they would relieve him of the charge -he held over them, as well of the indebtedness he was under to them -all, as to forgive him any wrongs they might have received at his -hands. To prevent any divisions that might arise, as to who should -command, he asked that they would be pleased to elect a principal -and able person to be governor, one with whom they should all be -satisfied, and, being chosen, they would swear before him to obey: -that this would greatly satisfy him, abate somewhat the pains he -suffered, and moderate the anxiety of leaving them in a country, they -knew not where. - -Baltasar de Gallegos responded in behalf of all, consoling him with -remarks on the shortness of the life of this world, attended as it -was by so many toils and afflictions, saying that whom God earliest -called away, He showed particular favor; with many other things -appropriate to such an occasion: And finally, since it pleased the -Almighty to take him to Himself, amid the deep sorrow they not -unreasonably felt, it was necessary and becoming in him, as in them, -to conform to the Divine Will: that as respected the election of a -governor, which he ordered, whomsoever his Excellency should name to -the command, him would they obey. Thereupon the Governor nominated -Luys Moscoso de Alvarado to be his captain-general; when by all those -present was he straightway chosen and sworn Governor. - -The next day, the twenty-first of May, departed this life the -magnanimous, the virtuous, the intrepid captain, Don Hernando de -Soto, Governor of Cuba and Adelantado of Florida. He was advanced -by fortune, in the way she is wont to lead others, that he might -fall the greater depth: he died in a land, and at a time, that could -afford him little comfort in his illness, when the danger of being no -more heard from stared his companions in the face, each one himself -having need of sympathy, which was the cause why they neither gave -him their companionship nor visited him, as otherwise they would have -done. - -Luys de Moscoso determined to conceal what had happened from the -Indians; for Soto had given them to understand that the Christians -were immortal; besides, they held him to be vigilant, sagacious, -brave; and, although they were at peace, should they know him to be -dead, they, being of their nature inconstant, might venture on making -an attack; and they were credulous of all that he had told them, -for he made them believe that some things which went on among them -privately, he had discovered without their being able to see how, -or by what means; and that the figure which appeared in a mirror he -showed, told him whatsoever they might be about, or desired to do; -whence neither by word nor deed did they dare undertake any thing to -his injury. - -So soon as the death had taken place, Luys de Moscoso directed the -body to be put secretly into a house, where it remained three days; -and thence it was taken at night, by his order, to a gate of the -town, and buried within. The Indians, who had seen him ill, finding -him no longer, suspected the reason; and passing by where he lay, -they observed the ground loose, and, looking about, talked among -themselves. This coming to the knowledge of Luys de Moscoso, he -ordered the corpse to be taken up at night, and among the shawls -that enshrouded it having cast abundance of sand, it was taken out -in a canoe and committed to the middle of the stream. The cacique -of Guachoya asked for him, saying: "What has been done with my -brother and lord, the Governor?" Luys de Moscoso told him that he -had ascended into the skies, as he had done on many other occasions; -but as he would have to be detained there some time, he had left him -in his stead. The chief, thinking within himself that he was dead, -ordered two well-proportioned young men to be brought, saying, that -it was the usage of the country, when any lord died, to kill some -persons, who should accompany and serve him on the way, on which -account they were brought; and he told him to command their heads to -be struck off, that they might go accordingly to attend his friend -and master. Luys de Moscoso replied to him, that the Governor was -not dead, but only gone into the heavens, having taken with him of -his soldiers sufficient number for his need, and he besought him to -let those Indians go, and from that time forward not to follow so -evil a practice. They were presently ordered to be let loose, that -they might return to their houses; but one of them refused to leave, -alleging that he did not wish to remain in the power of one who, -without cause, condemned him to die, and that he who had saved his -life he desired to serve as long as he should live. - -Luys de Moscoso ordered the property of the Governor to be sold at -public outcry. It consisted of two male and three female slaves, -three horses, and seven hundred swine. For each slave, or horse, was -given two or three thousand cruzados, to be paid at the first melting -of gold or silver, or division of vassals and territory, with the -obligation that should there be nothing found in the country, the -payment should be made at the end of a year, those having no property -to pledge to give their bond. A hog bought in the same way, trusted, -two hundred cruzados. Those who had left anything at home bought more -sparingly, and took less than others. From that time forward most -of the people owned and raised hogs; they lived on pork, observed -Fridays and Saturdays, and the vespers of holidays, which they had -not done before; for, at times, they had passed two or three months -without tasting any meat, and on the day they got any, it had been -their custom to eat it. - - - - -Chapter 31 - -_How the Governor Luys de Moscoso left Guachoya and went to Chaguete, -and from thence to Aguacay._ - - -Some were glad of the death of Don Hernando de Soto, holding it -certain that Luys de Moscoso, who was given to leading a gay life, -preferred to see himself at ease in a land of Christians, rather than -continue the toils of war, discovering and subduing, which the people -had come to hate, finding the little recompense that followed. The -Governor ordered that the captains and principal personages should -come together, to consult and determine upon what they would do; and, -informed of the population there was on all sides, he found that -towards the west the country was most inhabited, and that descending -the stream, after passing Quigaltam, it was desert and had little -subsistence. He besought them all to give him their opinion in -writing, signed with their names, that, having the views of every -one, he might determine whether to follow down the river or enter the -land. - -To every one it appeared well to march westwardly, because in that -direction was New Spain, the voyage by sea being held more hazardous -and of doubtful accomplishment, as a vessel of sufficient strength -to weather a storm could not be built, nor was there captain nor -pilot, needle nor chart, nor was it known how distant might be the -sea; neither had they any tidings of it, or if the river did not take -some great turn through the land, or might not have some fall over -rocks where they might be lost. Some, who had seen the sea-card, -found that by the shore, from the place where they were to New Spain, -there should be about five hundred leagues; and they said that by -land, though they might have to go round about sometimes, in looking -for a peopled country, unless some great impassable wilderness -should intervene, they could not be hindered from going forward that -summer; and, finding provision for support in some peopled country -where they might stop, the following summer they should arrive in a -land of Christians; and that, going by land, it might be they should -discover some rich country which would avail them. Moscoso, although -it was his desire to get out of the land of Florida in the shortest -time, seeing the difficulties that lay before him in a voyage by sea, -determined to undertake that which should appear to be the best to -all. - -Monday, the fifth of June, the Governor left Guachoya, receiving -a guide from the cacique who remained in his town. They passed -through a province called Catalte; and, going through a desert six -days' journey in extent, on the twentieth of the month they came to -Chaguate.[306] The cacique of the province had been to visit the -Governor, Don Hernando de Soto, at Autiamque, where he took him -presents of shawls, skins, and salt. The day before Luys de Moscoso -arrived, a sick Christian becoming missed, whom the Indians were -suspected to have killed, he sent word to the cacique to look for -and return him--that in so doing he would continue to be his friend; -if otherwise, the cacique should not hide from him anywhere, nor he -nor his, and that he would leave his country in ashes. The chief -directly came, and, bringing the Christian, with a large gift of -shawls and skins, he made this speech: - - EXCELLENT MASTER: - - I would not deserve that opinion you have of me for all the - wealth of the world. Who impelled me to visit and serve that - excellent lord, the Governor, your father, in Autiamque, which - you should have remembered, where I offered myself, with all - loyalty, truth, and love, to serve and obey his lifetime: or - what could have been my purpose, having received favors of - him, and without either of you having done me any injury, - that I should be moved to do that which I should not? Believe - me, no outrage, nor worldly interest, could have been equal - to making me act thus, or could have so blinded me. Since, - however, in this life, the natural course is, after one pleasure - should succeed many pains, fortune has been pleased with your - indignation to moderate the joy I felt in my heart at your - coming, and have failed where I aimed to hit, in pleasing this - Christian, who remained behind lost, treating him in a manner of - which he shall himself speak, thinking that in this I should do - you service, and intending to come with and deliver him to you - at Chaguate, serving you in all things, to the extent possible - in my power. If for this I deserve punishment from your hand, I - shall receive it, as coming from my master's, as though it were - favor. - - [306] This province was probably on Saline River, in Saline - County. From here they turned to the south-southeast. - -The Governor answered, that because he had not found him in Chaguete -he was incensed, supposing that he had kept away, as others had -done; but that, as he now knew his loyalty and love, he would ever -consider him a brother, and would favor him in all matters. The -cacique went with him to the town where he resided, the distance of -a day's journey. They passed through a small town where was a lake, -and the Indians made salt: the Christians made some on the day they -rested there, from water that rose near by from springs in pools. -The Governor was six days in Chaguete, where he informed himself of -the people there were to the west. He heard that three days' journey -distant, was a province called Aguacay. - -On leaving Chaguete, a Christian remained behind, named Francisco -de Guzman, bastard son of a gentleman of Seville, who, in fear of -being made to pay for gaming debts in the person of an Indian girl, -his concubine, he took her away with him; and the Governor, having -marched two days before he was missed, sent word to the cacique to -seek for and send him to Aguacay, whither he was marching, but the -chief never did. Before arriving at this province, they received five -Indians, coming with a gift of skins, fish, and roasted venison, -sent on the part of the cacique. The Governor reached his town on -Wednesday, the fourth day of July,[307] and finding it unoccupied, -lodged there. He remained in it a while, making some inroads, in -which many Indians of both sexes were captured. There they heard of -the South Sea. Much salt was got out of the sand, gathered in a vein -of earth like slate, and was made as they make it in Cayas. - - [307] The fourth of July was Tuesday. - - - - -Chapter 32 - - _How the Governor went from Aguacay to Naguatex, and what - happened to him._ - - -The day the Governor left Aguacay he went to sleep near a small town, -subject to the lord of that province. He set the encampment very nigh -a salt lake,[308] and that afternoon some salt was made. He marched -the next day, and slept between two mountains, in an open grove; the -next after, he arrived at a small town called Pato; and on the fourth -day of his departure from Aguacay he came to the first inhabited -place, in a province called Amaye. There they took an Indian, who -said that thence to Naguatex was a day and a half's journey, all the -way lying through an inhabited region. - - [308] This town and lake were on the west side of Quachita River, - about two miles south of Arkadelphia, in Clark County. - -Having passed out of Amaye, on Saturday, the twentieth of July,[309] -between that place and Naguatex, at mid-day, along a clump of -luxuriant woods,[310] the camp was seated. From thence Indians being -seen, who had come to espy them, those on horseback went in their -pursuit, killed six, and captured two. The prisoners being asked by -the Governor why they had come, they said, to discover the numbers -he had, and their condition, having been sent by their lord, the -chief of Naguatex; and that he, with other caciques, who came in his -company and his cause, had determined on giving him battle that day. - - [309] The twentieth of July was Thursday. - - [310] Probably on Prairie de Roane, near Hope. - -While thus conferring, many Indians advanced, formed in two -squadrons, who, so soon as they saw that they were descried, giving -whoops, they assailed the Christians with great fury, each on a -different quarter; but finding how firm was the resistance, they -turned, and fleeing, many lost their lives; the greater part of -the cavalry pursuing them, forgetful of the camp, when those that -remained were attacked by other two squadrons, that had lain in -concealment, who, in their turn, having been withstood, paid the -penalty that the first had done. - -When the Christians came together, after the Indians fled, they -heard loud shouting, at the distance of a crossbow-shot from where -they were; and the Governor sent twelve cavalry to see what might be -the cause. Six Christians were found amidst numerous Indians, two, -that were mounted, defending four on foot, with great difficulty; -and they, as well as those who went to their succor, finally ended -by killing many. They had got lost from those who followed after -the first squadrons, and, in returning to the camp, fell among -them with whom they were found fighting. One Indian, brought back -alive, being asked by the Governor who they were that had come to -give him battle, said the cacique of Naguatex, the one of Maye, and -another of a province called Hacanac, lord of great territories and -numerous vassals, he of Naguatex being in command. The Governor, -having ordered his right arm to be cut off, and his nose, sent him -to the cacique, with word that he would march the next day into -his territory to destroy it, and that if he wished to dispute his -entrance to await him. - -The Governor stopped there that night, and the following day he -came to the habitations of Naguatex, which were much scattered, and -having asked for the town of the cacique, he was told that it stood -on the opposite side of a river near by. He marched thitherward; -and coming to the river,[311] on the other bank he saw many Indians -awaiting him, set in order to defend the passage; but, as he did not -know whether it might be forded or not, nor whereabouts it could be -crossed, and having some wounded men and horses, he determined to -repose for some time in the town where he was, until they should be -healed. - - [311] Little River, in Hempstead County. - -In consequence of the great heats that prevailed, he pitched his camp -a quarter of a league from the river, in a fine open grove of high -trees, near a brook, close to the town. Some Indians taken there, -having been asked if the river was fordable, said yes, at times it -was, in certain places; on the tenth day he sent two captains, each -with fifteen cavalry, one up and the other down the stream, with -guides to show where they might get over, to see what towns were to -be found on the opposite side. They were both opposed by the Indians, -who defended the passages the best they could; but these being taken -notwithstanding, on the other shore they found many habitations, with -much subsistence; and having seen this, the detachments went back to -the camp. - - - - -Chapter 33 - - _How the cacique of Naguatex came to visit the Governor, and how - the Governor went thence, and arrived at Nondacao._ - - -From Naguatex, where the Governor was, he sent a message to the -cacique, that, should he come to serve and obey him, he would pardon -the past; and if he did not, he would go to look after him, and would -inflict the chastisement he deserved for what he had done. At the -end of two days the Indian got back, bringing word that to-morrow -the cacique would come. The day before his arrival, the chief sent -many Indians in advance of him, among whom were some principal men, -to discover in what mood the Governor was, and determine whether -he would himself come or not. They went back directly as they had -announced his approach, the cacique arriving in a couple of hours -afterward, well attended by his people. They came one before another, -in double file, leaving an opening through the midst, where he -walked. They arrived in the Governor's presence weeping, after the -usage of Tula (thence to the eastward not very distant), when the -chief, making his proper obeisance, thus spoke: - - VERY HIGH AND POWERFUL LORD, WHOM ALL THE EARTH SHOULD SERVE AND - OBEY: - - I venture to appear before you, after having been guilty of - so great and bad an act, that, for only having thought of it, - I merit punishment. Trusting in your greatness, although I do - not deserve pardon, yet for your own dignity you will show me - mercy, having regard to my inferiority in comparison with you, - forgetting my weakness, which to my sorrow, and for my greater - good, I have come to know. - - I believe that you and yours must be immortal; that you are - master of the things of nature; since you subject them all, - and they obey you, even the very hearts of men. Witnessing the - slaughter and destruction of my men in battle, which came of my - ignorance, and the counsel of a brother of mine, who fell in the - action, from my heart did I repent the error that I committed, - and directly I desired to serve and obey you: wherefore have I - come, that you may chastise and command me as your own. - -The Governor replied, that the past would be forgiven; and that, -should he thenceforward do his duty, he would be his friend, favoring -him in all matters. - -At the end of four days Luys de Moscoso set forward, and arrived at a -river he could not pass,[312] it ran so full, which to him appeared -wonderful at the time, more than a month having gone by since there -had been rain. The Indians said, that it often increased in that -manner, without there being rain anywhere, in all the country. It was -supposed to be caused by the sea entering in; but he learned that the -water always flowed from above, and that the Indians nowhere had any -information of the sea. - - [312] Red River. - -The Governor returned back to where he had been the last days; and, -at the end of eight more, understanding that the river might then be -crossed, he left, and passed over to the other bank,[313] where he -found houses, but no people. He lodged out in the fields, and sent -word to the cacique to come where he was, and to give him a guide -to go on with. After some days, finding that the cacique did not -come, nor send any one, he despatched two captains, each of them -in a different direction, to set fire to the towns, and seize the -people that might be found. They burned much provision, and captured -many Indians. The cacique, seeing the damage his territories were -receiving, sent five principal men to Moscoso, with three guides, who -understood the language farther on, whither he would go. - - [313] This ford was located about three miles east of the line - between Texas and Arkansas, in the latter state, and is known as - White Oak Shoals. - -Directly the Governor set out from Naguatex, arriving, on the third -day, at a hamlet of four or five houses, belonging to the cacique of -the poor province named Nissohone, a thinly peopled country, having -little maize. Two days' journey on the way, the Indians who guided -the Governor, in place of taking him to the west, would lead him to -the east, and at times they went through heavy thickets, out of the -road: in consequence, he ordered that they should be hanged upon a -tree. A woman, taken in Nissohone, served as the guide, who went back -to find the road. - -In two days' time the Governor came to another miserable country, -called Lacane. An Indian was taken, who said the land of Nondacao was -very populous, the houses much scattered, as in mountainous regions, -and there was plenty of maize. The cacique came with his Indians, -weeping, as those of Naguatex had done, which is, according to their -custom, significant of obedience; and he made a present of much -fish, offering to do whatsoever might be required of him. He took his -departure, leaving a guide for the province of Soacatino. - - - - -Chapter 34 - - _How the Governor marched from Nondacao to Soacatino and Guasco, - passing through a wilderness, whence, for want of a guide and - interpreter, he retired to Nilco._ - - -The Governor set out from Nondacao for Soacatino, and on the fifth -day came to a province called Aays.[314] The inhabitants had never -heard of the Christians. So soon as they observed them entering the -territory the people were called out, who, as fast as they could get -together, came by fifties and hundreds on the road, to give battle. -While some encountered us, others fell upon our rear; and when we -followed up those, these pursued us. The attack continued during the -greater part of the day, until we arrived at their town. Some men -were injured, and some horses, but nothing so as to hinder travel, -there being not one dangerous wound among all. The Indians suffered -great slaughter. - - [314] This was apparently to the southward of Gainesville, Texas, - the town being located just west of the "Lower Cross Timbers," on - the prairie. - -The day on which the Governor departed, the guide told him he had -heard it said in Nondacao, that the Indians of Soacatino had seen -other Christians; at which we were all delighted, thinking it might -be true, and that they could have come by the way of New Spain; for -if it were so, finding nothing in Florida of value, we should be able -to go out of it, there being fear we might perish in some wilderness. -The Governor, having been led for two days out of the way, ordered -that the Indian be put to the torture, when he confessed that his -master, the cacique of Nondacao, had ordered him to take them in -that manner, we being his enemies, and he, as his vassal, was bound -to obey him. He was commanded to be cast to the dogs, and another -Indian guided us to Soacatino,[315] where we came the following day. - - [315] This place was apparently located in the "Upper Cross - Timbers." The Spaniards here turned to the southward. - -The country was very poor, and the want of maize was greatly -felt. The natives being asked if they had any knowledge of other -Christians, said they had heard that near there, towards the south, -such men were moving about. For twenty days the march was through -a very thinly peopled country, where great privation and toil were -endured; the little maize there was, the Indians having buried in the -scrub, where the Christians, at the close of the day's march, when -they were well weary, went trailing, to seek for what they needed of -it to eat. - -Arrived at a province called Guasco,[316] they found maize, with -which they loaded the horses and the Indians; thence they went to -another settlement, called Naquiscoca, the inhabitants of which said -that they had no knowledge of any other Christians. The Governor -ordered them put to torture, when they stated that farther on, in the -territories of another chief, called Nacacahoz,[317] the Christians -had arrived, and gone back toward the west, whence they came. He -reached there in two days, and took some women, among whom was one -who said that she had seen Christians, and, having been in their -hands, had made her escape from them. The Governor sent a captain -with fifteen cavalry to where she said they were seen, to discover -if there were any marks of horses, or signs of any Christians having -been there; and after travelling three or four leagues, she who -was the guide declared that all she had said was false; and so it -was deemed of everything else the Indians had told of having seen -Christians in Florida. - - [316] Waco. The town was evidently located on the Brazos River, - near old Fort Belknap, in Young County, Texas. - - [317] These two provinces were to the southeast of Guasco, in the - Brazos valley. - -As the region thereabout was scarce of maize, and no information -could be got of any inhabited country to the west, the Governor went -back to Guasco. The residents stated, that ten days' journey from -there, toward the sunset, was a river called Daycao,[318] whither -they sometimes went to drive and kill deer, and whence they had seen -persons on the other bank, but without knowing what people they were. -The Christians took as much maize as they could find, to carry with -them; and journeying ten days through a wilderness,[319] they arrived -at the river of which the Indians had spoken. Ten horsemen sent in -advance by the Governor had crossed; and, following a road leading up -from the bank, they came upon an encampment of Indians living in very -small huts, who, directly as they saw the Christians, took to flight, -leaving what they had, indications only of poverty and misery. -So wretched was the country, that what was found everywhere, put -together, was not half an alqueire of maize.[320] Taking two natives, -they went back to the river, where the Governor waited; and on coming -to question the captives, to ascertain what towns there might be to -the west, no Indian was found in the camp who knew their language. - - [318] Probably the Double Mountain fork of Brazos River. The - crossing was probably made at the south angle of the river, in - the northwestern part of Fisher County, Texas. - - [319] A continuous forest extends from old Fort Belknap to the - eastern slope of the "Staked Plains," and is the only one through - which they could have marched for ten days to the westward. - - [320] _I.e._, less than a peck. - -The Governor commanded the captains and principal personages to be -called together that he might determine now by their opinions what -was best to do. The majority declared it their judgment to return -to the River Grande of Guachoya, because in Anilco and thereabout -was much maize; that during the winter they would build brigantines, -and the following spring go down the river in them in quest of the -sea, where having arrived, they would follow the coast thence along -to New Spain,--an enterprise which, although it appeared to be one -difficult to accomplish, yet from their experience it offered the -only course to be pursued. They could not travel by land, for want of -an interpreter; and they considered the country farther on, beyond -the River Daycao, on which they were, to be that which Cabeca de Vaca -had said in his narrative should have to be traversed, where the -Indians wandered like Arabs, having no settled place of residence, -living on prickly pears, the roots of plants, and game; and that -if this should be so, and they, entering upon that tract, found no -provision for sustenance during winter, they must inevitably perish, -it being already the beginning of October; and if they remained any -longer where they were, what with rains and snow, they should neither -be able to fall back, nor, in a land so poor as that, to subsist. - -The Governor, who longed to be again where he could get his full -measure of sleep, rather than govern and go conquering a country so -beset for him with hardships, directly returned, getting back from -whence he came. - - - - -Chapter 35 - - _How the Christians returned to Nilco, and thence went to - Minoya, where they prepared to build vessels in which to leave - Florida._ - - -When what had been determined on was proclaimed in the camp, many -were greatly disheartened. They considered the voyage by sea to be -very hazardous, because of their poor subsistence, and as perilous -as was the journey by land, whereon they had looked to find a rich -country, before coming to the soil of Christians. This was according -to what Cabeca de Vaca told the Emperor, that after seeing cotton -cloth, would be found gold, silver, and stones of much value, and -they were not yet come to where he had wandered; for before arriving -there, he had always travelled along the coast, and they were -marching far within the land; hence by keeping toward the west they -must unavoidably come to where he had been, as he said that he had -gone about in a certain region a long time, and marched northward -into the interior. Now, in Guasco, they had already found some -turquoises, and shawls of cotton, which the Indians gave them to -understand, by signs, were brought from the direction of the sunset; -so that they who should take that course must approach the country of -Christians. - -There was likewise much other discontent. Many grieved to go back, -and would rather have continued to run the peril of their lives -than leave Florida poor. They were not equal, however, to changing -what was resolved on, as the persons of importance agreed with the -Governor. There was one, nevertheless, who said afterwards that he -would willingly pluck out an eye, to put out another for Luys de -Moscoso, so greatly would he grieve to see him prosper; with such -bitterness did he inveigh against him and some of his friends, which -he would not have dared to do, only he knew that in a couple of days -from that time the government would have to be relinquished. - -From Daycao, where they were, to the Rio Grande, was a distance of -one hundred and fifty leagues, which they had marched, toward that -place, always westwardly; and, as they returned over the way, with -great difficulty could they find maize to eat; for, wheresoever they -had passed, the country lay devastated, and the little that was left, -the Indians had now hidden. The towns they had burned in Naguatex, of -which they had repented, they found already rebuilt, and the houses -full of maize. That country is populous and abundant. Pottery is made -there of clay, little differing from that of Estremoz or Montemor. - -To Chaguete, by command of the cacique, the Indians came in peace, -and said, that the Christian who had remained there would not come. -The Governor wrote to him, sending ink and paper, that he might -answer. The purport of the letter stated his determination to leave -Florida, reminded him of his being a Christian, and that he was -unwilling to leave him among heathen; that he would pardon the error -he had committed in going to the Indians, should he return; and -that if they should wish to detain him, to let the Governor know by -writing. The Indian who took the letter came back, bringing no other -response than the name and rubric of the person written on the back, -to signify that he was alive. The Governor sent twelve mounted men -after him; but, having his watchers, he so hid himself that he could -not be found. For want of maize the Governor could not tarry longer -to look for him; so he left Chaguete, crossed the river at Aays,[321] -and following it down, he discovered a town which they had not seen -before, called Chilano. - - [321] This name should be Ayays,--the old crossing-place on the - Arkansas River, above Pine Bluff. - -They came to Nilco, where the Governor found so little maize, that -there was not enough to last while they made the vessels; for during -seed-time, while the Christians were in Guachoya, the Indians, in -fear of them, had not dared to come and plant the grounds; and no -other land about there was known to have maize, that being the most -fertile region of the vicinity, and where they had the most hope of -finding sustenance. Everybody was confounded. - -Many thought it bad counsel to have come back from the Daycao, and -not to have taken the risk of continuing in the way they were going -by land; as it seemed impossible they should escape by sea, unless a -miracle might be wrought for them; for there was neither pilot nor -sea-chart; they knew not where the river entered the sea, nor of the -sea could they get any information; they had nothing out of which to -make sails, nor for rope a sufficiency of enequen (a grass growing -there, which is like hemp), and what they did find was saved for -calk; nor was there wherewith to pitch them. Neither could they build -vessels of such strength that any accident might not put them in -jeopardy of life; and they greatly feared that what befell Narvaez, -who was lost on the coast, might happen to them also. But the most of -all they feared was the want of maize; for without that they could -not support themselves, or do anything they would. All were in great -dismay. - -The Christians chose to commend themselves to God for relief, and -beseech Him to point them out a way by which they might be saved. By -His Goodness He was pleased that the people of Anilco should come -peacefully, and state that two days' journey thence, near the River -Grande, were two towns of which the Christians had not heard, in a -fertile country named Aminoya; but whether it then contained maize -or not, they were unable to tell, as they were at war with those -places; they would nevertheless be greatly pleased to go and destroy -them, with the aid of the Christians. The Governor sent a captain -thither, with horsemen and footmen, and the Indians of Anilco. -Arriving at Aminoya,[322] he found two large towns in a level, open -field, half a league apart, in sight of each other, where he captured -many persons, and found a large quantity of maize. He took lodging -in one of the towns, and directly sent a message to the Governor -concerning what he had found, with which all were well content. They -set out from Anilco in the beginning of December, and on that march, -as well as before coming there from Chilano, they underwent great -exposure; for they passed through much water, and rain fell many -times, bringing a north wind, with severe cold, so that when in the -field they had the water both above and below them; and if at the -end of a day's journey they found dry ground to lie upon, they had -occasion to be thankful. In these hardships nearly all the Indians in -service died, and also many Christians, after coming to Aminoya; the -greater number being sick of severe and dangerous diseases, marked -with inclination to lethargy. Andre de Vasconcelos died there, and -two Portuguese brothers of Elvas, near of kin to him, by the name of -Soti. - - [322] The town was located above the mouth of the Arkansas River, - in Desha County, Arkansas. - -The Christians chose for their quarters what appeared to be the best -town: it was stockaded, and stood a quarter of a league distant from -the Rio Grande. The maize that lay in the other town was brought -there, and when together the quantity was estimated to be six -thousand fanegas.[323] For the building of ships better timber was -found than had been seen elsewhere in all Florida; on which account, -all rendered many thanks to God for so signal mercy, encouraging the -hope in them, that they should be successful in their wish to reach a -shore of Christians. - - [323] The fanega of Lisbon was somewhat more than a pint. - - - - -Chapter 36 - - _How seven brigantines were built, and the Christians took their - departure from Aminoya._ - - -So soon as the Christians arrived in Aminoya, the Governor commanded -the chains to be collected which every one brought along for Indians, -the iron in shot, and what was in the camp. He ordered a furnace -to be set up for making spikes, and likewise timber to be cut down -for the brigantines. A Portuguese, of Ceuta, had learned to saw -lumber while a captive in Fez; and saws had been brought for that -purpose, with which he taught others, who assisted him. A Genoese, -whom God had been pleased to spare (as without him we could not have -gone away, there being not another person who knew how to construct -vessels), built the brigantines with the help of four or five -Biscayan carpenters, who hewed the plank and ribs for him; and two -calkers, one a Genoese, the other a Sardinian, closed them up with -the oakum, got from a plant like hemp, called enequen, of which I -have before spoken; but from its scarcity the flax of the country -was likewise used, as well as the ravellings of shawls. The cooper -sickened to the point of death, and there was not another workman; -but God was pleased to give him health, and notwithstanding he was -very thin, and unfit to labor, fifteen days before the vessels -sailed, he had made for each of them two of the half-hogsheads -sailors call quartos, four of them holding a pipe of water. - -The Indians of a province called Tagoanate, two days' journey up the -river, likewise those of Anilco and Guachoya, and other neighboring -people, seeing the vessels were building, thought, as their places of -concealment were by the water's side, that it was the purpose to come -in quest of them; and because the Governor had asked for shawls, as -necessary out of which to make sails, they came often, and brought -many, as likewise a great deal of fish. - -Of a verity, it did appear that God chose to favor the Christians -in their extreme need, disposing the Indians to bring the garments; -otherwise, there had been no way but to go and fetch them. Then the -town where they were, as soon as the winter should set in, would -become so surrounded by water, and isolated, that no one could travel -from it by land farther than a league, or a league and a half, when -the horses could no longer be used. Without them we were unable to -contend, the Indians being so numerous; besides, man to man on foot, -whether in the water or on dry ground, they were superior, being more -skilful and active, and the conditions of the country more favorable -to the practice of their warfare. - -They also brought us ropes; and the cables needed were made from the -bark of the mulberry-trees. Anchors were made of stirrups, for which -others of wood were substituted. In March, more than a month having -passed since rain fell, the river became so enlarged that it reached -Nilco, nine leagues off; and the Indians said, that on the opposite -side it also extended an equal distance over the country. - -The ground whereon the town stood was higher, and where the going was -best, the water reached to the stirrups. Rafts were made of trees, -upon which were placed many boughs, whereon the horses stood; and -in the houses were like arrangements; yet, even this not proving -sufficient, the people ascended into the lofts; and when they went -out of the houses it was in canoes, or, if on horseback, they went in -places where the earth was highest. - -Such was our situation for two months, in which time the river did -not fall, and no work could be done. The natives, coming in canoes, -did not cease to visit the brigantines. The Governor, fearing they -would attack him in that time, ordered one of those coming to the -town to be secretly seized, and kept until the rest were gone; which -being done, he directed that the prisoner should be tortured, in -order to draw out from him any plotting of treason that might exist. -The captive said, that the caciques of Nilco, Guachoya, Taguanate, -and others, in all some twenty, had determined to come upon him, -with a great body of people. Three days before they should do so, -the better to veil their evil purpose and perfidy, they were to -send a present of fish; and on the day itself, another present was -to be sent in advance of them, by some Indians, who, with others in -the conspiracy, that were serving, should set fire to the houses, -after getting possession of the lances placed near the doors of the -dwellings, when the caciques, with all their people, being concealed -in the thicket nigh the town, on seeing the flame, should hasten to -make an end of them. - -The Governor ordered the Indian to be put in a chain; and on the -day that was stated, thirty men having come with fish, he commanded -their right hands to be cut off, sending word by them to the cacique -of Guachoya, whose they were, that he and his might come when they -pleased, he desired nothing better, but they should learn that they -could not think of a thing that he did not know their thought before -them. At this they were all greatly terrified; the caciques of Nilco -and Taguanate came to make excuses, and a few days after came the -cacique of Guachoya, with a principal Indian, his vassal, stating -that he had certain information of an agreement between the caciques -of Nilco and Taguanate to come and give the Christians battle. - -So soon as some Indians arrived from Nilco, the Governor questioned -them, and they confirming what was said, he delivered them at once to -the principal Indian of Guachoya, who took them out of the town and -killed them. The next day came others from Taguanate, who likewise -having confessed, the Governor commanded that their right hands and -their noses should be cut off, and he sent them to the cacique. With -this procedure the people of Guachoya were well satisfied, and often -came with presents of shawls and fish, and of hogs, which were the -breeding of some sows lost there the year before. Having persuaded -the Governor to send people to Taguanate, so soon as the waters fell, -they brought canoes, in which infantry went down [up] the river, and -a captain proceeded by land with cavalry; and having guided them -until they came to Taguanate,[324] the Christians assaulted the -town, took many men and women, and shawls, which, with what they had -already, sufficed for their want. - - [324] This province was on White River, and the town was probably - in the southern part of Monroe County, Arkansas, possibly at - Indian Bay. - -In the month of June the brigantines were finished, and the Indians -having stated that the river rose but once in the year, which was -with the melting of snow, that had already passed, it being now -summer, and a long time since rain had fallen, God was pleased that -the water should come up to the town, where the vessels were, whence -they floated into the river; for had they been taken over ground, -there would have been danger of tearing open the bottoms, thereby -entirely wrecking them, the planks being thin, and the spikes made -short for the lack of iron. - -In the time that the Christians were there, the people of Aminoya -came to offer their service, being compelled by hunger to beg some -ears of that corn which had been taken from them. As the country was -fertile, they were accustomed to subsist on maize; and as all that -they possessed had been seized, and the population was numerous, they -could not exist. Those who came to the town were weak, and so lean -that they had not flesh on their bones, and many died near by, of -clear hunger and debility. The Governor ordered, under pain of heavy -punishments, that maize should not be given to them; still, when it -was seen that they were willing to work, and that the hogs had a -plenty, the men, pitying their misery and destitution, would share -their grain with them; so that when the time arrived for departure, -there was not enough left to answer for what was needed. That which -remained was put into the brigantines and the great canoes, which -were tied together in couples. Twenty-two horses were taken on board, -being the best there were in the camp; the flesh of the rest was -jerked, as was also that of the hogs that remained. On the second day -of July, of the year one thousand five hundred and forty-three, we -took our departure from Aminoya. - - - - -Chapter 37 - - _How the Christians, on their voyage, were attacked in the - river, by the Indians of Quigualtam, and what happened._ - - -The day before the Christians left Aminoya, it was determined to -dismiss the men and women that were serving, with the exception of -some hundred slaves, more or less, put on board by the Governor, -and by those he favored. As there were many persons of condition, -whom he could not refuse what he allowed to others, he made use of -an artifice, saying, that while they should be going down the river -they might have the use of them; but on coming to the sea they would -have to be left, because of the necessity for water, and there were -but few casks; while he secretly told his friends to take the slaves, -that they would carry them to New Spain. All those to whom he bore -ill-will, the greater number, not suspecting his concealment from -them, which after a while appeared, thought it inhuman for so short -service, in return for so much as the natives had done, to take them -away, to be left captives out of their territories, in the hands -of other Indians, abandoning five hundred males and females, among -whom were many boys and girls who understood and spoke Spanish. The -most of them wept, which caused great compassion, as they were all -Christians of their own free will, and were now to remain lost. - -In seven brigantines went three hundred and twenty-two Spaniards from -Aminoya. The vessels were of good build, except that the planks were -thin, on account of the shortness of the spikes; and they were not -pitched, nor had they decks to shed the water that might enter them, -but planks were placed instead, upon which the mariners might run to -fasten the sails, and the people accommodate themselves above and -below. - -The Governor appointed his captains, giving to each of them his -brigantine, taking their word and oath to obey him until they should -come to the land of Christians. He chose for himself the brigantine -he liked best. On the day of his departure they passed by Guachoya, -where the Indians, in canoes, were waiting for them in the river, -having made a great arbor on the shore, to which they invited him, -but he made excuse, and passed along. They accompanied him until -arriving where an arm of the river extends to the right,[325] near -which they said was Quigualtam; and they importuned him to go and -make war upon it, offering their assistance. As they told him there -were three days' journey down the river to that province, suspecting -they had arranged some perfidy, he dismissed them there; then, -submitting himself to where lay the full strength of the stream, went -his voyage, driven on rapidly by the power of the current and aid of -oars. - - [325] This was a channel connecting the Mississippi River with - Bayou Macon, and was located in the northern part of Chicot - County, Arkansas. - -On the first day they came to land in a clump of trees, by the left -bank, and at dark they retired to the vessels. The following day they -came to a town, where they went on shore, but the occupants dared not -tarry for them. A woman who was captured, being questioned, said the -town was that of a chief named Huhasene, a subject of Quigualtam, -who, with a great many people, was waiting for them. Mounted men went -down the river, and finding some houses, in which was much maize, -immediately the rest followed. They tarried there a day, in which -they shelled and got ready as much maize as was needed. In this time -many Indians came up the river in canoes; and, on the opposite side, -in front, somewhat carelessly put themselves in order of battle. -The Governor sent after them the crossbowmen he had with him, in -two canoes, and as many other persons as they could hold, when the -Indians fled; but, seeing the Spaniards were unable to overtake them, -returning, they took courage, and, coming nearer, menaced them with -loud yells. So soon as the Christians retired, they were followed by -some in canoes, and others on land, along the river; and, getting -before them, arrived at a town near the river's bluff,[326] where -they united, as if to make a stand. Into each canoe, for every -brigantine was towing one at the stern for its service, directly -entered some men, who, causing the Indians to take flight, burned the -town. Soon after, on the same day, they went on shore in a large open -field, where the Indians dared not await their arrival. - - [326] From the time and distance travelled, this place was at the - Vicksburg Bluffs. - -The next day a hundred canoes came together, having from sixty to -seventy persons in them, those of the principal men having awnings, -and themselves wearing white and colored plumes, for distinction. -They came within two crossbow-shot of the brigantines, and sent a -message in a small canoe, by three Indians, to the intent of learning -the character of the vessels, and the weapons that we use. Arriving -at the brigantine of the Governor, one of the messengers got in, -and said that he had been sent by the cacique of Quigaltam, their -lord, to commend him, and to make known that whatever the Indians of -Guachoya had spoken of him was falsely said, they being his enemies; -that the chief was his servant, and wished to be so considered. The -Governor told him that he believed all that he had stated to be true; -to say so to him, and that he greatly esteemed him for his friendship. - -With this the messengers went to where the others, in the canoes, -were waiting for them; and thence they all came down yelling, and -approached the Spaniards with threats. The Governor sent Juan de -Guzman, captain of foot, in the canoes, with twenty-five men in -armor, to drive them out of the way. So soon as they were seen -coming, the Indians, formed in two parts, remained quietly until -they were come up with, when, closing, they took Juan de Guzman, and -those who came ahead with him, in their midst, and, with great fury, -closed hand to hand with them. Their canoes were larger than his, and -many leaped into the water--some to support them, others to lay hold -of the canoes of the Spaniards, to cause them to capsize, which was -presently accomplished, the Christians falling into the water, and, -by the weight of their armor, going to the bottom; or when one by -swimming, or clinging to a canoe, could sustain himself, they with -paddles and clubs, striking him on the head, would send him below. - -When those in the brigantines who witnessed the defeat desired to -render succor, the force of the stream would not allow them to -return. One brigantine, which was that nighest to the canoes, saved -four men, who were all of those that went after the Indians who -escaped. Eleven lost their lives; among whom was Juan de Guzman and -a son of Don Carlos, named Juan de Vargas. The greater number of -the others were also men of consideration and of courage. Those who -escaped by swimming said, that they saw the Indians get into the -stern of one of their canoes with Juan de Guzman, but whether he was -carried away dead or alive, no one could state. - - - - -Chapter 38 - - _How the Christians were pursued by the Indians._ - - -The natives, finding they had gained a victory, took so great -encouragement that they proceeded to attack the brigantines, which -they had not dared to before. They first came up with one in the -rear-guard, commanded by Calderon, and at the first volley of arrows -twenty-five men were wounded. There were only four on board in -armor, who went to the side of the vessel for its defence. Those -unprotected, finding how they were getting hurt, left the oars, -placing themselves below under the cover; and the brigantine, -beginning to swing about, was going where the current of water -chanced to take her, when one of the men in armor, seeing this, -without waiting the captain's order, made one of the infantry take -the oar and steer, while he stood before to cover him with his -shield. The Indians afterwards came no nearer than bow-shot, whence -they could assail without being assaulted, or receiving injury, there -being in each brigantine only a single crossbow much out of order; so -that the Christians had little else to do than to stand as objects to -be shot at, watching for the shafts. The natives, having left this -brigantine, went to another, against which they fought for half an -hour: and one after another, in this way they ran through with them -all. - -The Christians had mats with them to lie upon of two thicknesses, -very close and strong, so that no arrow could pierce them, and these, -when safety required, were hung up; and the Indians, finding that -these could not be traversed, directed their shafts upward, which, -exhausted, fell on board, inflicting some wounds. Not satisfied -with this, they strove to get at the men with the horses; but the -brigantines were brought about the canoes in which they were, to -give them protection, and in this position conducted them along. -The Christians, finding themselves thus severely tried, and so worn -out that they could bear up no longer, determined to continue their -journey in the dark, thinking that they should be left alone on -getting through the region of Quigualtam. While they proceeded and -were least watchful, supposing themselves to be left, they would -be roused with deafening yells near by; and thus were they annoyed -through the night and until noon, when they got into another country, -to the people of which they were recommended for a like treatment, -and received it. - -Those Indians having gone back to their country, these followed the -Christians in fifty canoes, fighting them all one day and night. -They sprang on board a brigantine of the rear-guard, by the canoe -that floated at the stern, whence they took out an Indian woman, and -wounded from thence some men in the brigantines. The men with the -horses in the canoes, becoming weary with rowing day and night, at -times got left behind, when the Indians would directly set upon them, -and those in the brigantines would wait until they should come up: -so that in consequence of the slow way that was made, because of the -beasts, the Governor determined to go on shore and slaughter them. -So soon as any befitting ground for it was seen, a landing was made, -the animals were butchered, and the meat cured and brought on board. -Four or five horses having been let go alive, the Indians, after the -Spaniards had embarked, went up to them, to whom being unused, they -were alarmed, running up and down, neighing in such a way that the -Indians took fright, plunging into the water; and thence entering -their canoes, they went after the brigantines, shooting at the people -without mercy, following them that evening and the night ensuing, -until ten o'clock the next day, when they returned upstream. - -From a small town near the bank, there came out seven canoes that -pursued the Christians a short distance, shooting at them; but -finding, as they were few, that little harm was done, they went back. -From that time forth the voyage, until near the end, was unattended -by any misadventure; the Christians in seventeen days going down a -distance of two hundred and fifty leagues,[327] a little more or -less, by the river. When near the sea, it becomes divided into two -arms, each of which may be a league and a half broad. - - [327] The Inca gives the distance as being seven hundred and - fifty leagues. The real distance was about seven hundred and - twenty miles. - - - - -Chapter 39 - - _How the Christians came to the sea, what occurred then, and - what befell them on the voyage._ - - -Half a league before coming to the sea, the Christians cast anchor, -in order to take rest for a time, as they were weary from rowing. -They were disheartened also, many days having gone by since they had -eaten other thing than maize, parched and then boiled, given out in -daily rations of a casque by strike to a mess of three. - -While riding at anchor, seven canoes of natives came to attack those -we had brought in the canoes along with us. The Governor ordered -men to enter ours in armor, to go after the Indians and drive them -away. There also came some by land, through thicket and bog, with -staves, having very sharp heads of fish-bone, who fought valiantly -those of us who went out to meet them. Such as were in the canoes, -awaited with their arrows the approach of those sent against them; -and presently, on the engaging of these, as well as those on land, -they wounded some on our side in both contests. When we on shore drew -nigh to them they would turn their backs, running like fleet steeds -before infantry, making some turns without ever getting much beyond -the flight of an arrow, and, returning again, they would shoot -without receiving any injury from us, who, though we had some bows, -were not skilled to use them; while the Indians on the water, finding -their pursuers unable to do them harm, though straining at the oars -to overtake them, leisurely kept within a circle, their canoes -pausing and returning, as in a skirmish. The men discovered that the -more successful their efforts to approach, the greater was their own -injury; so, when they succeeded simply in driving them off, they went -back to the brigantines. - -After remaining two days, the Christians went to where that branch of -the river enters the sea; and having sounded there, they found forty -fathoms depth of water. Pausing then, the Governor required that each -should give his opinion respecting the voyage, whether they should -sail to New Spain direct, by the high sea, or go thither keeping -along from shore to shore. There were different opinions upon this, -in which Juan de Anasco, who was very presumptuous, valuing himself -much upon his knowledge of navigation, with other matters of the sea -of which he had little experience, influenced the Governor; and his -opinion, like that of some others, was, that it would be much better -to put out to sea, and cross the Gulf by a passage three-fourths -less far, than going from shore to shore, which was very circuitous, -because of the bend made by the land. He said that he had seen the -sea-chart; that whence they were the coast ran west to the River of -Palmas, and thence south to New Spain; consequently, that keeping in -sight of land, there would be wide compassing, with long detention, -and risk of being overtaken by the winter before coming to the -country of Christians; while, with a fair wind, in ten or twelve -days' time they should arrive there, by keeping a straight course. - -The majority were not of that way of thinking, and said there was -more safety in going along the coast, though it might take longer; -the vessels being frail, and without decks, a light storm might -suffice to wreck them; and in consequence of the little room they had -for water, if calm or head wind should occur, or adverse weather, -they would also run great hazard; but even were the vessels so -substantial that they might venture in them, there being neither -pilot nor sea-card to show the way, it was not wise to traverse the -sea. This, the opinion of the greater number, was approved; and it -was decided to go along from one to another shore. - -When they were about to depart, the brigantine of the Governor -parted her cable, the anchor attached to it remaining in the river; -and, notwithstanding she was near the shore, the depth was so great -that, although it was industriously sought for by divers, it could -not be found. This gave much anxiety to the Governor and the others -on board. With a stone for crushing maize, and the bridles that -remained, belonging to some of the fidalgos and gentlemen who rode, -they made a weight that took the place of the anchor. - -On the eighteenth day of July the vessels got under way, with fair -weather, and wind favorable for the voyage. The Governor, with Juan -de Anasco, put to sea in their brigantines, and were followed by all -the rest, who, at two or three leagues out, having come up with the -two, the captains asked the Governor why he did not keep the land; -and told him that if he meant to leave it he should say so, though -he ought not to do that without having the consent of the rest, -otherwise they would not follow his lead, but each would do as he -thought best. The Governor replied that he would do nothing without -consulting them; he desired to get away from the shore to sail the -better, and with the greater safety at night; that in the morning, -when time served, he would return. With a favorable wind they sailed -all that day in fresh water, the next night, and the day following -until vespers, at which they were greatly amazed; for they were very -distant from the shore, and so great was the strength of the current -of the river, the coast so shallow and gentle, that the fresh water -entered far into the sea.[328] - - [328] At that time the Atchafalaya probably formed the lower - course of Red River, the latter not having cut through to the - Mississippi, and it was its current that they encountered. - -That afternoon, on the starboard bow, they saw some kays, whither -they went, and where they reposed at night. There Juan de Anasco, -with his reasoning, concluded by getting all to consent, and deem -it good, that they should go to sea, declaring, as he had before -said, that it would be a great gain, and shorten their voyage. They -navigated two days, and when they desired to get back in sight of -land they could not, because the wind came off from it: and on -the fourth day, finding that the water was giving out, fearing -extremity and peril, they all complained of Juan de Anasco, and of -the Governor, who had listened to his advice: and all the captains -declared they would run no farther out, and that the Governor might -go as he chose. - -It pleased God that the wind should change a little; and, at the -end of four days from the time of their having gone out to sea, by -strength of arm they arrived, in want of fresh water, in sight of -the coast, and with great labor gained it on an open beach. That -afternoon, the wind came round from the south, which on that coast -is a side wind, and so stiff that it threw the brigantines on to the -land, the anchors bending in their slenderness, and dragging. The -Governor ordered all to leap into the water, on the larboard side, -to hold them, and when each wave had passed they would launch the -brigantines to seaward, sustaining them in this manner until the wind -went down. - - - - -Chapter 40 - - _How the brigantines lost sight of each other in a storm, and - afterwards came together at a kay._ - - -The tempest having passed off from the beach where the brigantines -were riding, the people went on shore. With mattocks they dug holes -there, into which the water having flowed, they thence filled their -pipkins. The next day they left; and sailing two days, they entered -a basin, like a cove, which afforded shelter against a high wind -that blew from the south. There they tarried, unable to leave, until -the fourth day, when the sea subsided and they went out by rowing. -They sailed until near evening; the wind then freshened, driving -them in such manner upon the land, that they regretted having left -the harbor; for no sooner was it nightfall than the storm began to -rise on the sea, and with its approach the wind gradually increased. -The brigantines separated. The two that were farthest out entered -an arm of the sea, a couple of leagues beyond the place where the -others found themselves at dark. The five that were astern remained -from half a league to a league apart, along an exposed beach, upon -which the winds and waves were casting them, without one vessel's -knowing the fate of another. The anchors having yielded, the vessels -were dragging them: the oars, at each of which seven and eight were -pulling seaward, could not hold the vessels; the rest of the men, -leaping into the water, with the utmost diligence, after the wave had -passed that drove them to the shore, would launch the brigantine; -while those on board, before another wave could come, baled out with -bowls the water that came in upon them. - -While thus engaged, in great fear of being lost, from midnight -forward they suffered the intolerable torment of a myriad of -mosquitos. The flesh is directly inflamed from their sting, as though -it had received venom. Towards morning the wind lulled, and the -sea went down; but the insects continued none the less. The sails, -which were white, appeared black with them at daylight; while the -men could not pull at the oars without assistance to drive away the -insects. Fear having passed off with the danger of the storm, the -people observing the swollen condition of each other's faces, and -the marks of the blows they had given and received to rid them of -the mosquitos, they could but laugh. The vessels came together in a -creek, where lay the two brigantines that preceded them. Finding a -scum the sea casts up, called copee, which is like pitch, and used -instead on shipping, where that is not to be had, they payed the -bottoms of their vessels with it. - -After remaining two days they resumed their voyage; and having -run likewise two days, they entered an arm of the sea and landed. -Spending there a couple of days, they left; six men on the last day -having gone up the bay in a canoe without finding its head. The -brigantines went out in a head-wind blowing from the south, which -being light, and the people having a strong desire to hasten the -voyage, they pulled out by strength of arm to sea with great toil, -and making little headway for two days, they entered by an arm of -the sea behind an islet which it encircles, where followed such bad -weather, that they were not unmindful to give thanks for that good -shelter. Fish abounded there. They were taken in nets and with the -line. A man having thrown out a cord made fast to his arm, a fish -caught at the hook and drew him into the water up to the neck, when, -remembering a knife that he had providentially kept, he cut himself -loose. - -At the close of the fourteenth day of their stay, the Almighty having -thought proper to send fair weather, the Christians very devoutly -formed a procession for the return of thanks, in which, moving along -the beach, they supplicated Him that He would take them to a land in -which they might better do Him service. - - - - -Chapter 41 - - _How the Christians arrived at the river Panico._ - - -Wheresoever the people dug along the shore they found fresh water. -The jars being filled, and the procession concluded, they embarked; -and, going ever in sight of land, they navigated for six days. Juan -de Anasco said it would be well to stand directly out to sea; for -that he had seen the card, and remembered that, from Rio de Palmas -onward, the coast ran south, and up to that time they had gone -westwardly. According to his opinion, by the reckoning he kept, the -river could not be distant from where they were. - -That night they ran out, and in the morning they saw palm-trees -rising above the water, the coast trending southwardly; and from -midday forward great mountains appeared, which had nowhere been seen -until then; for to that place, from the port of Espiritu Santo, where -they had entered Florida, was a low, level shore, not discoverable -at sea until very near. From what they observed, they thought that -during the night they had passed the Rio de Palmas, sixty leagues -distant from Panico, in New Spain. So they consulted together. - -Some were of opinion that it would not be well to sail in the dark, -lest they should overrun the Rio de Panico; others, that they could -not be so near as to run by it that night, and that it would not be -well to lose a favorable wind; so they agreed to spread half the -sails and keep on their way. Two of the brigantines, which ran with -all sail up, at daylight passed the river without seeing it: of -the five that remained behind, the first that arrived was the one -Calderon commanded, from which, when a quarter of a league off, and -before the entrance had been discovered, the water was observed to -be thick and found to be fresh. Coming opposite the river, they saw -where the waves broke upon a shoal, at the entrance into the sea; -and, not any one knowing the place, they were in doubt whether they -should go in there or pass by; but finally, having agreed to enter, -they approached the shore without getting into the current, and went -in the port, where no sooner had they come, than they saw Indians -of both sexes in the apparel of Spain. Asking in what country they -were, they received the answer in their own language, that it was the -Rio de Panico,[329] and that the town of the Christians was fifteen -leagues inland. The pleasure that all received at this news cannot -be sufficiently expressed: they felt as though a life had been newly -given them. Many, leaping on shore, kissed the ground; and all, on -bended knees, with hands raised above them, and their eyes to heaven, -remained untiring in giving thanks to God. - - [329] Or Panuco. A Mexican river which flows into the Gulf about - a hundred and fifty miles north of Vera Cruz. - -Those who were coming astern, when they saw that Calderon with his -brigantine had anchored in the river, directly steered to enter the -port. The other two, which had gone by, tried to run to sea, that -they might put about and join the rest, but could not, the wind -being adverse and the sea fretful; so, fearing that they might be -lost, they came nigh the land and cast anchor. A storm came up, and -finding that they could not sustain themselves there, much less at -sea, they determined to run on shore; and as the brigantines were -small, drawing but little water, and the beach sandy, the force of -the wind on the sails carried them up dry, without injury to any one. - -If those who gained the haven at that time were made happy, these -were oppressed by a double weight of gloom, not knowing what had -happened to their companions, nor in what country they were, fearing -likewise that it might be one of a hostile people. They had come -upon the coast two leagues below the port. So soon as they found -themselves clear of the sea, each took on the back what he could -carry of his things, and, travelling inland, they found Indians, who -told whence they were, and changed what was sorrow into joy. The -Christians rendered many thanks to God for having rescued them from -those numberless perils. - - - - -Chapter 42 - - _How the Christians came to Panico, and of their reception by - the inhabitants._ - - -From the time the Christians left the River Grande, to come by sea -from Florida to the River of Panico, were fifty-two days. On the -tenth day of September, of the year 1543, they entered the Panico, -going up with the brigantines. In the many windings taken by the -stream, the light wind was often unfavorable, and the vessels in -many places made slow headway, having to be towed with much labor -against a strong current; so that, after having sailed four days, the -people, discovering themselves greatly retarded in the desire to get -among Christians, and of taking part in the divine offices, which -for a long season had not been listened to by them, they gave up the -brigantines to the sailors, and went on by land to Panico. - -Just as the Christians arrived at the town, in their clothing of -deer-skin, dressed and dyed black, consisting of frock, hose, and -shoes, they all went directly to the church, to pray and return -thanks for their miraculous preservation. The townspeople, having -already been informed of their coming by the Indians, and now knowing -of the arrival, invited some to their houses, and entertained them -for acquaintance sake, or for having heard of them, or because -they came from the same parts of country with themselves. The -alcalde-mayor took the Governor home with him: the rest, as they came -up, he directed to be lodged by sixes and tens, according to the -means of individuals, who provided their guests with abundance of -fowls and maizen-bread, and with the fruits of the country, which are -like those of Cuba, already described. - -The town of Panico might contain some seventy housekeepers. The -dwellings were chiefly of stone and mortar; some were of poles, and -all of them thatched with grass. The country is poor. No gold or -silver is to be found. Residents have the fullest supply both of food -and servants. The most wealthy have not an income above five hundred -cruzados annually, which is tribute paid by their Indian vassals, in -cotton clothing, fowls, and maize. - -Of the persons who got back from Florida, there landed at that port -three hundred and eleven Christians. The alcalde-mayor directly sent -a townsman by post to inform the Viceroy, who resided in Mexico, -of the arrival of three hundred of the men who had gone with Don -Hernando de Soto in the discovery and conquest of Florida; and, for -their being in the service of the King, that he would make provision -for their support. Don Antonio de Mendoza[330] was greatly amazed -at this news, as were all others of that city; for the people -having entered far into Florida, they had been considered lost, -nothing being heard from them in a long while; and it appeared to -him to be a thing impossible, that without a fortress to which they -might betake themselves, or support of any sort, they should have -sustained themselves for such a length of time among the heathen. He -immediately gave an order, directing that subsistence should be given -them wheresoever it might be needed, and the Indians found requisite -for carrying their burdens; and, should there be refusal, to take by -force, without incurring any penalty, whatsoever should be necessary. -The mandate was so well obeyed, that on the road, before the people -had arrived at the towns, the inhabitants went out to receive them, -bringing fowls and provisions. - - [330] The viceroy. - - - - -Chapter 43 - - _The favor the people found in the Viceroy and residents of - Mexico._ - - -From Panico to the great city of Mestitam (Mexico), there are sixty -leagues, and as many leagues from each to the port of Vera Cruz, -which is where the embarkations take place for Spain, and where those -who go hence to New Spain arrive. These three towns, equidistant, are -inhabited by Spaniards, and form a triangle: Vera Cruz on the south, -Panico on the east, and Mexico, which is inland, on the west. The -country is so populous, that the Indian towns farthest apart are not -more than half a league to a league from each other. - -Some of the people who came from Florida remained in Panico, reposing -a month, others fifteen days, or such time as each pleased; for no -one turned a grudging face to his guest, but, on the contrary, gave -him of every thing he had, and appeared sad at his leave-taking; -which may well enough be believed, for the provision the natives -brought in payment of their tribute more than sufficed for -consumption, so that there was no one in that town to buy or to sell, -and few Spaniards being there, the inhabitants were glad of company. -All the clothing in the custody of the alcalde-mayor, paid to him -there as the Emperor's tax, he divided among those that would go to -receive any. - -He who had a coat of mail was happy, since for it a horse might be -had in exchange. Some got mounted, and those not able to get beasts, -who were the greater number, took up the journey on foot. They were -well received by the Indians, and better served than they could have -been at their own homes, particularly in respect of everything to -eat; for, if an Indian was asked for a fowl, he would bring four; and -if for any sort of fruit, though it might be a league off, some one -would run to fetch it; and were a Christian ill, the people would -carry him, in a chair, from their own to the next town. Wheresoever -they came, the cacique of the place, through an Indian who bears a -rod of justice in his hand they call tapile (which is equivalent to -saying meirinho), ordered provisions to be brought, and men for the -loads of such things as there were, and the others necessary to carry -the invalids. - -The Viceroy sent a Portuguese to them, twenty leagues from Mexico, -with quantity of confections, raisins, pomegranates, and other -matters proper for the sick, should they need them; and, in advance, -ordered that all should be clothed at the royal charge. The news of -their approach being known to the citizens, they went out on the -highway to receive them, and with great courtesy entreated for their -companionship as favor, each one taking to his house as many as he -dared, giving them for raiment all the best he could, the least well -dressed wearing clothes worth thirty cruzados and upward. Clothing -was given to those who chose to go for it to the residence of the -Viceroy, and the persons of condition ate at his board: at his house -was a table for all those of less rank that would eat there. Directly -he informed himself of the quality of each one, that he might show -him the consideration that was his due. Some of the conquistadores -placed them all down to table together, fidalgos and boors, -oftentimes seating the servant and his master shoulder to shoulder; -which was done mostly by artisans and men of mean condition, those -better bred asking who each one was, and making a difference in -persons. - -Nevertheless, all did the best they could with good will, telling -those they had under their roofs that they could bring no -impoverishment, nor should they hesitate to receive whatsoever they -offered; since they had found themselves in like condition when -others had assisted them, such being the fortunes of the country. -God reward them: and those whom He saw fit should escape, coming out -of Florida to tread the soil of Christians, be He pleased that they -live to serve Him; and to the dead, and to all those who believe -in Him, and confess that in Him is their faith, grant, through His -compassion, the glory of paradise. Amen. - - - - -Chapter 44 - - _Which sets forth some of the diversities and peculiarities of - Florida; and the fruit, birds, and beasts of the country._ - - -From the port of Espiritu Santo, where the Christians went on shore, -to the province of Ocute, which may be a distance of four hundred -leagues, a little more or less, the country is very level, having -many ponds, dense thickets, and, in places, tall pine-trees: the soil -is light, and there is not in it a mountain nor a hill. - -The land of Ocute is more strong and fertile than the rest, the -forest more open; and it has very good fields along the margins -of the rivers. From there to Cutifachiqui are about one hundred -and thirty leagues, of which eighty leagues are of desert and pine -forests, through which run great rivers. From Cutifachiqui to Xuala -there may be two hundred and fifty leagues, and all a country of -mountains: the places themselves are on high level ground, and have -good fields upon the streams. - -Thence onward, through Chiaha, Coca, and Talise, the country of which -is flat, dry, and strong, yielding abundance of maize, to Tascaluca, -may be two hundred and fifty leagues; and thence to Rio Grande, a -distance of about three hundred leagues, the land is low, abounding -in lakes. The country afterward is higher, more open, and more -populous than any other in Florida; and along the River Grande, from -Aquixo to Pacaha and Coligoa, a distance of one hundred and fifty -leagues, the land is level, the forest open, and in places the fields -very fertile and inviting. - -From Coligoa to Autiamque may be two hundred and fifty leagues of -mountainous country; thence to Guacay may be two hundred and thirty -leagues of level ground; and the region to Daycao, a distance of one -hundred and twenty leagues, is continuously of mountainous lands. - -From the port of Espiritu Santo to Apalache they marched west and -northeast; from Cutifachiqui to Xuala, north; to Coca, westwardly; -and thence to Tascaluca and the River Grande, as far as the provinces -of Quizquiz and Aquixo, to the westward; from thence to Pacaha -northwardly, to Tula westwardly, to Autiamque southwardly, as far as -the province of Guachoya and Daycao. - -The bread that is eaten all through Florida is made of maize, which -is like coarse millet; and in all the islands and Indias belonging -to Castile, beginning with the Antillas, grows this grain. There -are in the country many walnuts likewise, and plums (persimmons), -mulberries, and grapes. The maize is planted and picked in, each -person having his own field; fruit is common for all, because it -grows abundantly in the woods, without any necessity of setting -out trees or pruning them. Where there are mountains the chestnut -is found, the fruit of which is somewhat smaller than the one of -Spain. Westward of the Rio Grande the walnut differs from that which -is found before coming there, being of tenderer shell, and in form -like an acorn; while that behind, from the river back to the port -of Espiritu Santo, is generally rather hard, the tree and the nut -being in their appearance like those of Spain. There is everywhere -in the country a fruit, the produce of a plant like _ligoacam_, that -is propagated by the Indians, having the appearance of the royal -pear, with an agreeable smell and taste; and likewise another plant, -to be seen in the fields, bearing a fruit like strawberry, near to -the ground, and is very agreeable. The plums (persimmons) are of two -sorts, vermilion and gray, of the form and size of walnuts, having -three or four stones in them. They are better than any plums that are -raised in Spain, and make much better prunes. The grapes appear only -to need dressing; for, although large, they have great stones; the -other fruits are all in great perfection, and are less unhealthy than -those of Spain. - -There are many lions and bears in Florida, wolves, deer, jackals, -cats, and rabbits; numerous wild fowl, as large as pea-fowl; small -partridges, like those of Africa, and cranes, ducks, pigeons, -thrushes, and sparrows. There are blackbirds larger than sparrows and -smaller than stares; hawks, goshawks, falcons, and all the birds of -rapine to be found in Spain. - -The Indians are well proportioned: those of the level country are -taller and better shaped of form than those of the mountains; those -of the interior enjoy a greater abundance of maize and clothing than -those of the coast, where the land is poor and thin, and the people -along it more warlike. - -The direction from the port of Espiritu Santo to Apalache, and thence -to Rio de las Palmas, is from east to west; from that river towards -New Spain, it is southwardly; the sea-coast being gentle, having many -shoals and high sand-hills. - - DEO GRATIAS. - - * * * * * - -This Relation of the Discovery of Florida was printed in the house of -Andree de Burgos, Printer and Cavalleiro of the house of the Senhor -Cardinal Iffante.[331] - - [331] Henry, cardinal archbishop of Evora, uncle of King John - III., great uncle of King Sebastian, and himself King of Portugal - from 1578 to 1580. - -It was finished the tenth day of February, of the year one thousand -five hundred and fifty-seven, in the noble and ever loyal city of -Evora. - - - - -THE NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION OF CORONADO, BY PEDRO DE CASTANEDA - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -From the time of the appearance in Mexico, in 1536, of Alvar Nunez -Cabeza de Vaca of the ill-fated Narvaez expedition of nine years -before, with definite news of the hitherto unknown north, there -had been a strong desire to explore that region, but nothing of -importance was accomplished until 1539. In that year Fray Marcos of -Nice, the Father Provincial of the Franciscan order in New Spain, -with Estevan, the negro companion of Cabeza de Vaca, as a guide, -penetrated the country to the northwest as far as the Seven Cities of -Cibola, the villages of the ancestors of the present Zuni Indians in -western New Mexico. Estevan, preceding Fray Marcos by a few days and -accompanied by natives whom he gathered en route, reached Hawikuh, -the southernmost of the seven towns, where he and all but three of -his Indian followers were killed. The survivors of this massacre fled -back to Fray Marcos, whose life was now threatened by those who had -lost their kindred at the hands of the Zunis; but the friar, fearful -that the world would lose the knowledge of his discoveries, appeased -the wrath of his Indians by dividing among them the goods he had -brought and induced them to continue until he reached a mesa from -which was gained a view of the village in which Estevan had met his -fate. Here Fray Marcos erected a cross, took possession of the region -in the name of Spain, and hastened back to Mexico "with more fear -than victuals." - -The glowing accounts which the friar gave of what he had seen, and -particularly of what he believed the Indians intended to communicate -to him, resulted in another expedition in the following year (1540). -This was planned by the Viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza, and the -command was given to Francisco Vazquez de Coronado. - -The elaborate expedition of Coronado is the subject of the narrative -of a private soldier in his army, Pedro de Castaneda, a native of -Najera, in the province of Logrono, in the upper valley of the Ebro, -in Old Castile. Of the narrator little is known beyond the fact that -he was one of the colonists who settled at San Miguel Culiacan, -founded by Nuno de Guzman in 1531, where he doubtless lived when -Coronado's force reached that point in its northward journey, and -where, more than twenty years later, he wrote his account of the -expedition and its achievements. The dates of Castaneda's birth -and death are not known, but he was born probably between 1510 and -1518. In 1554, according to a document published in the _Coleccion -de Documentos Ineditos del Archivo de Indias_ (XIV. 206), his wife, -Maria de Acosta, with her four sons and four daughters, filed a claim -against the treasury of New Spain for payment for the service the -husband and father had rendered in behalf of the King. - -As a rhetorician and geographer Castaneda was not a paragon, as he -himself confesses; but although his narration leaves the impression -that its author was somewhat at odds with the world, it bears every -evidence of honesty and a sincere desire to tell all he knew of the -most remarkable expedition that ever traversed American soil--even -of exploits in which the writer did not directly participate. -Castaneda's narration is by far the most important of the several -documents bearing on the expedition, and in some respects is one of -the most noteworthy contributions to early American history. - -The accompanying translation, by Mr. George Parker Winship of the -John Carter Brown Library, was first published, together with other -documents pertaining to the expedition, in the _Fourteenth Annual -Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1896), now out of -print. Barring a few corrections, most of which were communicated to -the present writer by Mr. Winship in 1899, the translation is here -printed as it first appeared. - -Mr. Winship's translation of Castaneda, together with the letters and -the other narratives pertaining to the expedition, was reprinted, -with an introduction, under the title _The Journey of Coronado, -1540-1542, from the City of Mexico to the Grand Canon of the Colorado -and the Buffalo Plains of Texas, Kansas, and Nebraska_, as a volume -of the "Trail Makers" series (New York, 1904). - -The original manuscript of Castaneda is not known to exist, the -Winship translation being that of a manuscript copy made at Seville -in 1596. This copy, which is now in the Lenox branch of the New -York Public Library, was first translated into French by Henri -Ternaux-Compans, who found it in the Uguina collection in Paris and -published it in Volume IX. of his _Voyages_ (Paris, 1838). - -In addition to Castaneda's narration there are several letters and -reports that shed important light on the route traversed by the -expedition, the aborigines encountered, and other noteworthy details -which the student should consult. These are as follows: - -1. The Relation by Fray Marcos of his _entrada_ during the preceding -year (1539), Coronado following the same route as far as the first of -the Seven Cities of Cibola with Marcos as both guide and spiritual -adviser. A brief bibliography of this narration is given in a note on -p. 290. - -2. A letter from the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, to the King, -dated Jacona (Mexico), April 17, 1540, in which is set forth the -progress of Coronado's expedition from Culiacan, and containing -extracts from a report by Melchior Diaz, who had been sent forward in -November, 1539, to explore the route from Culiacan to Chichilticalli, -in the valley of the present Gila River, Arizona, for the purpose -of verifying the reports of Fray Marcos. This letter appears in the -_Documentos Ineditos de Indias_, II. 356, and in English in Winship's -memoir in the _Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, -p. 547, as well as in his _Journey of Coronado_, p. 149. - -3. An important and extended letter from Coronado to Mendoza, written -at Granada (as Coronado called Hawikuh, the first of the Seven -Cities of Cibola), August 3, 1540. This letter appears in Italian in -Ramusio's _Terzo Volume delle Navigationi et Viaggi_ (ed. 1556), -fol. 359, translated by Hakluyt, _Voyages_, IX. 145-169 (ed. 1904); -reprinted in _Old South Leaflets,_ Gen. Ser., No. 20. A translation -from Ramusio into English appears in both of Mr. Winship's works on -the expedition. It should perhaps here be mentioned that the Hakluyt -translations of the Coronado documents, at least, are so unreliable -as to warrant careful use. - -4. The _Traslado de las Nuevas_, an anonymous "Copy of the Reports -and Descriptions that have been received regarding the Discovery -of a City which is called Cibola, situated in the New Country." -This important document was written evidently by a member of the -expedition while the Spaniards were at Cibola. It appears in Spanish -in the _Documentos Ineditos de Indias_, XIX. 529, from which it was -translated into English by Mr. Winship and printed in each of his -memoirs. - -5. The important letter of Coronado to the King, dated Tiguex (the -present Bernalillo, New Mexico), October 20, 1541, after the return -of the expedition from Quivira. Printed in the _Documentos Ineditos -de Indias_, III. 363; XIII. 261; in French in Ternaux-Compans' -_Voyages_, IX. 355; translated into English by Mr. Winship and -printed in each of his memoirs, as well as in _American History -Leaflets_, No. 13. - -6. The _Relacion Postrera de Sibola, y de mas de Cuatrocientas -Leguas Adelante_ (the "Latest Account of Cibola, and of more than -Four Hundred Leagues Beyond"). This important anonymous account, -written apparently in New Mexico in 1541 by one of the Franciscans -who accompanied the expedition, was published, both in Spanish and in -English, for the first time, in Mr. Winship's _Coronado Expedition_ -(_Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, pp. 566-571). -In his _Journey of Coronado_ only the translation appears (pp. -190-196). - -7. The anonymous _Relacion del Suceso_, an "Account of what happened -on the Journey which Francisco Vazquez made to discover Cibola." -First printed, in Spanish, in Buckingham Smith's _Coleccion de Varios -Documentos para la Historia de la Florida_ (1857), I. 147; it appears -also, under the erroneous date 1531, in the _Documentos Ineditos -de Indias_, XIV. 318, whereas the account was written apparently in -1541 or early in 1542. An English translation appears in each of Mr. -Winship's works, and also in _American History Leaflets_, No. 13. - -8. "Account given by Captain Juan Jaramillo of the Journey which he -made to the New Country, on which Francisco Vazquez Coronado was the -General." Next to Castaneda's narration this is the most important -document pertaining to the expedition, inasmuch as it contains many -references to directions, distances, streams, etc., that are not -noted in the other accounts. The Jaramillo narration was written long -after the events transpired, and is based on the keen memory of the -writer. It is printed in Spanish in Buckingham Smith's _Coleccion_, -I. 154, and in the _Documentos Ineditos_, XIV. 304. A French -translation is given by Ternaux-Compans, IX. 364, and an English -translation in both of Mr. Winship's works. - -9. "Account of what Hernando de Alvarado and Friar Juan de Padilla -discovered going in Search of the South Sea." A brief account of the -journey of Alvarado from Hawikuh (Coronado's Granada) to the Rio -Grande pueblos in 1540. Printed in Spanish in Buckingham Smith's -_Coleccion_, I. 65, and in the _Documentos Ineditos_, III. 511. An -English translation by Mr. Winship is included in each of his works -on the expedition, and was printed also in the _Boston Transcript_, -October 14, 1893. The title of this document is a misnomer, as -Alvarado did not go in search of the Pacific. - -10. "Testimony concerning those who went on the Expedition with -Francisco Vazquez Coronado." This testimony is printed in the -_Documentos Ineditos de Indias_, XIV. 373, and an abridgment, freely -translated, is included in Mr. Winship's works. - -11. Although the account of the voyage of the fleet under Hernando -de Alarcon does not directly concern us, reference should perhaps be -made to the sources of information regarding it. These are: Herrera's -_Historia General_, dec. VI., lib. IX., cap. XIII. (1601-1615), and -in various subsequent editions; Ramusio's _Navigationi et Viaggi_ -(1556), III., fol. 363-370; Hakluyt's _Voyages_, IX. 279-318 (1904); -Ternaux-Compans' Voyages, IX. 299-348; _Coleccion de Documentos -Ineditos para la Historia de Espana_, IV. 218-219. - -The Coronado expedition was of far-reaching importance from a -geographical point of view, for it combined with the journey of De -Soto in giving to the world an insight into the hitherto unknown -vast interior of the northern continent and formed the basis of -the cartography of that region. It was the means also of making -known the sedentary Pueblo tribes of our Southwest and the hunting -tribes of the Great Plains, the Grand Canon of the Colorado and the -lower reaches of that stream, and the teeming herds of bison and -the absolute dependence on them by the hunting Indians for every -want. But alas for the Spaniards, the grand pageant resulted in -disappointment for all, and its indefatigable leader ended his days -practically forgotten by his country for which he had accomplished so -much. - - F. W. HODGE. - - - - -THE NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION OF CORONADO BY CASTANEDA - - _Account of the Expedition to Cibola which took place in the - year 1540, in which all those settlements, their ceremonies - and customs, are described. Written by Pedro de Castaneda, of - Najera._[332] - - [332] For information concerning the author of this narrative, - see the Introduction. - - -PREFACE - -To me it seems very certain, my very noble lord, that it is a worthy -ambition for great men to desire to know and wish to preserve for -posterity correct information concerning the things that have -happened in distant parts, about which little is known. I do not -blame those inquisitive persons who, perchance with good intentions, -have many times troubled me not a little with their requests that I -clear up for them some doubts which they have had about different -things that have been commonly related concerning the events and -occurrences that took place during the expedition to Cibola, or -the New Land, which the good viceroy--may he be with God in His -glory--Don Antonio de Mendoza,[333] ordered and arranged, and on -which he sent Francisco Vazquez de Coronado as captain-general. In -truth, they have reason for wishing to know the truth, because most -people very often make things of which they have heard, and about -which they have perchance no knowledge, appear either greater or -less than they are. They make nothing of those things that amount to -something, and those that do not they make so remarkable that they -appear to be something impossible to believe. This may very well have -been caused by the fact that, as that country was not permanently -occupied, there has not been any one who was willing to spend his -time in writing about its peculiarities, because all knowledge was -lost of that which it was not the pleasure of God--He alone knows -the reason--that they should enjoy. In truth, he who wishes to -employ himself thus in writing out the things that happened on the -expedition, and the things that were seen in those lands, and the -ceremonies and customs of the natives, will have matter enough to -test his judgment, and I believe that the result can not fail to be -an account which, describing only the truth, will be so remarkable -that it will seem incredible. - - [333] Mendoza was first viceroy of New Spain (Mexico), serving - from 1535 to 1550, when he was ordered to Peru as its second - viceroy. He reached Lima in September, 1551, and died July 21 of - the year following. - -And besides, I think that the twenty years and more since that -expedition took place[334] have been the cause of some stories which -are related. For example, some make it an uninhabitable country, -others have it bordering on Florida, and still others on Greater -India, which does not appear to be a slight difference. They are -unable to give any basis upon which to found their statements. -There are those who tell about some very peculiar animals, who are -contradicted by others who were on the expedition, declaring that -there was nothing of the sort seen. Others differ as to the limits -of the provinces and even in regard to the ceremonies and customs, -attributing what pertains to one people to others. All this has had -a large part, my very noble lord, in making me wish to give now, -although somewhat late, a short general account for all those who -pride themselves on this noble curiosity, and to save myself the -time taken up by these solicitations. Things enough will certainly -be found here which are hard to believe. All or the most of these -were seen with my own eyes, and the rest is from reliable information -obtained by inquiry of the natives themselves. Understanding as I do -that this little work would be nothing in itself, lacking authority, -unless it were favored and protected by a person whose authority -would protect it from the boldness of those who, without reverence, -give their murmuring tongues liberty, and knowing as I do how great -are the obligations under which I have always been, and am, to your -grace, I humbly beg to submit this little work to your protection. -May it be received as from a faithful retainer and servant. It will -be divided into three parts, that it may be better understood. The -first will tell of the discovery and the armament or army that was -made ready, and of the whole journey, with the captains who were -there; the second, of the villages and provinces which were found, -and their limits, and ceremonies and customs, the animals, fruits, -and vegetation, and in what parts of the country these are; the -third, of the return of the army and the reasons for abandoning the -country, although these were insufficient, because this is the best -place there is for discoveries--the marrow of the land in these -western parts, as will be seen. And after this has been made plain, -some remarkable things which were seen will be described at the -end, and the way by which one might more easily return to discover -that better land which we did not see, since it would be no small -advantage to enter the country through the land which the Marquis of -the Valley, Don Fernando Cortes, went in search of under the Western -star, and which cost him no small sea armament. May it please our -Lord to so favor me that with my slight knowledge and small abilities -I may be able by relating the truth to make my little work pleasing -to the learned and wise readers, when it has been accepted by your -grace. For my intention is not to gain the fame of a good composer or -rhetorician, but I desire to give a faithful account and to do this -slight service to your grace, who will, I hope, receive it as from a -faithful servant and soldier, who took part in it. Although not in -a polished style, I write that which happened--that which I heard, -experienced, saw, and did. - - [334] Castaneda is supposed to have been writing at Culiacan, in - western Mexico, about 1565. - -I always notice, and it is a fact, that for the most part when we -have something valuable in our hands, and deal with it without -hindrance, we do not value or prize it so highly as if we understood -how much we should miss it after we had lost it, and the longer we -continue to have it the less we value it; but after we have lost it -and miss the advantages of it, we have a great pain in the heart, and -we are all the time imagining and trying to find ways and means by -which to get it back again. It seems to me that this has happened to -all or most of those who went on the expedition which, in the year -of our Savior Jesus Christ 1540, Francisco Vazquez Coronado led in -search of the Seven Cities.[335] Granted that they did not find the -riches of which they had been told, they found a place in which to -search for them and the beginning of a good country to settle in, so -as to go on farther from there. Since they came back from the country -which they conquered and abandoned, time has given them a chance to -understand the direction and locality in which they were, and the -borders of the good country they had in their hands, and their hearts -weep for having lost so favorable an opportunity. Just as men see -more at the bullfight when they are upon the seats than when they are -around in the ring, now when they know and understand the direction -and situation in which they were, and see, indeed, that they can -not enjoy it nor recover it, now when it is too late they enjoy -telling about what they saw, and even of what they realize that they -lost, especially those who are now as poor as when they went there. -They have never ceased their labors and have spent their time to no -advantage. I say this because I have known several of those who came -back from there who amuse themselves now by talking of how it would -be to go back and proceed to recover that which is lost, while others -enjoy trying to find the reason why it was discovered at all. And now -I will proceed to relate all that happened from the beginning. - - [335] The Seven Cities of Cibola. See p. 287, note 1; p. 300, - note 1. - - - - -FIRST PART - - - - -Chapter 1 - - _Which treats of the way we first came to know about the Seven - Cities, and of how Nuno de Guzman made an expedition to discover - them._ - - -In the year 1530 Nuno de Guzman, who was President of New Spain,[336] -had in his possession an Indian, a native of the valley or valleys of -Oxitipar, who was called Tejo by the Spaniards. This Indian said he -was the son of a trader who was dead, but that when he was a little -boy his father had gone into the back country with fine feathers to -trade for ornaments, and that when he came back he brought a large -amount of gold and silver, of which there is a good deal in that -country. He went with him once or twice, and saw some very large -villages, which he compared to Mexico and its environs. He had seen -seven very large towns which had streets of silver workers. It took -forty days to go there from his country, through a wilderness in -which nothing grew, except some very small plants about a span high. -The way they went was up through the country between the two seas, -following the northern direction. Acting on this information, Nuno -de Guzman got together nearly 400 Spaniards and 20,000 friendly -Indians of New Spain, and, as he happened to be in Mexico, he crossed -Tarasca, which is in the province of Michoacan, so as to get into -the region which the Indian said was to be crossed toward the North -Sea, in this way getting to the country which they were looking for, -which was already named "The Seven Cities." He thought, from the -forty days of which the Tejo had spoken, that it would be found to -be about 200 leagues, and that they would easily be able to cross -the country. Omitting several things that occurred on this journey, -as soon as they had reached the province of Culiacan, where his -government ended, and where the New Kingdom of Galicia is now, they -tried to cross the country, but found the difficulties very great, -because the mountain chains which are near that sea are so rough that -it was impossible, after great labor, to find a passageway in that -region. His whole army had to stay in the district of Culiacan for -so long on this account that some rich men who were with him, who -had possessions in Mexico, changed their minds, and every day became -more anxious to return. Besides this, Nuno de Guzman received word -that the Marquis of the Valley, Don Fernando Cortes, had come from -Spain with his new title,[337] and with great favors and estates, and -as Nuno de Guzman had been a great rival of his at the time he was -president, and had done much damage to his property and to that of -his friends, he feared that Don Fernando Cortes would want to pay him -back in the same way, or worse. So he decided to establish the town -of Culiacan there and to go back with the other men, without doing -anything more. After his return from this expedition, he founded -Xalisco, where the city of Compostela is situated, and Tonala, which -is called Guadalaxara, and now this is the New Kingdom of Galicia. -The guide they had, who was called Tejo, died about this time, and -thus the name of these Seven Cities and the search for them remains -until now, since they have not been discovered.[338] - - [336] Nuno Beltran de Guzman was appointed governor of Panuco, - Mexico, in 1526, assuming the office in May, 1527. In December - he became president of the Audiencia, the administrative and - judicial board which governed the province, and in the following - year participated in the trial of Cortes, his personal and - political enemy, for strangling his wife to death in 1522. - Guzman's barbarous cruelty, especially to the natives, whom - he enslaved and bartered for his personal gain, resulted in a - protest to the crown by Bishop Zumarraga, and in the hope of - finding new fields for the gratification of his avarice he raised - a large force, including 10,000 Aztecs and Tlascaltecs, and - started from Mexico late in 1529 to explore the northwest (later - known as Nueva Galicia), notwithstanding Cortes had already - penetrated the region. - - He conquered the territory through which he passed, laying waste - the settlements and fields and inflicting unspeakable punishment - on the native inhabitants. Guzman built a chapel at Tonala, which - formed the beginning of the settlement of the present city of - Guadalajara, named from his native town in Spain; he also founded - the towns of Santiago de Compostela and San Miguel Culiacan, - in Tepic and Sinaloa respectively, and started on his return - journey late in 1531. Meanwhile a new Audiencia had arrived in - New Spain, and Guzman was summoned to appear at the capital. This - he refused to do, and when Luis de Castilla was sent by Cortes, - the captain-general of the province, to subdue him, Guzman - captured him and his force of 100 men by a ruse. In May, 1533, - the king commanded him to submit to the provincial authorities; - many of his friends and adherents deserted him, and he was - stripped of his title as governor of Panuco. In 1536 (March - 17) the licentiate Diego Perez de la Torre was appointed _juez - de residencia_, an officer whose duty was to conduct a rigid - investigation of the accounts and administration of governmental - officials--this time with special reference to Guzman. By Torre's - order, Guzman was arrested and confined in jail until 1538, when - his case was appealed to Spain; but from this he received no - comfort. He was banished to Torrejon de Velasco, where he died in - 1544, penniless and despised. - - [337] Marques del Valle de Oaxaca y Capitan General de la Nueva - Espana y de la Costa del Sur. He arrived at Vera Cruz in July, - 1529. - - [338] The best discussion of the stories of the Seven Caves and - the Seven Cities is in A. F. Bandelier's _Contributions to the - History of the Southwestern Portion of the United States_, in - _Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America_, American - Series, V. (Cambridge, 1890). - - - - -Chapter 2 - - _Of how Francisco Vazquez Coronado came to be governor, and the - second account which Cabeza de Vaca gave._ - - -Eight years after Nuno de Guzman made this expedition, he was put -in prison by a juez de residencia, named the licentiate Diego de la -Torre, who came from Spain with sufficient powers to do this. After -the death of the judge, who had also managed the government of that -country himself, the good Don Antonio de Mendoza, viceroy of New -Spain, appointed as governor of that province Francisco Vazquez de -Coronado, a gentleman from Salamanca, who had married a lady in the -city of Mexico, the daughter of Alonso de Estrada, the treasurer and -at one time governor of Mexico, and the son, most people said, of His -Catholic Majesty Don Ferdinand, and many stated it as certain. As I -was saying, at the time Francisco Vazquez was appointed governor, he -was travelling through New Spain as an official inspector, and in -this way he gained the friendship of many worthy men who afterward -went on his expedition with him. It happened that just at this time -three Spaniards, named Cabeza de Vaca, Dorantes, and Castillo -Maldonado, and a negro [Estevan], who had been lost on the expedition -which Pamfilo de Narvaez led into Florida, reached Mexico. They came -out through Culiacan, having crossed the country from sea to sea, as -anyone who wishes may find out for himself by an account which this -same Cabeza de Vaca wrote and dedicated to Prince Don Philip, who -is now King of Spain and our sovereign.[339] They gave the good Don -Antonio de Mendoza an account of some large and powerful villages, -four and five stories high, of which they had heard a great deal -in the countries they had crossed, and other things very different -from what turned out to be the truth. The noble viceroy communicated -this to the new governor, who gave up the visits he had in hand, on -account of this, and hurried his departure for his government, taking -with him the negro [Estevan] who had come [with Cabeza de Vaca] with -the three friars of the order of Saint Francis, one of whom was named -Friar Marcos of Nice, a regular priest, and another Friar Daniel, -a lay brother, and the other Friar Antonio de Santa Maria. When he -reached the province of Culiacan he sent the friars just mentioned -and the negro, who was named Estevan, off in search of that country, -because Friar Marcos offered to go and see it, because he had been in -Peru at the time Don Pedro de Alvarado went there overland. It seems -that, after the friars I have mentioned and the negro had started, -the negro did not get on well with the friars, because he took the -women that were given him and collected turquoises, and got together -a stock of everything. Besides, the Indians in those places through -which they went got along with the negro better, because they had -seen him before. This was the reason he was sent on ahead to open up -the way and pacify the Indians, so that when the others came along -they had nothing to do except to keep an account of the things for -which they were looking. - - [339] See the narrative of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca in the - present volume. - - - - -Chapter 3 - - _Of how they killed the negro Estevan at Cibola, and Friar - Marcos returned in flight._ - - -After Estevan had left the friars, he thought he could get all -the reputation and honor himself, and that if he should discover -those settlements with such famous high houses, alone, he would be -considered bold and courageous. So he proceeded with the people -who had followed him, and attempted to cross the wilderness which -lies between the country he had passed through and Cibola. He was -so far ahead of the friars that, when these reached Chichilticalli, -which is on the edge of the wilderness, he was already at Cibola, -which is eighty leagues beyond. It is 220 leagues from Culiacan to -the edge of the wilderness, and eighty across the desert, which -makes 300, or perhaps ten more or less. As I said, Estevan reached -Cibola loaded with the large quantity of turquoises they had given -him and some beautiful women whom the Indians who followed him and -carried his things were taking with them and had given him. These -had followed him from all the settlements he had passed, believing -that under his protection they could traverse the whole world without -any danger. But as the people in this country were more intelligent -than those who followed Estevan, they lodged him in a little hut -they had outside their village, and the older men and the governors -heard his story and took steps to find out the reason he had come -to that country. For three days they made inquiries about him and -held a council. The account which the negro gave them of two white -men who were following him, sent by a great lord, who knew about -the things in the sky, and how these were coming to instruct them -in divine matters, made them think that he must be a spy or a guide -from some nations who wished to come and conquer them, because it -seemed to them unreasonable to say that the people were white in the -country from which he came and that he was sent by them, he being -black. Besides these other reasons, they thought it was hard of him -to ask them for turquoises and women, and so they decided to kill -him. They did this, but they did not kill any of those who went with -him, although they kept some young fellows and let the others, about -sixty persons, return freely to their own country. As these, who were -badly scared, were returning in flight, they happened to come upon -the friars in the desert sixty leagues from Cibola, and told them -the sad news, which frightened them so much that they would not even -trust these folks who had been with the negro, but opened the packs -they were carrying and gave away everything they had except the holy -vestments for saying mass. They returned from here by double marches, -prepared for anything, without seeing any more of the country except -what the Indians told them.[340] - - [340] See the account of this journey by Marcos de Niza in - _Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos de Indias_, III. 325-351; - Ramusio, _Terzo Volume delle Navigationi_ (Venice, 1556); - Hakluyt, _Voyages_, IX. 125-144 (1904); Ternaux-Compans, - _Voyages_, IX. 249-284 (1838); and an English translation by - Fanny Bandelier in _The Journey of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca_ - (1905). _Cf._ also A. F. Bandelier, "The Discovery of New Mexico - by Fray Marcos of Nizza," in _Magazine of Western History_, IV. - 659-670 (Cleveland, 1886). - - - - -Chapter 4 - - _Of how the noble Don Antonio de Mendoza made an expedition to - discover Cibola._ - - -After Francisco Vazquez Coronado had sent Friar Marcos of Nice and -his party on the search already related, he was engaged in Culiacan -about some business that related to his government, when he heard -an account of a province called Topira,[341] which was to the north -of the country of Culiacan. He started to explore this region with -several of the conquerors and some friendly Indians, but he did not -get very far, because the mountain chains which they had to cross -were very difficult. He returned without finding the least signs of -a good country, and when he got back, he found the friars who had -just arrived, and who told such great things about what the negro -Estevan had discovered and what they had heard from the Indians, and -other things they had heard about the South Sea[342] and islands and -other riches, that, without stopping for anything, the governor set -off at once for the City of Mexico, taking Friar Marcos with him, to -tell the viceroy about it. He made the things seem more important -by not talking about them to anyone except his particular friends, -under promise of the greatest secrecy, until after he had reached -Mexico and seen Don Antonio de Mendoza. Then it began to be noised -abroad that the Seven Cities for which Nuno de Guzman had searched -had already been discovered, and a beginning was made in collecting -an armed force and in bringing together people to go and conquer -them. The noble viceroy arranged with the friars of the order of -Saint Francis so that Friar Marcos was made father provincial, as -a result of which the pulpits of that order were filled with such -accounts of marvels and wonders that more than 300 Spaniards and -about 800 natives of New Spain collected in a few days. There were so -many men of such high quality among the Spaniards, that such a noble -body was never collected in the Indies, nor so many men of quality in -such a small body, there being 300 men. Francisco Vazquez Coronado, -governor of New Galicia, was captain-general, because he had been the -author of it all. The good viceroy Don Antonio did this because at -this time Francisco Vazquez was his closest and most intimate friend, -and because he considered him to be wise, skillful, and intelligent, -besides being a gentleman. Had he paid more attention and regard to -the position in which he was placed and the charge over which he was -placed, and less to the estates he left behind in New Spain, or, at -least, more to the honor he had and might secure from having such -gentlemen under his command, things would not have turned out as they -did. When this narrative is ended, it will be seen that he did not -know how to keep his position nor the government that he held. - - [341] Bandelier, _Papers of the Archaeological Institute of - America_, Am. ser., V. (1890), p. 104, says this was Topia, in - Durango, a locality since noted for its rich mines. - - [342] The Pacific. - - - - -Chapter 5 - - _Concerning the captains who went to Cibola._ - - -When the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, saw what a noble company -had come together, and the spirit and good will with which they had -all presented themselves, knowing the worth of these men, he would -have liked very well to make every one of them captain of an army; -but as the whole number was small he could not do as he would have -liked, and so he issued the commissions and captaincies as he saw -fit, because it seemed to him that if they were appointed by him, -as he was so well obeyed and beloved, nobody would find fault with -his arrangements. After everybody had heard who the general was, -he made Don Pedro de Tovar ensign-general, a young gentleman who -was the son of Don Fernando de Tovar, the guardian and lord high -steward of the Queen Dona Juana,[343] our demented mistress--may she -be in glory--and Lope de Samaniego, the governor of the arsenal at -Mexico,[344] a gentleman fully equal to the charge, army-master. The -captains were Don Tristan de Arellano; Don Pedro de Guevara, the son -of Don Juan de Guevara and nephew of the Count of Onate; Don Garcia -Lopez de Cardenas; Don Rodrigo Maldonado, brother-in-law of the -Duke of the Infantado; Diego Lopez, alderman of Seville, and Diego -Gutierres, for the cavalry. All the other gentlemen were placed under -the flag of the general, as being distinguished persons, and some of -them became captains later, and their appointments were confirmed -by order of the viceroy and by the general, Francisco Vazquez. To -name some of them whom I happen to remember, there were Francisco de -Barrionuevo, a gentleman from Granada; Juan de Saldivar, Francisco -de Ovando, Juan Gallego, and Melchior Diaz--a captain who had been -mayor of Culiacan, who, although he was not a gentleman, merited the -position he held. The other gentlemen who were prominent, were Don -Alonso Manrique de Lara; Don Lope de Urrea, a gentleman from Aragon; -Gomez Suarez de Figueroa, Luis Ramirez de Vargas, Juan de Sotomayor, -Francisco Gorbalan, the commissioner Riberos, and other gentlemen, -men of high quality, whom I do not now recall. The infantry captain -was Pablo de Melgosa of Burgos, and of the artillery, Hernando de -Alvarado of the mountain district. As I say, since then I have -forgotten the names of many gentlemen. It would be well if I could -name some of them, so that it might be clearly seen what cause I -had for saying that they had on this expedition the most brilliant -company ever collected in the Indies to go in search of new lands. -But they were unfortunate in having a captain who left in New Spain -estates and a pretty wife, a noble and excellent lady, which were not -the least causes for what was to happen. - - [343] Daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, wife of Philip I., and - mother of Charles V. - - [344] In a letter of the Viceroy Mendoza to the King, April 17, - 1540, Samaniego is mentioned as the warden of a fortress. - - - - -Chapter 6 - - _Of how all the companies collected in Compostela and set off on - the journey in good order._ - - -When the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza had fixed and arranged -everything as we have related, and the companies and captaincies had -been arranged, he advanced a part of their salaries from the chest -of His Majesty to those in the army who were in greatest need. And -as it seemed to him that it would be rather hard for the friendly -Indians in the country if the army should start from Mexico, he -ordered them to assemble at the city of Compostela, the chief city -in the New Kingdom of Galicia, 110 leagues from Mexico, so that they -could begin their journey there with everything in good order. There -is nothing to tell about what happened on this trip, since they all -finally assembled at Compostela by Shrovetide, in the year (fifteen -hundred and) forty-one.[345] After the whole force had left Mexico, -he ordered Don Pedro de Alarcon[346] to set sail with two ships that -were in the port of La Natividad on the South Sea coast, and go to -the port of Xalisco[347] to take the baggage which the soldiers were -unable to carry, and thence to sail along the coast near the army, -because he had understood from the reports that they would have to -go through the country near the seacoast, and that we could find the -harbors by means of the rivers, and that the ships could always get -news of the army, which turned out afterward to be false, and so -all this stuff was lost, or, rather, those who owned it lost it, as -will be told farther on.[348] After the viceroy had completed all -his arrangements, he set off for Compostela, accompanied by many -noble and rich men. He kept the New Year of (fifteen hundred and) -forty-one at Pasquaro, which is the chief place in the bishopric of -Michoacan, and from there he crossed the whole of New Spain, taking -much pleasure in enjoying the festivals and great receptions which -were given him, till he reached Compostela, which is, as I have said, -110 leagues. There he found the whole company assembled, being well -treated and entertained by Christobal de Onate, who had the whole -charge of that government[349] for the time being. He had had the -management of it and was in command of all that region when Francisco -Vazquez was made governor. All were very glad when he arrived, and -he made an examination of the company and found all those whom we -have mentioned. He assigned the captains to their companies, and -after this was done, on the next day, after they had all heard mass, -captains and soldiers together, the viceroy made them a very eloquent -short speech, telling them of the fidelity they owed to their general -and showing them clearly the benefits which this expedition might -afford, from the conversion of those peoples as well as in the profit -of those who should conquer the territory, and the advantage to His -Majesty and the claim which they would thus have on his favor and -aid at all times. After he had finished, they all, both captains and -soldiers, gave him their oaths upon the Gospels in a missal that they -would follow their general on this expedition and would obey him in -everything he commanded them, which they faithfully performed, as -will be seen. The next day after this was done, the army started off -with its colors flying. The viceroy, Don Antonio, went with them for -two days, and there he took leave of them, returning to New Spain -with his friends. - - [345] The correct date is 1540. Castaneda carries the error - throughout his narration, although he gives the year correctly in - the preface. - - [346] An error for _Hernando_ de Alarcon. - - [347] That is, from a point on the Pacific coast in latitude 19 deg. - to another in latitude 21 deg. 30'. - - [348] See Alarcon's narrative translated by Hakluyt in his - _Voyages_, IX. 279-318 (ed. 1904), and also Buckingham Smith, - _Coleccion de Varios Documentos para la Historia de la Florida_ - (1857), p. 1. - - [349] The province of Nueva Galicia, explored under Guzman's - direction. See p. 285, note 1. - - - - -Chapter 7 - - _Of how the army reached Chiametla, and the killing of the - army-master, and the other things that happened up to the - arrival at Culiacan._ - - -After the viceroy Don Antonio left them, the army continued its -march. As each one was obliged to transport his own baggage and all -did not know how to fasten the packs, and as the horses started off -fat and plump, they had a good deal of difficulty and labor during -the first few days, and many left many valuable things, giving them -to anyone who wanted them, in order to get rid of carrying them. -In the end necessity, which is all powerful, made them skillful, -so that one could see many gentlemen become carriers, and anybody -who despised this work was not considered a man. With such labors, -which they then thought severe, the army reached Chiametla, where -it was obliged to delay several days to procure food. During this -time the army-master, Lope de Samaniego, went off with some soldiers -to find food, and at one village, a crossbowman having entered it -indiscreetly in pursuit of the enemies, they shot him through the -eye and it passed through his brain, so that he died on the spot. -They also shot five or six of his companions before Diego Lopez, the -alderman from Seville, since the commander was dead, collected the -men and sent word to the general. He put a guard in the village and -over the provisions. There was great confusion in the army when this -news became known. He was buried here. Several sorties were made, by -which food was obtained and several of the natives taken prisoners. -They hanged those who seemed to belong to the district where the -army-master was killed. - -It seems that when the general Francisco Vazquez left Culiacan with -Friar Marcos to tell the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza the news, as -already related, he left orders for Captain Melchior Diaz and Juan -de Saldivar to start off with a dozen good men from Culiacan and -verify what Friar Marcos had seen and heard. They started and went -as far as Chichilticalli,[350] which is where the wilderness begins, -220 leagues from Culiacan, and there they turned back, not finding -anything important. They reached Chiametla just as the army was ready -to leave, and reported to the general. Although it was kept secret, -the bad news leaked out, and there were some reports which, although -they were exaggerated, did not fail to give an indication of what the -facts were. Friar Marcos, noticing that some were feeling disturbed, -cleared away these clouds, promising that what they would see should -be good, and that he would place the army in a country where their -hands would be filled, and in this way he quieted them so that they -appeared well satisfied. From there the army marched to Culiacan, -making some detours into the country to seize provisions. They were -two leagues from the town of Culiacan at Easter vespers, when the -inhabitants came out to welcome their governor and begged him not to -enter the town till the day after Easter.[351] - - [350] For this locality see p. 299, note 1. - - [351] Culiacan, or San Miguel Culiacan, as it was named by - Guzman, is in central Sinaloa. Castaneda was a resident of this - town and evidently joined the expedition there. - - - - -Chapter 8 - - _Of how the army entered the town of Culiacan and the reception - it received, and other things which happened before the - departure._ - - -When the day after Easter came, the army started in the morning to -go to the town and, as they approached, the inhabitants of the town -came out on to an open plain with foot and horse drawn up in ranks -as if for a battle, and having its seven bronze pieces of artillery -in position, making a show of defending their town. Some of our -soldiers were with them. Our army drew up in the same way and began -a skirmish with them, and after the artillery on both sides had been -fired they were driven back, just as if the town had been taken by -force of arms, which was a pleasant demonstration of welcome, except -for the artilleryman who lost a hand by a shot, from having ordered -them to fire before he had finished drawing out the ramrod. After -the town was taken, the army was well lodged and entertained by the -townspeople, who, as they were all very well-to-do people, took all -the gentlemen and people of quality who were with the army into their -own apartments, although they had lodgings prepared for them all -just outside the town. Some of the townspeople were not ill repaid -for this hospitality, because all had started with fine clothes and -accoutrements, and as they had to carry provisions on their animals -after this, they were obliged to leave their fine stuff, so that -many preferred giving it to their hosts instead of risking it on the -sea by putting it in the ship that had followed the army along the -coast to take the extra baggage, as I have said. After they arrived -and were being entertained in the town, the general, by order of -the viceroy Don Antonio, left Fernandarias de Saabedra, uncle of -Hernandarias de Saabedra, count of Castellar, formerly mayor of -Seville, as his lieutenant and captain in this town. The army rested -here several days, because the inhabitants had gathered a good -stock of provisions that year and each one shared his stock very -gladly with his guests from our army. They not only had plenty to -eat here, but they also had plenty to take away with them, so that -when the departure came they started off with more than six hundred -loaded animals, besides the friendly Indians and the servants--more -than a thousand persons. After a fortnight had passed, the general -started ahead with about fifty horsemen and a few foot soldiers and -most of the Indian allies, leaving the army, which was to follow him -a fortnight later, with Don Tristan de Arellano in command as his -lieutenant. - -At this time, before his departure, a pretty sort of thing happened -to the general, which I will tell for what it is worth. A young -soldier named Trugillo (Truxillo) pretended that he had seen a vision -while he was bathing in the river. Feigning that he did not want to, -he was brought before the general, whom he gave to understand that -the devil had told him that if he would kill the general, he could -marry his wife, Dona Beatris, and would receive great wealth and -other very fine things. Friar Marcos of Nice preached several sermons -on this, laying it all to the fact that the devil was jealous of the -good which must result from this journey and so wished to break it -up in this way. It did not end here, but the friars who were in the -expedition wrote to their monasteries about it, and this was the -reason the pulpits of Mexico proclaimed strange rumors about this -affair. - -The general ordered Truxillo to stay in that town and not to go on -the expedition, which was what he was after when he made up that -falsehood, judging from what afterward appeared to be the truth. The -general started off with the force already described to continue his -journey, and the army followed him, as will be related. - - - - -Chapter 9 - - _Of how the army started from Culiacan and the arrival of the - general at Cibola, and of the army at Senora and of other things - that happened._ - - -The general, as has been said, started to continue his journey from -the valley of Culiacan somewhat lightly equipped, taking with him -the friars, since none of them wished to stay behind with the army. -After they had gone three days, a regular friar who could say mass, -named Friar Antonio Victoria, broke his leg, and they brought him -back from the camp to have it treated. He stayed with the army -after this, which was no slight consolation for all. The general -and his force crossed the country without trouble, as they found -everything peaceful, because the Indians knew Friar Marcos and some -of the others who had been with Melchior Diaz when he went with -Juan de Saldibar to investigate. After the general had crossed the -inhabited region and came to Chichilticalli, where the wilderness -begins, and saw nothing favorable, he could not help feeling somewhat -downhearted, for, although the reports were very fine about what -was ahead, there was nobody who had seen it except the Indians who -went with the negro, and these had already been caught in some lies. -Besides all this, he was much affected by seeing that the fame of -Chichilticalli was summed up in one tumbledown house without any -roof, although it appeared to have been a strong place at some former -time when it was inhabited, and it was very plain that it had been -built by a civilized and warlike race of strangers who had come from -a distance. This building was made of red earth.[352] From here they -went on through the wilderness, and in fifteen days came to a river -about eight leagues from Cibola which they called Red River,[353] -because its waters were muddy and reddish. In this river they found -mullets like those of Spain. The first Indians from that country were -seen here--two of them, who ran away to give the news. During the -night following the next day, about two leagues from the village, -some Indians in a safe place yelled so that, although the men were -ready for anything, some were so excited that they put their saddles -on hind-side before; but these were the new fellows. When the -veterans had mounted and ridden round the camp, the Indians fled. -None of them could be caught because they knew the country. - - [352] Chichilticalli, or the "Red House," was so named by the - Aztec Indians on account of its color. It was doubtless situated - on or near the Rio Gila, east of the mouth of the San Pedro, - probably not far from the present Solomonsville in southern - Arizona. - - [353] The Zuni River, within the present Arizona. Its waters are - very muddy in springtime, which is the only time of the year that - it flows into the Little Colorado. - -The next day they entered the settled country in good order, and when -they saw the first village, which was Cibola, such were the curses -that some hurled at Friar Marcos that I pray God may protect him from -them. - -It is a little, crowded village,[354] looking as if it had been -crumpled all up together. There are haciendas in New Spain which -make a better appearance at a distance. It is a village of about -two hundred warriors, is three and four stories high, with the -houses small and having only a few rooms, and without a courtyard. -One yard serves for each section.[355] The people of the whole -district had collected here, for there are seven villages in the -province, and some of the others are even larger and stronger than -Cibola. These folks waited for the army, drawn up by divisions -in front of the village. When they refused to have peace on the -terms the interpreters extended to them, but appeared defiant, the -Santiago[356] was given, and they were at once put to flight. The -Spaniards then attacked the village, which was taken with not a -little difficulty, since they held the narrow and crooked entrance. -During the attack they knocked the general down with a large stone, -and would have killed him but for Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas and -Hernando de Alvarado, who threw themselves above him and drew him -away, receiving the blows of the stones, which were not few. But the -first fury of the Spaniards could not be resisted, and in less than -an hour they entered the village and captured it. They discovered -food there, which was the thing they were most in need of. After this -the whole province was at peace. - - [354] This was the Zuni Indian pueblo of Hawikuh, one of their - seven villages, from which Coronado wrote to the Viceroy Mendoza, - dating his letter "from the province of Cevola, and this city of - Granada, the 3d of August, 1540." (See Winship's translation in - _Fourteenth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, pp. 552-563.) - Hawikuh, or "Granada," was situated about fifteen miles southwest - of the present Zuni, near the Zuni River, in New Mexico, and its - ruins are still to be seen. This was the pueblo in which Estevan - doubtless lost his life the year before, and which was viewed - from an adjacent height by Fray Marcos. Hawikuh was the seat of a - mission established by the Franciscans in 1629; it was abandoned - in 1670 after having been raided by the Apaches and its priest - killed. The name "Cibola," now and later applied to Hawikuh, is - believed to be a Spanish form of _Shiwina_, the Zuni name for - their tribal range. _Cibolo_ later became the term by which the - Spaniards of Mexico designated the bison. - - [355] The houses were built in terrace fashion, one above the - other, the roof of one tier forming a sort of front yard for the - tier of houses next above it. - - [356] The war cry or "loud invocation addressed to Saint James - before engaging in battle with the Infidels."--Captain John - Stevens's _Dictionary_. - -The army which had stayed with Don Tristan de Arellano started to -follow their general, all loaded with provisions, with lances on -their shoulders, and all on foot, so as to have the horses loaded. -With no slight labor from day to day, they reached a province which -Cabeza de Vaca had named Hearts (Corazones), because the people here -offered him many hearts of animals.[357] He founded a town here and -named it San Hieronimo de los Corazones (Saint Jerome of the Hearts). -After it had been started, it was seen that it could not be kept up -here, and so it was afterward transferred to a valley which had been -called Senora. The Spaniards call it Senora,[358] and so it will be -known by this name. - - [357] See Cabeza de Vaca's narrative in the present volume. The - place was at or near the present Ures, on the Rio Sonora in - Sonora, Mexico. - - [358] Whence the name of the present state of Sonora. - -From here a force went down the river to the seacoast to find the -harbor and to find out about the ships. Don Rodrigo Maldonado, who -was captain of those who went in search of the ships, did not find -them, but he brought back with him an Indian so large and tall that -the best man in the army reached only to his chest.[359] It was said -that other Indians were even taller on that coast. After the rains -ceased the army went on to where the town of Senora was afterward -located,[360] because there were provisions in that region, so that -they were able to wait there for orders from the general. - - [359] Evidently a Seri Indian. The Seri are a wild tribe speaking - an independent language and occupying the island of Tiburon and - the adjacent Sonora coast of the Gulf of California. They are - noted for their stature. For an account of this people, see McGee - in _Seventeenth Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, pt. - 1 (1898). - - [360] Believed to be in the present Sonora valley, where it opens - out into a broader plain a number of miles above Ures. - -About the middle of the month of October,[361] Captains Melchior Diaz -and Juan Gallego came from Cibola, Juan Gallego[362] on his way to -New Spain and Melchior Diaz to stay in the new town of Hearts, in -command of the men who remained there. He was to go along the coast -in search of the ships. - - [361] This should be September. - - [362] It is not without interest to record here the finding, in - 1886, in western Kansas, of a sword-blade, greatly corroded, - but still bearing sufficient trace of the name "Juan Gallego" - to enable its determination, as well as the inscription "_No me - saques sin razon. No me embaines sin honor_." See W. E. Ritchey - in _Mail and Breeze_, Topeka, Kansas, July 26, 1902. - - - - -Chapter 10 - - _Of how the army started from the town of Senora, leaving it - inhabited, and how it reached Cibola, and of what happened to - Captain Melchior Diaz on his expedition in search of the ships - and how he discovered the Tison (Firebrand) River._ - - -After Melchior Diaz and Juan Gallego had arrived in the town of -Senora, it was announced that the army was to depart for Cibola; -that Melchior Diaz was to remain in charge of that town with eighty -men; that Juan Gallego was going to New Spain with messages for the -viceroy, and that Friar Marcos was going back with him, because he -did not think it was safe for him to stay in Cibola, seeing that his -report had turned out to be entirely false, because the kingdoms that -he had told about had not been found, nor the populous cities, nor -the wealth of gold, nor the precious stones which he had reported, -nor the fine clothes, nor other things that had been proclaimed -from the pulpits. When this had been announced, those who were to -remain were selected and the rest loaded their provisions and set off -in good order about the middle of September on the way to Cibola, -following their general. - -Don Tristan de Arellano stayed in this new town with the weakest -men, and from this time on there was nothing but mutinies and -strife, because after the army had gone Captain Melchior Diaz took -twenty-five of the most efficient men, leaving in his place one Diego -de Alcaraz, a man unfitted to have people under his command. He took -guides and went toward the north and west in search of the seacoast. -After going about 150 leagues, they came to a province of exceedingly -tall and strong men--like giants. They are naked and live in large -straw cabins built underground like smoke-houses, with only the -straw roof above ground. They enter these at one end and come out at -the other. More than a hundred persons, old and young, sleep in one -cabin. When they carry anything, they can take a load of more than -three or four hundred weight on their heads. Once when our men wished -to fetch a log for the fire, and six men were unable to carry it, one -of these Indians is reported to have come and raised it in his arms, -put it on his head alone, and carried it very easily. They eat bread -cooked in the ashes, as big as the large two-pound loaves of Castile. -On account of the great cold, they carry a firebrand (_tison_) in -the hand when they go from one place to another, with which they -warm the other hand and the body as well, and in this way they keep -shifting it every now and then.[363] On this account the large river -which is in that country was called Rio del Tison (Firebrand River). -It is a very great river and is more than two leagues wide at its -mouth; here it is half a league across. Here the captain heard that -there had been ships at a point three days down toward the sea. When -he reached the place where the ships had been, which was more than -fifteen leagues up the river from the mouth of the harbor, they found -written on a tree: "Alarcon reached this place; there are letters at -the foot of this tree." He dug up the letters and learned from them -how long Alarcon had waited for news of the army and that he had gone -back with the ships to New Spain, because he was unable to proceed -farther, since this sea was a bay, which was formed by the Isle of -the Marquis, which is called California, and it was explained that -California was not an island, but a point of the mainland forming the -other side of that gulf.[364] - - [363] These were evidently the Cocopa, a Yuman tribe, whose - descendants still inhabit the lower Rio Colorado, which is the - Rio del Tison of this narrative. The Cocopa now number perhaps - 800. - - [364] It had been supposed that Lower California, the "Isle of - the Marquis" (Cortes), was an island, yet notwithstanding its - determination as a peninsula it appeared as an island on maps of - a much later period. - -After he had seen this, the captain turned back to go up the river, -without going down to the sea, to find a ford by which to cross to -the other side, so as to follow the other bank. After they had gone -five or six days, it seemed to them as if they could cross on rafts. -For this purpose they called together a large number of the natives, -who were waiting for a favorable opportunity to make an attack on -our men, and when they saw that the strangers wanted to cross, they -helped make the rafts with all zeal and diligence, so as to catch -them in this way on the water and drown them or else so divide them -that they could not help one another. While the rafts were being -made, a soldier who had been out around the camp saw a large number -of armed men go across to a mountain, where they were waiting till -the soldiers should cross the river. He reported this, and an Indian -was quietly shut up, in order to find out the truth, and when they -tortured him he told all the arrangements that had been made. These -were, that when our men were crossing and part of them had got over -and part were on the river and part were waiting to cross, those who -were on the rafts should drown those they were taking across and the -rest of their force should make an attack on both sides of the river. -If they had had as much discretion and courage as they had strength -and power, the attempt would have succeeded.[365] - - [365] The rafts, or _balsas_, referred to, were made by tying - together a large number of reeds. The vessel was wide at the - middle and pointed at the ends, and was very buoyant. - -When he knew their plan, the captain had the Indian who had confessed -the affair killed secretly, and that night he was thrown into the -river with a weight, so that the Indians would not suspect that they -were found out. The next day they noticed that our men suspected -them, and so they made an attack, shooting showers of arrows, but -when the horses began to catch up with them and the lances wounded -them without mercy and the musketeers likewise made good shots, they -had to leave the plain and take to the mountain, until not a man of -them was to be seen. The force then came back and crossed all right, -the Indian allies and the Spaniards going across on the rafts and -the horses swimming alongside the rafts, where we will leave them to -continue their journey. - -To relate how the army that was on its way to Cibola got on: -Everything went along in good shape, since the general had left -everything peaceful, because he wished the people in that region -to be contented and without fear and willing to do what they were -ordered. In a province called Vacapan there was a large quantity -of prickly pears, of which the natives make a great deal of -preserves.[366] They gave this preserve away freely, and as the men -of the army ate much of it, they all fell sick with a headache and -fever, so that the natives might have done much harm to the force if -they had wished. This lasted regularly twenty-four hours. After this -they continued their march until they reached Chichilticalli. The -men in the advance guard saw a flock of sheep one day after leaving -this place. I myself saw and followed them. They had extremely large -bodies and long wool; their horns were very thick and large, and when -they run they throw back their heads and put their horns on the ridge -of their back. They are used to the rough country, so that we could -not catch them and had to leave them.[367] - - [366] Vacapan was apparently an Opata pueblo, or rather two - pueblos, on a branch of the Rio Yaqui, which the Spaniards passed - through shortly before reaching Corazones (Ures) on the Rio - Sonora. The preserved cactus fruit is regarded highly by all the - Indians of the general region even to-day, and in season they - subsist largely upon it. The saguara (_Cereus giganteus_), or - great columnar cactus, furnishes the chief supply. - - [367] The well-known Rocky Mountain sheep. As late as twenty - years ago some of the mountain ranges of southeastern Arizona, - especially the Catalina Mountains, were noted for this animal. - -Three days after we entered the wilderness we found a horn on the -bank of a river that flows in the bottom of a very steep, deep gully, -which the general had noticed and left there for his army to see, -for it was six feet long and as thick at the base as a man's thigh. -It seemed to be more like the horn of a goat than of any other -animal. It was something worth seeing. The army proceeded and was -about a day's march from Cibola when a very cold tornado came up in -the afternoon, followed by a great fall of snow, which was a bad -combination for the carriers. The army went on till it reached some -caves in a rocky ridge, late in the evening. The Indian allies, who -were from New Spain, and for the most part from warm countries, were -in great danger. They felt the coldness of that day so much that it -was hard work the next day taking care of them, for they suffered -much pain and had to be carried on the horses, the soldiers walking. -After this labor the army reached Cibola, where their general was -waiting for them, with their quarters all ready, and here they were -reunited, except some captains and men who had gone off to discover -other provinces. - - - - -Chapter 11 - - _Of how Don Pedro de Tovar discovered Tusayan or Tutahaco[368] - and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas saw the Firebrand River, and - the other things that had happened._ - - [368] Compare Chapter 13. These two groups of pueblos were not - the same. - - -While the things already described were taking place, Cibola being -at peace, the general, Francisco Vazquez, found out from the people -of the province about the provinces that lay around it, and got them -to tell their friends and neighbors that Christians had come into -the country, whose only desire was to be their friends, and to find -out about good lands to live in, and for them to come to see the -strangers and talk with them. They did this, since they know how to -communicate with one another in these regions, and they informed him -about a province with seven villages of the same sort as theirs, -although somewhat different. They had nothing to do with these -people. This province is called Tusayan. It is twenty-five leagues -from Cibola. The villages are high and the people are warlike. - -The general had sent Don Pedro de Tovar to these villages with -seventeen horsemen and three or four foot-soldiers.[369] Juan de -Padilla, a Franciscan friar, who had been a fighting man in his -youth, went with them. When they reached the region, they entered the -country so quietly that nobody observed them, because there were no -settlements or farms between one village and another and the people -do not leave the villages except to go to their farms, especially -at this time, when they had heard that Cibola had been captured -by very fierce people, who travelled on animals which ate people. -This information was generally believed by those who had never seen -horses, although it was so strange as to cause much wonder. Our men -arrived after nightfall and were able to conceal themselves under -the edge of the village, where they heard the natives talking in -their houses. But in the morning they were discovered and drew up -in regular order, while the natives came out to meet them, with -bows, and shields, and wooden clubs, drawn up in lines without any -confusion. The interpreter was given a chance to speak to them and -give them due warning, for they were very intelligent people, but -nevertheless they drew lines and insisted that our men should not -go across these lines toward their village.[370] While they were -talking, some men acted as if they would cross the lines, and one of -the natives lost control of himself and struck a horse a blow on the -cheek of the bridle with his club. Friar Juan, fretted by the time -that was being wasted in talking with them, said to the captain: -"To tell the truth, I do not know why we came here." When the men -heard this, they gave the Santiago so suddenly that they ran down -many Indians and the others fled to the town in confusion. Some -indeed did not have a chance to do this, so quickly did the people -in the village come out with presents, asking for peace. The captain -ordered his force to collect, and, as the natives did not do any -more harm, he and those who were with him found a place to establish -their headquarters near the village. They had dismounted here when -the natives came peacefully, saying that they had come to give in -the submission of the whole province and that they wanted him to be -friends with them and to accept the presents which they gave him. -This was some cotton cloth, although not much, because they do not -make it in that district.[371] They also gave him some dressed skins -and cornmeal, and pine nuts[372] and corn and birds of the country. -Afterward they presented some turquoises,[373] but not many. The -people of the whole district came together that day and submitted -themselves, and they allowed him to enter their villages freely to -visit, buy, sell, and barter with them. - - [369] Castaneda speaks as a member of the "army," not of the - advance guard. See the preceding chapter. - - [370] These lines were drawn in corn meal and must not be - crossed. To this day similar lines of meal are made across a - trail when certain ceremonies are being performed. The Spaniards - were now at the pueblo of Awatobi, the first village of the Hopi - (Moqui) people of Tusayan, in northeastern Arizona, reached - in coming from the southward. It was destroyed by the other - Hopi villagers in 1700, because the Awatobi people favored the - re-establishment of the Spanish mission that had been destroyed - in the great Pueblo revolt of 1680. - - [371] Castaneda, speaking from hearsay with respect to the - Tovar expedition, errs in this statement, as the Hopi were the - principal cotton growers and weavers of all the Pueblos. Later - Spanish accounts all agree on this point. Indeed, even now the - Hopi cotton kilts, sashes, and ceremonial robes are bartered - throughout the Pueblo region. - - [372] Pinon nuts. - - [373] Obtained by trade with the Rio Grande Pueblos, who mined - them in the Cerillos, southeast of Santa Fe, New Mexico. It is - from the same deposits that much of the "matrix turquoise" of our - present-day commerce is derived. - -It is governed like Cibola, by an assembly of the oldest men. They -have their governors and generals. This was where they obtained the -information about a large river, and that several days down the river -there were some people with very large bodies.[374] - - [374] See the reference to the Cocopa Indians met by Melchior - Diaz, in Chapter 10. - -As Don Pedro de Tovar was not commissioned to go farther, he returned -from there and gave this information to the general, who dispatched -Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas with about twelve companions to go to -see this river. He was well received when he reached Tusayan and was -entertained by the natives, who gave him guides for his journey. -They started from here loaded with provisions, for they had to go -through a desert country before reaching the inhabited region, which -the Indians said was more than twenty days' journey. After they had -gone twenty days they came to the banks of the river, which seemed -to be more than three or four leagues in an air line across to the -other bank of the stream which flowed between them.[375] This country -was elevated and full of low twisted pines, very cold, and lying -open toward the north, so that, this being the warm season, no one -could live there on account of the cold. They spent three days on -this bank looking for a passage down to the river, which looked from -above as if the water was six feet across, although the Indians said -it was half a league wide. It was impossible to descend, for after -these three days Captain Melgosa and one Juan Galeras and another -companion, who were the three lightest and most agile men, made an -attempt to go down at the least difficult place, and went down until -those who were above were unable to keep sight of them. They returned -about four o'clock in the afternoon, not having succeeded in reaching -the bottom on account of the great difficulties which they found, -because what seemed to be easy from above was not so, but instead -very hard and difficult. They said that they had been down about a -third of the way and that the river seemed very large from the place -which they reached, and that from what they saw they thought the -Indians had given the width correctly. Those who stayed above had -estimated that some huge rocks on the sides of the cliffs seemed to -be about as tall as a man, but those who went down swore that when -they reached these rocks they were bigger than the great tower of -Seville.[376] They did not go farther up the river, because they -could not get water. Before this they had had to go a league or two -inland every day late in the evening in order to find water, and the -guides said that if they should go four days farther it would not be -possible to go on, because there was no water within three or four -days, for when they travel across this region themselves they take -with them women loaded with water in gourds, and bury the gourds of -water along the way, to use when they return, and besides this, they -travel in one day over what it takes us two days to accomplish. - - [375] The Grand Canon of the Colorado, now visited and described - by white men for the first time. - - [376] The Giralda, or celebrated bell-tower of the Cathedral of - Seville, which is 275 feet high. - -This was the Tison (Firebrand) River, much nearer its source than -where Melchior Diaz and his company crossed it. These were the same -kind of Indians, judging from what was afterward learned. They came -back from this point and the expedition did not have any other -result. On the way they saw some water falling over a rock and -learned from the guides that some bunches of crystals which were -hanging there were salt. They went and gathered a quantity of this -and brought it back to Cibola, dividing it among those who were -there. They gave the general a written account of what they had seen, -because one Pedro de Sotomayor had gone with Don Garcia Lopez [de -Cardenas] as chronicler for the army. The villages of that province -[of Tusayan] remained peaceful, since they were never visited again, -nor was any attempt made to find other peoples in that direction. - - - - -Chapter 12 - - _Of how people came from Cicuye to Cibola to see the Christians, - and how Hernando de Alvarado went to see the cows._ - - -While they were making these discoveries, some Indians came to Cibola -from a village which was seventy leagues east of this province, -called Cicuye. Among them was a captain who was called Bigotes -(Whiskers) by our men, because he wore a long mustache. He was a -tall, well-built young fellow, with a fine figure. He told the -general that they had come in response to the notice which had been -given, to offer themselves as friends, and that if we wanted to go -through their country they would consider us as their friends. They -brought a present of tanned hides and shields and head-pieces, which -were very gladly received, and the general gave them some glass -dishes and a number of pearls and little bells which they prized -highly, because these were things they had never seen. They described -some cows which, from a picture that one of them had painted on his -skin, seemed to be cows, although from the hides this did not seem -possible, because the hair was woolly and snarled so that we could -not tell what sort of skins they had. The general ordered Hernando de -Alvarado to take twenty companions and go with them, and gave him a -commission for eighty days, after which he should return to give an -account of what he had found.[377] - - [377] The report of Alvarado, translated by George Parker - Winship, is published in the _Fourteenth Annual Report of the - Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1896). - -Captain Alvarado started on this journey and in five days reached a -village which was on a rock called Acuco[378] having a population of -about two hundred men. These people were robbers, feared by the whole -country round about. The village was very strong, because it was up -on a rock out of reach, having steep sides in every direction, and so -high that it was a very good musket that could throw a ball as high. -There was only one entrance by a stairway built by hand, which began -at the top of a slope which is around the foot of the rock.[379] -There was a broad stairway for about two hundred steps, then a -stretch of about one hundred narrower steps, and at the top they had -to go up about three times as high as a man by means of holes in the -rock, in which they put the points of their feet, holding on at the -same time by their hands. There was a wall of large and small stones -at the top, which they could roll down without showing themselves, so -that no army could possibly be strong enough to capture the village. -On the top they had room to sow and store a large amount of corn, -and cisterns to collect snow and water.[380] These people came down -to the plain ready to fight, and would not listen to any arguments. -They drew lines on the ground and determined to prevent our men from -crossing these, but when they saw that they would have to fight -they offered to make peace before any harm had been done. They went -through their forms of making peace, which is to touch the horses and -take their sweat and rub themselves with it, and to make crosses with -the fingers of the hands. But to make the most secure peace they put -their hands across each other, and they keep this peace inviolably. -They made a present of a large number of [turkey-] cocks with very -big wattles, much bread, tanned deerskins, pine [pinon] nuts, flour -[cornmeal], and corn. - - [378] This is the pueblo of Acoma, about fifty miles east of - Zuni. It occupies the summit of the same rocky mesa, 357 feet - high, that it did in Coronado's time. The name here given is - doubtless an attempt to give the Zuni designation, _Hakukia_, - from _Ako_, the name by which it is known to the Acoma people. - The present population is 650. Acoma has the distinction of being - the oldest continuously occupied settlement in the United States. - - [379] The slope referred to is an immense sand-dune. The horse - trail did not exist in Coronado's time, having been built by Fray - Juan Ramirez, who established a mission at Acoma in 1629. - - [380] The Acomas still obtain their water supply from this source. - -From here they went to a province called Triguex,[381] three days -distant. The people all came out peacefully, seeing that Whiskers -was with them. These men are feared throughout all those provinces. -Alvarado sent messengers back from here to advise the general to come -and winter in this country. The general was not a little relieved to -hear that the country was growing better. Five days from here he came -to Cicuye,[382] a very strong village four stories high. The people -came out from the village with signs of joy to welcome Hernando de -Alvarado and their captain, and brought them into the town with drums -and pipes something like flutes, of which they have a great many. -They made many presents of cloth and turquoises, of which there are -quantities in that region.[383] The Spaniards enjoyed themselves -here for several days and talked with an Indian slave, a native of -the country toward Florida, which is the region Don Fernando de -Soto discovered. This fellow said that there were large settlements -in the farther part of that country. Hernando de Alvarado took him -to guide them to the cows; but he told them so many and such great -things about the wealth of gold and silver in his country that they -did not care about looking for cows, but returned after they had -seen some few, to report the rich news to the general. They called -the Indian "Turk," because he looked like one. Meanwhile the general -had sent Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas to Tiguex with men to get -lodgings ready for the army, which had arrived from Senora about this -time, before taking them there for the winter; and when Hernando de -Alvarado reached Tiguex, on his way back from Cicuye, he found Don -Garcia Lopez de Cardenas there, and so there was no need for him to -go farther. As it was necessary that the natives should give the -Spaniards lodging places, the people in one village had to abandon -it and go to others belonging to their friends, and they took with -them nothing but themselves and the clothes they had on. Information -was obtained here about many towns up toward the north, and I believe -that it would have been much better to follow this direction than -that of the Turk, who was the cause of all the misfortunes which -followed. - - [381] Tiguex. See p. 317, note. - - [382] Pecos. See p. 329, note 2. - - [383] See p. 308, note 3. - - - - -Chapter 13 - - _Of how the general went toward Tutahaco with a few men and left - the army with Don Tristan, who took it to Tiguex._ - - -Everything already related had happened when Don Tristan de Arellano -reached Cibola from Senora. Soon after he arrived, the general, -who had received notice of a province containing eight villages, -took thirty of the men who were most fully rested and went to see -it, going from there directly to Tiguex with the skilled guides -who conducted him. He left orders for Don Tristan de Arellano to -proceed to Tiguex by the direct road, after the men had rested twenty -days. On this journey, between one day when they left the camping -place and mid-day of the third day, when they saw some snow-covered -mountains, toward which they went in search of water, neither the -Spaniards nor the horses nor the servants drank anything. They were -able to stand it because of the severe cold, although with great -difficulty. In eight days they reached Tutahaco,[384] where they -learned that there were other towns down the river. These people -were peaceful. The villages are terraced, like those at Tiguex, and -of the same style. The general went up the river from here, visiting -the whole province, until he reached Tiguex, where he found Hernando -de Alvarado and the Turk. He felt no slight joy at such good news, -because the Turk said that in his country there was a river in the -level country which was two leagues wide, in which there were fishes -as big as horses, and large numbers of very big canoes, with more -than twenty rowers on a side, and that they carried sails, and that -their lords sat on the poop under awnings, and on the prow they had -a great golden eagle. He said also that the lord of that country -took his afternoon nap under a great tree on which were hung a great -number of little gold bells, which put him to sleep as they swung in -the air. He said also that everyone had their ordinary dishes made of -wrought plate, and the jugs and bowls were of gold. He called gold -_acochis_. For the present he was believed, on account of the ease -with which he told it and because they showed him metal ornaments and -he recognized them and said they were not gold, and he knew gold and -silver very well and did not care anything about other metals.[385] - - [384] This name has always been a problem to students of the - expedition, and various attempts have been made to determine - its application. Jaramillo, one of Coronado's captains, applies - the name to Acoma, and indeed its final syllables are the same - as the native name of Acoma. In the heading to Chapter 11 - Castaneda erroneously makes Tutahaco synonymous with Tusayan. The - description indicates that the Tigua village of Isleta and others - in its vicinity on the Rio Grande in the sixteenth century were - intended. - - [385] This Eldorado is seemingly a combination of falsehood and - misinterpretation. The Turk's only means of communication were - signs; and we shall see later on that he deliberately deceived - the Spaniards for the purpose of leading them astray. The name - _acochis_ here given is an aid in the identification of the - mysterious province of Quivira. See p. 337, note 1. - -The general sent Hernando de Alvarado back to Cicuye to demand some -gold bracelets which this Turk said they had taken from him at the -time they captured him. Alvarado went, and was received as a friend -at the village, and when he demanded the bracelets they said they -knew nothing at all about them, saying the Turk was deceiving him and -was lying. Captain Alvarado, seeing that there were no other means, -got the captain Whiskers and the governor to come to his tent, and -when they had come he put them in chains. The villagers prepared to -fight, and let fly their arrows, denouncing Hernando de Alvarado, and -saying that he was a man who had no respect for peace and friendship. -Hernando de Alvarado started back to Tiguex, where the general -kept them prisoners more than six months. This began the want of -confidence in the word of the Spaniards whenever there was talk of -peace from this time on, as will be seen by what happened afterward. - - - - -Chapter 14 - - _Of how the army went from Cibola to Tiguex and what happened to - them on the way, on account of the snow._ - - -We have already said that when the general started from Cibola, -he left orders for Don Tristan de Arellano to start twenty days -later. He did so as soon as he saw that the men were well rested and -provided with food and eager to start off to find their general. He -set off with his force toward Tiguex, and the first day they made -their camp in the best, largest, and finest village of that (Cibola) -province.[386] This is the only village that has houses with seven -stories. In this village certain houses are used as fortresses; they -are higher than the others and set up above them like towers, and -there are embrasures and loopholes in them for defending the roofs -of the different stories, because, like the other villages, they -do not have streets, and the flat roofs are all of a height and are -used in common. The roofs have to be reached first, and these upper -houses are the means of defending them. It began to snow on us there, -and the force took refuge under the wings of the village, which -extend out like balconies, with wooden pillars beneath, because they -generally use ladders to go up to those balconies, since they do not -have any doors below.[387] - - [386] This was Matsaki, at the northwestern base of Thunder - Mountain, about three miles east of the present Zuni and eighteen - miles northeast of Hawikuh, where the advance force had encamped. - The ruins may still be seen, but no standing walls are visible. - - [387] The first-story rooms were entered by means of hatchways - through the roof. As the necessity for defence no longer exists, - the rooms of the lower stories of Zuni houses are provided with - doors and windows. - -The army continued its march from here after it stopped snowing, and -as the season had already advanced into December, during the ten -days that the army was delayed, it did not fail to snow during the -evenings and nearly every night, so that they had to clear away a -large amount of snow when they came to where they wanted to make a -camp. The road could not be seen, but the guides managed to find it, -as they knew the country. There are junipers and pines all over the -country, which they used in making large brushwood fires, the smoke -and heat of which melted the snow from two to four yards all around -the fire. It was a dry snow, so that although it fell on the baggage, -and covered it for half a man's height, it did not hurt it. It fell -all night long, covering the baggage and the soldiers and their beds, -piling up in the air, so that if anyone had suddenly come upon the -army nothing would have been seen but mountains of snow. The horses -stood half buried in it. It kept those who were underneath warm -instead of cold. The army passed by the great rock of Acuco,[388] and -the natives, who were peaceful, entertained our men well, giving them -provisions and birds, although there are not many people here, as I -have said. Many of the gentlemen went up to the top to see it, and -they had great difficulty in going up the steps in the rock, because -they were not used to them, for the natives go up and down so easily -that they carry loads and the women carry water, and they do not seem -even to touch their hands, although our men had to pass their weapons -up from one to another. - - [388] The army passed from Cibola by way of the present farming - village of Pescado, Inscription Rock or El Morro (thirty miles - east of Zuni), and over the Zuni Mountains to Acoma. Alvarado - followed an almost impassable trail eastward from Hawikuh, across - a great lava flow, to reach Acoma. - -From here they went on to Tiguex, where they were well received and -taken care of, and the great good news of the Turk gave no little joy -and helped lighten their hard labors, although when the army arrived -we found the whole country or province in revolt, for reasons which -were not slight in themselves, as will be shown, and our men had also -burnt a village the day before the army arrived, and returned to the -camp. - - - - -Chapter 15 - - _Of why Tiguex revolted, and how they were punished, without - being to blame for it._ - - -It has been related how the general reached Tiguex,[389] where he -found Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas and Hernando de Alvarado, and how -he sent the latter back to Cicuye, where he took the captain Whiskers -and the governor of the village, who was an old man, prisoners. The -people of Tiguex did not feel well about this seizure. In addition -to this, the general wished to obtain some clothing to divide among -his soldiers, and for this purpose he summoned one of the chief -Indians of Tiguex, with whom he had already had much intercourse -and with whom he was on good terms, who was called Juan Aleman by -our men, after a Juan Aleman who lived in Mexico, whom he was said -to resemble. The general told him that he must furnish about three -hundred or more pieces of cloth, which he needed to give his people. -He said that he was not able to do this, but that it pertained to -the governors; and that besides this, they would have to consult -together and divide it among the villages, and that it was necessary -to make the demand of each town separately. The general did this, and -ordered certain of the gentlemen who were with him to go and make the -demand; and as there were twelve villages, some of them went on one -side of the river and some on the other. As they were in very great -need, they did not give the natives a chance to consult about it, but -when they came to a village they demanded what they had to give, so -that they could proceed at once. Thus these people could do nothing -except take off their own cloaks and give them to make up the number -demanded of them. And some of the soldiers who were in these parties, -when the collectors gave them some blankets or cloaks which were not -such as they wanted, if they saw any Indian with a better one on, -they exchanged with him without more ado, not stopping to find out -the rank of the man they were stripping, which caused not a little -hard feeling. - - [389] Tiguex (pronounced Tee-guaysh') is the name of a group - of Pueblo tribes, now consisting of Isleta, Sandia, Taos, and - Picuris, speaking the Tigua language, as it is now designated. - Their principal village in Coronado's time was also called Tiguex - by the Spaniards; this was the Puaray of forty years later - (1583), the first time the native name was recorded. It was - situated at the site of Bernalillo, on the Rio Grande, and was - inhabited up to the time of the Pueblo rebellion of 1680, when it - contained two hundred Tiguas and Spaniards. - -Besides what I have just said, one whom I will not name, out of -regard for him, left the village where the camp was and went to -another village about a league distant, and seeing a pretty woman -there he called her husband down to hold his horse by the bridle -while he went up; and as the village was entered by the upper story, -the Indian supposed he was going to some other part of it. While he -was there the Indian heard some slight noise, and then the Spaniard -came down, took his horse, and went away. The Indian went up and -learned that he had violated, or tried to violate, his wife, and so -he came with the important men of the town to complain that a man had -violated his wife, and he told how it happened. When the general made -all the soldiers and the persons who were with him come together, the -Indian did not recognize the man, either because he had changed his -clothes or for whatever other reason there may have been, but he said -that he could tell the horse, because he had held his bridle, and -so he was taken to the stables, and found the horse, and said that -the master of the horse must be the man. He denied doing it, seeing -that he had not been recognized, and it may be that the Indian -was mistaken in the horse; anyway, he went off without getting any -satisfaction. The next day one of the Indians, who was guarding the -horses of the army, came running in, saying that a companion of his -had been killed, and that the Indians of the country were driving -off the horses toward their villages. The Spaniards tried to collect -the horses again, but many were lost, besides seven of the general's -mules.[390] - - [390] Antonio de Espejo learned of this occurrence at "Puala" - (Puaray) when the place was visited by him in 1583 (see - _Documentos Ineditos de Indias_, XV. 175). - -The next day Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas went to see the villages -and talk with the natives. He found the villages closed by palisades -and a great noise inside, the horses being chased as in a bull fight -and shot with arrows. They were all ready for fighting. Nothing could -be done, because they would not come down on to the plain and the -villages are so strong that the Spaniards could not dislodge them. -The general then ordered Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas to go and -surround one village with all the rest of the force. This village was -the one where the greatest injury had been done and where the affair -with the Indian woman occurred. Several captains who had gone on in -advance with the general, Juan de Saldivar and Barrionuevo and Diego -Lopez and Melgosa, took the Indians so much by surprise that they -gained the upper story, with great danger, for they wounded many of -our men from within the houses. Our men were on top of the houses -in great danger for a day and a night and part of the next day, and -they made some good shots with their crossbows and muskets. The -horsemen on the plain with many of the Indian allies from New Spain -smoked them out from the cellars[391] into which they had broken, so -that they begged for peace. Pablo de Melgosa and Diego Lopez, the -alderman from Seville, were left on the roof and answered the Indians -with the same signs they were making for peace, which was to make a -cross. They then put down their arms and received pardon. They were -taken to the tent of Don Garcia, who, according to what he said, did -not know about the peace and thought that they had given themselves -up of their own accord because they had been conquered. As he had -been ordered by the general not to take them alive, but to make an -example of them so that the other natives would fear the Spaniards, -he ordered two hundred stakes to be prepared at once to burn them -alive. Nobody told him about the peace that had been granted them, -for the soldiers knew as little as he, and those who should have -told him about it remained silent, not thinking that it was any of -their business. Then when the enemies saw that the Spaniards were -binding them and beginning to roast them, about a hundred men who -were in the tent began to struggle and defend themselves with what -there was there and with the stakes they could seize. Our men who -were on foot attacked the tent on all sides, so that there was great -confusion around it, and then the horsemen chased those who escaped. -As the country was level, not a man of them remained alive, unless it -was some who remained hidden in the village and escaped that night -to spread throughout the country the news that the strangers did -not respect the peace they had made, which afterward proved a great -misfortune. After this was over, it began to snow, and they abandoned -the village and returned to the camp just as the army came from -Cibola. - - [391] The pueblos are not provided with cellars. The underground - ceremonial chambers, or _kivas_, are doubtless here meant. - - - - -Chapter 16 - - _Of how they besieged Tiguex and took it and of what happened - during the siege._ - - -As I have already related, it began to snow in that country just -after they captured the village, and it snowed so much that for the -next two months[392] it was impossible to do anything except to go -along the roads to advise them to make peace and tell them that -they would be pardoned and might consider themselves safe, to which -they replied that they did not trust those who did not know how to -keep good faith after they had once given it, and that the Spaniards -should remember that they were keeping Whiskers prisoner and that -they did not keep their word when they burned those who surrendered -in the village. Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas was one of those who -went to give this notice. He started out with about thirty companions -and went to the village of Tiguex to talk with Juan Aleman. Although -they were hostile, they talked with him and said that if he wished -to talk with them he must dismount and they would come out and talk -with him about a peace, and that if he would send away the horsemen -and make his men keep away, Juan Aleman and another captain would -come out of the village and meet him. Everything was done as they -required, and then when they approached they said that they had no -arms and that he must take his off. Don Garcia Lopez did this in -order to give them confidence, on account of his great desire to get -them to make peace. When he met them, Juan Aleman approached and -embraced him vigorously, while the other two who had come with him -drew two mallets[393] which they had hidden behind their backs and -gave him two such blows over his helmet that they almost knocked him -senseless. Two of the soldiers on horseback had been unwilling to go -very far off, even when he ordered them, and so they were near by and -rode up so quickly that they rescued him from their hands, although -they were unable to catch the enemies because the meeting was so near -the village that of the great shower of arrows which were shot at -them one arrow hit a horse and went through his nose. The horsemen -all rode up together and hurriedly carried off their captain, without -being able to harm the enemy, while many of our men were dangerously -wounded. They then withdrew, leaving a number of men to continue the -attack. Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas went on with a part of the force -to another village about half a league distant, because almost all -the people in this region had collected into these two villages. As -they paid no attention to the demands made on them except by shooting -arrows from the upper stories with loud yells, and would not hear of -peace, he returned to his companions whom he had left to keep up the -attack on Tiguex. A large number of those in the village came out and -our men rode off slowly, pretending to flee, so that they drew the -enemy on to the plain, and then turned on them and caught several of -their leaders. The rest collected on the roofs of the village and the -captain returned to his camp. - - [392] The altitude of Bernalillo is 5260 feet, and snowstorms are - sometimes severe. - - [393] Wooden war-clubs. - -After this affair the general ordered the army to go and surround -the village. He set out with his men in good order, one day, with -several scaling ladders. When he reached the village, he encamped his -force near by, and then began the siege; but as the enemy had had -several days to provide themselves with stores, they threw down such -quantities of rocks upon our men that many of them were laid out, and -they wounded nearly a hundred with arrows, several of whom afterward -died on account of the bad treatment by an unskillful surgeon who was -with the army. The siege lasted fifty days, during which time several -assaults were made. The lack of water was what troubled the Indians -most. They dug a very deep well inside the village, but were not able -to get water, and while they were making it, it fell in and killed -thirty persons. Two hundred of the besieged died in the fights. One -day when there was a hard fight, they killed Francisco de Obando, a -captain who had been army-master all the time that Don Garcia Lopez -de Cardenas was away making the discoveries already described, and -also Francisco Pobares, a fine gentleman. Our men were unable to -prevent them from carrying Francisco de Obando inside the village, -which was regretted not a little, because he was a distinguished -person, besides being honored on his own account, affable and much -beloved, which was noticeable. One day, before the capture was -completed, they asked to speak to us, and said that, since they knew -we would not harm the women and children, they wished to surrender -their women and sons, because they were using up their water. It -was impossible to persuade them to make peace, as they said that -the Spaniards would not keep an agreement made with them. So they -gave up about a hundred persons, women and boys, who did not want to -leave them. Don Lope de Urrea rode up in front of the town without -his helmet and received the boys and girls in his arms, and when all -of these had been surrendered, Don Lope begged them to make peace, -giving them the strongest promises for their safety. They told him to -go away, as they did not wish to trust themselves to people who had -no regard for friendship or their own word which they had pledged. As -he seemed unwilling to go away, one of them put an arrow in his bow -ready to shoot, and threatened to shoot him with it unless he went -off, and they warned him to put on his helmet, but he was unwilling -to do so, saying that they would not hurt him as long as he stayed -there. When the Indian saw that he did not want to go away, he shot -and planted his arrow between the fore feet of the horse, and then -put another arrow in his bow and repeated that if he did not go away -he would really shoot him. Don Lope put on his helmet and slowly rode -back to where the horsemen were, without receiving any harm from -them. When they saw that he was really in safety, they began to shoot -arrows in showers, with loud yells and cries. The general did not -want to make an assault that day, in order to see if they could be -brought in some way to make peace, which they would not consider. - -Fifteen days later they decided to leave the village one night, -and did so, taking the women in their midst. They started about -the fourth watch, in the very early morning, on the side where the -cavalry was. The alarm was given by those in the camp of Don Rodrigo -Maldonado. The enemy attacked them and killed one Spaniard and a -horse and wounded others, but they were driven back with great -slaughter until they came to the river,[394] where the water flowed -swiftly and very cold. They threw themselves into this, and as the -men had come quickly from the whole camp to assist the cavalry, -there were few who escaped being killed or wounded. Some men from the -camp went across the river next day and found many of them who had -been overcome by the great cold. They brought these back, cured them, -and made servants of them. This ended that siege, and the town was -captured, although there were a few who remained in one part of the -town and were captured a few days later. - - [394] The Rio Grande, which is near by. - -Two captains, Don Diego de Guevara and Juan de Saldivar, had captured -the other large village after a siege. Having started out very early -one morning to make an ambuscade in which to catch some warriors -who used to come out every morning to try to frighten our camp, -the spies, who had been placed where they could see when they were -coming, saw the people come out and proceed toward the country. The -soldiers left the ambuscade and went to the village and saw the -people fleeing. They pursued and killed large numbers of them. At the -same time those in the camp were ordered to go over the town, and -they plundered it, making prisoners of all the people who were found -in it, amounting to about a hundred women and children. This siege -ended the last of March, in the year '42 [1541]. Other things had -happened in the meantime, which would have been noticed, but that it -would have cut the thread. I have omitted them, but will relate them -now, so that it will be possible to understand what follows. - - - - -Chapter 17 - - _Of how messengers reached the army from the valley of Senora, - and how Captain Melchior Diaz died on the expedition to the - Firebrand River._ - - -We have already related how Captain Melchior Diaz crossed the -Firebrand River [Rio Colorado] on rafts, in order to continue his -discoveries farther in that direction. About the time the siege -ended, messengers reached the army from the city of San Hieronimo -with letters from Diego de Alarcon,[395] who had remained there in -the place of Melchior Diaz. These contained the news that Melchior -Diaz had died while he was conducting his search, and that the force -had returned without finding any of the things they were after. It -all happened in this fashion: - -After they had crossed the river they continued their search for the -coast, which here turned back toward the south,[396] or between south -and east, because that arm of the sea enters the land due north, and -this river, which brings its waters down from the north, flowing -toward the south, enters the head of the gulf.[397] Continuing in -the direction they had been going, they came to some sandbanks of -hot ashes which it was impossible to cross without being drowned as -in the sea. The ground they were standing on trembled like a sheet -of paper, so that it seemed as if there were lakes underneath them. -It seemed wonderful and like something infernal, for the ashes to -bubble up here in several places. After they had gone away from this -place, on account of the danger they seemed to be in and of the -lack of water, one day a greyhound belonging to one of the soldiers -chased some sheep which they were taking along for food. When the -captain noticed this, he threw his lance at the dog while his horse -was running, so that it stuck up in the ground, and not being able to -stop his horse he went over the lance so that it nailed him through -the thighs and the iron came out behind, rupturing his bladder. -After this the soldiers turned back with their captain, having to -fight every day with the Indians, who had remained hostile. He lived -about twenty days, during which they proceeded with great difficulty -on account of the necessity of carrying him. They returned in good -order without losing a man, until he died, and after that they were -relieved of the greatest difficulty. When they reached Senora, -Alcaraz despatched the messengers already referred to, so that the -general might know of this and also that some of the soldiers -were ill-disposed and had caused several mutinies, and that he had -sentenced two of them to the gallows, but they had afterward escaped -from the prison. - - [395] Should be Alcaraz. See Chapter 10. - - [396] That is, the west coast of the Gulf of California. - - [397] During 1905 the waters of the Rio Colorado were diverted - westward below Yuma and are now (1906) flowing into the Salton - Sink, or Imperial Valley, in southern California, forming an - immense lake. - -When the general learned this, he sent Don Pedro de Tovar to that -city to sift out some of the men. He was accompanied by messengers -whom the general sent to Don Antonio de Mendoza the viceroy, with -an account of what had occurred and with the good news given by -the Turk. When Don Pedro de Tovar arrived there, he found that the -natives of that province had killed a soldier with a poisoned arrow, -which had made only a very little wound in one hand.[398] Several -soldiers went to the place where this happened to see about it, and -they were not very well received. Don Pedro de Tovar sent Diego de -Alcaraz with a force to seize the chiefs and lords of a village in -what they call the Valley of Knaves (_de los Vellacos_), which is in -the hills. After getting there and getting these men prisoners, Diego -de Alcaraz decided to let them go in exchange for some thread and -cloth and other things which the soldiers needed. Finding themselves -free, they renewed the war and attacked them, and as they were strong -and had poison, they killed several Spaniards and wounded others so -that they died on the way back. They retired toward the town, and if -they had not had Indian allies from the country of the Hearts, it -would have gone worse with them. They got back to the town, leaving -seventeen soldiers dead from the poison. They would die in agony from -only a small wound, the bodies breaking out with an insupportable -pestilential stench. When Don Pedro de Tovar saw the harm done, and -as it seemed to them that they could not safely stay in that city, he -moved forty leagues toward Cibola into the valley of Suya,[399] where -we will leave them, in order to relate what happened to the general -and his army after the siege of Tiguex. - - [398] Doubtless the Opatas, whose poisoned arrows are often - alluded to by later Spanish writers. See, for example, the - _Rudo Ensayo_ (ca. 1762), (San Augustin, 1863); also Guiteras's - translation in _Records of the American Catholic Historical - Society_, V. No. 2 (Philadelphia, June, 1894). - - [399] The upper part of the Rio San Pedro (which rises in - northern Sonora), according to recent studies by Mr. James Newton - Baskett. - - - - -Chapter 18 - - _Of how the general managed to leave the country in peace so as - to go in search of Quivira, where the Turk said there was the - most wealth._ - - -During the siege of Tiguex the general decided to go to Cicuye and -take the governor with him, in order to give him his liberty and -to promise them that he would give Whiskers his liberty and leave -him in the village, as soon as he should start for Quivira. He was -received peacefully when he reached Cicuye, and entered the village -with several soldiers. They received their governor with much joy -and gratitude. After looking over the village and speaking with the -natives he returned to his army, leaving Cicuye at peace, in the hope -of getting back their captain Whiskers. - -After the siege was ended, as we have already related, he sent a -captain to Chia,[400] a fine village with many people, which had sent -to offer its submission. It was four leagues distant to the west -of the river.[401] They found it peaceful and gave it four bronze -cannon, which were in poor condition, to take care of. Six gentlemen -also went to Quirix, a province with seven villages.[402] At the -first village, which had about a hundred inhabitants, the natives -fled, not daring to wait for our men; but they headed them off by -a short cut, riding at full speed, and then they returned to their -houses in the village in perfect safety, and then told the other -villagers about it and reassured them. In this way the entire region -was reassured, little by little, by the time the ice in the river -was broken up and it became possible to ford the river and so to -continue the journey. The twelve villages of Tiguex, however, were -not repopulated at all during the time the army was there, in spite -of every promise of security that could possibly be given to them. - - [400] The present Sia, a small pueblo on the Rio Jemez. In 1583 - Sia was one of a group of five pueblos which Antonio de Espejo - called Cunames or Punames. It suffered severely by the Pueblo - revolt a century later, and is now reduced to about a hundred - people who have great difficulty in gaining a livelihood, owing - to lack of water for irrigation. - - [401] That is, the Rio Grande. - - [402] The "province" occupied by the Queres or Keresan Indians, - consisting of the pueblos of Cochiti, San Felipe, and Santo - Domingo, of to-day--all on the Rio Grande. Sia and Santa Ana are - and were also Queres villages in Coronado's time, but as these - were not on the Rio Grande, they may not have been included in - Castaneda's group. When Espejo visited the Queres in 1583, they - occupied only five pueblos on the Rio Grande; now only the three - above mentioned are inhabited. - -And when the river, which for almost four months had been frozen over -so that they crossed the ice on horseback, had thawed out, orders -were given for the start for Quivira,[403] where the Turk said there -was some gold and silver, although not so much as in Arche[404] and -the Guaes.[405] There were already some in the army who suspected -the Turk, because a Spaniard named Servantes, who had charge of him -during the siege, solemnly swore that he had seen the Turk talking -with the devil in a pitcher of water, and also that while he had him -under lock so that no one could speak to him, the Turk had asked him -what Christians had been killed by the people at Tiguex. He told him -"nobody," and then the Turk answered: "You lie; five Christians are -dead, including a captain." And as Cervantes knew that he told the -truth, he confessed it so as to find out who had told him about it, -and the Turk said he knew it all by himself and that he did not need -to have anyone tell him in order to know it. And it was on account -of this that he watched him and saw him speaking to the devil in the -pitcher, as I have said. - - [403] See p. 337, note 1. - - [404] Evidently the Harahey of other chroniclers, which has been - identified with the Pawnee country of southern Nebraska. - - [405] Possibly the Kansa or Kaw tribe, after whom the state of - Kansas is named. - -While all this was going on, preparations were being made to start -from Tiguex. At this time people came from Cibola to see the general, -and he charged them to take good care of the Spaniards who were -coming from Senora with Don Pedro de Tovar. He gave them letters to -give to Don Pedro, informing him what he ought to do and how he -should go to find the army, and that he would find letters under the -crosses which the army would put up along the way. The army left -Tiguex on the fifth of May[406] and returned to Cicuye, which, as I -have said, is twenty-five marches, which means leagues, from there, -taking Whiskers with them.[407] Arrived there, he gave them their -captain, who already went about freely with a guard. The village was -very glad to see him, and the people were peaceful and offered food. -The governor and Whiskers gave the general a young fellow called -Xabe, a native of Quivira, who could give them information about the -country. This fellow said that there was gold and silver, but not -so much of it as the Turk had said. The Turk, however, continued to -declare that it was as he had said. He went as a guide, and thus the -army started off from here. - - [406] In his letter to the King, dated Tiguex October 20, 1541, - Coronado says that he started April 23. See Winship's translation - in _Fourteenth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (1896), p. 580. - - [407] Cicuye is Pecos, as above mentioned. The direction is north - of east and the distance forty miles in an air line, or fifteen - Spanish judicial leagues. By rail, which follows almost exactly - the old trail, the distance is sixty-five miles, or almost - precisely twenty-five leagues. - - - - -Chapter 19 - - _Of how they started in search of Quivira and of what happened - on the way._ - - -The army started from Cicuye, leaving the village at peace and, as it -seemed, contented, and under obligations to maintain the friendship -because their governor and captain had been restored to them. -Proceeding toward the plains, which are all on the other side of -the mountains, after four days' journey they came to a river with a -large, deep current, which flowed from toward Cicuyc, and they named -this the Cicuyc river. They had to stop here to make a bridge so as -to cross it.[408] It was finished in four days, by much diligence -and rapid work, and as soon as it was done the whole army and the -animals crossed. After ten days more they came to some settlements of -people who lived like Arabs and who are called Querechos[409] in that -region. They had seen the cows[410] for two days. These folks live -in tents made of the tanned skins of the cows. They travel around -near the cows, killing them for food. They did nothing unusual when -they saw our army, except to come out of their tents to look at us, -after which they came to talk with the advance guard, and asked who -we were. The general talked with them, but as they had already talked -with the Turk, who was with the advance guard, they agreed with what -he had said. That they were very intelligent is evident from the fact -that although they conversed by means of signs they made themselves -understood so well that there was no need of an interpreter.[411] -They said that there was a very large river over toward where the -sun came from, and that one could go along this river through an -inhabited region for ninety days without a break from settlement to -settlement. They said that the first of these settlements was called -Haxa,[412] and that the river was more than a league wide and that -there were many canoes on it.[413] These folks started off from here -next day with a lot of dogs which dragged their possessions. For two -days, during which the army marched in the same direction as that in -which they had come from the settlements--that is, between north and -east, but more toward the north--they saw other roaming Querechos -and such great numbers of cows that it already seemed something -incredible. These people gave a great deal of information about -settlements, all toward the east from where we were. Here Don Garcia -broke his arm and a Spaniard got lost who went off hunting so far -that he was unable to return to the camp, because the country is very -level. The Turk said it was one or two days to Haya (Haxa).[414] The -general sent Captain Diego Lopez with ten companions lightly equipped -and a guide to go at full speed toward the sunrise for two days and -discover Haxa, and then return to meet the army, which set out in the -same direction next day. They came across so many animals that those -who were on the advance guard killed a large number of bulls. As -these fled they trampled one another in their haste until they came -to a ravine. So many of the animals fell into this that they filled -it up, and the rest went across on top of them. The men who were -chasing them on horseback fell in among the animals without noticing -where they were going. Three of the horses that fell in among the -cows, all saddled and bridled, were lost sight of completely. - - [408] The Rio Pecos. The bridge was doubtless built across the - stream somewhere near Puerto de Luna. The Ms. here reads Cicuyc - for Cicuye. - - [409] The name by which the eastern Apaches, or Apaches Vaqueros - of later times, were known to the Pecos Indians. The first - Querechos were met near the eastern boundary of New Mexico. - - [410] Wherever "cows" are mentioned, bison are of course meant. - Herds of these animals ranged as far as the Pecos, which was - known as the Rio de las Vacas later in the century. - - [411] All the Indians of the great plains were expert in the sign - language, as their spoken languages were many and diverse. - - [412] The place has not been identified with certainty. - - [413] This river, if it existed at all, was in all probability - the lower Arkansas or the Mississippi, hundreds of miles away. - - [414] The Turk was evidently lying, at least so far as the - distance was concerned. The Texas Indians were not canoeists. The - army was now in the western part of the staked plains of Texas, - but had changed its course from northeasterly to south of east. - The country is greatly broken by the canons of the streams which - take their rise in these parts. - -As it seemed to the general that Diego Lopez ought to be on his way -back, he sent six of his companions to follow up the banks of the -little river, and as many more down the banks, to look for traces of -the horses at the trails to and from the river. It was impossible to -find tracks in this country, because the grass straightened up again -as soon as it was trodden down. They were found by some Indians from -the army who had gone to look for fruit. These got track of them a -good league off, and soon came up with them. They followed the river -down to the camp, and told the general that in the twenty leagues -they had been over they had seen nothing but cows and the sky. There -was another native of Quivira with the army, a painted Indian named -Ysopete. This Indian had always declared that the Turk was lying, and -on account of this the army paid no attention to him, and even now, -although he said that the Querechos had consulted with him, Ysopete -was not believed. - -The general sent Don Rodrigo Maldonado, with his company, forward -from here. He travelled four days and reached a large ravine like -those of Colima, in the bottom of which he found a large settlement -of people. Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had passed through this -place,[415] so that they presented Don Rodrigo with a pile of tanned -skins and other things, and a tent as big as a house, which he -directed them to keep until the army came up. He sent some of his -companions to guide the army to that place, so that they should not -get lost, although he had been making piles of stones and cow-dung -for the army to follow. This was the way in which the army was guided -by the advance guard. - - [415] See Cabeza de Vaca's narration in this volume, p. 97. - -When the general came up with the army and saw the great quantity -of skins, he thought he would divide them among the men, and placed -guards so that they could look at them. But when the men arrived and -saw that the general was sending some of his companions with orders -for the guards to give them some of the skins, and that these were -going to select the best, they were angry because they were not going -to be divided evenly, and made a rush, and in less than a quarter of -an hour nothing was left but the empty ground. - -The natives who happened to see this also took a hand in it. The -women and some others were left crying, because they thought that -the strangers were not going to take anything, but would bless them -as Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had done when they passed through -here. They found an Indian girl here who was as white as a Castilian -lady,[416] except that she had her chin painted like a Moorish woman. -In general they all paint themselves in this way here, and they -decorate their eyes. - - [416] Probably an albino is here referred to. - - - - -Chapter 20 - - _Of how great stones fell in the camp, and how they discovered - another ravine, where the army was divided into two parts._ - - -While the army was resting in this ravine, as we have related, a -tempest came up one afternoon with a very high wind and hail, and in -a very short space of time a great quantity of hailstones, as big -as bowls, or bigger, fell as thick as raindrops, so that in places -they covered the ground two or three spans or more deep. And one hit -the horse--or I should say, there was not a horse that did not break -away, except two or three which the negroes protected by holding -large sea nets over them, with the helmets and shields which all the -rest wore; and some of them dashed up on to the sides of the ravine -so that they got them down with great difficulty. If this had struck -them while they were upon the plain, the army would have been in -great danger of being left without its horses, as there were many -which they were not able to cover. The hail broke many tents, and -battered many helmets, and wounded many of the horses, and broke all -the crockery of the army, and the gourds, which was no small loss, -because they do not have any crockery in this region. They do not -make gourds, nor sow corn, nor eat bread, but instead raw meat--or -only half cooked--and fruit.[417] - - [417] Castaneda here refers to the buffalo-hunting Indians in - contrast to the Pueblo tribes which the Spaniards had left. - -From here the general sent out to explore the country, and they -found another settlement four days from there[418].... The country -was well inhabited, and they had plenty of kidney beans and prunes -like those of Castile, and tall vineyards. These village settlements -extended for three days. This was called Cona. Some Teyas,[419] as -these people are called, went with the army from here and travelled -as far as the end of the other settlements with their packs of dogs -and women and children, and then they gave them guides to proceed -to a large ravine where the army was. They did not let these guides -speak with the Turk, and did not receive the same statements from -these as they had from the others. These said that Quivira was toward -the north, and that we should not find any good road thither. After -this they began to believe Ysopete. The ravine which the army had -now reached was a league wide from one side to the other, with a -little bit of a river at the bottom, and there were many groves of -mulberry trees near it, and rosebushes with the same sort of fruit -that they have in France. They made verjuice from the unripe grapes -at this ravine, although there were ripe ones. There were walnuts -and the same kind of fowls as in New Spain, and large quantities of -prunes like those of Castile. During this journey a Teya was seen -to shoot a bull right through both shoulders with an arrow, which -would be a good shot for a musket. These people are very intelligent; -the women are well made and modest. They cover their whole body. -They wear shoes and buskins made of tanned skin. The women wear -cloaks over their small under petticoats, with sleeves gathered up -at the shoulders, all of skin, and some wore something like little -_san-benitos_[420] with a fringe, which reached half-way down the -thigh over the petticoat. - - [418] "_A manera de alixares._" The margin reads _Alexeres_, a - word meaning "threshing floor." - - [419] These were evidently the Indians later called Tejas, - or Texas, from which the state took its name. The name was - indiscriminately applied by various later writers, but always to - one of the Caddoan tribes or group of tribes. - - [420] "We were brought into the Church, every one with a S. - Benito upon his backe, which is a halfe a yard of yellow cloth, - with a hole to put in a mans head in the middest, and cast over - a mans head: both flaps hang one before, and another behinde, - and in the middest of every flap, a S. Andrewes crosse, made - of red cloth, sowed on upon the same, and that is called S. - Benito."--Robert Tomson, "Voyage into Nova Hispania," 1555, in - Hakluyt, _Voyages_, IX. 348 (1904). - -The army rested several days in this ravine and explored the country. -Up to this point they had made thirty-seven days' marches, travelling -six or seven leagues a day.[421] It had been the duty of one man to -measure and count his steps. They found that it was 250 leagues to -the settlements.[422] When the general Francisco Vazquez realized -this, and saw that they had been deceived by the Turk heretofore, and -as the provisions were giving out and there was no country around -here where they could procure more, he called the captains and -ensigns together to decide on what they thought ought to be done. -They all agreed that the general should go in search of Quivira with -thirty horsemen and half a dozen foot-soldiers, and that Don Tristan -de Arellano should go back to Tiguex with all the army. When the men -in the army learned of this decision, they begged their general not -to leave them to conduct the further search, but declared that they -all wanted to die with him and did not want to go back. This did not -do any good, although the general agreed to send messengers to them -within eight days saying whether it was best for them to follow him -or not, and with this he set off with the guides he had and with -Ysopete. The Turk was taken along in chains. - - [421] The league is equivalent to 2.63 English miles. This - Spanish judicial league is still used in Mexico. - - [422] The Tiguex villages on the Rio Grande are often referred to - as the region where the settlements were. - - - - -Chapter 21 - - _Of how the army returned to Tiguex and the general reached - Quivira._ - - -The general started from the ravine with the guides that the Teyas -had given him. He appointed the alderman Diego Lopez his army-master, -and took with him the men who seemed to him to be most efficient, and -the best horses. The army still had some hope that the general would -send for them, and sent two horsemen, lightly equipped and riding -post, to repeat their petition. - -The general arrived--I mean, the guides ran away during the first few -days and Diego Lopez had to return to the army for guides, bringing -orders for the army to return to Tiguex to find food and wait there -for the general. The Teyas, as before, willingly furnished him with -new guides. The army waited for its messengers and spent a fortnight -here, preparing jerked beef to take with them. It was estimated that -during this fortnight they killed 500 bulls. The number of these that -were there without any cows was something incredible. Many fellows -were lost at this time who went out hunting and did not get back to -the army for two or three days, wandering about the country as if -they were crazy, in one direction or another, not knowing how to get -back where they started from, although this ravine extended in either -direction so that they could find it. Every night they took account -of who was missing, fired guns and blew trumpets and beat drums and -built great fires, but yet some of them went off so far and wandered -about so much that all this did not give them any help, although it -helped others. The only way was to go back where they had killed an -animal and start from there in one direction and another until they -struck the ravine or fell in with somebody who could put them on the -right road. It is worth noting that the country there is so level -that at midday, after one has wandered about in one direction and -another in pursuit of game, the only thing to do is to stay near the -game quietly until sunset, so as to see where it goes down, and even -then they have to be men who are practised to do it. Those who are -not, had to trust themselves to others.[423] - - [423] The point of separation of the army was in all probability - the upper waters of the Rio Colorado in Texas. See the narration - of Cabeza de Vaca, p. 97, note 2. - -The general followed his guides until he reached Quivira, which took -forty-eight days' marching, on account of the great detour they had -made toward Florida.[424] He was received peacefully on account of -the guides whom he had. They asked the Turk why he had lied and had -guided them so far out of their way. He said that his country was -in that direction and that, besides this, the people at Cicuye had -asked him to lead them off on to the plains and lose them, so that -the horses would die when their provisions gave out, and they would -be so weak if they ever returned that they could be killed without -any trouble, and thus they could take revenge for what had been done -to them. This was the reason why he had led them astray, supposing -that they did not know how to hunt or to live without corn, while -as for the gold, he did not know where there was any of it. He said -this like one who had given up hope and who found that he was being -persecuted, since they had begun to believe Ysopete, who had guided -them better than he had, and fearing lest those who were there might -give some advice by which some harm would come to him. They garroted -him, which pleased Ysopete very much, because he had always said that -Ysopete was a rascal and that he did not know what he was talking -about and had always hindered his talking with anybody. Neither gold -nor silver nor any trace of either was found among these people. -Their lord wore a copper plate on his neck and prized it highly.[425] - - [424] That is, toward the southeast. At a somewhat later period - Florida included everything from the peninsula northward. - - [425] For additional details respecting the route pursued - by Coronado after the main army was sent back, consult the - narrative of Jaramillo, the _Relacion del Suceso_, and other - documents pertaining to the expedition, in Winship's _Coronado - Expedition_ (1896) and _Journey of Coronado_ (1904), and in - connection therewith a discussion of the route by F. W. Hodge, - in J. V. Brower's _Memoirs of Explorations in the Basin of the - Mississippi_, II. (St. Paul, 1899). Continuing due north from the - upper waters of the Rio Colorado of Texas, Coronado's immediate - force in thirty days' march, according to the _Relacion del - Suceso_ (or "more than thirty days' march, although not long - marches," according to Jaramillo), reached the river of St. Peter - and St. Paul the last of June, 1541. This was the "river of - Quivira" of the _Relacion del Suceso_, the present Arkansas River - in Kansas, which was crossed at its southern bend, just east of - the present Dodge City. The party continued thence northeast, - downstream, and in thirty leagues, or six or seven days' march, - reached the first of the Quivira settlements. This was at or - near the present Great Bend, Kansas, before reaching the site of - which the Turk was "made an example of." That the inhabitants - of Quivira were the Wichita Indians there can be no reasonable - doubt. The Quivira people lived in grass or straw lodges, - according to the Spaniards, a fact that was true of the Wichitas - only of all the northern plains tribes. The habitations of their - congeners and northern neighbors, the Pawnee (who may be regarded - as the inhabitants of the province of Harahey), were earth - lodges. The word _acochis_, mentioned by Castaneda as the Quivira - term for "gold," is merely the Spanish adaptation of _hakwichis_, - which signifies "metal," for of gold our Indians knew nothing - until after the advent of the white man. After exploring Quivira - for twenty-five leagues, Coronado sent "captains and men in many - directions," but they failed to find that of which they went in - search. There is no reason to suppose that Coronado's party went - beyond the limits of the present state of Kansas. - -The messengers whom the army had sent to the general returned, as -I said, and then, as they brought no news except what the alderman -had delivered, the army left the ravine and returned to the Teyas, -where they took guides who led them back by a more direct road. They -readily furnished these, because these people are always roaming over -this country in pursuit of the animals and so know it thoroughly. -They keep their road in this way: In the morning they notice where -the sun rises and observe the direction they are going to take, -and then shoot an arrow in this direction. Before reaching this -they shoot another over it, and in this way they go all day toward -the water where they are to end the day. In this way they covered -in twenty-five days what had taken them thirty-seven days going, -besides stopping to hunt cows on the way. They found many salt -lakes on this road, and there was a great quantity of salt. There -were thick pieces of it on top of the water bigger than tables, as -thick as four or five fingers. Two or three spans down under water -there was salt which tasted better than that in the floating pieces, -because this was rather bitter. It was crystalline. All over these -plains there were large numbers of animals like squirrels[426] and -a great number of their holes. On its return the army reached the -Cicuye river more than thirty leagues below there--I mean below the -bridge they had made when they crossed it, and they followed it up -to that place.[427] In general, its banks are covered with a sort -of rose bushes, the fruit of which tastes like muscatel grapes. -They grow on little twigs about as high up as a man. It has the -parsley leaf. There were unripe grapes and currants(?) and wild -marjoram. The guides said this river joined that of Tiguex more -than twenty days from here, and that its course turned toward the -east. It is believed that it flows into the mighty river of the Holy -Spirit (Espiritu Santo), which the men with Don Hernando de Soto -discovered in Florida.[428] A painted Indian woman ran away from -Juan de Saldibar and hid in the ravines about this time, because she -recognized the country of Tiguex where she had been a slave. She fell -into the hands of some Spaniards who had entered the country from -Florida to explore it in this direction.[429] After I got back to New -Spain I heard them say that the Indian told them that she had run -away from other men like them nine days, and that she gave the names -of some captains; from which we ought to believe that we were not far -from the region they discovered, although they said they were more -than 200 leagues inland. I believe the land at that point is more -than 600 leagues across from sea to sea. - - [426] Prairie-dogs. - - [427] This would make the point at which the army reached Pecos - River about eighty miles below Puerto de Luna, or not far from - the present town of Roswell. - - [428] Castaneda is writing about twenty years later. De Soto's - army was exploring the eastern country as Coronado was traversing - the buffalo plains. The Espiritu Santo is the Mississippi. - - [429] See the Gentleman of Elvas in the second part of the - present volume. - -As I said, the army followed the river up as far as Cicuye, which it -found ready for war and unwilling to make any advances toward peace -or to give any food to the army. From there they went on to Tiguex -where several villages had been reinhabited, but the people were -afraid and left them again. - - - - -Chapter 22 - - _Of how the general returned from Quivira and of other - expeditions toward the North._ - - -After Don Tristan de Arellano reached Tiguex, about the middle of -July, in the year '42,[430] he had provisions collected for the -coming winter. Captain Francisco de Barrionuevo was sent up the river -toward the north with several men. He saw two provinces, one of -which was called Hemes[431] and had seven villages, and the other -Yuqueyunque.[432] The inhabitants of Hemes came out peaceably and -furnished provisions. At Yuqueyunque the whole nation left two very -fine villages which they had on either side of the river entirely -vacant, and went into the mountains, where they had four very strong -villages in a rough country, where it was impossible for horses to -go.[433] In the two villages there was a great deal of food and some -very beautiful glazed earthenware with many figures and different -shapes.[434] Here they also found many bowls full of a carefully -selected shining metal with which they glazed the earthenware. This -shows that mines of silver would be found in that country if they -should hunt for them. - - [430] As usual Castaneda gives a date a year later than the - actual one. - - [431] The pueblos occupied by the Jemez people. Only one of these - now exists; this is on the Rio Jemez, a western tributary of the - Rio Grande, which enters the latter stream above Bernalillo, New - Mexico. See p. 359, note 2. - - [432] This was Yukiwingge, on the site of the present small - village of Chamita, at the mouth of the Rio Chama, opposite San - Juan pueblo. The other one of the two villages was doubtless San - Juan. Both of these were occupied by Tewa Indians. At Yukiwingge - was established, in 1598, by Juan de Onate, the colonizer of New - Mexico, the settlement of San Gabriel de los Espanoles, which - was occupied until the spring of 1605, when the seat of the - provincial government was moved to Santa Fe, founded for the - purpose in that year. See p. 359, note 4. - - [433] These may have been the pueblos, now in ruins, in and north - of the Pajarito Park, one of which, called Puye, gives evidence - of occupancy in post-Spanish times. - - [434] It is not known definitely whether actually glazed pottery - or merely the black, highly polished earthenware characteristic - of the Tewa Indians of the neighborhood is here meant. The - ancient Pueblos manufactured a ware with decoration in what - appears to be a salt glaze. Specimens of this have been gathered - in the Pajarito Park, at Zuni, among the Hopi of Arizona, and - from ancient ruins around Acoma, but the art seems to have been - lost. There is abundant evidence that this form of decoration was - prehistoric. The finding of the "shining metal" (called antimony - in Pt. 2, chap. 4) would seem to indicate that the polished - rather than the glazed ware was here meant. - -There was a large and powerful river, I mean village, which was -called Braba, twenty leagues farther up the river, which our men -called Valladolid.[435] The river flowed through the middle of it. -The natives crossed it by wooden bridges, made of very long, large, -squared pines. At this village they saw the largest and finest hot -rooms or estufas that there were in the entire country, for they had -a dozen pillars, each one of which was twice as large around as one -could reach and twice as tall as a man. Hernando de Alvarado visited -this village when he discovered Cicuye. The country is very high and -very cold.[436] The river is deep and very swift, without any ford. -Captain Barrionuevo returned from here, leaving the province at peace. - - [435] This was the pueblo of Taos, which stood near the site of - the present village of the same name, on both sides of the little - stream (Taos River). The present Taos has 425 inhabitants. The - swift and deep river without the ford, here referred to, must - have been the Rio Grande in the neighborhood of Taos, rather than - the Rio de Taos, which is insignificant except in seasons of - freshet. Castaneda was evidently not one of Barrionuevo's party. - - [436] The altitude of Taos is 6983 feet; of Taos Peak, 13,145 - feet. - -Another captain went down the river in search of the settlements -which the people at Tutahaco had said were several days distant -from there. This captain went down eighty leagues and found four -large villages which he left at peace.[437] He proceeded until he -found that the river sank into the earth, like the Guadiana in -Estremadura.[438] He did not go on to where the Indians said that it -came out much larger, because his commission did not extend for more -than eighty leagues' march. After this captain got back, as the time -had arrived which the captain had set for his return from Quivira, -and as he had not come back, Don Tristan selected forty companions -and, leaving the army to Francisco de Barrionuevo, he started with -them in search of the general. When he reached Cicuye the people came -out of the village to fight, which detained him there four days, -while he punished them, which he did by firing some volleys into the -village. These killed several men, so that they did not come out -against the army, since two of their principal men had been killed -on the first day. Just then word was brought that the general was -coming, and so Don Tristan had to stay there on this account also, -to keep the road open. Everybody welcomed the general on his arrival, -with great joy. The Indian Xabe, who was the young fellow who had -been given to the general at Cicuye when he started off in search of -Quivira, was with Don Tristan de Arellano and when he learned that -the general was coming he acted as if he was greatly pleased, and -said, "Now when the general comes, you will see that there are gold -and silver in Quivira, although not so much as the Turk said." When -the general arrived, and Xabe saw that they had not found anything, -he was sad and silent, and kept declaring that there was some. He -made many believe that it was so, because the general had not dared -to enter into the country on account of its being thickly settled -and his force not very strong, and that he had returned to lead -his army there after the rains, because it had begun to rain there -already, as it was early in August when he left. It took him forty -days to return, travelling lightly equipped. The Turk had said when -they left Tiguex that they ought not to load the horses with too much -provisions, which would tire them so that they could not afterward -carry the gold and silver, from which it is very evident that he was -deceiving them. - - [437] Seemingly the Piros villages on the Rio Grande south of - Isleta. They are now extinct, having been finally abandoned - during the revolt in 1680, the inhabitants fleeing with Governor - Otermin to El Paso. Senecu and Socorro (taking their names from - former villages) were afterward established below El Paso, where - the few survivors of the Piros, almost entirely Mexicanized, - still reside. - - [438] This rendering, doubtless correct, is due to Ternaux. - The Guadiana, however, reappears above ground some time before - it begins to mark the boundary of the Spanish province of - Estremadura. The Castaneda family had its seat in quite the other - end of the peninsula. (Winship.) - -The general reached Cicuye with his force and at once set off -for Tiguex, leaving the village more quiet, for they had met him -peaceably and had talked with him. When he reached Tiguex, he made -his plans to pass the winter there, so as to return with the whole -army, because it was said that he brought information regarding large -settlements and very large rivers, and that the country was very much -like that of Spain in the fruits and vegetation and seasons. They -were not ready to believe that there was no gold there, but instead -had suspicions that there was some farther back in the country, -because, although this was denied, they knew what the thing was and -had a name for it among themselves--_acochis_.[439] With this we end -this first part, and now we will give an account of the provinces. - - [439] See p. 337, note 1. - - - - -SECOND PART - - _Which treats of the high villages and provinces and of their - habits and customs, as collected by Pedro de Castaneda, native - of the city of Najara._ - -_Laus Deo_ - - -It does not seem to me that the reader will be satisfied with having -seen and understood what I have already related about the expedition, -although that has made it easy to see the difference between the -report which told about vast treasures, and the places where nothing -like this was either found or known. It is to be noted that in place -of settlements great deserts were found, and instead of populous -cities villages of 200 inhabitants and only 800 or 1000 people in -the largest. I do not know whether this will furnish grounds for -pondering and considering the uncertainty of this life. To please -these, I wish to give a detailed account of all the inhabited region -seen and discovered by this expedition, and some of their ceremonies -and habits, in accordance with what we came to know about them, and -the limits within which each province falls, so that hereafter it may -be possible to understand in what direction Florida lies and in what -direction Greater India; and this land of New Spain is part of the -mainland with Peru, and with greater India or China as well, there -not being any strait between to separate them. On the other hand, -the country is so wide that there is room for these vast deserts -which lie between the two seas, for the coast of the North sea beyond -Florida stretches toward the Bacallaos[440] and then turns toward -Norway, while that of the South sea turns toward the west, making -another bend down toward the south almost like a bow and stretches -away toward India, leaving room for the lands that border on the -mountains on both sides to stretch out in such a way as to have -between them these great plains which are full of cattle and many -other animals of different sorts, since they are not inhabited, as I -will relate farther on. There is every sort of game and fowl there, -but no snakes, for they are free from these. I will leave the account -of the return of the army to New Spain until I have shown what -slight occasion there was for this. We will begin our account with -the city of Culiacan, and point out the differences between the one -country and the other, on account of which one ought to be settled by -Spaniards and the other not. It should be the reverse, however, with -Christians, since there are intelligent men in one, and in the other -wild animals and worse than beasts. - - [440] The Newfoundland region. - - - - -Chapter I - - _Of the province of Culiacan and of its habits and customs._ - - -Culiacan is the last place in the New Kingdom of Galicia, and was -the first settlement made by Nuno de Guzman when he conquered this -kingdom.[441] It is 210 leagues west of Mexico.[442] In this province -there are three chief languages, besides other related dialects. The -first is that of the Tahus, who are the best and most intelligent -race. They are now the most settled and have received the most light -from the faith. They worship idols and make presents to the devil of -their goods and riches, consisting of cloth and turquoises. They do -not eat human flesh nor sacrifice it. They are accustomed to keep -very large snakes, which they venerate. Among them there are men -dressed like women who marry other men and serve as their wives. -At a great festival they consecrate the women who wish to live -unmarried, with much singing and dancing, at which all the chiefs of -the locality gather and dance naked, and after all have danced with -her they put her in a hut that has been decorated for this event and -the chiefs adorn her with clothes and bracelets of fine turquoises, -and then the chiefs go in one by one to lie with her, and all the -others who wish, follow them. From this time on these women can not -refuse anyone who pays them a certain amount agreed on for this. -Even if they take husbands, this does not exempt them from obliging -anyone who pays them. The greatest festivals are on market days. -The custom is for the husbands to buy the women whom they marry, of -their fathers and relatives at a high price, and then to take them -to a chief, who is considered to be a priest, to deflower them and -see if she is a virgin; and if she is not, they have to return the -whole price, and he can keep her for his wife or not, or let her be -consecrated, as he chooses. At these times they all get drunk. - - [441] See p. 285, note 1. - - [442] Castaneda, like many other early Spanish chroniclers, - is careless in his directions. It will be observed that he - frequently says west, east, etc., when he means westwardly, - eastwardly. This has led one writer on the Coronado expedition - seriously astray. Culiacan is decidedly _northwest_ of Mexico - City. - -The second language is that of the Pacaxes, the people who live in -the country between the plains and the mountains. These people are -more barbarous. Some of them who live near the mountains eat human -flesh. They are great sodomites, and have many wives, even when these -are sisters. They worship painted and sculptured stones, and are much -given to witchcraft and sorcery. - -The third language is that of the Acaxes, who are in possession of -a large part of the hilly country and all of the mountains. They -go hunting for men just as they hunt animals. They all eat human -flesh, and he who has the most human bones and skulls hung up around -his house is most feared and respected. They live in settlements -and in very rough country, avoiding the plains. In passing from one -settlement to another, there is always a ravine in the way which -they can not cross, although they can talk together across it. At -the slightest call 500 men collect, and on any pretext kill and eat -one another. Thus it has been very hard to subdue these people, on -account of the roughness of the country, which is very great. - -Many rich silver mines have been found in this country. They do not -run deep, but soon give out. The gulf of the sea[443] begins on the -coast of this province, entering the land 250 leagues toward the -north and ending at the mouth of the Firebrand (Tizon) River. This -country forms its eastern limit, and California[444] the western. -From what I have been told by men who had navigated it, it is thirty -leagues across from point to point, because they lose sight of this -country when they see the other. They say the gulf is over 150 -leagues broad (or deep), from shore to shore. The coast makes a turn -toward the south at the Firebrand River, bending down to California, -which turns toward the west, forming that peninsula which was -formerly held to be an island, because it was a low sandy country. -It is inhabited by brutish, bestial, naked people who eat their own -offal. The men and women couple like animals, the female openly -getting down on all fours.[445] - - [443] The Gulf of California. - - [444] Lower California is of course meant. - - [445] For an account of the Indians of Lower California in the - eighteenth century, see the translation of Father Jacob Baegert's - narrative, by Charles Rau, in the _Report of the Smithsonian - Institution_ for 1863 and 1864. - - - - -Chapter 2 - - _Of the province of Petlatlan and all the inhabited country as - far as Chichilticalli._ - - -Petlatlan is a settlement of houses covered with a sort of mats made -of plants. These are collected into villages, extending along a river -from the mountains to the sea.[446] The people are of the same race -and habits as the Culuacanian Tahues. There is much sodomy among -them. In the mountain district there is a large population and more -settlements. These people have a somewhat different language from the -Tahues, although they understand each other. It is called Petlatlan -because the houses are made of petates or palm-leaf mats. Houses -of this sort are found for more than 240 leagues in this region, -to the beginning of the Cibola wilderness.[447] The nature of the -country changes here very greatly, because from this point on there -are no trees except the pine, nor are there any fruits except a few -tunas,[448] mesquites, and pitahayas.[449] - - [446] The Rio Petlatlan is the present Rio Sinaloa. The name - Sinaloa is synonymous in application with Cahita, a group of - tribes including the present Yaqui and Mayo. - - [447] That is, as far northward as the Rio Gila. - - [448] The fruit of the prickly-pear cactus. - - [449] The giant cactus. See p. 305, note 1. - -Petlatlan is twenty leagues from Culiacan, and it is 130 leagues from -here to the valley of Senora. There are many rivers between the two, -with settlements of the same sort of people--for example, Sinoloa, -Boyomo, Teocomo, Yaquimi, and other smaller ones. There is also the -Corazones (Hearts), which is in our possession, down the valley of -Senora.[450] - - [450] Sonora. See p. 301, notes 1 and 2. - -Senora is a river and valley thickly settled by able-bodied people. -The women wear petticoats of tanned deerskin, and little san benitos -reaching half way down the body.[451] The chiefs of the villages -go up on some little heights they have made for this purpose, like -public criers, and there make proclamations for the space of an -hour, regulating those things they have to attend to. They have some -little huts for shrines, all over the outside of which they stick -many arrows, like a hedgehog. They do this when they are eager for -war. All about this province toward the mountains there is a large -population in separate little provinces containing ten or twelve -villages. Seven or eight of them, of which I know the names, are -Comupatrico, Mochilagua, Arispa,[452] and the Little Valley. There -are others which we did not see. - - [451] See p. 334, note 1. - - [452] This was Arizpe, on the upper waters of the Rio Sonora. - Jaramillo calls it Ispa. - -It is forty leagues from Senora to the valley of Suya.[453] The town -of San Hieronimo was established in this valley, where there was a -rebellion later, and part of the people who had settled there were -killed, as will be seen in the third part. There are many villages in -the neighborhood of this valley. The people are the same as those in -Senora and have the same dress and language, habits, and customs, -like all the rest as far as the desert of Chichilticalli. The women -paint their chins and eyes like the Moorish women of Barbary. They -are great sodomites.[454] They drink wine made of the pitahaya, which -is the fruit of a great thistle which opens like the pomegranate. The -wine makes them stupid. They make a great quantity of preserves from -the tuna; they preserve it in a large amount of its sap without other -honey. They make bread of the mesquite, like cheese, which keeps good -for a whole year. There are native melons in this country so large -that a person can carry only one of them. They cut these into slices -and dry them in the sun. They are good to eat, and taste like figs, -and are better than dried meat; they are very good and sweet, keeping -for a whole year when prepared in this way.[455] - - [453] See p. 326, note 2. - - [454] These are, from the south northward, the Pimas Bajos or - Nevome, Opatas, Papagos, and Pimas. The older Pima women still - paint their faces in fine lines and also are tattooed, but the - custom is becoming a thing of the past. The Opatas are almost - entirely Mexicanized. - - [455] These were doubtless cantaloupes The southwestern Indians - still slice and dry them in a manner similar to that here - described. - -In this country there were also tame eagles, which the chiefs -esteemed to be something fine.[456] No fowls of any sort were seen -in any of these villages except in this valley of Suya, where fowls -like those of Castile were found. Nobody could find out how they came -to be so far inland, the people being all at war with one another. -Between Suya and Chichilticalli there are many sheep and mountain -goats with very large bodies and horns. Some Spaniards declare that -they have seen flocks of more than a hundred together, which ran so -fast that they disappeared very quickly. - - [456] The Pueblo Indians, particularly the Zuni and the Hopi, - keep eagles for their feathers, which are highly prized because - regarded as sacred and are much used in their ceremonies. - -At Chichilticalli the country changes its character again and the -spiky vegetation ceases. The reason is that the gulf reaches as far -up as this place, and the mountain chain changes its direction at -the same time that the coast does. Here they had to cross and pass -through the mountains in order to get into the level country.[457] - - [457] Probably Dragoon Pass, through the Dragoon and Galiuro - Mountains of southeastern Arizona, thence between the Pinaleno - and Chiricahua mountains to the plains of San Simon. - - - - -Chapter 3 - - _Of Chichilticalli and the desert, of Cibola, its customs and - habits, and of other things._ - - -Chichilticalli is so called because the friars found a house at this -place which was formerly inhabited by people who separated from -Cibola. It was made of colored or reddish earth.[458] The house -was large and appeared to have been a fortress. It must have been -destroyed by the people of the district, who are the most barbarous -people that have yet been seen. They live in separate cabins and not -in settlements.[459] They live by hunting. The rest of the country -is all wilderness, covered with pine forests. There are great -quantities of the pine nuts. The pines are two or three times as high -as a man before they send out branches. There is a sort of oak with -sweet acorns, of which they make cakes like sugar plums with dried -coriander seeds. It is very sweet, like sugar. Watercress grows in -many springs, and there are rosebushes, and pennyroyal, and wild -marjoram. - - [458] This ruin is supposed to have been in the vicinity of - the present Solomonsville, Graham County. The name is Aztec - (_chichiltic_ "red," _calli_ "house"). Writers have endeavored - to identify it with the celebrated Casa Grande farther to the - northwest, but this is inconsistent with the directions recorded - in the narratives, and all students of the subject have now - abandoned this theory. - - [459] These people are not identifiable with certainty. If - the Apaches of Arizona, it is the only mention of them and is - contrary to all other testimony. The Sobaipuris lived on the - upper Rio San Pedro and on the Gila near the mouth of the former - stream, until the latter part of the eighteenth century. - -There are barbels and picones,[460] like those of Spain, in the -rivers of this wilderness.[461] Gray lions and leopards were -seen.[462] The country rises continually from the beginning of the -wilderness until Cibola is reached, which is eighty leagues, going -north. From Culiacan to the edge of the wilderness the route had kept -the north on the left hand. - - [460] Picones are catfish. - - [461] The "wilderness," or uninhabited region, extended from the - Gila in central Graham County to the crossing of the New Mexico - boundary by Zuni River, where Cibola began. - - [462] These are the mountain lion and the wildcat. - - -Cibola[463] is seven villages. The largest is called Macaque.[464] -The houses are ordinarily three or four stories high, but in Macaque -there are houses with four and seven stories. These people are very -intelligent. They cover their privy parts and all the immodest parts -with cloths made like a sort of table napkin, with fringed edges and -a tassel at each corner, which they tie over the hips. They wear long -robes of feathers and of the skins of hares, and cotton blankets. The -women wear blankets, which they tie or knot over the left shoulder, -leaving the right arm out.[465] These serve to cover the body. They -wear a neat well-shaped outer garment of skin. They gather their hair -over the two ears, making a frame which looks like an old-fashioned -headdress.[466] - - [463] See p. 300, note 1. - - [464] See p. 315, note 1. - - [465] Identical with the dress of the Zuni women of to-day. - Rabbit-skin robes have been replaced by woollen blankets, like - those woven by the Navaho, who learned the art from the Pueblos. - The rabbit-skin robes are now manufactured chiefly by the - Paiutes, the Pueblos having almost ceased to make them. - - [466] This custom has been abandoned except by the Hopi maidens, - who still wear their hair in picturesque whorls, one on each side - of the head, until married. - -The country is a valley between ridges resembling rocky mountains. -They plant in holes. Maize does not grow high; ears from a stalk -three or four to each cane, thick and large, of eight hundred grains, -a thing not seen in these parts. There are large numbers of bears in -this province, and lions, wildcats, deer, and otter. There are very -fine turquoises, although not so many as was reported.[467] They -collect the pine nuts[468] each year, and store them up in advance. -A man does not have more than one wife. There are estufas or hot -rooms[469] in the villages, which are the courtyards or places -where they gather for consultation. They do not have chiefs as in -New Spain, but are ruled by a council of the oldest men. They have -priests who preach to them, whom they call papas.[470] These are the -elders. They go up on the highest roof of the village and preach to -the village from there, like public criers, in the morning while the -sun is rising, the whole village being silent and sitting in the -galleries to listen.[471] They tell them how they are to live, and -I believe that they give certain commandments for them to keep, for -there is no drunkenness among them nor sodomy nor sacrifices, neither -do they eat human flesh nor steal, but they are usually at work. The -estufas belong to the whole village.[472] It is a sacrilege for the -women to go into the estufas to sleep. They make the cross as a sign -of peace. They burn their dead, and throw the implements used in -their work into the fire with the bodies.[473] - - [467] See p. 308, note 3. This entire description is - characteristic of the present Zuni country, except that game is - not so abundant. - - [468] Pinon nuts, which are still gathered in large quantities. - - [469] The _kivas_, or ceremonial chambers, of which there are - usually several in each pueblo. It is in these that most of the - secret rites are performed. - - [470] _Papa_ is a true Zuni word, signifying "elder brother," as - distinguished from su-e, "younger brother." These terms allude - both to age and to rank. - - [471] All public announcements are still made in this way. - - [472] Rather to the religious societies. Some of them belong - exclusively to the women. - - [473] Excavations made at Halona, one of the Seven Cities of - Cibola, yielded only skeletons that had been interred within the - houses, beneath the floors. In the Salt River and Gila valleys, - southern Arizona, this method was also practised, but in addition - remains were cremated and deposited in earthen vessels in mounds - near by. - -It is twenty leagues to Tusayan,[474] going northwest. This is a -province with seven villages, of the same sort, dress, habits, and -ceremonies as at Cibola. There may be as many as 3,000 or 4,000 men -in the fourteen villages of these two provinces.[475] It is forty -leagues or more to Tiguex, the road trending toward the north. The -rock of Acuco, which we described in the first part, is between these. - - [474] See p. 307, note 1; p. 358, note 3. - - [475] This would indicate a population of 10,500 to 14,000, which - is doubtless an excessive estimate for the sixteenth century. The - present population of Zuni is 1514; of the Hopi villages, about - 2000. - - - - -Chapter 4 - - _Of how they live at Tiguex, and of the province of Tiguex and - its neighborhood._ - - -Tiguex is a province with twelve villages on the banks of a large, -mighty river; some villages on one side and some on the other.[476] -It is a spacious valley two leagues wide, and a very high, rough, -snow-covered mountain chain lies east of it.[477] There are seven -villages in the ridges at the foot of this--four on the plain and -three situated on the skirts of the mountain. - - [476] The Rio Grande, as previously described. - - [477] The Sandia Mountains. - -There are seven villages seven leagues to the north, at Quirix, -and the seven villages of the province of Hemes are forty leagues -northeast [northwest]. It is forty leagues north or east to -Acha,[478] and four leagues southeast[479] to Tutahaco, a province -with eight villages. In general, these villages all have the same -habits and customs, although some have some things in particular -which the others have not. They are governed by the opinions of the -elders. They all work together to build the villages, the women being -engaged in making the mixture and the walls, while the men bring -the wood and put it in place. They have no lime, but they make a -mixture of ashes, coals, and dirt which is almost as good as mortar, -for when the house is to have four stories, they do not make the -walls more than half a yard thick. They gather a great pile of twigs -of thyme [sagebrush] and sedge grass and set it afire, and when it -is half coals and ashes they throw a quantity of dirt and water on -it and mix it all together. They make round balls of this, which -they use instead of stones after they are dry, fixing them with the -same mixture, which comes to be like a stiff clay. Before they -are married the young men serve the whole village in general, and -fetch the wood that is needed for use, putting it in a pile in the -courtyard of the villages, from which the women take it to carry to -their houses.[480] - - [478] The pueblo of Picuris, about twenty miles south of Taos. - This is a Tigua village of about 125 inhabitants. - - [479] Compare the previous reference to Tutahaco (p. 314). Both - the distance and the direction here given seem to be erroneous. - - [480] This would indicate the existence of a true communal system - that does not prevail at the present time. - -The young men live in the estufas, which are in the yards of the -village. They are underground, square or round, with pine pillars. -Some were seen with twelve pillars and with four in the centre as -large as two men could stretch around. They usually had three or four -pillars. The floor was made of large, smooth stones, like the baths -which they have in Europe. They have a hearth made like the binnacle -or compass box of a ship, in which they burn a handful of thyme at -a time to keep up the heat, and they can stay in there just as in a -bath. The top was on a level with the ground. Some that were seen -were large enough for a game of ball. When any man wishes to marry, -it has to be arranged by those who govern. The man has to spin and -weave a blanket and place it before the woman, who covers herself -with it and becomes his wife.[481] The houses belong to the women, -the estufas to the men. If a man repudiates his woman, he has to go -to the estufa. It is forbidden for women to sleep in the estufas, -or to enter these for any purpose except to give their husbands or -sons something to eat. The men spin and weave. The women bring up the -children and prepare the food. The country is so fertile that they -do not have to break up the ground the year round, but only have to -sow the seed, which is presently covered by the fall of snow, and -the ears come up under the snow. In one year they gather enough for -seven. A very large number of cranes and wild geese and crows and -starlings live on what is sown, and for all this, when they come to -sow for another year, the fields are covered with corn which they -have not been able to finish gathering. - - [481] See Voth, "Oraibi Marriage Customs," _American - Anthropologist_, II. 238 (1900). - -There are a great many native fowl in these provinces, and cocks -with great hanging chins.[482] When dead, these keep for sixty days, -and longer in winter, without losing their feathers or opening, and -without any bad smell, and the same is true of dead men. - - [482] The American turkey cocks. - -The villages are free from nuisances, because they go outside to -excrete, and they pass their water into clay vessels, which they -empty at a distance from the village.[483] They keep the separate -houses where they prepare the food for eating and where they grind -the meal, very clean. This is a separate room or closet, where they -have a trough with three stones fixed in stiff clay. Three women -go in here, each one having a stone, with which one of them breaks -the corn, the next grinds it, and the third grinds it again.[484] -They take off their shoes, do up their hair, shake their clothes, -and cover their heads before they enter the door. A man sits at the -door playing on a fife while they grind, moving the stones to the -music and singing together. They grind a large quantity at one time, -because they make all their bread of meal soaked in warm water, like -wafers. They gather a great quantity of brushwood and dry it to use -for cooking all through the year. There are no fruits good to eat -in the country, except the pine nuts. They have their preachers. -Sodomy is not found among them. They do not eat human flesh nor make -sacrifices of it. The people are not cruel, for they had Francisco -de Ovando in Tiguex about forty days, after he was dead, and when -the village was captured, he was found among their dead, whole and -without any other wound except the one which killed him, white as -snow, without any bad smell. I found out several things about them -from one of our Indians, who had been a captive among them for a -whole year. I asked him especially for the reason why the young -women in that province went entirely naked, however cold it might be, -and he told me that the virgins had to go around this way until they -took a husband, and that they covered themselves after they had known -man. The men here wear little shirts of tanned deerskin and their -long robes over this. In all these provinces they have earthenware -glazed with antimony and jars of extraordinary labor and workmanship, -which were worth seeing.[485] - - [483] A custom still common at Zuni and other pueblos. Before the - introduction of manufactured dyes the Pueblos used urine as a - mordant. - - [484] See Mindeleff's "Pueblo Architecture," in the _Eighth - Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, p. 208; also Cushing, - "Zuni Breadstuff," in _The Millstone_ (Indianapolis, 1884-1885). - - [485] A number of memoirs on the pottery of the ancient Pueblos - may be consulted in the _Annual Reports_ of the Bureau of - American Ethnology. - - - - -Chapter 5 - - _Of Cicuye and the villages in its neighborhood, and of how some - people came to conquer this country._ - - -We have already said that the people of Tiguex and of all the -provinces on the banks of that river were all alike, having the same -ways of living and the same customs. It will not be necessary to say -anything particular about them. I wish merely to give an account of -Cicuye and some depopulated villages which the army saw on the direct -road which it followed thither, and of others that were across the -snowy mountains near Tiguex, which also lay in that region above the -river. - -Cicuye[486] is a village of nearly five hundred warriors, who are -feared throughout that country. It is square, situated on a rock, -with a large court or yard in the middle, containing the estufas. -The houses are all alike, four stories high. One can go over the -top of the whole village without there being a street to hinder. -There are corridors going all around it at the first two stories, by -which one can go around the whole village. These are like outside -balconies, and they are able to protect themselves under these. The -houses do not have doors below, but they use ladders, which can be -lifted up like a drawbridge, and so go up to the corridors which -are on the inside of the village. As the doors of the houses open -on the corridor of that story, the corridor serves as a street. The -houses that open on the plain are right back of those that open on -the court, and in time of war they go through those behind them. The -village is enclosed by a low wall of stone. There is a spring of -water inside, which they are able to divert.[487] The people of this -village boast that no one has been able to conquer them and that they -conquer whatever villages they wish. The people and their customs are -like those of the other villages. Their virgins also go nude until -they take husbands, because they say that if they do anything wrong -then it will be seen, and so they do not do it. They do not need to -be ashamed because they go around as they were born. - - [486] This is Pecos, the largest pueblo of New Mexico in the - sixteenth century and for a long time after. Its people belonged - to the Tanoan family, although their language was understood only - by the Jemez villagers, their nearest kindred. It was the scene - of the missionary labors of Fray Luis Descalona, who remained - behind when Coronado returned to Mexico in 1542, but he was - probably killed before the close of that year. Pecos became the - seat of an important Franciscan mission early in the seventeenth - century, but it began to decline after the revolt of 1680-1692, - and in 1838 the half-dozen survivors removed to Jemez, where - one of them still (1906) lives. Cicuye is the Isleta, or Tigua, - name for Pecos, while "Pecos" itself is the Keresan, or Queres, - appellation, with the Spanish-English plural. The ruins of the - town are plainly visible from the Santa Fe Railway. See Bandelier - in _Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America_, Amer. - ser., I. (1881); Hewett in _American Anthropologist_, n. s., VI. - No. 4, 1904. - - [487] The spring was "still trickling out beneath a massive ledge - of rocks on the west sill" when Bandelier (_op. cit._) sketched - it in 1880. - -There is a village, small and strong, between Cicuye and the province -of Quirix, which the Spaniards named Ximena,[488] and another village -almost deserted, only one part of which is inhabited.[489] This -was a large village, and judging from its condition and newness it -appeared to have been destroyed. They called this the village of the -granaries (_silos_), because large underground cellars were found -here stored with corn. There was another large village farther on, -entirely destroyed and pulled down, in the yards of which there were -many stone balls, as big as twelve-quart bowls, which seemed to have -been thrown by engines or catapults, which had destroyed the village. -All that I was able to find out about them was that, sixteen years -before, some people called Teyas[490] had come to this country in -great numbers and had destroyed these villages. They had besieged -Cicuye but had not been able to capture it, because it was strong, -and when they left the region, they had made peace with the whole -country. It seems as if they must have been a powerful people, and -that they must have had engines to knock down the villages. The only -thing they could tell about the direction these people came from was -by pointing toward the north. They usually call these people Teyas -or brave men, just as the Mexicans say chichimecas or braves,[491] -for the Teyas whom the army saw were brave. These knew the people -in the settlements, and were friendly with them, and they (the -Teyas of the plains) went there to spend the winter under the wings -of the settlements. The inhabitants do not dare to let them come -inside, because they can not trust them. Although they are received -as friends, and trade with them, they do not stay in the villages -over night, but outside under the wings. The villages are guarded -by sentinels with trumpets, who call to one another just as in the -fortresses of Spain. - - [488] The former Tanos pueblo of Galisteo, a mile and a half - northeast of the present town of the same name. - - [489] According to Mota Padilla, _Historia de la Conquista_, 1742 - (Mexico, 1870), this was called Coquite. - - [490] These Indians were seen by Coronado during his journey - across the plains. See p. 333, note 3. - - [491] The name applied in Mexico at the time to any warlike, - unsubdued tribe. - -There are seven other villages along this route, toward the snowy -mountains,[492] one of which has been half destroyed by the people -already referred to. These were under the rule of Cicuye. Cicuye is -in a little valley between mountain chains and mountains covered with -large pine forests. There is a little stream[493] which contains -very good trout and otters, and there are very large bears and good -falcons hereabouts. - - [492] The mountains to the north, in which the Rio Pecos has its - source. - - [493] The Rio Pecos, still noted for trout. - - - - -Chapter 6 - - _Which gives the number of villages which were seen in the - country of the terraced houses, and their population._ - - -Before I proceed to speak of the plains, with the cows and -settlements and tribes there, it seems to me that it will be well for -the reader to know how large the settlements were, where the houses -with stories, gathered into villages, were seen, and how great an -extent of country they occupied.[494] As I say, Cibola is the first: - - Cibola, seven villages.[495] - Tusayan, seven villages.[496] - The rock of Acuco, one.[497] - Tiguex, twelve villages.[498] - Tutahaco, eight villages.[499] - These villages were below the river.[500] - Quirix, seven villages.[501] - In the snowy mountains, seven villages.[502] - Ximena, three villages.[503] - Cicuye, one village.[504] - Hemes, seven villages.[505] - Aguas Calientes, or Boiling Springs, three villages.[506] - Yuqueyunque, in the mountains, six villages.[507] - Valladolid, called Braba, one village.[508] - Chia, one village.[509] - - [494] Only the pueblos of Acoma and Isleta occupy their - sixteenth-century sites, all the other villages having shifted - their locations after the great revolt of 1680-1692, when the - Spaniards granted specific tracts of land, usually a league - square, later confirmed to the Indians by Congress under the - provisions of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. - - [495] Zuni, including the pueblos of Halona, Matsaki, Kiakima, - Hawiku, Kyanawe, and two others which have not been identified - with certainty. - - [496] The Hopi villages, among them being Awatobi (destroyed - at the beginning of the eighteenth century), Oraibi, Walpi, - Mishongnovi, Shongopovi, and Shupaulovi. The remaining pueblo - has not been determined absolutely. Sichomovi and Hano are - comparatively modern. - - [497] Acoma. See p. 311, note 2. - - [498] The Tigua pueblos; see p. 312, note 2. - - [499] See p. 314, note 1. - - [500] Meaning that the provinces of Tiguex and Tutahaco were - those farthest down the valley. - - [501] The pueblos of the Queres, or Keresan, family. See p. 327, - note 3. - - [502] Toward the north, in the direction of Santa Fe. - - [503] Ximena itself was Galisteo. The others were "Coquite" and - the "Pueblo de los Silos." See p. 356, notes 2 and 3. - - [504] Pecos. See p. 355, note 2. - - [505] Jemez, including Giusiwa, Amushungkwa, Patoqua, and - Astyalakwa. There are many ruins in the vicinity, including those - of a large Spanish church at Giusiwa. Evidently some of the Sia - villages are here included. - - [506] The Jemez villages about the Jemez Hot Springs, above the - present Jemez pueblo. Castaneda here duplicates his provinces - somewhat, as the Aguas Calientes pueblos were Jemez, Giusiwa - being one of the most prominent. - - [507] See p. 340, note 1. This group of Tewa villages doubtless - included San Juan, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, Tesuque, Nambe, - Pojoaque, and Yukiwingge. Jacona, Cuyamunque, and others were - also occupied by the Tewas during this period, no doubt, but - these may have been included in Castaneda's province of the Snowy - Mountains. - - [508] Taos. See p. 340, note 4. - - [509] Sia, a Queres pueblo, probably included, with Santa Ana, in - his "Quirix" group, above. - -In all, there are sixty-six villages.[510] Tiguex appears to be in -the centre of the villages. Valladolid is the farthest up the river -toward the northeast. The four villages down the river are toward the -southeast, because the river turns toward the east.[511] It is 130 -leagues--ten more or less--from the farthest point that was seen down -the river to the farthest point up the river, and all the settlements -are within this region. Including those at a distance, there are -sixty-six villages in all, as I have said, and in all of them there -may be some 20,000 men, which may be taken to be a fair estimate of -the population of the villages.[512] There are no houses or other -buildings between one village and another, but where we went it is -entirely uninhabited. These people, since they are few, and their -manners, government, and habits are so different from all the nations -that have been seen and discovered in these western regions, must -come from that part of Greater India, the coast of which lies to -the west of this country, for they could have come down from that -country, crossing the mountain chains and following down the river, -settling in what seemed to them the best place. As they multiplied, -they have kept on making settlements until they lost the river when -it buried itself underground, its course being in the direction -of Florida. It [the Rio Grande] comes down from the northeast, -where they [Coronado's army] could certainly have found signs of -villages. He [Coronado] preferred, however, to follow the reports -of the Turk, but it would have been better to cross the mountains -where this river rises. I believe they would have found traces of -riches and would have reached the lands from which these people -started, which from its location is on the edge of Greater India, -although the region is neither known nor understood, because from the -trend of the coast it appears that the land between Norway and China -is very far up. The country from sea to sea is very wide, judging -from the location of both coasts, as well as from what Captain -Villalobos discovered when he went in search of China by the sea to -the west,[513] and from what has been discovered on the North Sea -concerning the trend of the coast of Florida toward the Bacallaos, up -toward Norway.[514] - - [510] Castaneda lists seventy-one, probably having added others - without altering the total here given. - - [511] The trend of the Rio Grande is really southwestward until - after the southern limit of the old Pueblo settlements is passed. - Perhaps Castaneda had in mind the southeastward course of the - stream farther south "toward Florida," as mentioned later in this - paragraph. He is probably here speaking from hearsay, as the - exploration downstream was not made by the main body. - - [512] This would give a total Pueblo population of about 70,000, - whereas it could scarcely have much exceeded Castaneda's - estimated number of men alone. - - [513] Ruy Lopez de Villalobos sailed from Acapulco, Mexico, in - command of four vessels, in 1542, discovered the Caroline and - Pelew archipelagos and sighted Caesarea Caroli, believed to be - Luzon, of the Philippine group. Later he established a colony on - an island which he called Antonio or Saragan. Supplies failing, - he despatched three of the vessels to Mexico, but these were - wrecked. Forced by hunger to flee to Amboina, Villalobos was - imprisoned by the Portuguese. One of his men, escaping, carried - the news to Mexico in 1549. - - [514] "The Spanish text," remarks Mr. Winship, "fully justifies - Castaneda's statement that he was not skilled in the arts of - rhetoric and geography." - -To return then to the proposition with which I began, I say that the -settlements and people already named were all that were seen in a -region seventy leagues wide and 130 long, in the settled country -along the river Tiguex.[515] In New Spain there are not one but -many establishments containing a larger number of people. Silver -metals[516] were found in many of their villages, which they use for -glazing and painting their earthenware. - - [515] Castaneda here contradicts himself, as Pecos, Acoma, and - the Zuni and Tusayan groups of pueblos are not in the valley of - the Rio Grande. - - [516] Previously called antimony. See p. 355, note 1. - - - - -Chapter 7 - - _Which treats of the plains that were crossed, of the cows, and - of the people who inhabit them._ - - -We have spoken of the settlements of high houses which are situated -in what seems to be the most level and open part of the mountains, -since it is 150 leagues across before entering the level country -between the two mountain chains which I said were near the North -Sea and the South Sea, which might better be called the Western Sea -along this coast. This mountain series is the one which is near -the South Sea. In order to show that the settlements are in the -middle of the mountains, I will state that it is eighty leagues from -Chichilticalli, where we began to cross this country, to Cibola; from -Cibola, which is the first village, to Cicuye, which is the last on -the way across, is seventy leagues; it is thirty leagues from Cicuye -to where the plains begin. It may be we went across in an indirect or -roundabout way, which would make it seem as if there was more country -than if it had been crossed in a direct line,[517] and it may be more -difficult and rougher. This can not be known certainly, because the -mountains change their direction above the bay at the mouth of the -Firebrand (Tizon) River.[518] - - [517] After leaving Cicuye (Pecos) the army marched down the - river for four days, crossed the stream over a bridge that - they had built, and then reached the Staked Plain of Texas by - travelling first a northeasterly then a southeasterly course. See - Pt. 1, chap. 19. - - [518] The Rio Colorado. - -Now we will speak of the plains. The country is spacious and level, -and is more than 400 leagues wide in the part between the two -mountain ranges--one, that which Francisco Vazquez Coronado crossed, -and the other that which the force under Don Fernando de Soto -crossed, near the North Sea, entering the country from Florida. No -settlements were seen anywhere on these plains.[519] - - [519] That is, if the writer overlooks the settlements (one of - them called Cona) in the ravines of the headwaters of the Texas - streams, about the eastern escarpment of the Staked Plain, - previously mentioned. - -In traversing 250 leagues, the other mountain range was not seen, nor -a hill nor a hillock which was three times as high as a man. Several -lakes were found at intervals; they were round as plates, a stone's -throw or more across, some fresh and some salt.[520] The grass grows -tall near these lakes; away from them it is very short, a span or -less. The country is like a bowl, so that when a man sits down, the -horizon surrounds him all around at the distance of a musket shot. -There are no groves of trees except at the rivers, which flow at the -bottom of some ravines where the trees grow so thick that they were -not noticed until one was right on the edge of them. They are of dead -earth. There are paths down into these, made by the cows when they -go to the water, which is essential throughout these plains. As I -have related in the first part, people follow the cows, hunting them -and tanning the skins to take to the settlements in the winter to -sell, since they go there to pass the winter, each company going to -those which are nearest, some to the settlements at Cicuye, others -toward Quivira, and others to the settlements which are situated -in the direction of Florida. These people are called Querechos and -Teyas. They described some large settlements, and judging from what -was seen of these people and from the accounts they gave of other -places, there are a good many more of these people than there are -of those at the settlements. They have better figures, are better -warriors, and are more feared. They travel like the Arabs, with their -tents and troops of dogs loaded with poles[521] and having Moorish -pack-saddles with girths. When the load gets disarranged, the dogs -howl, calling some one to fix them right. These people eat raw flesh -and drink blood. They do not eat human flesh.[522] They are a kind -people and not cruel. They are faithful friends. They are able to -make themselves very well understood by means of signs.[523] They dry -the flesh in the sun, cutting it thin like a leaf,[524] and when dry -they grind it like meal to keep it and make a sort of sea soup of -it to eat. A handful thrown into a pot swells up so as to increase -very much. They season it with fat, which they always try to secure -when they kill a cow.[525] They empty a large gut and fill it with -blood, and carry this around the neck to drink when they are thirsty. -When they open the belly of a cow, they squeeze out the chewed grass -and drink the juice that remains behind, because they say that this -contains the essence of the stomach. They cut the hide open at the -back and pull it off at the joints, using a flint as large as a -finger, tied in a little stick, with as much ease as if working -with a good iron tool. They give it an edge with their own teeth. -The quickness with which they do this is something worth seeing and -noting. - - [520] The salt lakes near the Texas-New Mexico boundary. Further - allusion to these salt lakes is made in Pt. 1, chap. 21. - - [521] The well-known travois of the plains tribes. The poles were - those used to support the tents, or tipis, and were usually of - cedar. - - [522] Some of the tribes of Texas, however, especially the - Attacapa and the Tonkawa, were noted as cannibals. - - [523] The sign language was in general use among the tribes - of the great plains, rendered necessary by the diversity of - languages. See Mallery, _Introduction to the Study of Sign - Language_ (Washington, 1880); Clark, _Indian Sign Language_ - (1885). - - [524] The "jerked beef" of the later frontiersmen. - - [525] The _pemmican_ of the Indians. - -There are very great numbers of wolves on these plains, which go -around with the cows. They have white skins. The deer are pied with -white. Their skin is loose, so that when they are killed it can -be pulled off with the hand while warm, coming off like pigskin. -The rabbits, which are very numerous, are so foolish that those -on horseback killed them with their lances. This is when they are -mounted among the cows. They fly from a person on foot. - - - - -Chapter 8 - - _Of Quivira, of where it is and some information about it._ - - -Quivira is to the west[526] of those ravines, in the midst of the -country, somewhat nearer the mountains toward the sea, for the -country is level as far as Quivira, and there they began to see some -mountain chains. The country is well settled. Judging from what was -seen on the borders of it, this country is very similar to that of -Spain in the varieties of vegetation and fruits. There are plums like -those of Castile, grapes, nuts, mulberries, oats, pennyroyal, wild -marjoram, and large quantities of flax, but this does not do them any -good, because they do not know how to use it.[527] The people are of -almost the same sort and appearance as the Teyas. They have villages -like those in New Spain. The houses are round, without a wall, and -they have one story like a loft, under the roof, where they sleep and -keep their belongings. The roofs are of straw.[528] There are other -thickly settled provinces around it containing large numbers of men. -A friar named Juan de Padilla remained in this province, together -with a Spanish-Portuguese and a negro and a half-blood and some -Indians from the province of Capothan,[529] in New Spain. They killed -the friar because he wanted to go to the province of the Guas,[530] -who were their enemies. The Spaniard escaped by taking flight on a -mare, and afterward reached New Spain, coming out by way of Panuco. -The Indians from New Spain who accompanied the friar were allowed by -the murderers to bury him, and then they followed the Spaniard and -overtook him. This Spaniard was a Portuguese, named Campo.[531] - - [526] Castaneda is sometimes confused in his directions. In - this instance unless "west" (_poniente_) is a slip of the pen, - he evidently forgot that the army travelled for weeks to the - north, "by the needle," after journeying for some distance toward - sunrise from the ravines of western Texas. - - [527] This flora is characteristic of the upper plains generally, - and the passage has been quoted by students of the route to show - that Quivira lay both in Kansas and in Nebraska. - - [528] Note the character of the houses as one of the chief means - of determining the inhabitants of Quivira. See p. 337, note 1. - - [529] The Jaramillo narrative says Capottan or Capotean. - - [530] Possibly the Kaw or Kansa Indians. See Pt. 3, chap. 4. - - [531] Compare Herrera, _Historia General_, dec. vi., lib. ix., - cap. xii., Vol. III., p. 207 (ed. 1730); Gomara, _Historia - General_, cap. CCXIIII. (1553); Mota Padilla, _Historia de la - Conquista_, 1742, p. 167 (1870); and specially Bandelier in - _American Catholic Quarterly Review_, XV. 551-565 (Philadelphia, - July, 1890). - -The great river of the Holy Spirit (Espiritu Santo),[532] which Don -Fernando de Soto discovered in the country of Florida, flows through -this country. It passes through a province called Arache,[533] -according to the reliable accounts which were obtained here. The -sources were not visited, because, according to what they said, it -comes from a very distant country in the mountains of the South -Sea, from the part that sheds its waters onto the plains. It flows -across all the level country and breaks through the mountains of the -North Sea, and comes out where the people with Don Fernando de Soto -navigated it. This is more than 300 leagues from where it enters -the sea.[534] On account of this, and also because it has large -tributaries, it is so mighty when it enters the sea that they lost -sight of the land before the water ceased to be fresh.[535] - - [532] The Missouri-Mississippi. - - [533] The Harahey of Jaramillo's account--evidently the Pawnee - country, about the Platte River, Nebraska. The "Relacion - del Suceso," _Fourteenth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ - (Washington, 1896), spells it Harale. - - [534] The North and the South seas are the Atlantic and the - Pacific oceans respectively. - - [535] See Cabeza de Vaca's narrative in the present volume. - -This country of Quivira was the last that was seen, of which I am -able to give any description or information. Now it is proper for -me to return and speak of the army, which I left in Tiguex, resting -for the winter, so that it would be able to proceed or return in -search of these settlements of Quivira, which was not accomplished -after all, because it was God's pleasure that these discoveries -should remain for other peoples and that we who had been there should -content ourselves with saying that we were the first who discovered -it and obtained any information concerning it, just as Hercules knew -the site where Julius Caesar was to found Seville or Hispales. May -the all-powerful Lord grant that His will be done in everything. -It is certain that if this had not been His will Francisco Vazquez -[Coronado] would not have returned to New Spain without cause or -reason, as he did, and that it would not have been left for those -with Don Fernando de Soto to settle such a good country, as they -have done, and besides settling it to increase its extent, after -obtaining, as they did, information from our army.[536] - - [536] Mr. Winship calls attention to Mota Padilla's reasons - for the failure of the expedition: "It was most likely the - chastisement of God that riches were not found on this - expedition, because, when this ought to have been the secondary - object of the expedition, and the conversion of all those heathen - their first aim, they bartered with fate and struggled after the - secondary; and thus the misfortune is not so much that all those - labors were without fruit, but the worst is that such a number - of souls have remained in their blindness." _Historia de la - Conquista_, 1742, p. 166 (repr. 1870). - - - - -THIRD PART - - _Which describes what happened to Francisco Vazquez Coronado - during the winter, and how he gave up the expedition and - returned to New Spain._ - -_Laus Deo_ - - - - -Chapter 1 - - _Of how Don Pedro de Tovar came from Senora with some men, and - Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas started back to New Spain._ - - -At the end of the first part of this book, we told how Francisco -Vazquez Coronado, when he got back from Quivira, gave orders to -winter at Tiguex, in order to return, when the winter was over, with -his whole army to discover all the settlements in those regions. Don -Pedro de Tovar, who had gone, as we related, to conduct a force from -the city of San Hieronimo, arrived in the meantime with the men whom -he had brought. He had not selected the rebels and seditious men -there, but the most experienced ones and the best soldiers--men whom -he could trust--wisely considering that he ought to have good men in -order to go in search of his general in the country of the Indian -called Turk. Although they found the army at Tiguex when they arrived -there, this did not please them much, because they had come with -great expectations, believing that they would find their general in -the rich country of the Indian called Turk. They consoled themselves -with the hope of going back there, and lived in anticipation of -the pleasure of undertaking this return expedition which the army -would soon make to Quivira. Don Pedro de Tovar brought letters from -New Spain, both from the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, and from -individuals. Among these was one for Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, -which informed him of the death of his brother, the heir, and -summoned him to Spain to receive the inheritance. On this account -he was given permission, and left Tiguex with several other persons -who received permission to go and settle their affairs.[537] There -were many others who would have liked to go, but did not, in order -not to appear fainthearted. During this time the general endeavored -to pacify several villages in the neighborhood which were not well -disposed, and to make peace with the people at Tiguex. He tried also -to procure some of the cloth of the country, because the soldiers -were almost naked and poorly clothed, full of lice, which they were -unable to get rid of or avoid. - - [537] According to the _Relacion del Suceso_: "Don Garcia Lopez - de Cardenas started off for Mexico, who, besides the fact - that his arm was very bad, had permission from the viceroy on - account of the death of his brother. Ten or twelve who were sick - went with him, and not a man among them all who could fight." - Cardenas, it will be recalled, had broken his arm. See Pt. 1, - chap. 19. - -The general, Francisco Vazquez Coronado, had been beloved and obeyed -by his captains and soldiers as heartily as any of those who have -ever started out in the Indies. Necessity knows no law, and the -captains who collected the cloth divided it badly, taking the best -for themselves and their friends and soldiers, and leaving the rest -for the soldiers, and so there began to be some angry murmuring on -account of this. Others also complained because they noticed that -some favored ones were spared in the work and in the watches and -received better portions of what was divided, both of cloth and food. -On this account it is thought that they began to say that there was -nothing in the country of Quivira which was worth returning for, -which was no slight cause of what afterward happened, as will be seen. - - - - -Chapter 2 - - _Of the general's fall, and of how the return to New Spain was - ordered._ - - -After the winter[538] was over, the return to Quivira was announced, -and the men began to prepare the things needed. Since nothing in this -life is at the disposition of men, but all is under the ordination -of Almighty God, it was His will that we should not accomplish -this, and so it happened that one feast day the general went out on -horseback to amuse himself, as usual, riding with the captain Don -Rodrigo Maldonado. He was on a powerful horse, and his servants had -put on a new girth, which must have been rotten at the time, for it -broke during the race and he fell over on the side where Don Rodrigo -was, and as his horse passed over him it hit his head with its hoof, -which laid him at the point of death, and his recovery was slow and -doubtful. - - [538] Of 1541-1542. - -During this time, while he was in his bed, Don Garcia Lopez de -Cardenas, who had started to go to New Spain, came back in flight -from Suya, because he had found that town deserted and the people and -horses and cattle all dead.[539] When he reached Tiguex and learned -the sad news that the general was near his end, as already related, -they did not dare to tell him until he had recovered, and when he -finally got up and learned of it, it affected him so much that he -had to go back to bed again. He may have done this in order to bring -about what he afterward accomplished, as was believed later. It was -while he was in this condition that he recollected what a scientific -friend of his in Salamanca had told him, that he would become a -powerful lord in distant lands, and that he would have a fall from -which he would never be able to recover. This expectation of death -made him desire to return and die where he had a wife and children. -As the physician and surgeon who was doctoring him, and also acted as -a talebearer, suppressed the murmurings that were going about among -the soldiers, he treated secretly and underhandedly with several -gentlemen who agreed with him. They set the soldiers to talking -about going back to New Spain, in little knots and gatherings, and -induced them to hold consultations about it, and had them send papers -to the general, signed by all the soldiers, through their ensigns, -asking for this. They all entered into it readily, and not much -time needed to be spent, since many desired it already. When they -asked him, the general acted as if he did not want to do it, but all -the gentlemen and captains supported them, giving him their signed -opinions, and as some were in this, they could give it at once, -and they even persuaded others to do the same. Thus they made it -seem as if they ought to return to New Spain, because they had not -found any riches, nor had they discovered any settled country out of -which estates could be formed for all the army. When he had obtained -their signatures, the return to New Spain was at once announced, and -since nothing can ever be concealed, the double dealing began to -be understood, and many of the gentlemen found that they had been -deceived and had made a mistake. They tried in every way to get -their signatures back again from the general, who guarded them so -carefully that he did not go out of one room, making his sickness -seem very much worse, and putting guards about his person and room, -and at night about the floor on which he slept. In spite of all this, -they stole his chest, and it is said that they did not find their -signatures in it, because he kept them in his mattress; on the -other hand, it is said that they did recover them. They asked the -general to give them sixty picked men, with whom they would remain -and hold the country until the viceroy could send them support, or -recall them, or else that the general would leave them the army and -pick out sixty men to go back with him. But the soldiers did not -want to remain either way, some because they had turned their prow -toward New Spain, and others because they saw clearly the trouble -that would arise over who should have the command. The gentlemen, I -do not know whether because they had sworn fidelity or because they -feared that the soldiers would not support them, did what had been -decided on, although with an ill-will, and from this time on they did -not obey the general as readily as formerly, and they did not show -any affection for him. He made much of the soldiers and humored them, -with the result that he did what he desired and secured the return of -the whole army. - - [539] Cardenas had "reached the town of the Spaniards and found - it burned and two Spaniards and many Indians and horses dead, - and he returned to the river on this account." (_Relacion del - Suceso._) - - - - -Chapter 3 - - _Of the rebellion at Suya and the reasons the settlers gave for - it._ - - -We have already stated in the last chapter that Don Garcia Lopez de -Cardenas came back from Suya in flight, having found that country -risen in rebellion. He told how and why that town was deserted, -which occurred as I will relate. The entirely worthless fellows were -all who had been left in that town, the mutinous and seditious men, -besides a few who were honored with the charge of public affairs -and who were left to govern the others. Thus the bad dispositions -of the worthless secured the power, and they held daily meetings -and councils and declared that they had been betrayed and were not -going to be rescued, since the others had been directed to go through -another part of the country, where there was a more convenient route -to New Spain, which was not so, because they were still almost on the -direct road. This talk led some of them to revolt, and they chose one -Pedro de Avila as their captain. They went back to Culiacan, leaving -the captain, Diego de Alcaraz, sick in the town of San Hieronimo, -with only a small force. He did not have anyone whom he could send -after them to compel them to return. They killed a number of people -at several villages along the way. Finally they reached Culiacan, -where Hernando Arias de Saabedra,[540] who was waiting for Juan -Gallego to come back from New Spain with a force, detained them by -means of promises, so that Gallego could take them back. Some who -feared what might happen to them ran away one night to New Spain. -Diego de Alcaraz, who had remained at Suya with a small force, sick, -was not able to hold his position, although he would have liked to, -on account of the poisonous herb which the natives use.[541] When -these noticed how weak the Spaniards were, they did not continue to -trade with them as they formerly had done. Veins of gold had already -been discovered before this, but they were unable to work these, -because the country was at war. The disturbance was so great that -they did not cease to keep watch and to be more than usually careful. - - [540] Compare the spelling of this name on p. 297. - - [541] That is, to poison their arrows. - -The town was situated on a little river.[542] One night they suddenly -saw fires which they were not accustomed to, and on this account -they doubled the watches, but not having noticed anything during -the whole night, they grew careless along toward morning, and the -enemy entered the village so silently that they were not seen until -they began to kill and plunder. A number of men reached the plain as -well as they could, but while they were getting out the captain was -mortally wounded. Several Spaniards came back on some horses after -they had recovered themselves and attacked the enemy, rescuing some, -though only a few. The enemy went off with the booty, leaving three -Spaniards killed[543] besides many of the servants and more than -twenty horses. - - [542] The San Pedro, in Sonora near the Arizona boundary. The - Indians who made this attack may have been the Sobaipuri. - - [543] See p. 368, note 2. - -The Spaniards who survived started off the same day on foot, not -having any horses. They went toward Culiacan, keeping away from the -roads, and did not find any food until they reached Corazones where -the Indians, like the good friends they have always been, provided -them with food. From here they continued to Culiacan, undergoing -great hardships. Hernandarias de Saabedra, the mayor, received them -and entertained them as well as he could until Juan Gallego arrived -with the reinforcements which he was conducting, on his way to find -the army. He was not a little troubled at finding that post deserted, -when he expected that the army would be in the rich country which had -been described by the Indian called Turk, because he looked like one. - - - - -Chapter 4 - - _Of how Friar Juan de Padilla and Friar Luis remained in the - country and the army prepared to return to Mexico._ - - -When the general, Francisco Vasquez, saw that everything was now -quiet, and that his schemes had gone as he wished, he ordered that -everything should be ready to start on the return to New Spain by the -beginning of the month of April, in the year 1543 [1542]. - -Seeing this, Friar Juan de Padilla, a regular brother of the lesser -order, and another, Friar Luis,[544] a lay brother, told the general -that they wanted to remain in that country--Friar Juan de Padilla in -Quivira, because his teachings seemed to promise fruit there, and -Friar Luis at Cicuye. On this account, as it was Lent at the time, -the father made this the subject of his sermon to the companies one -Sunday, establishing his proposition on the authority of the Holy -Scriptures. He declared his zeal for the conversion of these peoples -and his desire to draw them to the faith, and stated that he had -received permission to do it, although this was not necessary. The -general sent a company to escort them as far as Cicuye, where Friar -Luis stopped, while Friar Juan went on back to Quivira with the -guides who had conducted the general, taking with him the Portuguese, -as we related, and the half-blood, and the Indians from New Spain. -He was martyred a short time after he arrived there, as we related -in the second part, Chapter 8. Thus we may be sure that he died a -martyr, because his zeal was holy and earnest. - - [544] Fray Luis Descalona, or De Escalona, or De Ubeda. For - references on these friars, see p. 365, note 1. See also p. 355, - note 2. - -Friar Luis remained at Cicuye. Nothing more has been heard about him -since, but before the army left Tiguex some men who went to take him -a number of sheep that were left for him to keep, met him as he was -on his way to visit some other villages, which were fifteen or twenty -leagues from Cicuye, accompanied by some followers. He felt very -hopeful that he was liked at the village and that his teaching would -bear fruit, although he complained that the old men were falling away -from him. I, for my part, believe that they finally killed him. He -was a man of good and holy life, and may Our Lord protect him and -grant that he may convert many of those peoples, and end his days in -guiding them in the faith. We do not need to believe otherwise, for -the people in those parts are pious and not at all cruel. They are -friends, or rather, enemies of cruelty, and they remained faithful -and loyal friends.[545] - - [545] Gen. W. W. H. Davis, in his _Spanish Conquest of New - Mexico_, p. 231, gives the following extract, translated from an - old Spanish MS. at Santa Fe: "When Coronado returned to Mexico, - he left behind him, among the Indians of Cibola, the father Fray - Francisco Juan de Padilla, the father Fray Juan de la Cruz, and - a Portuguese named Andres del Campo. Soon after the Spaniards - departed, Padilla and the Portuguese set off in search of the - country of the Grand Quivira, where the former understood there - were innumerable souls to be saved. After travelling several - days, they reached a large settlement in the Quivira country. The - Indians came out to receive them in battle array, when the friar, - knowing their intentions, told the Portuguese and his attendants - to take to flight, while he would await their coming, in order - that they might vent their fury on him as they ran. The former - took to flight, and, placing themselves on a height within view, - saw what happened to the friar. Padilla awaited their coming upon - his knees, and when they arrived where he was they immediately - put him to death. The same happened to Juan de la Cruz, who was - left behind at Cibola, which people killed him. The Portuguese - and his attendants made their escape, and ultimately arrived - safely in Mexico, where he told what had occurred." In reply to - a request for further information regarding this manuscript, - General Davis stated that when he revisited Santa Fe, a few - years ago, he learned that one of his successors in the post - of governor of the territory, having despaired of disposing of - the immense mass of old documents and records deposited in his - office, by the slow process of using them to kindle fires, had - sold the entire lot--an invaluable collection of material bearing - on the history of the Southwest and its early European and native - inhabitants--as junk. (Winship.) The governor referred to was - Rev. William A. Pile, appointed by President Grant and serving in - 1869-1870. - -After the friars had gone, the general, fearing that they might be -injured if people were carried away from that country to New Spain, -ordered the soldiers to let any of the natives who were held as -servants go free to their villages whenever they might wish. In my -opinion, though I am not sure, it would have been better if they had -been kept and taught among Christians. - -The general was very happy and contented when the time arrived and -everything needed for the journey was ready, and the army started -from Tiguex on its way back to Cibola. One thing of no small note -happened during this part of the trip. The horses were in good -condition for their work when they started, fat and sleek, but more -than thirty died during the ten days which it took to reach Cibola, -and there was not a day in which two or three or more did not die. A -large number of them also died afterward before reaching Culiacan, a -thing that did not happen during all the rest of the journey. - -After the army reached Cibola, it rested before starting across the -wilderness, because this was the last of the settlements in that -country. The whole country was left well disposed and at peace, and -several of our Indian allies remained there.[546] - - [546] When Antonio de Espejo visited Cibola, or Zuni, in 1583, - he found three Indians, natives of Mexico, who had been left by - Coronado but who had forgotten their mother tongue. He also found - crosses that had been erected by Coronado. - - - - -Chapter 5 - - _Of how the army left the settlements and marched to Culiacan, - and of what happened on the way._ - - -Leaving astern, as we might say, the settlements that had been -discovered in the new land, of which, as I have said, the seven -villages of Cibola were the first to be seen and the last that were -left, the army started off, marching across the wilderness. The -natives kept following the rear of the army for two or three days, -to pick up any baggage or servants, for although they were still at -peace and had always been loyal friends, when they saw that we were -going to leave the country entirely, they were glad to get some of -our people in their power, although I do not think that they wanted -to injure them, from what I was told by some who were not willing to -go back with them when they teased and asked them to. Altogether, -they carried off several people besides those who had remained of -their own accord, among whom good interpreters could be found to-day. -The wilderness was crossed without opposition, and on the second -day before reaching Chichilticalli Juan Gallego met the army, as he -was coming from New Spain with reenforcements of men and necessary -supplies for the army, expecting that he would find the army in the -country of the Indian called Turk. When Juan Gallego saw that the -army was returning, the first thing he said was not, "I am glad you -are coming back," and he did not like it any better after he had -talked with the general. After he had reached the army, or rather -the quarters, there was quite a little movement among the gentlemen -toward going back with the new force which had made no slight -exertions in coming thus far, having encounters every day with the -Indians of these regions who had risen in revolt, as will be related. -There was talk of making a settlement somewhere in that region -until the viceroy could receive an account of what had occurred. -Those soldiers who had come from the new lands would not agree to -anything except the return to New Spain, so that nothing came of -the proposals made at the consultations, and although there was some -opposition, they were finally quieted. Several of the mutineers who -had deserted the town of Corazones came with Juan Gallego, who had -given them his word as surety for their safety, and even if the -general had wanted to punish them, his power was slight, for he had -been disobeyed already and was not much respected. He began to be -afraid again after this, and made himself sick, and kept a guard. In -several places yells were heard and Indians seen, and some of the -horses were wounded and killed, before Batuco[547] was reached, where -the friendly Indians from Corazones came to meet the army and see the -general. They were always friendly and had treated all the Spaniards -who passed through their country well, furnishing them with what -food they needed, and men, if they needed these. Our men had always -treated them well and repaid them for these things. During this -journey the juice of the quince was proved to be a good protection -against the poison of the natives, because at one place, several days -before reaching Senora, the hostile Indians wounded a Spaniard called -Mesa, and he did not die, although the wound of the fresh poison is -fatal, and there was a delay of over two hours before curing him with -the juice. The poison, however, had left its mark upon him. The skin -rotted and fell off until it left the bones and sinews bare, with -a horrible smell. The wound was in the wrist, and the poison had -reached as far as the shoulder when he was cured. The skin on all -this fell off. - - [547] There were two settlements in Sonora bearing this name, one - occupied by the Eudeve and the other by the Tegui division of the - Opata. The latter village, which was probably the one referred - to by Castaneda, was situated on the Rio de Oposura, a western - tributary of the Yaqui, eight leagues east of San Jose Matape. It - became the seat of the Jesuit mission of Santa Maria in 1629. - -The army proceeded without taking any rest, because the provisions -had begun to fail by this time. These districts were in rebellion, -and so there were not any victuals where the soldiers could get them -until they reached Petlatlan, although they made several forays into -the cross country in search of provisions. Petlatlan is in the -province of Culiacan, and on this account was at peace, although they -had several surprises after this.[548] The army rested here several -days to get provisions. After leaving here they were able to travel -more quickly than before, for the thirty leagues of the valley of -Culiacan, where they were welcomed back again as people who came with -their governor, who had suffered ill treatment. - - [548] See pp. 346, 347. Petatlan is an Aztec word signifying - "place of the petates," or mats, referring to the character of - the native dwellings. - - - - -Chapter 6 - - _Of how the general started from Culiacan to give the viceroy an - account of the army with which he had been intrusted._ - - -It seemed, indeed, as if the arrival in the valley of Culiacan had -ended the labors of this journey, partly because the general was -governor there and partly because it was inhabited by Christians. -On this account some began to disregard their superiors and the -authority which their captains had over them, and some captains even -forgot the obedience due to their general. Each one played his own -game, so that while the general was marching toward the town, which -was still ten leagues away, many of the men, or most of them, left -him in order to rest in the valley, and some even proposed not to -follow him. The general understood that he was not strong enough -to compel them, although his position as governor gave him fresh -authority. He determined to accomplish it by a better method, which -was to order all the captains to provide food and meat from the -stores of several villages that were under his control as governor. -He pretended to be sick, keeping his bed, so that those who had any -business with him could speak to him or he with them more freely, -without hindrance or observation, and he kept sending for his -particular friends in order to ask them to be sure to speak to the -soldiers and encourage them to accompany him back to New Spain, and -to tell them that he would request the viceroy, Don Antonio de -Mendoza, to show them especial favor, and that he would do so himself -for those who might wish to remain in his government. After this -had been done, he started with his army at a very bad time, when -the rains were beginning, for it was about Saint John's day,[549] -at which season it rains continuously. In the uninhabited country -which they passed through as far as Compostela there are numerous -very dangerous rivers, full of large and fierce alligators. While the -army was halting at one of these rivers, a soldier who was crossing -from one side to the other was seized, in sight of everybody, and -carried off by an alligator without its being possible to help him. -The general proceeded, leaving the men who did not want to follow -him all along the way, and reached Mexico with less than 100 men. -He made his report to the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, who did -not receive him very graciously, although he gave him his discharge. -His reputation was gone from this time on. He kept the government of -New Galicia, which had been entrusted to him, for only a short time, -when the viceroy took it himself, until the arrival of the court, -or audiencia, which still governs it. And this was the end of those -discoveries and of the expedition which was made to these new lands. - - [549] June 24, 1542. - -It now remains for us to describe the way in which to enter the -country by a more direct route, although there is never a short cut -without hard work. It is always best to find out what those know -who have prepared the way, who know what will be needed. This can -be found elsewhere, and I will now tell where Quivira lies, what -direction the army took, and the direction in which Greater India -lies, which was what they pretended to be in search of, when the army -started thither. Today, since Villalobos[550] has discovered that -this part of the coast of the South Sea trends toward the west, it -is clearly seen and acknowledged that, since we were in the north, -we ought to have turned to the west instead of toward the east, as -we did. With this, we will leave this subject and will proceed to -finish this treatise, since there are several noteworthy things of -which I must give an account, which I have left to be treated more -extensively in the two following chapters. - - [550] See p. 360, note 2. - - - - -Chapter 7 - - _Of the adventures of Captain Juan Gallego while he was bringing - reenforcements through the revolted country._ - - -One might well have complained when in the last chapter I passed in -silence over the exploits of Captain Juan Gallego with his twenty -companions. I will relate them in the present chapter, so that in -times to come those who read about it or tell of it may have a -reliable authority on whom to rely. I am not writing fables, like -some of the things which we read about nowadays in the books of -chivalry. If it were not that those stories contained enchantments, -there are some things which our Spaniards have done in our own day -in these parts, in their conquests and encounters with the Indians, -which, for deeds worthy of admiration, surpass not only the books -already mentioned, but also those which have been written about the -twelve peers of France, because, if the deadly strength which the -authors of those times attributed to their heroes and the brilliant -and resplendent arms with which they adorned them, are fully -considered, and compared with the small stature of the men of our -time and the few and poor weapons which they have in these parts, the -remarkable things which our people have undertaken and accomplished -with such weapons are more to be wondered at to-day than those of -which the ancients write, and just because, too, they fought with -barbarous naked people, as ours have with Indians, among whom there -are always men who are brave and valiant and very sure bowmen, for -we have seen them pierce the wings while flying, and hit hares while -running after them. I have said all this in order to show that some -things which we consider fables may be true, because we see greater -things every day in our own times, just as in future times people -will greatly wonder at the deeds of Don Fernando Cortes, who dared -to go into the midst of New Spain with 300 men against the vast -number of people in Mexico, and who with 500 Spaniards succeeded in -subduing it, and made himself lord over it in two years. - -The deeds of Don Pedro de Alvarado in the conquest of Guatemala, and -those of Montejo in Tabasco, the conquests of the mainland and of -Peru, were all such as to make me remain silent concerning what I now -wish to relate; but since I have promised to give an account of what -happened on this journey, I want the things I am now going to relate -to be known as well as those others of which I have spoken. - -The captain Juan Gallego, then, reached the town of Culiacan with a -very small force. There he collected as many as he could of those who -had escaped from the town of Hearts, or, more correctly, from Suya, -which made in all twenty-two men, and with these he marched through -all of the settled country, across which he travelled 200 leagues -with the country in a state of war and the people in rebellion, -although they had formerly been friendly toward the Spaniards, having -encounters with the enemy almost every day. He always marched with -the advance guard, leaving two-thirds of his force behind with the -baggage. With six or seven Spaniards, and without any of the Indian -allies whom he had with him, he forced his way into their villages, -killing and destroying and setting them on fire, coming upon the -enemy so suddenly and with such quickness and boldness that they did -not have a chance to collect or even to do anything at all, until -they became so afraid of him that there was not a town which dared -wait for him, but they fled before him as from a powerful army; -so much so, that for ten days, while he was passing through the -settlements, they did not have an hour's rest. He did all this with -his seven companions, so that when the rest of the force came up -with the baggage there was nothing for them to do except to pillage, -since the others had already killed and captured all the people they -could lay their hands on and the rest had fled. They did not pause -anywhere, so that although the villages ahead of him received some -warning, they were upon them so quickly that they did not have a -chance to collect. Especially in the region where the town of Hearts -had been, he killed and hung a large number of people to punish them -for their rebellion. He did not lose a companion during all this, -nor was anyone wounded, except one soldier, who was wounded in the -eyelid by an Indian who was almost dead, whom he was stripping. The -weapon broke the skin and, as it was poisoned, he would have had to -die if he had not been saved by the quince juice; he lost his eye -as it was. These deeds of theirs were such that I know those people -will remember them as long as they live, and especially four or five -friendly Indians who went with them from Corazones, who thought that -they were so wonderful that they held them to be something divine -rather than human.[551] If he had not fallen in with our army as he -did, they would have reached the country of the Indian called Turk, -which they expected to march to, and they would have arrived there -without danger on account of their good order and the skill with -which he was leading them, and their knowledge and ample practice in -war. Several of these men are still in this town of Culiacan, where I -am now writing this account and narrative, where they, as well as I -and the others who have remained in this province, have never lacked -for labor in keeping this country quiet, in capturing rebels, and -increasing in poverty and need, and more than ever at the present -hour, because the country is poorer and more in debt than ever before. - - [551] The Indians of this vicinity had a similar regard for - Cabeza de Vaca and his companions. See the narrative in the - present volume. - - - - -Chapter 8 - - _Which describes some remarkable things that were seen on the - plains, with a description of the bulls._ - - -My silence was not without mystery and dissimulation when, in Chapter -7 of the second part of this book, I spoke of the plains and of -the things of which I will give a detailed account in this chapter, -where all these things may be found together; for these things were -remarkable and something not seen in other parts. I dare to write of -them because I am writing at a time when many men are still living -who saw them and who will vouch for my account. Who could believe -that 1,000 horses and 500 of our cows and more than 5,000 rams and -ewes and more than 1,500 friendly Indians and servants, in travelling -over those plains, would leave no more trace where they had passed -than if nothing had been there--nothing--so that it was necessary to -make piles of bones and cow-dung now and then, so that the rear guard -could follow the army. The grass never failed to become erect after -it had been trodden down, and, although it was short, it was as fresh -and straight as before. - -Another thing was a heap of cow bones, a crossbow shot long, or a -very little less, almost twice a man's height in places, and some -eighteen feet or more wide, which was found on the edge of a salt -lake in the southern part, and this in a region where there are no -people who could have made it. The only explanation of this which -could be suggested was that the waves which the north winds must make -in the lake had piled up the bones of the cattle which had died in -the lake, when the old and weak ones who went into the water were -unable to get out. The noticeable thing is the number of cattle that -would be necessary to make such a pile of bones. - -Now that I wish to describe the appearance of the bulls, it is to -be noticed first that there was not one of the horses that did not -take flight when he saw them first, for they have a narrow, short -face, the brow two palms across from eye to eye, the eyes sticking -out at the side, so that, when they are running, they can see who is -following them. They have very long beards, like goats, and when they -are running they throw their heads back with the beard dragging on -the ground. There is a sort of girdle round the middle of the body. -The hair is very woolly, like a sheep's, very fine, and in front of -the girdle the hair is very long and rough like a lion's. They have -a great hump, larger than a camel's. The horns are short and thick, -so that they are not seen much above the hair. In May they change the -hair in the middle of the body for a down, which makes perfect lions -of them. They rub against the small trees in the little ravines to -shed their hair, and they continue this until only the down is left, -as a snake changes his skin. They have a short tail, with a bunch of -hair at the end. When they run, they carry it erect like a scorpion. -It is worth noticing that the little calves are red and just like -ours, but they change their color and appearance with time and age. - -Another strange thing was that all the bulls that were killed had -their left ears slit, although these were whole when young. The -reason for this was a puzzle that could not be guessed. The wool -ought to make good cloth on account of its fineness, although the -color is not good, because it is the color of buriel.[552] - - [552] The kersey, or coarse woollen cloth out of which the habits - of the Franciscan friars were made. Hence the name Grey Friars. - (Winship.) Various attempts were made to manufacture the hair - into garments, especially stockings, but the ventures did not - prove profitable. See Hornaday, "The Extinction of the American - Bison," _Report of the United States National Museum_ for - 1886-1887. - -Another thing worth noticing is that the bulls travelled without cows -in such large numbers that nobody could have counted them, and so far -away from the cows that it was more than forty leagues from where we -began to see the bulls to the place where we began to see the cows. -The country they travelled over was so level and smooth that if one -looked at them the sky could be seen between their legs, so that if -some of them were at a distance they looked like smooth-trunked pines -whose tops joined, and if there was only one bull it looked as if -there were four pines. When one was near them, it was impossible to -see the ground on the other side of them. The reason for all this was -that the country seemed as round as if a man should imagine himself -in a three-pint measure, and could see the sky at the edge of it, -about a crossbow shot from him, and even if a man only lay down on -his back he lost sight of the ground. - -I have not written about other things which were seen nor made -any mention of them, because they were not of so much importance, -although it does not seem right for me to remain silent concerning -the fact that they venerate the sign of the cross in the region where -the settlements have high houses. For at a spring which was in the -plain near Acuco they had a cross two palms high and as thick as -a finger, made of wood with a square twig for its crosspiece, and -many little sticks decorated with feathers around it, and numerous -withered flowers, which were the offerings.[553] In a graveyard -outside the village at Tutahaco there appeared to have been a recent -burial. Near the head there was another cross made of two little -sticks tied with cotton thread, and dry withered flowers.[554] It -certainly seems to me that in some way they must have received some -light from the cross of Our Redeemer, Christ, and it may have come by -way of India, from whence they proceeded. - - [553] The cross is common to the Indians and always has been. It - often is symbolic of the morning and the evening stars. Those - referred to as having been seen by Coronado's men at Acoma were - characteristic prayer-sticks, the downy feathers representing - the breath of life. Such are still in common use by the Pueblo - Indians. - - [554] Probably dried corn-husk. - - - - -Chapter 9 - - _Which treats of the direction which the army took, and of how - another more direct way might be found, if anyone was to return - to that country._ - - -I very much wish that I possessed some knowledge of cosmography or -geography, so as to render what I wish to say intelligible, and so -that I could reckon up or measure the advantage those people who -might go in search of that country would have if they went directly -through the centre of the country, instead of following the road the -army took. However, with the help of the favor of the Lord, I will -state it as well as I can, making it as plain as possible. - -It is, I think, already understood that the Portuguese, Campo, was -the soldier who escaped when Friar Juan de Padilla was killed at -Quivira, and that he finally reached New Spain from Panuco,[555] -having travelled across the plains country until he came to cross the -North Sea mountain chain, keeping the country that Don Hernando de -Soto discovered all the time on his left hand, since he did not see -the river of the Holy Spirit (Espiritu Santo) at all.[556] After he -had crossed the North Sea mountains, he found that he was in Panuco, -so that if he had not tried to go to the North Sea, he would have -come out in the neighborhood of the border land, or the country of -the Sacatecas,[557] of which we now have some knowledge. - - [555] The northeastern province of New Spain. - - [556] That is, he travelled from the Quivira province, in the - present Kansas, southwestwardly to Mexico. - - [557] Zacatecas. - -This way would be somewhat better and more direct for anyone going -back there in search of Quivira, since some of those who came -with the Portuguese are still in New Spain to serve as guides. -Nevertheless, I think it would be best to go through the country of -the Guachichules,[558] keeping near the South Sea mountains all the -time, for there are more settlements and a food supply, for it would -be suicide to launch out on to the plains country, because it is so -vast and is barren of anything to eat, although, it is true, there -would not be much need of this after coming to the cows. This is -only when one goes in search of Quivira, and of the villages which -were described by the Indian called Turk, for the army of Francisco -Vazquez Coronado went the very farthest way round to get there, since -they started from Mexico and went 110 leagues to the west, and then -100 leagues to the northeast, and 250 to the north, and all this -brought them as far as the ravines where the cows were, and after -travelling 850 leagues they were not more than 400 leagues distant -from Mexico by a direct route. If one desires to go to the country -of Tiguex, so as to turn from there toward the west in search of the -country of India, he ought to follow the road taken by the army, -for there is no other, even if one wished to go by a different way, -because the arm of the sea which reaches into this coast toward the -north does not leave room for any. But what might be done is to have -a fleet and cross this gulf and disembark in the neighborhood of the -Island of Negroes[559] and enter the country from there, crossing the -mountain chains in search of the country from which the people at -Tiguex came, or other peoples of the same sort. As for entering from -the country of Florida and from the North Sea, it has already been -observed that the many expeditions which have been undertaken from -that side have been unfortunate and not very successful, because that -part of the country is full of bogs and poisonous fruits, barren, -and the very worst country that is warmed by the sun. But they might -disembark after passing the river of the Holy Spirit, as Don Hernando -de Soto did. Nevertheless, despite the fact that I underwent much -labor, I still think that the way I went to that country is the best. -There ought to be river courses, because the necessary supplies can -be carried on these more easily in large quantities. Horses are the -most necessary things in the new countries, and they frighten the -enemy most.... Artillery is also much feared by those who do not know -how to use it. A piece of heavy artillery would be very good for -settlements like those which Francisco Vazquez Coronado discovered, -in order to knock them down, because he had nothing but some small -machines for slinging and nobody skilful enough to make a catapult -or some other machine which would frighten them, which is very -necessary.[560] - - [558] This wild tribe inhabited chiefly the region of the present - state of San Luis Potosi, Mexico. They were known also as - Cuachichiles and Quachichiles. - - [559] The dictionary of Dominguez says: "Isla de negros; o isla - del Almirantazgo, en el grande Oceano equinoccial; grande isla - de la America del Norte, sobre la costa oeste." Apparently the - location of this island gradually drifted westward with the - increase of geographical knowledge, until it was finally located - in the Philippine group. (Winship.) - - [560] This would indicate that the bronze cannon which Coronado - left at Sia pueblo were worthless. - -I say, then, that with what we now know about the trend of the coast -of the South Sea, which has been followed by the ships which explored -the western part, and what is known of the North Sea toward Norway, -the coast of which extends up from Florida, those who now go to -discover the country which Francisco Vasquez entered, and reach the -country of Cibola or of Tiguex, will know the direction in which -they ought to go in order to discover the true direction of the -country which the Marquis of the Valley, Don Hernando Cortes, tried -to find, following the direction of the gulf of the Firebrand (Tizon) -River.[561] - - [561] The Gulf of California (which had been navigated by Cortes) - and the Rio Colorado. - -This will suffice for the conclusion of our narrative. Everything -else rests on the powerful Lord of all things, God Omnipotent, who -knows how and when these lands will be discovered and for whom He has -guarded this good fortune. - - - _Laus Deo._ - -Finished copying, Saturday the 26th of October, 1596, in Seville. - - - - -INDEX - - - - -INDEX - - - Aays, not to be confounded with Ayas, 225 n.; - Moscoso at, 243; - Indians of, give battle, 243. - _See also_ Ayas. - - Acamor, mentioned, 126. - - Acaxes, Indians of Culiacan, 345. - - Acela, town of, 155. - - Acha, _see_ Picuris. - - Achese, cacique of, addresses De Soto, 166-167. - - Acochis, Indian name for gold, 314, 337 n., 342. - - Acoma, identification of Acuco with, 311 n.; - visit of Alvarado to, 311; - description of, 311-312; - visited by Arellano, 316; - route to, 316; - mentioned, 358; - worship of cross at, 384. - - Acoma Indians, water supply of, 312. - - Acosta, Maria de, wife of Pedro Castaneda, 276. - - Acoste, cacique of, comes to De Soto, 180. - - Acubadaos Indians, 87. - - Acuco, _see_ Acoma. - - Adai Indians, 76 n. - - Adobe, making of, described, 352. - - Aguacay, mentioned, 237; - Moscoso at, 238. - - Aguar, Indian deity, 118. - - Aguas Calientes, pueblos of, 359; - identification of, 359 n. - - Aguenes Indians, 84, 85. - - Alabama, 183 n. - - Alaniz, Hieronymo, notary, with Narvaez, 22; - objects to abandonment of ships, 23; - death of, 57. - - Alarcon, Diego de, confusion of, with Alcaraz, 324 n. - - Alarcon, Hernando de, expedition of by sea, 294; - narrative of, 279, 294 n.; - message of, found by Diaz, 303. - - Alarcon, Pedro de, 294 n. - - Albino, Indian, 332 n. - - Alcaraz, Diego de, meeting with Cabeza de Vaca, 112-113; - his need of food, 113; - returns from incursion, 119; - lieutenant of Diaz, 303, 324; - inefficiency of, 326; - death of, 371. - - Aleman, Juan, name given Indian of Tiguex, 317, 321. - - Alimamos, overtakes De Soto, 177. - - Alimamu, an Indian chief, 195, 200. - - Alligators, do harm to Indians, 143; - in rivers of New Galicia, 378. - - Almirantazgo, or Isle of Negroes, 386 n. - - Altamaca, _see_ Altamaha. - - Altamaha, 167 n. - - Altamaha River, 167 n. - - Alvarado, Hernando de, appointed captain, 293; - protects Coronado at Cibola, 301; - expedition of, to Rio Grande, 311; - report of, 279, 311 n.; - visits Acoma, 311; - imprisons Pecos chiefs, 315; - route of, 316 n.; - at Braba, 341. - - Alvarado, Pedro de, expedition of, to Peru, 288; - deeds of, 380. - - Alvarez, death of, 6. - - Amaye, Moscoso at, 238. - - Aminoya, Spaniards hear of, 248; - take quarters at, 249; - brigantines built at, 250. - - Amushungkwa, a Jemez pueblo, 359 n. - - Anagados Indians, 71 n. - - Anane, a fruit, 140. - - Anasco, Juan de, 135; - sent by De Soto to explore harbor in Florida, 145; - goes to Espiritu Santo, 162; - sent in quest of habitations, 171; - finds a town twelve leagues off, 171; - makes road through the woods, 172; - sent on a reconnoissance, 200, 228, 229; - advises Moscoso to put out to sea, 260; - and does so with him, 261; - meets with opposition from those with him, 261-262; - again advises putting out to sea, 264. - - Anguille River, 215 n. - - Anhayca Apalache, De Soto at, 161, 162, 164. - - Anhocan, Cabeza de Vaca at, 116. - - Anilco, 227, 228, 245, 248, 249. - _See also_ Nilco. - - Animals, of Apalachen, 29; - of Florida, mentioned by the Gentleman of Elvas, 271-272. - - Anoixi, De Soto takes many inhabitants of, 222. - - Antonio de Santa Maria, Franciscan friar, 288. - - Antonio Victoria, friar, accident of, 299. - - Apalache, mentioned, 161; - has much maize, 156, 226; - distance from, to Cutifachiqui, 188; - direction and distance of, from Espiritu Santo, 271, 272. - _See also_ Apalachen. - - Apalachee Indians, war against, by Creeks, 21 n.; - by English, 21 n.; - overcome by Cabeza de Vaca, 28; - attack the Spaniards, 30, 31; - eastern tribes of, 330 n.; - mentioned, 349 n. - - Apalachen, indicated to Narvaez as source of gold, 21-22; - taken by the Spanish, 28; - region of, described, 29-30; - climate of, is cold, 29; - animals of, 29. - - Apalachicola, town on Savannah River, 21 n. - - Appalachian Mountains, origin of name of, 21 n. - - Appalachee Bay, origin of name of, 21 n. - - Aquiguate, largest town seen by De Soto in Florida, 214; - De Soto returns to, 215; - country of, described, 215. - - Aquixo, 227, 270; - direction of, 271. - - Aquixo, cacique of, comes to De Soto, 203; - loses five or six of his men, shot by crossbowmen, 203; - and ten, killed by De Soto's cavalry, 205. - - Arache, province of, 365. - - Arawakan Indians, 21; - dance ceremony of, 52 n. - - Arbadaos Indians, 80. - - Arche, _see_ Harahey. - - Areitos, among Indians of Malhado, - held in honor of Cabeza de Vaca, 89. - - Arellano, Tristan de, appointment of, as captain, 292; - lieutenant to Coronado, 298, 335; - at Corazones, 301, 303; - arrives at Cibola, 313; - route of, 315 n.; - at Tiguex, 317, 339; - attacks Cicuye, 341. - - Arispe, _see_ Arizpe. - - Aristotle, quoted, 134. - - Arizpe, 347 n. - - Arkadelphia, 238 n. - - Arkansas city, 227 n. - - Arkansas Post, 226 n. - - Arkansas River, 222 n., 248 n., 249 n. - - Artillery, at Culiacan, 297; - used by Indians, 357; - usefulness of, in exploration, 386. - - Astorga, Marquis of, learns what Cabeza de Vaca relates - to the Emperor regarding New Spain, 137. - - Astudillo, a native of Cafra, to seek Panuco, 49. - - Asturian, the, with Figueroa, 61, 64; - seen by the Avavares, 79. - - Asturiano, a clergyman, 68, 69. - - Astyalakwa, a Jemez pueblo, 359 n. - - Atabalipa, lord of Peru, 135, 175. - - Atayos Indians, 76, 87. - - Atchafalaya, lower course of Red River, 261 n. - - Attacapan Indians, 51 n., 363 n. - - Audiencia, definition of, 285 n. - - Audiencia of Espanola, report to, 8; - edition of report by Oviedo, 8, 10. - - Auia, island of, 49; - probably not Malhado Island, 49 n. - - Aute, town south of Apalachen, 30, 31; - reached by Narvaez, 32. - - Autiamque, mentioned, 221, 225, 227, 237; - De Soto winters at, 222-224; - distance to Guacay, 270; - direction of, 271. - - Avavares Indians, receive Cabeza de Vaca, 73; - healed by him, 6-7, 78; - ignorant of time, 79. - - Avellaneda, killed by an Indian, 32. - - Avila, Pedro de, leader in rebellion at Suya, 370. - - Awatobi, Hopi pueblo, 307 n., 358 n. - - Axille, De Soto at, 161. - - Ayas, Moscoso crosses river at, 248. - - Ayays, not to be confounded with Aays, 225 n.; - De Soto at, 225. - - Ayllon, Governor-licentiate, death of, 174. - - Aymay, named Socorro, 171; - De Soto at, 172; - location of, 172 n. - - Azores, mentioned, 122. - - - Bacallaos, Spanish name for Newfoundland, 343 n., 360. - - Badthing, story of, 78-79. - - Baegert, Father Jacob, on Indians of lower California, 346 n. - - Bahios, 108. - _See also_ Buhios. - - Baldwyn, Mississippi, 212 n. - - Bandelier, A. F., researches on the Seven Cities, 287 n.; - on Topira, 290 n.; - on Cicuye, 355 n. - - Bandelier, A. F. and Fanny, _Journey of Nunez Cabeza de Vaca_, - cited, 22 n., 59, 87 n., 102 n., 103 n. - - Baracoa, town in Cuba, 142. - - Barbacoa, a store house for maize, 165. - - Barbels, native American fish, 349. - - Barrionuevo, Francisco de, companion of Coronado, 292; - at Tiguex, 319; - explorations of, 339-340. - - Baskett, James Newton, investigations of, 326 n. - - Bastian, Francisco, drowning of, 225. - - Batuco, identification of, 376 n. - - Bayamo, town in Cuba, 142, 143. - - Bayou de Vue, 215 n. - - Bayou Macon, 255 n. - - Bears, in pueblo region, 357. - - Bejar, mentioned, 125. - - Bermuda, Cabeza de Vaca at, 121. - - Bernalillo, settlement on site of Tiguex, 278, 317 n. - - Bidai Indians, 80 n. - - Biedma, narrative of, cited, 40 n.; - referred to, 130 n. - - Big Bayou Meto, 225. - - Big Creek, 21, 215 n. - - Bigotes, _see_ Whiskers. - - Birds, mentioned, 29-30, 272. - - Biscayan Indians, 115 n. - - Bison, first printed reference to, 68 n.; - described by Cicuye Indians, 311; - hunted by plains Indians, 330, 362, 363; - stampede of, 331; - Coronado's army supplied with meat of, 336; - piles of bones of, 382; - Castaneda's description of, 382-383. - - Black Warrior River, 188 n., 189 n. - - Blankets, of cotton, 350. - - Blizzard, experienced by Coronado, 333. - - Bog of Pia, breeds mosquitos, 144. - - Boston Mountains, 221 n.; - crossed by De Soto, 221. - - Boyomo, settlement of, 347. - - Braba, _see_ Taos. - - Brazos River, 58 n., 244 n., 245 n. - - Bread, maize, 271; - Indian, 303, 340, 340 n. - - Bridge, built by Spaniards across Cicuye River, 329; - Indian, across Rio Grande, 340. - - Brigantines, built by Spaniards at Aminoya, 250; - become separated in the Gulf of Mexico, 263. - - Buffalo, _see_ Bison. - - Buhios, Arawak word, 19, 79. - _See also_ Bahios. - - Burgos, Andre de, printer, 134, 272. - - Buriel, cloth used by Franciscan friars, 383 n. - - Burning of Indians at stake by Spaniards, 320. - - - Caballos, Bahia de, 37, 162 n. - _See also_ Horses, Bay of. - - Cabeza de Vaca, Alvar Nunez, narrative of, 1-126; - birth and parentage, 3; - significance of name, 3; - trades and heals among the Indians, 6-7; - line of travel, 7; - character of his chronicle, 7; - his accomplishment, 8; - report to Audiencia of Espanola, 8; - appointed governor of provinces of Rio de la Plata, 8; - dies, 9; - bibliography of the _Relacion_, 10-11; - salutation to Charles V., 12; - duration of his wandering, 13; - his idea of the value of his narrative, 13; - leaves San Lucar de Barrameda, 4, 14; - is treasurer and high-sheriff, 4, 14; - reaches Santo Domingo, 14; - proceeds to Trinidad and is overtaken by a terrible - storm, 15-17; - passes winter at Jagua, 17; - explores mainland of Florida, with Narvaez, 4, 20; - believes it wiser to return to vessels, 22-23; - refuses to sail in charge of them, preferring to share - risks of march into the country, 24; - goes with forty men to seek a harbor, 25-26; - enters Apalachen, 28; - goes from Aute to find the sea, 33; - embarks in open boat, 36; - sufferings of his men, 38-40; - is assaulted by Indians, 41; - deserted by Narvaez, 42; - lands on an island among friendly Indians, 5, 44-45; - loses three men, in endeavor to re-embark, 46; - destitute condition of the survivors, 46; - aid given by Indians, 47-48; - is overtaken by Dorantes and Alonzo del Castillo, 48; - agrees that four of the party shall try to reach Panuco, 49; - learns Indians believe the Christians are sorcerers, 50; - names island Malhado, 50; - heals the sick by breathing on them, and by prayer, 53; - on the mainland, 52, 55; - his party now numbers fourteen, 55; - suffers great hardships, 56; - trafficks among the Indians, 56-57; - rescues Oviedo from Malhado, 57; - is left by him, 59; - finds Dorantes, Castillo, and Estevanico, 59-60; - waits six months before attempting to escape, 60, 61, 70; - is made a slave, 61; - is forced to postpone escape another year, 71; - succeeds at last, 73; - works more cures among the Indians, 74, 77, 78; - goes naked, 80, 81; - goes among the Maliacones, 80; - eats dogs, 80, 81; - barters with Indians, 81; - performs more cures, 91; - reaches a mountainous country, 92; - receives presents from the Indians, 92-93; - cuts an arrow head out of a wounded native, 96-97; - reaches the Rio Grande, 99; - is feared by the Indians because of deaths among them, 101; - heals the sick, 101; - goes among the Jumanos, 102; - calls them the Cow nation, 103; - starts in search of maize, 105; - touches and blesses both sick and well, 106-107; - teaches Christian religion, 107; - finds news of Christians, 109; - checks fear among his Indian companions, 111; - is taken to Diego de Alcaraz, 112; - joins party of Diego and dismisses his Indian - followers, 114-115; - is received by Melchior Diaz, 116; - arrives at Mexico, 120; - at Havana, 121; - at Lisbon, 123; - mentioned as a survivor of Narvaez's party, 125; - disagrees with De Soto, 136; - mentioned by the Gentleman of Elvas, 136, 221, 246; - returns from expedition, 288; - narrative of, 288; - in Corazones valley, 301; - traces of, found by Coronado, 332; - regard of Indians for, 381 n. - - Cabeza de Vaca, Teresa, mother of Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, 3, 125. - - Cabo Cruz, 15 n. - - Cabo de Santa Cruz, 15. - - Cabusto, 194. - - Cacabe bread, _see_ Cassava bread. - - Cache River, 215 n. - - Cactus belt, northern limit of, 70 n. - - Cahita, synonymous with Sinaloa, 346 n. - - Cahoques Indians, 87. - - Calahuchi, 161 n. - - Calderon, Captain, 155; - at Espiritu Santo, 162; - commands a brigantine, 265. - - Cale, province of, reported to be abundant in gold, 154; - mentioned, 162. - - California, Gulf of, 109 n.; - explored, 304, 346; - natives of peninsula of, 346, 346 n. - - Caliquen, reached by De Soto, 157. - - Calpista, mentioned by Ranjel, 216 n. - - Caluca, in northeastern part of Mississippi, 212. - - Camolas Indians, 87 n. - - Camones Indians, are reported to have killed Penalosa and - Tellez, 72. - - Campo, Andres del, Portuguese companion of Padilla, 365, 373, 385; - returns to New Spain, 385. - - Canarreo shoals, 18. - - Canasagua, De Soto at, 178. - - Caney creek, 58 n. - - Cannibalism in Culiacan, 345. - - Cannouchee River, 170 n. - - Cantaloupes, as food of Indians, 348. - - Capachiqui, De Soto at, 165. - - Capoques Indians, 54 n., 55 n., 65 n., 66 n., 87 n. - - Capothan, province of New Spain, 364. - - Caravallo, appointed lieutenant to sail with ships of Narvaez, 24; - mentioned, 124. - - Cardenas, Garcia Lopez, appointed captain, 292; - protects Coronado at Cibola, 301; - visit of, to Colorado River, 309; - attacks Indian village, 319; - treachery of Indians towards, 321; - accident to, 331; - summoned to Spain, 367; - flight of, from Suya, 369, 370. - - Carlos, leaves his wife at Havana, 145; - is killed at Manilla, 193. - - Carmona, Alonzo de, 131. - - Casa de Contratacion, at Seville, 135 n. - - Cases, with dead bodies, burned by Xuarez, 21. - - Casiste, De Soto at, 187. - - Casqui, cacique of, 205; - speeches of, to De Soto, 206-207; - kneels before the cross, 208; - directs De Soto to Pacaha, 208; - makes many presents to De Soto, 210; - gives his daughter to the governor, 211; - begs forgiveness for absenting himself without permission, 212; - accepts friendship of the cacique of Pacaha, 212. - - Cassava bread, 144, 145. - - Castaneda, Pedro de, narrative of Coronado's expedition by, - 276, 281-387; - facts of life of, 276; - value of narrative of, 276; - manuscript of, in Lenox library, 277; - translations of, 276-277; - date of narrative, 282 n.; - joins expedition at Culiacan, 296 n. - - Castile, mentioned, 124. - - Castillo, Doctor, father of Alonzo de Castillo Maldonado, 125. - - Castillo Maldonado, Alonzo del, with Cabeza de Vaca, 4, 6; - joins in report to Audiencia of Espanola, 8; - returns to New Spain, 9; - goes with Cabeza de Vaca to find a harbor, 26; - again goes on the same errand, 33; - embarks in open boat, 36; - loses his boat and overtakes Cabeza de Vaca, 48; - on the mainland, 54; - returns to Malhado, 55; - accompanies Indians to find walnuts, and meets with Cabeza - de Vaca, 59-60; - stay of, with the Yguazes, 65; - mentioned, 72; - mentioned by Oviedo, 69, 70; - among Lanegados, 71; - escapes, 73; - cures afflicted Indians, 74, 76, 77; - goes to the Maliacones, 80; - makes reconnoissance towards Rio Grande, 102; - finds evidence of visit by Europeans, 109; - rejoins Cabeza de Vaca and attaches himself to a Spanish - exploring party, 113; - returns to Spain, 125; - mentioned by Castaneda, 288. - - Catalte, 236. - - Catamaya, De Soto at, 222. - - Caya River, 216. - - Cayas, De Soto at, 217, 219; - mentioned, 225, 227, 238; - cacique of, is dismissed, 221. - - Cebreros, _see_ Zebreros. - - Cedar Lake, 58 n. - - Cerda, Alvaro de la, left by Narvaez in charge of a vessel, - 18, 20. - - Cervantes, Spanish soldier, 328. - - Chacan, a fruit, 104. - - Chaguate, province of, mentioned, 223 n., 236; - cacique of, addresses Moscoso, 237. - - Chaguete, 237; - Indians come to, in peace, 247; - Moscoso leaves, 248. - _See also_ Chaguate. - - Chalaque, province of, 176. - - Charles V, emperor, 12 n. - - Charruco, Cabeza de Vaca determines to seek, 56. - - Charrucos Indians, 87 n. - - Chattahuchi, 161 n. - - Chattanooga, 181 n., 182 n. - - Chauauares Indians, 87 n. - _See_ Chavavares Indians. - - Chavavares Indians, 73 n., 80 n., 87. - - Chia, _see_ Sia. - - Chiaha, province of, 175, 177, 178; - nature of the country of, 270; - speech of cacique of, 178; - cacique of, surrenders himself to De Soto, 180. - - Chiametla, death of Samaniego at, 295. - - Chicaca, De Soto at, 195, 212 n.; - Indians of, make an attack, 197-199. - - Chicacilla, 199 n. - - Chichilticalli, visited by Fray Marcos, 289; - by Diaz, 298; - location of, 299 n., 349 n.; - Coronado's first view of, 299; - description of, 349. - - Chichimecas, Mexican name for braves, 357. - - Chicot County, Arkansas, 255 n. - - Chihuahua, 105 n. - - Chilano, mentioned, 249. - - Childersburg, 183 n. - - Children of sun, Spaniards called, 94. - - China, belief in its connection with America, 343, 360. - - Chisca, a gold-bearing country, 180, 181, 212; - mentioned, 205. - - Choctaw Indians, 38 n. - - Cholupaha, town of, 157; - called Villafarta, 157. - - Choualla, _see_ Xualla. - - Christianity, taught to the Indians, 107, 117; - churches to be built by them, 119. - - Churches, to be built by Indians, 119. - - Chuse, Bay of, 40 n. - - Cibola, reached by expedition of Fray Marcos, 275, 289; - Guzman's expedition to, 286; - description of, 300; - captured by Coronado, 301; - army arrives at, 306; - Castaneda's description of, 350; - pueblos of, 358. - - Cicuyc, _see_ Cicuye. - - Cicuye, synonymous with Pecos, 329 n. - _See_ Pecos. - - Cienfuegos, Bay of, 17 n. - - Civet-marten skins described by Cabeza de Vaca, 39. - - Clark, on Indian sign language, 363 n. - - Clark County, 238 n. - - Cleburne County, 216 n. - - Clothing of Indians, 318, 334, 347, 350, 355. - - Coahuiltecan affinities, 61 n. - - Coayos Indians, 76. - - Coca, province of, 170, 175, 228; - speech of cacique of, 183-184; - inhabitants of, seized by De Soto, 184; - cacique of, taken, 185; - is dismissed, 187; - distance to Tastaluca, 189; - has more maize than Nilco, 226; - nature of the country, 270; - direction of, 271. - - Cocopa Indians, a Yuman tribe, 303 n. - - Cocos Indians, 54 n. - - Cofaqui, 168. - - Cofitachequi, _see_ Cutifachiqui. - - Cohani Indians, 59 n. - - Coke Indians, 54 n. - - Coles, Juan, 131. - - Coligoa, De Soto at, 215-216; distance to Autiamque, 270; - nature of the country, 270. - - Colima, ravines of, 332. - - Colorado River, 58 n., 90 n.; - visited by Diaz, 303; - by Cardenas, 309. - - Comos Indians, 80 n., 87. - - Compostela, in a hostile country, 120; - mentioned, 285 n., 287; - rendezvous of Coronado's army, 293; - departure of Coronado from, 295. - - Comupatrico, settlement of, 347. - - Cona, settlement of plains Indians, 333. - - Coosa, 183 n. - - Copee, used in paying the bottoms of Moscoso's vessels, 263. - - Copper, found at Quivira, 337. - - Coquite, pueblo of, 356 n., 358 n. - - Corazones, Pueblo de los, 108, 115 n.; - Coronado's army at, 301; - valley of, 347; - friendliness of Indians of, 372, 376. - _See_ Hearts, town of. - - Corn, description of, 350; - method of grinding, 354; - stores of, kept by Indians, 356. - _See also_ Maize. - - Coronado, Francisco Vazquez de, on Stake Plains, 7; - expedition inspired by journey of Cabeza de Vaca, 8; - memoirs of George P. Winship on, 276-277; - bibliography of accounts of expedition of, 277-279; - Castaneda's narrative of expedition of, 276, 281-387; - testimony of companions of, 279; - expedition of, mentioned, 97 n., 284, 362 n.; - appointed governor of New Galicia, 287; - marriage of, 287; - accompanies Fray Marcos to Culiacan, 288; - makes expedition to Topira, 290; - returns to Mexico, 291; - friendship of Mendoza for, 291; - receives command from Mendoza, 275, 281, 291; - Castaneda's criticism of, 291, 293; - appointments confirmed by, 292; - departure of, from Compostela, 295; - receives report of Diaz, at Chiametla, 296; - at Culiacan, 297-298; - Truxillo brought before, 298; - arrives at Chichilticalli, 299; - discouragement of, 299; - reaches Cibola, 300; - letter to Mendoza, 277, 300 n.; - attacks Cibola, 300; - wounded at Cibola, 301; - mention of, 294, 302, 305, 319; - finds horn of mountain goat, 306; - joined by Arellano, 306; - sends Tovar to Tusayan, 307; - sends Cardenas to Colorado River, 308; - receives report of Cardenas, 310; - gifts to, from Cicuye Indians, 311; - sends Alvarado to Cicuye, 311; - receives message from Alvarado, 312; - departure of, for Tiguex, 313; - arrives at Tutahaco, 314; - at Tiguex, 314; - sends Alvarado to Cicuye, 315; - joined by army, 317; - demands cloth of Indians, 317-318; - gives Cardenas orders to attack Indians, 319; - orders of, concerning prisoners, 320; - besieges Tiguex, 322; - attempts of, to make peace, 323; - receives news of death of Diaz, 325; - sends Tovar to San Hieronimo, 326; - messengers from, to Mendoza, 326; - letter of, to king, 278, 329 n.; - pacifies Cicuye, 329; - departure of, for Quivira, 329; - bison seen by, 330, 331; - experiences blizzard, 333; - divides army, 335; - arrives at Quivira, 336; - route of, 337 n.; - returns from Quivira, 338; - crosses route of De Soto, 339; - reaches Cicuye and Tiguex, 342; - winters at Tiguex, 342, 366; - receives letters from Mendoza, 367; - accident to, 368; - schemes of, to return home, 369; - request of soldiers to, 370; - preparations of, for return, 372, 373; - arrives at Cibola, 374; - meets Gallego with re-enforcements, 375; - feigns illness, 376, 377; - at Culiacan, 377; - promises of, 378; - returns to Mexico, 378; - reports to Mendoza, 378; - coolness of Mendoza towards, 378; - deprived of governorship of New Galicia, 378; - route of, 385; - inadequacy of equipment of, 386. - - Coronado expedition, memoirs of George Parker Winship on, 276-277; - Castaneda's narrative of, 276, 281-387; - bibliography of other accounts of, 277-280; - importance of, 280; - date of, 293 n.; - reasons given by Mota Padilla for failure of, 366 n. - - Corral, death of, 49. - - Corrientes, Cape, storm at, 18. - - Cortes, Hernando, receives Cabeza de Vaca, 121; - mentioned, 283; - trial for murder of wife 285 n.; - given new title, 286 n.; - feats of, 380. - - Corvo, mentioned, 122 n. - - Coste, speech of cacique of, 182. - - Cotton, garments of, presented to Cabeza de Vaca, 104; - noted by him, 106; - cloth of, made at Tusayan, 308; - blankets of, 350. - - Council Bend, suggested as the place of De Soto's crossing of - the Mississippi, 204 n. - - Cow nation, Indians so named by Cabeza de Vaca, 103. - _See_ Jumanos Indians. - - Cows, _see_ Bison. - - Creek Indians, 21 n. - - Cremation among Zuni, 351. - - Cross, raised at Casqui, 208; - sign of, among the Zunis, 351; - venerated by Indians, 384. - - Cruz, Bahia de la, 36. - _See also_ Tampa Bay. - - Cuachichiles, _see_ Guachichules. - - Cuba, De Soto in, 141-145. - - Cuchendados Indians, 86. - - Cuenca de Huete, mentioned, 124. - - Culiacan, mentioned, 115 n.; - Cabeza de Vaca at, 116. - - Culiacan, San Miguel de, foundation of, by Guzman, 276, - 286, 344; - arrival of Cabeza de Vaca at, 288; - location of, 296 n.; - Castaneda's description of, 344; - return of Coronado to, 377. - - Cultalchulches Indians, 76, 78, 80 n., 87. - - Cures among Indians wrought by Cabeza de Vaca, 6-7, 53, 73, - 74, 76, 77, 78, 91, 101, 106-107, 117; - by Alonzo del Castillo, 74, 76, 77. - - Cushing, F. H., on Zuni breadstuff, 354 n. - - Cutifachiqui, 172 n., 178, 180; - Indians of, 173-174; - speech of kinswoman of the cacica of, 172-173; - speech of cacica of, 173; - cacica of, furnishes pearls, 174; - cacica of, is made a slave, 176; - escape of cacica of, 177; - distance of, to Xualla, 188, 270; - lad of, acts as interpreter, 224; - nature of the country of, 270; - direction of, 271. - - Cuyamunque, a Tewa pueblo, 359 n. - - Cuzco, city of, 135. - - - Dances of the Tahus, 344. - - Daniel, Franciscan friar, 288. - - Davila, Pedrarias, governor, 135, 136. - - Davis, W. W. H., on the fate of Padilla, 373 n. - - Daycao, distance of, to Rio Grande, 247; - direction of, 271. - - Daycao River, 245, 246. - - Dead bodies, eaten by members of party with Cabeza de Vaca, 49; - Soto-Mayor eaten by Esquivel, 63. - - Deaguanes Indians, 59. - - Decubadaos Indians, 87 n. - - Deer, 350, 363. - - Deer-suet, 105. - - Deguenes Indians, 87 n. - - Descalona, Fray Luis, settles at Cicuye, 365 n., 373. - - Desha County, 227 n., 249 n. - - Diaz, Melchior, 116 n.; - explains to the natives the coming of Cabeza de Vaca, 117; - reports of Fray Marcos investigated by, 277, 296; - companion of Coronado, 292; - position of, 292; - reference to, 299; - in command at Corazones, 302; - exploration of, 303, 324; - death of, 325. - - Divorce among Indians, 353. - - Dogs, eaten by De Soto's men, 167; - used by Indians, 330, 334, 362. - - Doguenes Indians, 59 n., 84, 87. - - Dorantes, Pablo, father of Andres Dorantes, 125. - - Dorantes de Carranca, Andres, with Cabeza de Vaca, 4, 6; - joins in report to Audiencia of Espanola, 8; - later years and death of, 9; - goes to find the sea, 33; - embarks in open boat, 36; - repulses Indians, 39; - loses his boat and overtakes Cabeza de Vaca, 48; - on the mainland, 54, 55; - returns to Malhado, 55; - accompanies Indians to find walnuts and meets with Cabeza - de Vaca, 59-60; - escapes from slavery, 64; - escapes from the Yguazes, 65; - mentioned by Oviedo, 69, 70; - joins Cabeza de Vaca in escape from Indians, 71, 73; - mentioned, 72; - performs cures among Avavares, 78; - goes to the Maliacones, 80; - receives a hawk-bell of copper, 95; - is presented with over six hundred open hearts of deer, 108; - rejoins Cabeza de Vaca and attaches himself to a Spanish - exploring party, 113; - returns to Spain, 121, 125; - swears not to divulge certain things he has seen in New - Spain, 136; - a survivor of Narvaez's expedition, 288; - traces of, found by Coronado, 332. - - Dorantes, Diego, killed by Indians, 58, 64, 69. - - Double Mountain fork, 245 n. - - Dragoon pass, location of, 349 n. - - Dreams, respected by the Indians, 64; - citation from Oviedo regarding, 70. - - Dulchanchellin, Indian chief, 27. - - - Eagles, tame, kept by Indians, 348, 348 n. - - Earthquakes, near Colorado River, 325. - - Elvas, Gentleman of, narrative by, 127-272; - may have been Alvaro Fernandez, 130; - related narratives, 130-131; - bibliography of the Narrative, 131-132. - - Emeralds presented to Cabeza de Vaca, 106, 108. - - Enequen, used in making rope, 248. - - Enriquez, Alonso, comptroller of Narvaez's fleet, 14; - lands on island off Florida coast, 19; - joins conferences regarding inland exploration, 22; - embarks with Xuarez in open boat, 36; - boat of, found bottom up, 61; - rescued by Narvaez and loses his commission, 62; - is cast away on the coast, 72; - is mentioned by Oviedo, 70. - - Espejo, Antonio de, on the Rio Grande, 7; - cited, 102 n.; - Mexican Indians at Cibola found by, 374 n. - - Espiritu Santo, Bay, 58 n.; - mentioned by Oviedo, 70. - - Espiritu Santo, port, 153; - adjacent country described, 169; - distance to Palache, 188; - direction from Apalache, 271; - distance to Ocute, 270; - land between the two places, 270; - direction to Apalache and Rio de las Palmas, 272. - - Espiritu Santo River identified with Mississippi, 339 n. - - Esquivel, Hernando de, among Indians, 62; - informs Figueroa of fate of Narvaez and the others, 62-63; - feeds on flesh of Soto-Mayor, 63; - is slain because of a dream, 58, 64, 68; - mentioned, 72; - mentioned by Oviedo, 70. - - Estevanico, with Cabeza de Vaca, 4, 6; - with Fray Marcos de Niza, 9; - put to death by Zunis, 9; - brought by Indians, with Dorantes and Castillo, and meets - with Cabeza de Vaca, 59; - stay of, with the Yguazes, 65; - escapes from Indians, 71, 73; - performs cures among Avavares, 78; - goes to the Maliacones, 80; - cause of death of, 95 n.; - accompanies Alonzo de Castillo on reconnoissance towards - Rio Grande, 102; - is useful in securing information from the Indians, 107; - accompanies Cabeza de Vaca in search of Spanish exploring - party, 112; - acts as guide, 113; - mentioned as a survivor of Narvaez's party, 126, 288; - guide for Fray Marcos, 275, 288-289; - death of, 275, 290. - - Estrada, Alonzo de, treasurer for New Spain, 287. - - Estremadura, 216, 341. - - Estufas, at Braba, 341; - at Cibola, 350, 350 n.; - description of, 353. - - Evora, 272. - - - Feathers, trade in, 286; - use of, in dress, 350; - symbolism of, 384 n. - - Ferdinand, king of Spain, 287. - - Fernandes, Benito, drowned, 166. - - Fernandez, Alvaro, a Portuguese sailor to seek Panuco, 49. - - Fernandez, Alvaro, may have been the Gentleman of Elvas, 130. - - Fernandez, Bartolome, sailor, 22. - - Fewkes, _Aborigines of Porto Rico_, cited, 19 n. - - Fifteen-Mile Bayou, 205 n. - - Figueroa, a native of Toledo, to seek Panuco, 49; - found by the fugitives from Malhado, 58 n., 61; - relates his experiences, 62-63, 68; - escapes by flight, 64; - seen by the Avavares, 79. - - Figueroa, Gomez Suarez de, companion of Coronado, 293. - - Figueroa, Vasco Porcallo de, _see_ Porcallo de Figueroa, Vasco. - - Firebrand, use of, by Indians in travelling, 303. - - Firebrand River, _see_ Colorado. - - Fish, taken by De Soto, 209-210. - - Fisher County, Texas, 245 n. - - Fleet of Narvaez, size of, 14; - visited by hurricane on southern coast of Cuba, 3-4, 15-17; - brigantine bought in Trinidad, 18; - another vessel purchased, 18. - - Flint River, 164 n. - - Florida, eastern limit of grant to Narvaez, 3, 14; - fleet of Narvaez sights, 18; - grains, fruits, and nuts of, 271; - bad character of country of, 386. - - Flowers, use of, in Indian ceremonials, 384. - - Food of Indians, 312, 333, 348, 354. - - Fort Belknap, 244 n., 245 n. - - Fort Prince George, 176 n. - - Fort Smith, 222 n. - - Fowls, domestic, among the Indians, 348, 354. - - Franciscans, with Narvaez, 14; - in Cuba, 142; - in New Spain, 288; - elect Marcos de Niza father provincial, 291. - - Fruits of Florida, 271; - of the great plains, 364. - - Fuentes, De Soto's chamberlain, condemned to death, 197. - - - Galena, 96 n. - - Galeras, Juan, explores Grand Canon, 309. - - Galicia, New Kingdom of, in New Spain, 285 n., 286. - - Galisteo, pueblo of, 356, 358 n. - - Gallego, Juan, companion of Coronado, 292; - messenger from Coronado to Mendoza, 302; - sword of, found in Kansas, 302 n.; - messenger to Coronado, 371, 372; - meets Coronado on his return, 375; - exploits of, 380. - - Gallegos, Baltasar de, is chief castellan, 138; - leaves his wife at Havana, 146; - at the town of Ucita, 147; - sent into the country, 148; - returns with a survivor of the party of Narvaez, 149; - is sent to the province of Paracoxi, 154; - hears speech on part of the absent cacique, asks where - gold may be found, 154; - sent in quest of habitations, 171; - in affray with Indians at Mauilla, 190; - responds to De Soto's dying speech, 233. - - Galveston Island, resembles Malhado, in certain particulars, 57 n. - - Gamez, Juan de, killed at Mauilla, 193. - - Gaytan, Juan, takes an Indian boy of Yupaha, 164. - - Giant Indians, 302, 304. - - Gibraleon, mentioned, 125. - - Gifts, exchange of, on Cabeza de Vaca's line of march, 97 n. - - Giralda, great tower of Seville, 309 n. - - Giusiwa, a Jemez pueblo, 359 n. - - Goat, mountain, seen by Spaniards, 304, 305, 348. - - Gold, sought by the Spaniards, 21-22, 145, 154, 164, 180, 181, - 205, 212; - traces of, found, 19, 21, 111; - tales of, at Quivira, 328, 329; - discovered at Suya, 371. - - Gomera, one of the Canary Islands, 139. - - Gorbalan, Francisco, companion of Coronado, 293. - - Government of Indians, 308, 347, 351. - - Granada, Coronado's name for Hawikuh, 277, 300 n. - - Grand or Neosho River, 217 n. - - Grand Canon, discovery of, 309. - - Grande River, 201, 202, 205, 208, 209, 215, 224, 227, 245, - 246, 247, 248, 249, 270, 271. - _See also_ Mississippi River. - - Grapes, wild, found by Coronado, 334, 338. - - Graves, at Tutahaco, 384. - - Great plains, Spaniards lost on, 336; - description of, 362. - - Great River, the, 202. - _See_ Mississippi River and Grande River. - - Greene County, Alabama, 189 n. - - Grey Friars, origin of name, 385 n. - - Guacay, distance of, to Daycao, 270-271; - nature of the country, 271. - - Guachichules, Indians, 385. - - Guachoya, De Soto reaches, 227; - cacique of, comes to him, 227; - makes an address, 228; - and assists in attack of Nilco, 231; - death of De Soto at, 233; - Spaniards leave, 236; - mentioned, 245, 248; - cacique of, plots against Moscoso, 251; - exposes plot of caciques of Nilco and Taguanate, 252; - and kills Indians of Nilco, 252; - direction of, 271. - - Guadalajara, beginning of, 285 n., 287. - - Guadalaxara, _see_ Guadalajara. - - Guadiana, Spanish river, 341. - - Guaes, province near Quivira, 328, 328 n., 364. - - Guahate, province, mentioned, 222. - - Guaniguanico, storm at, 18. - - Guasco, _see_ Waco. - - Guatemala, conquered by Alvarado, 380. - - Guaxulle, De Soto at, 177; - mentioned, 178. - - Guayaba tree, 141. - - Guaycones Indians, 87. - - Guaymas Indians, 108 n. - - Guevara, Diego de, captures Indian village, 324. - - Guevara, Juan de, appointment of son of, 292. - - Guevara, Pedro de, appointed captain, 292. - - Guevenes Indians, 59 n. - - Gutierres, Diego, appointed captain, 292. - - Gutierrez, Juan, _see_ Xuarez, Juan, and 14 n. - - Guzman, Diego de, 111. - - Guzman, Francisco de, goes away with his Indian concubine, 238. - - Guzman, Juan de, made captain of infantry, 164; - crosses Mississippi with infantry, 204; - sent against Indians, 231, 256; - is taken by them, 257. - - Guzman, Nuno de, position of, in New Spain, 285; - career of, 285 n.; - cruelty to natives, 285 n.; - expedition of, to the Seven Cities, 286; - Culiacan settled by, 276, 287; - imprisonment of, 287. - - - Hacanac, cacique of, gives battle, 239. - - Hailstones, in Coronado's camp, 333. - - Hair dress, of pueblo women, 350. - - Halona, Zuni pueblo, 358 n.; - excavations at, 351 n. - - Hano, Hopi pueblo, 358 n. - - Hans Indians, 54, 87. - - Hapaluya, De Soto passes, 160. - - Harahey, identification of, 328 n., 365 n. - - Havana, fleet of Narvaez nears, 18; - Miruelo to return to, if harbor is not found, 20; - Cabeza de Vaca at, 121, 122; - mentioned, 125, 142. - - Hawikuh, scene of Estevan's death, 275; - called Granada by Coronado, 277, 300 n.; - history of, 300 n., 358 n. - - Haxa or Haya, settlement near Mississippi River, 330, 331. - - Hearts, town of, 7, 108 n. - _See_ Corazones, Pueblo de los. - - Hearts of animals, as food, 301. - - Hearts Valley, _see_ Corazones. - - Hemes, _see_ Jemez. - - Hempstead County, 240 n. - - Henry, cardinal, archbishop of Evora, 272. - - Hermosillo, 109 n. - - Hewett, on Pecos, 355 n. - - Hirriga, town of Ucita, 147 n. - - Hodge, F. W., 11, 280; - on route of Coronado, 337 n. - - Hope, camp near, 239 n. - - Hopi, tribal name of Indians at Tusayan, 307 n.; - as cotton growers, 308 n.; - pottery of, 340 n.; - tame eagles of, 348 n.; - hair dress of women, 350 n.; - population of pueblos of, 351 n.; - pueblos of, 358 n. - - Hornachos, mentioned, 124. - - Hornaday, W. T., on wool of bison, 383 n. - - Horseflesh, eaten by Spaniards, 27, 35, 36, 253. - - Horses, Bay of, 37 n., 162 n. - _See also_ Caballeros, Bahia de. - - Horses, fear of Indians of, 386. - - Houses of Indians, 165, 346, 350, 356, 364. - - Huelva, Diego de, killed by Indians, 58, 64. - - Huhasene, an Indian chief, 255. - - - Iguaces Indians, 61 n. - - Inca, the, _see_ Vega, Garcilaso de la. - - India, believed to be connected with America, 343, 360. - - Indian Bay, 253 n. - - "Indian giving," 100 n. - - Indians, stature and proportions of, 32; - fine archery of, 32; - customs of, at Malhado, 54; - weeping of, 54 n.; - as a sign of obedience, 241, 242-243; - barter among, 56-57; - subsist on walnuts, 59-60; - eat prickly pears three months of the year, 60-61; - kill even their male children, 64, 70; - have great reverence for dreams, 70; - call Spaniards children of the sun, 78; - marriage relations of, 83; - methods of warfare of, 84-86; - nations and tongues of, beyond Malhado, 86; - peculiar customs of, in drinking a tea of certain leaves, 87-88; - method of, in preparing flour of mesquite, 89; - plunder those who welcome Cabeza de Vaca, 91, 92; - and plunder one another, 97; - rabbit hunts of, 98; - eat spiders and worms, 98; - offer all they have to Cabeza de Vaca, 99; - women of, may negotiate in war, 100, 102; - chastise children for weeping, 101; - have fixed dwellings, 102; - go naked, 103; - eat powder of straw, 106; - languages of, 107; - believe Spaniards are from heaven, 107; - women of, wear grass and straw, 108; - worship the sun, 107-108; - promise to be Christians, 118; - and to build churches, 119; - worship the devil with blood sacrifices, 151; - approach, playing on flutes, 158, 183, 189; - costumes of, 166; - have abundance of meat at Ocute, 168; - description of, at Cutifachiqui, 173-174; - mortuary customs of, 234, 351; - described by the Gentleman of Elvas, 272; - use poisoned arrows, 326, 371. - - Intoxication, among Indians, 66. - - Iron, 93 n., 95 n. - - Isleta, 358 n. - - - Jacona, 359 n. - - Jagua, Cabeza de Vaca at, 17 n.; - Narvaez reaches with a pilot, 18. - - Jaramillo, Juan, narrative of, 279, 337 n., 365 n. - - Jefferson County, 225 n. - - Jemez, pueblos of, 339 n., 352, 359 n.; - visited by Barrionuevo, 339. - - Jerez de la Frontera, 3. - - John III., king, 272 n. - - Juamanos Indians, 102 n., 103 n.; - know something of Christianity, 102 n.; - the Cow nation, 103; - method of cooking among, 104-105; - have fixed residences, 112. - - Juana, Queen of Spain, 292. - - - Kansas, description of, 364. - - Karankawan Indians, 51 n., 57 n., 61 n. - - Kaw or Kansa Indians, 328 n., 364 n. - - Kiakima, Zuni pueblo, 358 n. - - Kyanawe, Zuni pueblo, 358 n. - - - Lacane, Moscoso at, 242. - - Lake Michigamia, 214 n. - - Lakes, near Apalachen, 29. - - Lanegados Indians, hold Castillo captive, 71. - - Lara, Alonso Manrique de, companion of Coronado, 293. - - Las Navas de Tolosa, battle of, 3. - - La Vaca, Bay, 58 n. - - League, Spanish, 22 n. - - Lee County, Arkansas, 214 n. - - Lenox Library, manuscript of Castaneda in, 277. - - Leopard, _see_ Wildcat. - - Lewis, T. Hayes, 132. - - Lions, _see_ Mountain lions. - - Lisbon, 123. - - Little Red River, 216 n. - - Little River, 240 n. - - Little Tennessee River, 177 n. - - Little Valley, settlement of, 347. - - Llano River, 95 n. - - Lobillo, Juan Rodriguez, at court, 135; - sent by De Soto into the country, 148; - returns with four Indian women, 149; - sent in quest of habitations, 171; - overtakes De Soto, 172. - - Lopez, Diego, death of, 49. - - Lopez, Diego, appointed captain, 292; - succeeds Samaniego, 296; - adventure of, at Tiguex, 319; - visits Haxa, 331. - - Lopez de Cardenas, G., _see_ Cardenas. - - Lowery, Woodbury, _Spanish Settlements_, 1513-1561, cited, 19 n. - - Luis, Friar, _see_ Descalona. - - Lusitanians, characterized, 134. - - - Mabila, _see_ Mauilla. - - Macaco, 150 n. - - Macanoche, presented to De Soto, 213. - - Macaque, _see_ Matsaki. - - McGee, W. J., account of Seri Indians, 301 n. - - Magdalena River, 33. - - Mago, a poisonous tree, 108 n. - - Maize, shown by Indians to Narvaez, 21; - found under cultivation, 22, 25; - little seen by Cabeza de Vaca on march to Apalachen, 28; - is found growing in that place, 28, 29; - secured with difficulty from Indians, 35; - mentioned, 94, 96, 102, 103, 104, 105, 108, 110, 113, 114, - 247, 248, 271. - _See also_ Corn. - - Malapaz, town, 156. - - Maldonado, Dona Aldonca, 125. - - Maldonado, Alonzo del Castillo, _see_ Castillo Maldonado, Alonzo del. - - Maldonado, Francisco, ordered to the coast, 163; - sent to Havana, 163; - at Ochuse, 193; - mentioned, 175, 204. - - Maldonado, Rodrigo, appointed captain, 292; - visits seacoast, 301; - Indians attack camp of, 323; - receives gift of buffalo skins, 332; - horse of, injures Coronado, 368. - - Malhado Island, Spaniards at, 5-6; - named by Cabeza de Vaca, 50; - identification of, 57 n.; - Christians leave, losing a part of their number, 61; - mentioned, 72. - - Maliacones Indians, 80, 87. - _See also_ Malicones Indians. - - Malicones Indians, 76 n. - _See also_ Maliacones Indians. - - Mallery, Garrick, on sign language, 363 n. - - Mallets, use of, as weapons by Indians, 321. - - Mamei, a fruit, 141. - - Mancano, is lost, 186. - - Mantelets of thread, found at Apalachen, 28. - - Marcos, Fray, _see_ Niza. - - Margaridetos, a kind of bead, 226. - - Mariames Indians, kill even their male children and cast - away their daughters, 64; - mentioned, 87. - - Marian Indians, 61. - - Marjoram, wild, 338, 349, 364. - - Marquis, Isle of the, name of, given to lower California, - 304, 304 n. - - Marriage, among the Tahus, 344; - at Cibola, 350; - at Tiguex, 353. - - Mats, used in building houses, 346, 357 n. - - Matsaki, Zuni pueblo, 315 n.; - description of, 315-316, 350; - mentioned, 358 n. - - Mauilla, De Soto at, 189; - encounter with the Indians at, 190-193; - mentioned, 195. - - Mayayes Indians, 54 n. - - Maye, cacique of, gives battle, 239. - - Mayo Indians, 346 n. - - Meal, sacred, use of, 307 n. - - Meat, scarcity of, among De Soto's men, 167-168. - - Meirinho, _see_ Tapile. - - Melgosa, Pablo de, appointed captain, 293; - explores Colorado River Canons, 309; - at Tiguex, 319. - - Melons, native American, 348. - - Memphis, near place of De Soto's crossing of the Mississippi, 204 n. - - Mendez, to seek Panuco, 49; - taken by Indians, 58, 62. - - Mendica Indians, 87. - - Mendoza, Antonio de, first viceroy of New Spain, 121 n., 281 n.; - learns of the arrival of De Soto's men at Panuco, 267; - receives them at Mexico, 269; - appoints Coronado governor of New Galicia, 287; - plans expedition to Cibola, 275, 281; - gives command to Coronado, 275, 281, 291; - names Compostela as rendezvous, 293; - addresses soldiers at Compostela, 294; - returns to New Spain, 295; - mentioned, 296, 297, 302, 326; - letter of, relating progress of expedition, 277; - Coronado receives messages from, 367; - mentioned, 377; - disappointment of, over failure of expedition, 378. - - Mesa, Spanish soldier, 538. - - Mesquite flour, 89. - - Mestitam, Mexico, 268. - - Mexico, 97 n.; - Cabeza de Vaca at, 120, 121; - Moscoso at, 269. - - Miakka River, 150 n. - - Michoacan, province in New Spain, 286; - journey of Mendoza through, 294. - - Mico River, 228. - - Mills, at Tiguex, 354. - - Mindeleff, V., on pueblo architecture, 354 n. - - Miruelo, pilot, 18, 20. - - Mishongnovi, Hopi pueblo, 358 n. - - Mississippi River, reached by Narvaez and Cabeza de Vaca, 41; - the Great River, 202; - De Soto crosses, 204; - nature of country of, from Aquixo to Pacaha and Coligoa, 270; - described by Indians, 330; - reference to, 339; - description of, 365; - mentioned, 385, 386. - _See also_ Grande River, Great River, and Espiritu Santo River. - - Mobile, 40 n. - - Mochilagua, settlement of, 347. - - Mochilla, presented to De Soto, 213. - - Mococo, town of, 150 n.; - speech of cacique of, to De Soto, 153. - - Moculixa, 194 n. - - Monroe County, Arkansas, 253 n. - - Monroe County, Mississippi, 195. - - Montejo, feats of, in Tabasco, 380. - - Mortar, substitute for, among Indians, 352. - - Moscoso de Alvarado, Luis, direction pursued by, 131; - mentioned, 135; - joins De Soto at Seville, 137; - is master of the camp, 146; - lodges with Ucita, 147; - at Cale, 156; - overtakes De Soto, 157; - sent forward to Tastaluca, 187; - advises a halt, 189; - fails to keep a careful watch over the Indians at Chicaca, 197; - succeeds De Soto as governor, 233; - holds a conference, 235-236; - leaves Guachoya, 236; - at Chaguate, 236-237; - at Aguacay, 238; - at Naguatex, 240-242; - reaches the Red River, 241; - hangs his Indian guides, 242; - marches from Nondaco, 243; - encounter with Indians at Aays, 243; - hears of other Europeans seen by the Indians of Soacatino, 243; - decides that reports are false, 244; - holds a council and decides to return to Nilco, 245-246; - causes resentment among his followers, 247; - reaches Nilco, 248; - goes to Aminoya, 249; - directs the building of brigantines, 250; - learns of Indian plot, 251; - commands that right hands of thirty Indians be cut off, 252; - mutilates other Indians, 252; - proceeds against Taguanate, 253; - embarks with his followers, 253-254; - is attacked by Indians, 255-259; - puts out to sea, 261; - is separated from the other brigantines, 263; - after fifty-two days reaches the river Panico, 265-266; - is received at the town of the same name, 267; - and at Mexico, 269. - - Mosquitos, 67, 263. - - Meta Padilla, M. de la, cited, 356 n., 365 n., 366 n. - - Mountain lions, in Chichilticalli, 349; - in Cibola, 350. - - Mountains seen by Cabeza de Vaca, 92 n. - - Mud Island, 57 n. - - Mulberries, wild, 334, 364. - - Musetti, Juan Pedro, book merchant, 126. - - Musical instruments of Indians, 312, 354. - - Muskhogean tribes, 21 n. - - - Nacacahoz, Moscoso at, 244. - - Naguatex, mentioned, 238; - Indian advance at, 239; - cacique of, addresses Moscoso, 241; - found full of maize, 247; - pottery made at, 247. - - Najera, birthplace of Castaneda, 276. - - Nambe, Tewa pueblo, 359 n. - - Napetaca, engagement at, between De Soto and the Indians, 158. - - Naquiscoca, Moscoso at, 244. - - Narvaez, Pamfilo de, receives grant, 3; - sets sail, 3, 14; - failure of his expedition, 7; - size of his fleet, 14; - reaches Santo Domingo where one hundred and forty men desert, 14; - arrives at Santiago de Cuba, 15; - loses ten of his ships and sixty men in storm at Trinidad, 3-4, 15-17; - major portion of his fleet reach Trinidad and winter there, 17; - at Xagua, 17; - sights Florida, 18; - reaches the mainland, 19; - takes possession of country in the royal name, 4, 19-20; - explores inland, 20, 21; - holds conference regarding further penetration of interior, 22; - takes up march into country, with three hundred men, 4, 25; - accepts Indian allies against the Apalachees, 26-27; - takes Apalachen, 28; - departs for Aute, 31; - attacked by Indians, 31; - reaches Aute, 32; - departs from Aute, 33; - calls a council, which decides to build vessels in which to get - away, 34-36; - loses ten men killed by Indians, and forty, who die of - disease, 36; - leaves Bay of Horses, and meets with many privations, 37-38; - lands and is wounded by Indians, 38-39; - embarks once more and proceeds along the coast, 39-41; - reaches the Mississippi, 41; - exhibits selfishness in saving his life, 42; - fate of, narrated by Esquivel, 62; - mentioned by Oviedo, 70; - is carried out to sea, 72; - fate of his voyage foretold, 124; - his Panuco fleet, 124-125; - mentioned, 157, 288; - skulls of his horses found at Ochete, 162; - his disaster frightens the followers of Moscoso, 248; - survivors of his expedition return to New Spain, 288. - - Natividad, departure of Alarcon from, 294. - - Nebraska, description of, 364. - - Negroes, island of, 386. - - Negroes, with Coronado, 333. - - Neosho River, 217 n. - - New Albany, 200 n. - - Newfoundland, Spanish name for, 343 n., 360. - - New Galicia, province of New Spain, 113, 285 n., 286, 344; - Coronado appointed governor of, 287; - Coronado deprived of governorship of, 378. - - New Spain, mentioned, 124, 254; - direction from Rio de las Palmas, 272. - - Nicalasa, an Indian chief, 195 n. - - Nilco, mentioned, 224, 225, 228, 230, 231; - De Soto at, 226; - most populous town that was seen in Florida, 226; - attacked, by orders of De Soto, 230-232; - cacique of, plots against Moscoso, 251; - and comes to make excuses, 252. - - Nilco, river of, De Soto crosses, 227. - - Nissohone, a poor province, 242; - a woman of, acts as guide to Moscoso, 242. - - Niza, Marcos de, expedition of, to Cibola, 9, 275, 288-290; - narrative of, 277, 290 n.; - reports of, verified by Diaz, 277, 296; - made father provincial of Franciscans, 291; - sermon of, 298; - mentioned, 300; - return of, to Mexico, 302. - - Nondacao, reported to have plenty of maize, 242; - mentioned, 243. - - North Carolina, 176 n. - - Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, Alvar. _See_ Cabeza de Vaca, Alvar Nunez. - - Nuno de Guzman, 116, 119, 120. - - Nut pine, 96. - - Nuts, 271. - - - Oaxaca, Marques del Valle de, title given to Cortes, 286 n. - - Ochete, skulls of horses found at, 162. - - Ochus, province, 163; - mentioned, 175. - - Ochuse, Maldonado at, 193. - - Ocilla River, boundary of Muskhogean territory, 21 n. - - Ocita, _see_ Ucita. - - Ocmulgee River, 166 n. - - Oconna-Luftee River, 176 n., 177 n. - - Oconee River, 167 n. - - Ocute, described to De Soto, 167; - De Soto at, 167, 168; - mentioned, 179; - land is fertile, 270; - distance to Cutifachiqui, 270. - - Ogechee River, 170 n. - - Ohoopee River, 170 n. - - Onate, Christobal de, governor of New Galicia, entertains - Coronado, 294. - - Onate, Count of, nephew of, appointed captain, 292. - - Onate, Juan de, settlement made at Yukiwingge by, 340 n. - - Opata Indians, 305 n., 348 n.; - poisoned arrows of, 326 n.; - mentioned, 376 n. - - Opossum, first allusion to, 29 n. - - Oraibi, Hopi pueblo, 358 n. - - Ortiz, Juan, rescued by De Soto, 10; - found by De Gallegos, 149; - his adventures among the Indians, 149-152; - reports Indian plan to attack De Soto, 158; - acts as interpreter, 170; - not to speak of Maldonado's proximity, 193; - secures release of Osorio and Fuentes, 197; - dies at Autiamque, 224. - - Osorio, Antonio, ascends river at Pacaha with five men, 210, 211. - - Osorio, Francisco, condemned to death by De Soto, 197. - - Otter, 350, 357. - - Ovando, Francisco de, companion of Coronado, 292; - treatment of, by Indians, 354. - - Oviedo, Gonzalo Fernandez de, edits report to Audiencia of - Espanola, 8, 10; - edition cited, 21 n., 25 n., 31 n., 39 n., 68-70, 92 n., 112 n. - - Oviedo, Lope de, at Malhado, 6; - deserts, 6; - among the Indians, 44-45; - rescued by Cabeza de Vaca, 57; - returns, through fear, 59. - - Oxitipar, district of, in New Spain, 285. - - Oyster creek, 57 n. - - Oysters, found by Cabeza de Vaca, 33. - - - Pacaha, sought by De Soto for its gold, 205, 208; - probably to be located in the vicinity of Osceola, in - Arkansas, 209 n.; - De Soto at, 209-213; - cacique of, flees from De Soto, 210; - is brought to the governor and submits to him, 211; - and accepts friendship of the cacique of Casqui, 212; - distance to Aquiguate, 215; - mentioned, 227, 270; - direction of, 271. - - Pacaxes, a tribe in Culiacan, 345. - - Padilla, Juan de, companion of Alvarado, 279; - accompanies Tovar to Tusayan, 307; - remains in Quivira, 372; - death of, 364, 373, 385. - - Pafalya, 194. - - Pajarito Park, 340 n. - - Palachen, 22 n. - - Palacios, death of, 49. - - Palisema, De Soto in, 216. - - Palmas, Rio de las, western limit of grant to Narvaez, 3, 14; - mentioned, 22, 260, 264, 265, 266; - direction from, to New Spain, 272; - direction of, from Espiritu Santo, 272. - - Palmitos, sustenance of Narvaez and his men, 25. - - Palos, Juan de, friar, with Narvaez, 25. - - Panico, 268. - _See also_ Panuco. - - Pantoja, Juan, ordered by Narvaez to proceed to Trinidad, 15; - possibly the Pantoja killed by Soto-Mayor, 15 n.; - advises Narvaez, 42; - made lieutenant, 62; - killed by Soto-Mayor, 63. - - Panuco, Narvaez orders ships to find, 4; - mentioned, 63; - to be sought by four men of Cabeza de Vaca's party, 49; - Guzman, governor of, 285 n.; - mention of, 385. - _See also_ Panico. - - Panuco River, 265 n. - - Papa, title given priests at Zuni, 351. - - Papagos, tribe of Sonora, 348 n. - - Paracoxi, province, 153, 154, 155. - - Partidos, seduce one hundred and forty men from Narvaez, 14. - - Pasquaro, visited by Mendoza, 294. - - Patent, to Narvaez, 3. - - Pato, Moscoso at, 238. - - Patofa, speech of, 168-169. - - Patoqua, Jemez pueblo, 359 n. - - Pawnee Indians, mention of, 328 n., 337 n., 365 n. - - Paz, Augustin de, printer, 126. - - Peace, form of making, at Acoma, 312; - at Tiguex, 319. - - Pearls, found by De Soto, 174; - burned at Mauilla, 193. - - Pecos, identification of Cicuye with, 329 n.; - visit of Indians from, 310; - visited by Alvarado, 312; - visit of Coronado to, 327; - siege of, 341; - route of army to, 361 n.; - description of, 355-356; - history of, 355 n.; - mention of, 359. - - Pecos River, crossed by Spaniards, 99 n., 329, 338. - - Pedro, Don, lord of Tescuco, killed, 31. - - Pedro, Indian guide, is baptized, 174; - regarded with suspicion, 176. - - Pemmican, used by Indians, 363. - - Penalosa, embarks in open boat, 36; - repulses Indians, 39; - overtaken by Cabeza de Vaca, 43; - reported killed by the Camones, 72. - - Pensacola, Muskhogean territory, 21 n. - - Pensacola Bay, 38 n., 40 n. - _See also_ Chuse, Bay of. - - People of the Figs, 79, 87. - - Peru, exploration of, 380. - - Petachan River, _see_ Petlatlan. - - Petates, or mats used for houses, 346, 377 n. - - Petlatlan, description of Indian settlement of, 346; - houses at, 346, 377 n.; - mention of, 376. - - Petlatlan, Rio, identification of, with Rio Sinaloa, 346 n. - - Petutan River, 111, 117 n. - - Philip II., king of Spain, 288. - - Philippine Islands, location of isle of negroes in, 386 n. - - Piache, _see_ Piachi. - - Piache River, 188, 189. - - Piachi, 188 n. - - Picardo, Juan, printer, 126. - - Picones, catfish, 349 n. - - Picuris, pueblo of, 352 n. - - Pima Indians, 115 n., 348 n. - - Pimahaitu Indians, 115 n. - - Pine Bluff, 225 n., 248 n. - - Pine nuts, used as food, 96, 349, 350. - - Piraguas, built by De Soto, 225. - - Piros Indians, 104 n.; - villages of, 341 n. - - Pizarro, Hernando, mentioned, 135. - - Plot, against Narvaez, 34. - - Pobares, Francisco, death of, 322. - - Pojoaque, Tewa pueblo, 359 n. - - Pontotoc county, Mississippi, 195. - - Porcallo de Figueroa, Vasco, offers provisions to Narvaez, 15; - keeps his slaves from hanging themselves, 142; - mentioned, 143; - is made captain-general, by De Soto, 145; - is resisted by Indians, 146; - lodges with Ucita, 147; - is unable to make seizures of Indians, as slaves, 154; - and returns to Cuba, 154. - - Pork, allowance of, to De Soto's men, 171. - - Portuguese, with Hernando de Soto, leave Elvas, 138; - Spanish seek to get among the Portuguese, 139. - - Potano, town, 156, 162. - - Pottery, glazed, of Indians, 340; - where found, 340 n.; - made by - Indians, 355, 361. - - Prairie de Roane, 239 n. - - Prairie dogs, seen by Coronado on great plains, 338. - - Prentiss County, Mississippi, 212 n. - - Prickly pears, 61 n., 66-67, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75-76, 77, - 78, 80, 81, 93, 94, 96, 246. - _See also_ Tuna. - - Primahaitu Indians, 114. - - Prostitution among the Tahus, 344-345. - - Puaray, settlement upon site of Tiguex, 317 n. - - Pueblo Indians, 90 n., 104 n.; - rabbit hunts among, 98 n.; - ceremonials of, 384. - - Pueblos, method of building, 352. - - Puerto de Luna, 338 n. - - Puerto Principe, town in Cuba, 142, 143, 144. - - Puje, ruin of pueblo of, 340 n. - - - Quachichiles, _see_ Guachichules. - - Quachita River, 238 n. - - Qualla, _see_ Xualla. - - Querechos Indians, mode of life of, 330; - description of, 362-363. - - Queres, pueblos of, 327 n., 352, 358 n. - - Quevenes Indians, 59, 62, 85, 87. - - Quigaltam, 227; - cacique of, sends message to De Soto, 229; - arouses the latter's suspicions, 230; - mentioned, 235. - - Quigualtam, Indians of, attack Moscoso, 255. - - Quiguate, 213, 215, 216. - _See_ Aquiguate. - - Quince juice, use of, as poison antidote, 376, 381. - - Quipana, near plains, 222 n. - - Quirex, province of, visited by Spaniards, 327. - - Quitok Indians, 80 n., 87 n. - - Quitoles Indians, 87 n. - - Quivira, stories of, told by Turk, 313, 314; - mention of, 327; - departure of Coronado for, 328; - stories of Xabe of, 329; - arrival of Coronado at, 336; - route to, 337 n.; - Indians of, identified with Wichita Indians, 337 n.; - Coronado returns from, 341, 342; - description of, reference to, 362, 365, 366, 367; - return to, planned, 368; - Padilla remains in, 372, 373 n.; - death of Padilla at, 385; - route to, 378, 385. - - Quizquiz, De Soto at, 202; - Indians of, present skins and shawls, 202; - direction of, 271. - - - Rabbits, on the great plains, 363; - skins of, used for garments, 350. - - Rafts, use of, in crossing Colorado River, 304; - method of making, 304. - - Ramirez, Fray Juan, establishes mission at Acoma, 311 n. - - Ranjel, Narrative by, 130; - cited, 161 n., 165 n., 166 n., 167 n., 172 n., 175 n., 177 n., - 178 n., 185 n., 188 n., 189 n., 194 n., 215 n., 216 n., - 217 n., 222 n. - - Rau, Charles, translator of Baegert's narrative, 346 n. - - Redland, 195. - - Red River, 225 n., 261 n.; - Moscoso at, 241 n.; - identification of, with Zuni River, 299 n. - - _Relacion del Suceso_, 278; - cited, 337 n., 365 n., 367 n. - - _Relacion Postrera de Sibola_, 278. - - Riberos, el Factor, companion of Coronado, 293. - - Rio Grande, 99 n., 102, 103 n., 104 n.; - Indians attempt to cross, 323; - pueblos near, 327 n., 335 n.; - disappearance underground of, 341; - mention of, 339 n., 340 n.; - direction of, 359 n., 360. - - Ritchey, W. E., cited, 302. - - River, the, 228. - - River Grande, _see_ Grande River. - - Rodriguez, Men., killed at Mauilla, 193. - - Rojas, Juan de, made governor's lieutenant of Cuba, 146. - - Romo, Alfonso, sent in quest of habitations, 171; - overtakes De Soto, 172. - - Ruiz, Goncalo, death of, 49. - - - Saabedra, Fernandarias de, appointment of, 297. - - Saabedra, H. de, mayor of Culiacan, 297, 371, 372. - - Sacatecas, _see_ Zacatecas. - - St. Clement's Point, landing of Narvaez at, 19 n. - - St. Francis County, Arkansas, 205 n., 214 n. - - St. Francis River, 213 n., 214 n. - - St. Marks, seat of the Apalachee, 21 n., 30 n. - - St. Marks Bay, 33 n., 37 n. - - St. Marks River, 33 n. - - Saline County, 236 n. - - Saline River, 236 n. - - Salt, made by Spaniards, 218, 238; - natural crystals of, in Arizona, 310; - lakes of, on great plains, 338, 362. - - Salvidar, Juan de, companion of Coronado, 292; - explorations of, 296; - mentioned, 299; - at Tiguex, 319; - captures Indian village, 324; - escape of Indian woman from, 339. - - Samaniego, Lope de, appointed army-master, 292; - death of, 295. - - San Antonio Bay, 58 n. - - San Antonio Cape, 143. - - San Antonio River, 74 n. - - San Bernardo River, 58 n. - - Sanbenitos, described, 334 n., 347. - - Sancti Spiritus, town in Cuba, 142, 144. - - Sandia Mountains, 352. - - San Gabriel de los Espanoles, settlement of, 340 n. - - San Hieronimo de los Corazones, founding of, 301; - dispatches from, 324; - disturbance in, 326; - transferred to Suya, 301, 326. - - San Ildefonso, Tewa pueblo, 359 n. - - San Juan, Tewa pueblo, 340 n., 359 n. - - Sanlucar, Bay of, 139. - - Sanlucar, muster of De Soto's forces at, 139. - - San Lucar de Barrameda, port in Spain, 3, 14 n. - - San Luis, island, 57 n. - - San Marcos-Guadalupe River, 74 n. - - San Miguel, village, 120. - - San Miguel Culiacan, 113 n. - - San Pedro, river in Sonora, 371 n. - - Sant Anton, Cape, westernmost point of Cuba, 18 n. - - Santa Clara, Tewa pueblo, 359 n. - - Santa Fe, seat of provincial government, 340 n. - - Santa Maria, Rio, 105 n. - - Santander River, called Rio de los Palmas, 14 n. - - Santiago, use of, as war cry, 300 n., 308. - - Santiago de Cuba, described by the Gentleman of Elvas, 140-141; - bread there made of a root, 141; - natural products of, 141. - - Sant Miguel, strait, 37. - - Santo Domingo, Narvaez reaches, 14; - mentioned, 19 n. - - Saquechuma, burned by Indians to deceive De Soto, 196. - - Savannah River, 21 n., 172 n. - - Sebastian, king, 272 n. - - Seminole Indians, 19 n. - - Senora, _see_ Sonora. - - Seri Indians, 108 n., 301 n. - - Seven Cities, _see_ Cibola. - - Sheep, Rocky Mountain, 305, 348. - - Shongopovi, Hopi pueblo, 358 n. - - Shupaulovi, Hopi pueblo, 358 n. - - Sia, identification of, 327 n., 359 n.; - mention of, 359. - - Sichomovi, Hopi pueblo, 358 n. - - Sierra, dies, 49. - - Sierra Madre Mountains, 106 n. - - Sign language, used by Querechos, 330; - by plains Indians, 363, 363 n. - - Silos, Pueblo de los, 356, 358 n. - - Silveira, Fernando da, epigram by, 133. - - Silver, reports of, at Quivira, 313, 314, 329; - use of, in glazing, 340, 355, 361; - mine of, at Culiacan, 345. - - Silver Bluff, 172 n. - - Sinaloa, settlement of, 347. - - Sinaloa River, 113, 117 n., 346. - - Sipsey River, 194 n. - - Slavery, Spanish, among the Indians, 64; - Indian, among the Spaniards, 110, 114, 116, 312, 329, 339; - Indians sought by Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa, 154; - taken by De Soto, 160, 181, 184-185, 186, 195, 205, 206, 208, - 209, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 222, 223, 225, 227, 232; - by Moscoso, 238, 239, 242, 254; - five hundred men and women abandoned, 254. - - Smith, Buckingham, _Relation of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca_, cited, - 19 n., 24 n., 25 n., 30 n., 31 n., 71 n., 79 n., 90 n., 92 n.; - translation of Oviedo's _Letter_, 68-70; - _Coleccion de varios Documentos para la Historia de la Florida_, - edited by, 130. - - Snakes, worship of, 344. - - Soacatino, guide to, furnished to Moscoso, 243; - Indians of, report seeing Europeans, 243; - Moscoso at, 244. - - Sobaipuri, 349 n., 371 n. - - Socorro, _see_ Aymay. - - Sodomy, among Pacaxes, 345; - at Petlatlan, 346; - at Suya, 348; - absence of, at Cibola, 351. - - Solis, Alonso de, distributor and assessor, with Narvaez, 14; - enters Apalachen, 28; - embarks in open boat, 36; - is drowned, 46. - - Sonora, Spanish settlement in valley of, 301, 302; - San Hieronimo abandoned for, 301, 326; - description of, 347; - rebellion at, 370-371. - - Sonora Indians, 106 n. - - Sorcery, among Pacaxes, 345. - - Soti, brothers, die at Aminoya, 249. - - Soto, Hernando de, wishes services of Cabeza de Vaca, 8, 136; - Narrative of expedition of, by the Gentleman of Elvas, 127-272; - geographical knowledge afforded by the Narrative, 129; - Indian tribes described, 129; - places mentioned, 129; - parentage of, 135; - captain of horse in Peru, 135; - marries Dona Ysabel de Bobadilla, 136; - is made governor of Cuba, and Adelantado of Florida, 136; - members of his company, 136-138; - sails with six hundred men and seven ships, 139; - reaches Santiago de Cuba, 140; - goes to Havana by land, 143; - lands in Florida, 146; - lodges with Ucita, 147; - loses his Indian interpreters, 147; - sends vessels to Cuba for provisions, 154; - moves toward Cale, in search of gold, 155; - finds the town abandoned, 155; - orders all the ripe grain in the fields to be secured, 156; - loses three men, 156; - reaches Caliquen and hears of the distress that overtook Narvaez - at Apalache, but decides to go onward, 157; - takes cacique, and is attacked by Indians at Napetaca, 158; - divides some of the captives among his men and orders execution of - the rest, 160; - seizes a hundred Indian men and women, 160; - starts in search of gold, reported to be at Yupaha, 164; - tells the cacique of Achese that he is the child of the Sun, 167; - plants a cross, 167; - receives four hundred tamemes from the cacique of Ocute, 168; - leaves the province of Patofa, 169; - an exorcism cures his guide, 169; - receives seven hundred tamemes, 170; - suffers many privations, 171-172; - orders an Indian burned, 172; - hears speech of a kinswoman of the cacica of Cutifachiqui, - 172-173; - hears speech of the cacica, 173; - leaves Cutifachiqui, 175; - takes the cacica as a slave, 176; - distances traversed, 177; - begs maize of the cacique of Chiaha, 178; - hears speech of cacique of that place, 178; - sends men to see if there is gold at Chisca, 181; - hears speech of cacique of Coste, 182-183; - and speech of cacique of Coca, 183-184; - rests at Coca twenty-five days, 185; - hears speech at Tallisi, 186-187; - hears speech of cacique of Tastaluca, 188; - distances traversed to Tastaluca, 188-189; - wounded in encounter with Indians at Mauilla, 191; - hears that Maldonado is at Ochuse, 193; - his losses in the Florida expedition, 194; - leaves Mauilla, 194; - reaches Chicaca and takes some Indians, 195; - cuts off an Indian's hands for theft, 196; - repulses Indians, 197-199; - leaves Chicaca and sustains two more attacks made by the natives, - 199-201; - sets out for Quizquiz, 202; - crosses the Mississippi, 204; - hears speeches of the cacique of Casqui, 206-207; - preaches Christianity to the Indians, 207-208; - finds many shawls and skins at Pacaha, 209; - makes friendship between the caciques of Casqui and Pacaha, 212; - burns part of Aquiguate, 214; - takes one hundred and forty-one Indians, 215; - makes other captures at Coligoa, 216; - at Tanico, 217; - subdues cacique of Tulla, 218-220; - has now been gone three years, 221; - has lost two hundred and fifty men, 221; - winters at Autiamque, 222-224; - goes to Nilco, 226; - and thence to Guachoya, 227; - sends a message to cacique of Quigaltam, 229; - is taken ill, 230; - sends expedition against Nilco, 230-231; - farewell speech to his men, 232-233; - names Moscoso to be his successor, 233; - dies, 233; - and is secretly buried, 234; - sale of his property, 235; - reference to discoveries of, 313, 339, 365; - crosses route of Coronado, 339; - mentioned, 362, 366; - route of, 386. - - Soto-Mayor, Juan de, companion of Coronado, 293. - - Soto-Mayor, kills Juan Pantoja, 15 n., 63; - dies and is eaten by Esquivel, 63. - - Soto-Mayor, Pedro de, chronicler of Cardenas' expedition, 310. - - South Carolina, 176 n. - - South Sea, 105, 108, 111, 238. - _See also_ California, Gulf of. - - Staked Plains, 7, 97 n., 245 n., 361 n., 362 n. - - Stevens, John, dictionary of, 300 n. - - Susola Indians, 76, 80 n., 87. - - Suwannee, river, crossed by Narvaez, 27 n. - - Suya, _see_ Sonora. - - Swain County, 176 n. - - - Tabasco, mention of, 380. - - Tabu, among Indians of Malhado, 51-52. - - Taguanate, cacique of, plots against Moscoso, 251; - comes to make excuses, 252; - town assaulted by Moscoso, 252-253. - - Tahu Indians, a tribe in Culiacan, 344. - - Tali, De Soto at, 182; - speech of cacique of, 182-183. - - Taliepataua, 194. - - Talise, nature of the country, 270. - _See also_ Tallise. - - Talladega County, 183 n. - - Tallahassee, seat of the Apalachee, 21 n. - - Tallahatchie River, 200 n. - - Tallapoosa County, 186. - - Tallapoosa River, 186. - - Tallimuchose, without inhabitants, 185. - - Tallise, 186; - cacique of, lends forty men to De Soto, 186; - presents the tamemes needed, 187. - _See also_ Talise. - - Tamemes, Indians who carry burdens, 168, 170, 176, 182, 184, 186, - 187, 213. - - Tampas Bay, reached by Narvaez, 20; - mentioned, 36 n., 125 n. - - Tanico, De Soto at, 217. - - Tanto River, 143. - - Taos, identification with Braba, 340 n.; - visit of Spaniards to, 340; - Valladolid Spanish name for, 340; - mention of, 359. - - Tapatu River, 228. - - Tapile, equivalent of meirinho, 269. - - Tarasca, a district in Michoacan, 286. - - Tascaluca, De Soto seeks, 185; - cacique of, addresses De Soto, 186-187; - distance to Mississippi, 215; - nature of the country, 270; - direction of, 271. - _See also_ Tastaluca. - - Tastaluca, cacique of, sends a chief to De Soto, 186-187; - dwelling of, 187; - speech to De Soto, 188; - is taken by De Soto, 188; - asks to be allowed to remain, 189; - at Mauilla, 189. - _See also_ Tascaluca. - - Tatalicoya, De Soto at, 217. - - Tattooing, among Indians, 348 n. - - Tavera, one of Cabeza de Vaca's party, death of, 48-49. - - Tejas, _see_ Teyas. - - Tejo, stories told by, 285-286; - death of, 287. - - Tellez, captain, embarks in open boat, 36; - repulses Indians, 39; - overtaken by Cabeza de Vaca, 43; - reported killed by the Camones, 72. - - Tennessee River, 181 n., 212 n. - - Teocomo, settlement of, 347. - - Tepoca Indians, 108 n. - - Terceira, island, 123; - produces batata, 141. - - Ternaux-Compans, Henri, translation of Castaneda by, 277, - 290 n., 341 n. - - Tesuque, Tewa pueblo, 359 n. - - Tewa Indians, pottery of, 340 n.; - pueblos of, 359 n. - - Teyas, tribe of plains Indians, 333; - identification with Tejas, or Texas, 333 n.; - guides of Coronado to Quivira, 335, 338; - Cicuye besieged by, 357; - name of, synonymous with braves, 357; - mentioned, 362; - cannibalism among, 363 n. - - Theodoro, a Greek, makes resin, 35; - deserts, 40. - - Tietiquaquo, chief of, comes to De Soto, 223. - - Tiguas, 317 n.; - pueblos of, 358 n. - - Tiguex, visited by Alvarado, 312; - identification of, 317 n.; - demands of Spaniards at, 318; - revolt of Indians of, 319; - Indians of, distrust Spaniards, 321, 328; - siege of, 322; - description of, 352; - pueblos of, 358. - - Timucuan Indians, 19 n., 25 n. - - Timuquanan or Timucuan Indians, 19 n., 25 n. - - Tishomingo County, Mississippi, 212 n. - - Tison, Rio del, reason for name of, 301. - _See_ Colorado River. - - Toalli, De Soto at, 165, 166; - houses made of grass, 165. - - Toasi, 185 n.; - De Soto at, 186. - - Tobar, Nuno de, at court, 135; - accompanies De Soto, 137; - is deprived of his rank as captain-general, 145; - leaves his wife at Havana, 146; - sent against Nilco, 231. - - Tobosos Indians, 103 n. - - Tocaste, town, 155 n. - - Tombigbee River, 189 n., 194 n., 195 n. - - Tomson, Robert, cited, 334 n. - - Tonala, settlement of, 287. - - Tonkawa Indians, Texas tribe, 363 n. - - Topia or Tapira in Durango, 290 n. - - Topira, expedition of Coronado to, 290. - - Torre, Diego Perez de la, replaces Guzman, 287. - - Torrejon de Velasco, death of Guzman at, 285 n. - - Tovar, Fernando de, position of, 292. - - Tovar, Pedro de, appointed ensign-general, 292; - visits Tusayan, 307; - sent to San Hieronimo, 326; - joins Coronado at Tiguex, 367. - - _Traslado de las Nuevas_, 278. - - Travois, dog saddles used by plains Indians, 362. - - Trees, near Apalachen, 29; - of Santiago de Cuba, 140-141; - named by Gentleman of Elvas, 206. - - Trigeux, _see_ Tiguex. - - Trinidad, storm at, 15-17; - town in Cuba, 144, 145. - - Truxillo, adventure of, 298. - - Tuasi, _see_ Toasi. - - Tuckaseegee River, 176 n. - - Tula, direction of, 271. - - Tulla, De Soto's encounter with Indians at, 218-219; - cacique of, offers presents, 220; - is dismissed, 221. - - Tuna, native American fruit, 347; - preserves made from, by Indians, 305 n., 348. - - Tunica County, Mississippi, 204 n. - - Turk, Indian slave at Pecos, 313, 372; - stories of, 314; - bracelets of, 315; - mentioned, 326, 329, 330, 331; - Spaniards grow suspicious of, 328, 334; - put in chains, 335; - motive of, in misleading Spaniards, 336-337. - - Turkeys in pueblo regions, 354. - - Turquoises, presented to Cabeza de Vaca, 106,117; - found at Waco, 246; - collected by Estevanico, 288, 289: - how obtained by Indians, 308 n.; - gifts of, made by Indians, 308, 312; - of pueblo Indians, 350. - - Tusayan, description of, by Zuni Indians, 307; - visited by Tovar, 307; - cotton cultivated at, 308 n.; - description of, 351; - names of pueblos of, 358 n. - - Tutahaco, visit of Coronado to, 314; - problem of name of, 314 n.; - eight pueblos of, 358. - - Tutelpinco, De Soto at, 225. - - Tyronza River, 206 n., 208 n. - - - Ucita, an Indian chief, 146 n.; - town of, 146, 147; - temple thrown down, 147. - - Uitachuco, burned by Indians, 161. - - Ullibahali, chiefs of, approach De Soto, 185; - a fenced town, 185; - cacique of, offers tamemes to De Soto, 186. - - Union County, Mississippi, 200 n. - - Upanguayma Indians, 108. - - "Upper Cross Timbers," 244 n. - - Urine, use of, as a mordant, 354 n. - - Urrea, Lope de, companion of Coronado, 293; - envoy of peace to Indians, 323. - - Utinama, town, 156. - - Uzachil, much food found at, 160. - - Uzachil, cacique of, sends embassy to De Soto, 158; - presents him with deer, 160. - - Uzela, De Soto at, 161. - - - Vaca, Cabeza de, _see_ Cabeza de Vaca. - - Vacapan, province crossed by Coronado, 305. - - Vacas, Rio de las, 103 n. - - Valdevieso, killed by Indians, 58, 64; - mentioned by Oviedo, 69. - - Valencuela, captain, ordered by Narvaez to follow river to - the sea, 26. - - Valladolid, Spanish name of Braba, 340, 359. - - Valley of Knaves, rebellion of Indians in, 326. - - Vargas, Juan de, killed by Indians, 257. - - Vargas, Luis Ramierez de, companion of Coronado, 293. - - Vasconcelos, Andre de, of Elvas, 137, 138; - commands a ship in De Soto's expedition, 139; - slave of, espouses cacica of Cutifachiqui, 177; - dies at Aminoya, 249. - - Vasconyados Indians, 115 n. - - Vazquez, Juan, killed at Mauilla, 193. - - Vazquez de Ayllon, Lucas, 21 n. - - Vega, Garcilaso de la, "the Inca," author of _Florida del - Yunca_, 131; - gives distance of Moscoso's journey down the Mississippi, 259 n. - - Vegetation of the great plains, 362. - - Velasco, island, possibly to be identified with Malhado, 57 n. - - Velazquez, Juan, first man of Narvaez' exploring party to be - lost, 27; - his horse affords supper to many, 27. - - Venison, a thing little known, 74. - - Vera, Francisco de, father of Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, 3, 125. - - Vera, Pedro de, conqueror of the Canaries, grandfather of Nunez - Cabeza de Vaca, 3, 13 n., 125. - - Vera Cruz, Cabeza de Vaca at, 121; - mentioned, 265 n., 268. - - Vessels, built by men under Narvaez, 34-36; - by Spaniards at Aminoya, 250. - - Vicksburg Bluffs, 255 n. - - Villafarta, named by De Soto, 157. - - Villalobos, R. L. de, voyage of, 360, 360 n., 378. - - Virgins, treatment of, 355, 356. - - Voth, H. R., studies on Oraibi marriage customs, 353 n. - - - Waco, Moscoso at, 244 n., 245; - turquoises and shawls of cotton found at, 246. - - Walnut Bend suggested as the place of De Soto's crossing the - Mississippi, 204 n. - - Walnuts, found by Coronado, 334. - - Walpi, Hopi pueblo, 358 n. - - Watercress, native American, 349. - - Whiskers, captain of Cicuye Indians, 310, 312; - taken prisoner by Alvarado, 315; - release of, 329. - - White Oak shoals, Red River, 242 n. - - White River, 216 n., 217 n., 253 n. - - Wichita Indians, identified with Indians of Quivira, 337 n. - - Wildcat, native American, 349, 350. - - Wine, of pitahaya, 348. - - Winship, George Parker, memoirs on the Coronado expedition, 276-277, - 337 n., 341 n., 360 n., 366 n., 374 n., 386 n. - - Witchcraft practised by Pacaxes, 345. - - Withlacoochee River crossed by Narvaez, 25 n. - - Wolves on great plains, 363. - - Women, work of, in pueblo building, 352; - functions of, 353. - - Woodruff County, Arkansas, 216 n. - - - Xabe, Indian from Quivira, with Coronado, 329, 342. - - Xagua, _see_ Jagua. - - Xalisco, establishment of, 287; - Alarcon's destination at, 294. - - Xerez de Badajoz, 135. - - Xerez de la Frontera, 126. - - Ximena, _see_ Galisteo. - - Xuala, direction of, 271. - - Xualla, mentioned, 176 n., 177; - distance to Tastaluca, 188; - distance to Coca, 189. - - Xuarez, Juan, commissary of Narvaez' fleet, 14; - burns cases containing dead men, 21; - approves the plan for Spanish to continue inland exploration, 23; - joins inland march, 25; - one of party that goes to look for the sea, 33. - - - Yaqui Indians, 118 n., 346 n. - - Yaqui River, 376 n. - - Yaquimi, settlement of, 347. - - Yeguaces Indians, 87 n. - - Yguases Indians, _see_ Yguazes Indians. - - Yguazes Indians, 61, 87; - manners and customs of, 65-66; - marriage among, 65. - - Young County, Texas, 244 n. - - Ysabel de Bobadilla, wife of Hernando de Soto, 136; - receives a waiting-maid from the governor of Gomera, 140; - and a mule from a gentleman of Santiago de Cuba, 140; - sails for Havana, 142; - is in much danger, 143; - remains in Havana, 145; - receives twenty women, sent by Anasco, 162; - has not heard from De Soto in three years, 221. - - Ysopete, Indian of Quivira, with Coronado, 331; - supplants Turk in confidence of Coronado, 334, 337. - - Ytara, town, 156, 162. - - Ytaua, De Soto at, 185. - - Yukiwingge, visited by Barrionuevo, 340; - location of, 340 n.; - pueblos of, 359 n. - - Yuma Indians, description of, 303. - - Yupaha, governed by a woman, 164; - reported to have much gold, 164. - - Yuqueyunque, _see_ Yukiwingge. - - - Zacatecas, Mexican province, 385. - - Zamora, printing press at, 126. - - Zebreros, an alcalde, acts as guide to Cabeza de Vaca, 115; - goes to Culiacan, 116. - - Zuni Indians, pueblos of, 300, 358 n.; - pottery of, 340 n.; - tame eagles of, 348 n.; - dress of women of, 350 n.; - population of pueblos of, 351 n. - _See also_ Cibola. - - Zuni River, crossed by Coronado, 299. - - * * * * * - -Transcriber's note: - -Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - -Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals. - -Variations in spelling, punctuation and hyphenation have been -retained except in obvious cases of typographical error, and in the -following cases: Castaneda has been changed to Castaneda and Relacion -to Relacion. - -The cover for the eBook version of this book was created by the -transcriber and is placed in the public domain. - -Page 71: N[)a]dako indicates breve over "a". - -In the index for Mesa, "Spanish soldier", the transcriber has -changed the page number 538 to 376. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Original Narratives of Early American -History, by Vaca and Others - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY *** - -***** This file should be named 42841.txt or 42841.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/2/8/4/42841/ - -Produced by Chris Curnow, Joseph Cooper, Julia Neufeld and -the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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